Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada
by J. Harold Putman · English · Gutenberg #37739 · 372,814 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada
Author: J. Harold Putman
Release date: October 12, 2011 [eBook #37739]
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Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EGERTON RYERSON AND EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA ***
Produced by David Garcia, Marilynda Fraser-Cunliffe, Julia
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Transcriber's Note:
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_underscores_. Small caps have been replaced by ALL CAPS.
EGERTON RYERSON
AND
Education in Upper Canada
BY
J. HAROLD PUTMAN, B.A., D.Paed.,
Inspector of Public Schools, Ottawa, Ont.
(Formerly in charge of the Departments in Psychology and
English, Ottawa Normal School)
TORONTO
WILLIAM BRIGGS
1912
Copyright, Canada, 1912, by
WILLIAM BRIGGS
PREFACE
The object of this volume is to give a succinct idea of the nature and
history of our Ontario School Legislation. This legislation is so bound
up with the name of Egerton Ryerson that to give its history is to
relate the work of his life.
It would be useless to attempt to show how our school legislation
developed under Responsible Government without some understanding of its
history previous to the time of Ryerson. I have, therefore, devoted
three chapters to a brief account of education in Upper Canada previous
to 1844.
No attempt has been made to give the history of our schools since
Ryerson's retirement, partly because no radical changes have been made,
and partly because it would involve criticism of statesmen and teachers
who are still actively engaged in work. Nor has any attempt been made to
trace the history of University education after 1845. To do so would
require a complete volume. But, as University education prior to 1844
was so closely connected with Common and Grammar Schools, it seemed
necessary, up to a certain point, to trace the course of all three
together.
The introductory chapter on the biography of Ryerson is only indirectly
connected with the other chapters, and may be omitted by the reader who
has no interest in the man himself.
It is hoped that this volume may encourage teachers in service and
teachers in training to acquire a fuller knowledge of their own
educational institutions.
THE AUTHOR.
OTTAWA, July 1st, 1912.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I. Biographical 7
II. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844 33
III. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844--
(_Continued_) 58
IV. Education in Upper Canada from 1783 to 1844--
(_Continued_) 83
V. Ryerson's First Report on a System of Elementary
Instruction 110
VI. Ryerson's School Bill of 1846 123
VII. The Ryerson Bill of 1850 144
VIII. Ryerson and Separate Schools 173
IX. Ryerson and Grammar Schools 204
X. Ryerson and the Training of Teachers 232
XI. Ryerson School Bill of 1871 257
XII. Conclusion 264
Bibliography 269
Egerton Ryerson and Education in Upper Canada
CHAPTER I.
_BIOGRAPHICAL._
Egerton Ryerson was born in 1803, in the township of Charlotteville, now
a part of the county of Norfolk. His father was a United Empire Loyalist
who had held some command in a volunteer regiment of New Jersey. After
the Revolution the elder Ryerson settled first in New Brunswick, coming
later to Upper Canada, where he took up land and became a pioneer
farmer. The young Ryersons, of whom there were several, took their full
share in the laborious farm work, and Egerton seems to have prided
himself upon his physical strength and his skill in all farm operations.
He received such an education as was afforded by the indifferent Grammar
School of the London District, supplemented by the reading of whatever
books he could secure.
At an early age he was strongly drawn toward that militant Christianity
preached by the early Methodist Circuit Riders, and at the age of
eighteen joined the Methodist Society. This step created an estrangement
between Ryerson and his father, who already had two sons in the
Methodist ministry. Ryerson left home and became usher in the London
District Grammar School, where he remained two years, when his father
sent for him to come home. After some further farming experience, the
young man went to Hamilton to attend the Gore District Grammar School.
He was already thinking of becoming a Methodist preacher, and wished to
prepare himself by a further course of study. During his stay in
Hamilton under the instruction of John Law, he worked so eagerly at
Latin and Greek that he fell ill of a fever which nearly ended his
career.
When barely twenty-two years of age he decided to travel as a Methodist
missionary.
In a letter written about this time to his brother, the Rev. George
Ryerson, we get a glimpse of the young preacher's ideas upon the
preparation of sermons. "On my leisure days I read from ten to twenty
verses of Greek a day besides reading history, the Scriptures, and the
best works on practical divinity, among which Chalmers has decidedly the
preference in my mind both for piety and depth of thought. These two
last studies employ the greatest part of my time. My preaching is
altogether original. I endeavour to collect as many ideas from every
source as I can; but I do not copy the expression of anyone, for I do
detest seeing blooming flowers in dead men's hands. I think it my duty
and I try to get a general knowledge and view of any subject that I
discuss beforehand; but not unfrequently I have tried to preach with
only a few minutes' previous reflection."[1]
[1] See "Story of My Life," by Ryerson, edited by Hodgins, page 42.
After being received into the Methodist connection as a probationer,
Ryerson was assigned a charge on Yonge St., which embraced the town of
York and several adjacent townships. It took four weeks on horseback and
on foot over almost impassable roads to complete the circuit. During
this time the probationer was expected to conduct from twenty-five to
thirty-five services. The accommodation furnished by the pioneers was of
the rudest kind, but the people gave the travelling preacher a hearty
welcome. Young Ryerson was acquainting himself with conditions in Upper
Canada at first hand by living among the people. At a later time, when
the opportunity came, he made use of his intimate knowledge to secure
for these people the advantages of better schools.
During this first year of his missionary ministry, Ryerson was drawn
into the Clergy Reserves controversy. The Methodist Society in Upper
Canada was an offshoot of that body in the United States. This
connection had come about in a very natural way. Upper Canada was
largely settled by United Empire Loyalists. The Methodist circuit-riders
naturally followed their people into the wilds of Upper Canada. In many
districts no religious services of any kind were held except those of
the Methodists.
In May, 1826, a pamphlet was published, being a sermon preached by
Archdeacon Strachan, of York, on the occasion of the death of the Bishop
of Quebec. This pamphlet contained an historical sketch of the rise and
progress of the Anglican Church in Canada. The claim was made that the
Anglican Church was by law the Established Church of Upper Canada. The
Methodists were singled out and held up to ridicule. They were
represented as American and disloyal. Their preachers were declared to
be ignorant and spreaders of sedition, and the Imperial Parliament was
petitioned to grant L300,000 a year to the Anglican Church in Canada to
enable it to maintain the loyalty of Upper Canada to Britain.
To Ryerson, the son of a Loyalist, this was more than could be borne,
and he immediately crossed swords with the Anglican prelate by writing a
defence of Methodism and calling into question the exclusive demands
made by Strachan on behalf of the Anglicans. The contest waxed warm and
then hot. The whole country was convulsed. Within four years the
Legislature of Upper Canada passed Acts allowing the various religious
denominations to hold lands for churches, parsonages, and
burying-grounds, and also allowing their ministers to solemnize
marriages. Besides these concessions, the Legislative Assembly was
forced by public opinion to petition the Imperial Parliament against the
claims of the Anglican Church to be an Established Church in Canada and
to a monopoly of the Clergy Reserves.
During his second year in the ministry, Ryerson spent part of his time
on a mission to the Chippewa Indians on the Credit River. While there,
he showed himself to be very practical. He encouraged the Indians to
build better houses and to clear and cultivate the land.[2] "After
having collected the means necessary to build the house of worship and
schoolhouse, I showed the Indians how to enclose and make gates for
their gardens. Between daylight and sunrise I called out four of the
Indians in succession and showed them how, and worked with them, to
clear and fence in, and plow and plant their first wheat and corn
fields. In the afternoon I called out the schoolboys to go with me and
cut and pile and burn the underbrush in and around the village. The
little fellows worked with great glee as long as I worked with them, but
soon began to play when I left them."
[2] See "Story of My Life," by Egerton Ryerson, edited by Hodgins, page
60.
A letter written by Rev. William Ryerson to his brother, the Rev. George
Ryerson, on March 8th, 1827, after a visit to the Indian Mission, shows
Egerton Ryerson's practical nature and incidentally gives us his method
of instruction. "I visited Egerton at the Credit last week.... They have
about forty pupils on the list, but there were only thirty present. The
rest were absent making sugar.... Their progress in spelling, reading,
and writing, is astonishing, but especially in writing, which certainly
exceeds anything I ever saw. When I was there they were fencing the lots
in the village in a very neat, substantial manner. On my arrival at the
Mission I found Egerton, about half a mile from the village, stripped to
the shirt and pantaloons, clearing land with between twelve and twenty
of the little Indian boys, who were all engaged in chopping and picking
up the brush."[3]
[3] See "Story of My Life," page 69.
At the Methodist Conference of 1827, Ryerson was sent to the Cobourg
Circuit. During his term there he was again drawn into a controversy
with Dr. Strachan, who sent to the Imperial Parliament an Ecclesiastical
Chart, purporting to give an account of religion in Upper Canada.
Ryerson claimed that this chart contained many false statements and
that it was peculiarly unfair to the Methodists. The real point at issue
was whether the Anglican Church was to become the Established Church of
Upper Canada.
In 1828, Ryerson was appointed to the Hamilton and Ancaster Circuit,
which reached from within five miles of Brantford to Stoney Creek. On
September 10th, 1828, he married Hannah Aikman, of Hamilton.[4]
[4] Died in 1832. In 1833, Ryerson married Mary Armstrong, of Toronto.
The Methodist Conference of 1829 determined to establish an official
newspaper to be known as _The Christian Guardian_. Ryerson was elected
as the first editor and was sent to New York to procure the plant. The
paper started with a circulation of 500, which in three years was
increased to some 3,000. Besides defending Methodist principles and
institutions, the paper made a strong stand for civil liberty,
temperance, education, and missionary work. It soon came to be looked
upon as one of the leading journals of Upper Canada. Ryerson gave up the
position of editor in 1832, and the following year made a trip to
England to negotiate a union between the Canadian Methodist Conference
and the Wesleyan Conference of England. The union was consummated.
Ryerson returned to Canada and was re-elected editor of the _Guardian_.
While in England, he had interviews with Earl Ripon, Lord Stanley and
other public men, to whom he gave valuable information concerning
Canadian affairs, especially those connected with the vexed question of
the status of the Anglican Church.
On his return to Canada, in 1833, Ryerson published in the _Guardian_
"Impressions Made by My Late Visit to England." In this article he gave
his estimate of Tories, Whigs, and Radicals. He saw much to admire in
the moderate Tories, little to praise in the Whigs, and much to condemn
in the Radicals. His strictures on the latter called down upon him the
wrath and invective of William Lyon Mackenzie. To some extent Ryerson's
articles led the constitutional reformers in Upper Canada to separate
themselves from those reformers who were prepared to establish a
republican form of government in order to secure equal political and
civil rights. To many of his old friends it seemed that Ryerson had
given up championing liberty and had become a Tory. Many were ready to
accuse him of self-seeking in his desire to conciliate the party of
privilege. One reverend brother,[5] writing to him, says: "I can only
account for your strange and un-Ryersonian conduct and advice on one
principle--that there is something ahead which you, through your
superior political spy-glass, have discovered and thus shape your
course, while we landlubbers, short-sighted as we are, have not even
heard of it." Hundreds of subscribers gave up the _Guardian_ as a
protest against the views of its editor, but as the crisis approached
which culminated in the Rebellion of '37 and '38, the tide of public
opinion turned in Ryerson's favour.
[5] Rev. Jas. Evans, of Niagara District. See part of letter in "Story
of My Life," page 131.
In 1835, Ryerson gave up the _Guardian_ and took a church at Kingston.
Scarcely was he settled when he undertook a second visit to England. The
Methodists had, in 1832, laid the corner-stone of the Upper Canada
Academy at Cobourg. They had no charter, although an unsuccessful
attempt had been made to have the Trustee Board incorporated by the
Legislature of Upper Canada. Extensive buildings were under way and the
trustees were in financial difficulties. Ryerson was sent to England to
beg subscriptions and also to attempt to secure a Royal Charter. The
work was distasteful to him, but he persevered, and after more than a
year and six months spent in England he accomplished three ends. He
secured enough money in subscriptions to relieve the most pressing
immediate needs of the Trustee Board. He secured an order from the
Colonial Secretary directed to the Governor of Upper Canada, authorizing
him to pay to the Upper Canada Academy, from the unappropriated
revenues of the Crown, the sum of L4,000.[6] Last, and most important,
he secured a Royal Charter, although up to that time no such charter had
ever been issued to any religious body except the Established Church. To
Ryerson, the visit to England was of prime importance. It gave him a
broadened view of British institutions and English public men. It gave
him a political experience that was of great value to him in later
years. It gave him an opportunity to appeal to his fellow men upon the
subject of education and educational institutions.
[6] Later, in 1837, Ryerson secured this money only after a petition to
the Legislature.
While in England, Ryerson contributed a series of letters to the London
_Times_ on Canadian affairs. There was a prevalent feeling in England
that a very large part of the Upper Canadian people was determined upon
a republican form of government. Ryerson's letters did something to
remove this impression.
After the Rebellion of 1837 was crushed, the constitutional reform party
was apparently without any influence. It seemed that the Family Compact
oligarchy would have everything in their own hands. Prospects for
equality of civil and religious liberty were not bright, and it is
significant of the Methodists' appreciation of Ryerson's ability that
they immediately planned to make him again editor of the _Guardian_.
His brother John, writing to him in March, 1838, said: "It is a great
blessing that Mackenzie and radicalism are down, but we are in imminent
danger of being brought under the domination of a military and
high-church oligarchy which would be equally bad, if not infinitely
worse. Under the blessing of Providence, there is one remedy and only
one: that is for you to take the editorship of the _Guardian_ again."[7]
[7] See copy of letter in "Story of My Life," page 200.
Ryerson did take the position, and in his first editorial in the
_Guardian_ of the 11th July, 1838, says: "Notwithstanding the almost
incredible calumny which has in past years been heaped upon me by
antipodes-party-presses, I still adhere to the principles and views upon
which I set out in 1826. I believe the endowment of the priesthood of
any Church in the Province to be an evil to that church.... I believe
that the appropriation of the proceeds of the Clergy Reserves to general
educational purposes will be the most satisfactory and advantageous
disposal of them that can be made. In nothing is this Province so
defective as in the requisite available provisions for an efficient
system of general education. Let the distinctive character of that
system be the union of public and private effort.... To Government
influence will be spontaneously added the various and combined
religious influences of the country in the noble, statesmanlike and
divine work of raising up an elevated, intelligent, and moral
population."
Dr. Ryerson clearly saw that religion, politics, and education could not
at this period be separated, and for the next two years he did his
utmost, through the _Guardian_, to prevent the Anglican Church from
securing undivided possession of the Clergy Reserves. The difficulties
of his task were increased by the fact that there were in Canada several
British Wesleyan missionaries who were not unwilling to see an Anglican
Establishment. They were cleverly used by some of the Anglicans and
their friends to cause ferment and sow discord among the Methodists in
Canada. From 1838 until 1840, when he finally gave up the editorship of
the _Guardian_, Ryerson fought strongly for equal religious privileges
for all the people of Upper Canada. Nor were Ryerson's efforts in this
direction confined to the columns of the _Guardian_. He addressed
several communications to the new Colonial Secretary, Lord Normanby.
Lord Durham and his successor, Lord Sydenham, received the cordial
support of Ryerson in their efforts to give a constitutional government
to Canada. Largely through Ryerson's suggestion there was issued at
Toronto, in 1841, the _Monthly Review_, which was to be a medium for
disseminating the liberal views of Sydenham. Ryerson wrote the
prospectus and contributed some articles. Probably as a recognition for
this work, Sydenham sent him a draft for L100, which he promptly
returned.
In May, 1840, Ryerson paid a fraternal visit to the American General
Conference at Baltimore. At this time he fully purposed to take a church
in New York City for one or two years. He even thought it quite possible
that he might make the United States his permanent home. On his return
to Canada from the Baltimore visit he was elected Secretary of the
Conference. Charges were made against him by a British Wesleyan which
determined him to visit England. This visit led to a rupture between the
Canadian and British Methodist Conferences. When Ryerson and his brother
returned to Canada, a special meeting of the Canada Conference was
convened to consider the break with British Methodism. The result was a
rupture in the Canadian Wesleyan Conference itself. Many blamed the
Ryersons for the quarrel with the English Conference, and Egerton again
thought seriously of going to the United States or of withdrawing from
ministerial work. The truth seems to be that Ryerson was more than a
preacher. He lived in stirring times, when the nascent elements of
constitutional government were in process of crystallization. He
unconsciously felt that he must have a part in directing the destinies
of his native country. He saw clearly that the Canadian Methodist Church
must ultimately be independent and that its ministers ought not to adopt
a policy dictated to them by the English Conference, many members of
which were wholly ignorant of Canadian conditions.
During the next two years, 1841 and 1842, Ryerson was in charge of the
Adelaide Street Church, Toronto. He seems to have given himself up
wholly to his pastoral work and to have taken little active part in
passing events.
On the 27th of August, 1841, Lord Sydenham signed a bill which made
Upper Canada Academy a college, with university powers. The name was
changed to Victoria College. In October of the same year, Ryerson was
appointed the first principal of the new college. He did not give up his
church work until June, 1842. On the 21st of that month he was formally
installed in his new position. On the 3rd of August the Wesleyan
University of Middletown, Conn., conferred upon him the degree of Doctor
of Divinity.
Lord Sydenham died in 1841. It seems that shortly before his death he
had some communication with Ryerson regarding the latter's appointment
as Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada. Ryerson claimed that
the Governor actually promised him the appointment but that there had
never been any official written record. Sydenham was succeeded by Sir
Charles Bagot, who in May, 1842, made the Rev. Mr. Murray Superintendent
of Education. Sir Charles Bagot died in May, 1843, and was succeeded by
Sir Charles Metcalfe. It was a critical period in the history of Canada.
The people were supposed to be in possession of the enjoyment of
responsible government. But as a matter of fact, very few had any
definite ideas as to what was meant by responsible government. Lord
Metcalfe refused to accept the advice of his Council regarding an
appointment. Instead of resigning at once as a protest they attempted to
secure from him a promise that he would in future accept their
recommendations. He refused. Later the leading members of the Council
resigned. Party feeling ran high, and the Governor had few friends.
Ryerson had been upon familiar terms with Lord Durham, Lord Sydenham,
and Sir Charles Bagot. He now had several communications and one or more
interviews with Lord Metcalfe. He made direct and positive offers of his
services to the Governor. He then wrote a series of nine letters in
vindication of the Governor's course. These letters caused much
excitement and won for Ryerson the lasting enmity of the advanced
Reform party, who openly accused him of toadyism and of selling his
support to Lord Metcalfe in return for the promise of office. Whatever
may have been the effect of Ryerson's letters, Lord Metcalfe's party won
a temporary victory and Ryerson himself was appointed Superintendent of
Education for Upper Canada in October, 1844.
To show how the political opponents of Lord Metcalfe viewed Ryerson's
appointment, the circumstances connected with it and his fitness for the
position of Superintendent, I quote from the Toronto _Globe_, the editor
of which was an out-and-out opponent of Ryerson and an unsparing critic
of his early educational legislation. In the _Globe_ of May 28th, 1844,
there appeared a letter signed "Junius," protesting against Ryerson's
appointment. The writer insinuates that Ryerson was won over by
receiving some notice from Lord Metcalfe, and that the Governor hoped by
winning over Ryerson to win a united support from the Methodists. He
calls Ryerson a violent political partisan and taunts him with having
only a superficial education. He says: "Nor is it flattering to the many
learned men of the country that one represented to be of slender
attainments in a few common branches of English education, and totally
ignorant of mathematics and classics, should be entrusted with the
education of the country, many of whose youthful scholars have attained
higher knowledge than their chief."
In a _Globe_ editorial of June 4th, 1844, in commenting upon Ryerson's
first letter in defence of Lord Metcalfe, the writer says: "If the Rev.
Mr. Ryerson's appearance in the political field is indecorous and
uncalled for, the manner in which he has begun his work is in perfect
keeping with that appearance. A more presumptuous and egotistical
exhibition from a man of talents and education has never been brought
under the public eye. The first column alone of his Address [preface to
letters in defence of Lord Metcalfe] contains fifty repetitions of the
little insignificant word _I_, to say nothing of _me_ and _my_.... We
may be permitted to express our utter astonishment, however, to find a
minister of the Gospel embarking with so much eagerness in the sea of
politics."
That Ryerson had a very good understanding with Lord Metcalfe as to the
position of Superintendent of Education before writing the famous
letters is apparent to anyone who reads the correspondence. That there
was anything discreditable to either party in that understanding has
never been shown. On the contrary, it seems quite certain that Ryerson
honestly believed the Governor was right. It is certain he made out a
strong case and likely won many supporters for the Metcalfe party. This
was especially galling to the party who called themselves _Reformers_,
because they had looked upon Ryerson as one of their champions. But
Ryerson never had been, and never became, a mere party man. He fought
for great principles, and if up to 1844 he had generally found himself
with the Reformers, it was because they were championing what Ryerson
believed to be the right.
To taunt him with being half-educated was the mark of a small mind.
Every man must be judged according to the way he makes use of his
opportunities, and by such a standard no man in Canadian public life has
ever measured higher than Egerton Ryerson. He may have known "little
Latin and less Greek," he may have been wholly ignorant of the binomial
theorem, and he may not have been able to write as smooth and graceful
English as the classical scholars of Oxford, but he knew that thousands
of boys and girls in the backwoods of Upper Canada were growing up in
ignorance; he knew that the secondary schools of Upper Canada were
scarcely more efficient than they had been thirty years before, and he
knew that the country had ample resources to give reasonable educational
advantages to all. More than this, he must have felt that, given
reasonable freedom and support, he could in a short time change the
whole system of education.
Dr. Ryerson, in accepting appointment, stipulated that he should be
allowed to make a tour of Europe before taking up the active duties of
his office. He left Canada for Europe in November, 1844, and returned in
December, 1845. He made an elaborate report[8] based on personal
investigation into the schools of Great Britain and Ireland, France,
Holland, Germany, Switzerland, and other European countries, besides New
York and the New England States. Perhaps the systems of Ireland,
Germany, and Massachusetts gave Ryerson more practical suggestions than
those of any other countries. In Prussia he saw the advantages of
trained teachers and a strong central bureau of administration; in
Ireland he saw a simple solution of religious difficulties and a fine
system of national textbooks; in Massachusetts he saw an efficient
system managed by popularly elected boards of trustees.
[8] See Chapter V.
During his absence Ryerson was again attacked and held up to ridicule by
the _Globe_. In an editorial of April 29th, 1845,[9] we find the
following: "The vanity of the Deputy Superintendent of Education demands
fresh incense at every turn. He has doffed the politician for the moment
and now comes out a ruling pedagogue of Canada. What a pity that he was
not a cardinal or at least a stage representative of one! At what a rate
would he strut upon the boards as Wolsey and rant for the benefit of his
hearers and for his own benefit more especially! He beats all the
presumptuous meddling priests of the day.... Doubtless the Rev. Mr.
Ryerson is preparing to astonish the world by his educational researches
in Europe and the United States. It will be a subject of no small
amusement to watch his pranks. We shall no doubt hear of his visiting
all the most celebrated Continental schools and are astonished he did
not call at Oxford and Cambridge. He could no doubt have given them some
excellent hints!"
[9] See bound volumes of _Globe_ in Legislative Library, Toronto.
In a _Globe_ editorial of December 16th, 1845, when the Draper
University Bill of that year was yet a topic of public discussion, we
find this reference to Ryerson: "It is now more than twelve months since
the Province was insulted by the appointment of Dr. Ryerson to the
responsible situation of Superintendent of Public Instruction. To hide
the gross iniquity of the transaction, Ryerson was sent out of the
country on pretence of inquiring into the different systems of
education. After being several months in England this public officer,
paid by the people of Canada, has for the last eight months been on the
Continent on a tour of pleasure.... Let the people of Canada rejoice
and every Methodist willing to be sold throw up his cap. Ryerson is here
ready to dispose of them to the highest bidder, the purchase money to be
applied to his own benefit with a modicum for Victoria College."
Ryerson's report of 1846 was favourably received, and the Government
asked him to draft a school bill based on his report. This he did, and
the Bill of 1846 became the basis of our Common School system. After
Lord Metcalfe's departure from Canada and the election of a Reform
administration, there was a clamour from strong party men that Ryerson
should be removed. The Toronto _Globe_ led in the attacks against him.
It is a tribute to his ability and to the system of education which he
proposed, that these attacks all failed and that Dr. Ryerson came by
degrees to command the confidence of both political parties.
As soon as possible after his return from Europe in 1845, Ryerson moved
from Cobourg to Toronto. When appointed in 1844, his rank was that of
Deputy or Assistant Superintendent of Education for Upper Canada, the
nominal head of the Department being the Provincial Secretary. The
School Bill of 1846 made a change, and on June 17th of that year Ryerson
received his commission as Superintendent of Education. One of his first
acts was a proposal to found a journal of education, which should be a
semi-official means of communication between the Superintendent on the
one hand and District Superintendents, Trustees, Municipal Councillors,
and teachers on the other. The "Journal" was established in 1848 and
regularly issued until Ryerson gave up office in 1876.
In the autumn of 1847, Ryerson spent nearly three months visiting County
School Conventions, where he explained the new School Act and delivered
a lecture upon "The Importance of Education to an Agricultural People."
In 1850, Ryerson began a struggle for free schools which lasted until
1871. About the same time he obtained permission from the Legislature to
establish an Educational Depository in connection with the Education
Department. He visited Europe and some American cities and made very
advantageous arrangements for securing in large quantities books, maps,
globes, and other school appliances. These were supplied to School
Boards at 50 cents on the dollar. The Depository was continued in
operation until 1881 and handled in all $1,000,000 worth of supplies. In
1853 Ryerson spent three months in attending County Conventions and
addressed thirty meetings. During this tour he visited his native county
of Norfolk, and at Simcoe was presented with an address by the School
Board. On his return to Toronto he was presented with an address and a
silver tea service by the officials of the Education Department and the
teachers of the Normal School.
In 1853, Ryerson took advantage of an annual grant made by the
Legislature in 1850 to establish public libraries throughout the
Province. Before the end of 1855 no less than 117,000 volumes were
distributed. In 1854 Ryerson was one of the Commissioners to prepare a
report on a system of education for New Brunswick. In June, 1855, being
in poor health, he got leave of absence to travel in Europe and to
purchase objects of art for an educational museum. He was appointed
Honorary Commissioner to the Paris Exposition by the Government. During
his tour he visited London, spent several weeks in Paris, and made brief
visits to Antwerp, Brussels, Munich, Florence, and Rome.
In 1857, a new system of audit was adopted by the Government. Previous
to this time the total money voted for schools for Upper Canada had been
paid over to Ryerson. He gave bondsmen as security for the money and
deposited it in the Toronto banks. Interest allowed on unexpended
balances was credited to his personal account. This system seems to have
been universal among officers in charge of public money at that time.
But in 1857 the new auditor called in question Ryerson's right to this
interest. After much wrangling, Ryerson paid over to the Government
L1,375, being the amount he had received for interest. He then put in a
claim of about the same amount for his expenses to Europe in 1844, and
for amounts paid a deputy during his absence. The Government paid his
claim, thus showing that they believed him morally entitled to the
interest which he had repaid.
In 1860, Ryerson made a three months' educational tour, addressing
County Conventions. In all, he attended thirty-five meetings, giving
addresses on the subjects of "Vagrant Children," "Free Schools," and
"Public Grammar Schools." He was given a public dinner by the teachers
of Northumberland and Durham on the occasion of his official visit to
Cobourg. In 1866 he made a similar tour, addressing forty meetings in
seven weeks. His chief object was to create public opinion in favor of
legislation on compulsory attendance, public libraries and township
Boards of Trustees. Later in the same year he again got permission to
visit Europe for the purpose of adding to the museum and collecting
information on schools for the deaf, dumb, and blind. He visited New
York, London, Paris, Rome, Venice, and Geneva, returning in 1867. On his
return he presented to the Legislature an elaborate report on education
in Great Britain and European countries. In December, 1868, Ryerson
tendered his resignation, suggesting that a responsible Minister of
Education should be appointed and proposing that he himself should be
superannuated. The resignation was not accepted.
In 1869 he held another series of County Conventions. In the same year
he wrote a letter to the Provincial Secretary, Hon. M. C. Cameron,
reflecting on the action of Treasurer E. B. Wood in regard to a proposed
change in the financial management of the Education Department.
Ryerson's letter was indiscreet and would have led to his dismissal had
he not withdrawn it. In 1872 the long-smouldering dissatisfaction of the
Reform party with Ryerson's administration came to a head. The
Honourable Edward Blake was Premier, and his Government disallowed some
of Ryerson's regulations, questioned the authority of the Council of
Public Instruction, and sought in many ways to curtail the
Superintendent's power. Ryerson showed very little desire for
conciliation and wished to refer the dispute to the Courts. He had so
long and so successfully wielded an arbitrary power that he could not
acquiesce in the system which made his Department subordinate to a
responsible Cabinet. In 1873, Oliver Mowat became Attorney-General, and
he, too, found Ryerson obdurate. Finally, as a result of this agitation,
the Council of Public Instruction came to be composed partly of members
elected by various bodies of teachers and partly by members appointed
by the Cabinet. These latter were not recommended by the Superintendent,
as had formerly been the custom. Friction over the Council continued
during 1874 and 1875.
In 1876, Ryerson was retired on his full salary of $4,000 a year. The
following May he went to England to consult documents in the library of
the British Museum bearing on his work, "The Loyalists of America." He
enjoyed fairly good health until within a few months of his death, which
occurred on February 19th, 1882. The Government recognized his valuable
services by a grant of $10,000 to his widow. On the 24th of May, 1889, a
statue to his memory was unveiled on the grounds of the Education
Department, the scene of his labours for nearly forty years.
CHAPTER II.
_EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844._
Immediately after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1783,
United Empire Loyalists began to make homes in Upper Canada. The Great
Lakes and larger rivers were the natural highways. It happened,
therefore, that the earliest settlements were along the St. Lawrence,
the Niagara, and Lakes Erie and Ontario.
For a few years these settlers were too busy to think very much about
schools. Man's first wants are food, clothing, and shelter. But just as
soon as rude homes were built and a patch of forest cleared upon which
to grow grain and vegetables, these Upper Canadian Loyalists began to
think of schools. It was natural that they should do so. They were
descendants of an intelligent stock, people who had good schools in New
England and of a people whose forefathers had enjoyed liberal
educational advantages in the old world.
Governor Simcoe reached Upper Canada in 1792, and almost immediately
took steps to establish schools. He was an aristocrat who firmly
believed in such a constitution of society as then existed in the old
world. He naturally wished to see a reproduction of that society in the
new world. Hence we are not surprised to find that his educational
schemes were intended for the classes rather than for the masses. In a
letter[10] written by Simcoe, April 28th, 1792, to the British Secretary
of State, he urges grants of L100 each for schools at Niagara and
Kingston. He also proposed a university with English Church professors.
[10] See D. H. E. ("Documentary History of Education," by Dr. Hodgins),
Vol. I., p. 11.
In 1797, the House of Assembly and Legislative Council adopted an
address to the King praying him to set apart waste lands of the Crown
for the establishment of a respectable grammar school in each District,
and also for a college or university. In answer to this petition, the
Duke of Portland wrote saying that His Majesty proposed to comply with
the request and wished further advice as to the best means of carrying
it out.
The Executive Council, the Judges and law officers of the Crown met in
consultation in 1798 and recommended that 500,000 acres of waste Crown
lands be set apart to build a provincial university, and a free grammar
school in each of the four Districts. Grammar schools were to be built
at once at Kingston and at Niagara, and, as soon as circumstances would
permit, at Cornwall and at Sandwich. The university was to be at York.
It was estimated that each grammar school would cost L3,000 to build and
L180 a year to maintain. The schools were to accommodate one hundred
boys each, and have a residence for the master, with some rooms for
boarders.[11] No steps were taken to carry out these plans until after
1807.
[11] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 21.
Several private schools were opened prior to 1800. The chief of these
were at Newark, York, Ancaster, Cornwall, Kingston, Adolphustown, St.
Catharines, and Belleville. Some were evening schools. All were
supported by fees. Many were taught by clergymen. The principal subjects
were reading, writing, and arithmetic.
On December 17th, 1802, Dr. Baldwin, of York, the father of Hon. Robt.
Baldwin, issued the following notice;--[12]
"Understanding that some of the Gentlemen of this Town have
expressed much anxiety for the establishment of a Classical School,
Dr. Baldwin begs leave to inform them and the Public that he
intends, on Monday, the third day of January next, to open a school,
in which he will instruct twelve boys in Reading, Writing, the
Classics, and Arithmetic.
"The terms are for each boy, Eight Guineas per annum, to be paid
quarterly. One guinea entrance and one cord of wood to be supplied
by each boy."
[12] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 33.
John Strachan, afterwards Bishop Strachan, opened a private school at
Kingston in 1799. Later he opened one at Cornwall, and still later one
at York. Attempts to open a public school in each District were defeated
in the Legislature in 1804 and 1805. In 1806 the sum of L400[13] was
appropriated to purchase scientific apparatus.
[13] This L400 worth of apparatus was promptly handed over to Mr.
Strachan by the Lieutenant-Governor. Mr. Strachan at this time had a
private school at Cornwall. It seems quite evident that the apparatus
was purchased purposely for his school and at his suggestion. See D. H.
E., Vol. I., p. 155.
In 1807, the Legislature took steps to carry out the plan proposed in
1797. There were by this time eight Districts in Upper Canada--Eastern,
Johnstown, Midland, Newcastle, Home, Niagara, London, and Western. The
sum of L800 was fixed as an annual appropriation to support "a Public
School in each and every District in the Province." This meant L100 for
each school or teacher. The Legislature also fixed the places where the
schools were to be held. The Lieutenant-Governor-in-Council was to
appoint not less than five trustees[14] for each District school. These
trustees were given almost absolute control over the management of the
schools.
[14] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 61.
It must not be supposed that these schools were public schools in the
sense we now attach to that term. Their founders had in mind the great
English public school, whose curriculum was largely classical and whose
benefits were confined to the wealthy. These schools were not in any
sense popular schools. It would seem that Governor Simcoe's proposal in
1798 was to have "Free Grammar Schools."[15] But those established by
the Act of 1807 levied considerable sums in fees. They were designed to
educate the sons of gentlemen. They were to prepare for professional
life. They were essentially for the benefit of the ruling classes. They
were largely controlled by Anglicans,[16] and in many cases the teachers
were Anglican clergymen.
[15] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 20.
[16] In 1830, when the United Presbytery of Upper Canada petitioned the
Legislature against appointing so many Anglicans as trustees of grammar
schools, the only reply was that Anglicans had not always been
appointed.
If these schools were not public schools as we now use the term "public
school," neither were they high schools as we now use that term. The
curricula had no uniformity. Each school was a law unto itself and
depended almost wholly upon the teacher. If he were scholarly and
earnest the school would accomplish much. Often very young boys who
could scarcely read were admitted. In some schools a fine training in
classics was given; in others even the elements of a common education
were neglected.
But although these schools were not for the mass of the people, their
establishment was none the less an event of far-reaching importance. It
was a decided advantage to the mass of the people that their rulers
should have some educational advantages. No one can read the lists of
names of men educated in these schools and afterwards prominent in
Canadian public life without recognizing that their establishment was a
blessing to the whole of Canada. They were caste schools, but they kept
alive the torch of learning and civilization. Being founded out of
public funds, there was created an interest in their welfare among the
members of the Legislative Assembly. As years went on and the members of
the Assembly came to really represent the people of Upper Canada, they
were led to extend to all of the people such educational advantages as
had been granted to a section of the people in 1807.
Several efforts were made to repeal the Act of 1807 and substitute for
it one of a more popular nature. These efforts were baffled either by
the Legislative Council or through the influence of that body in the
Assembly itself. A petition[17] presented by sixty-five residents of the
Midland District to the Legislature of 1812 will give a fair idea of
the state of feeling throughout Upper Canada in regard to education:
"Your petitioners ... feel themselves in duty bound to state that 'An
Act to establish Public Schools in each and every District of this
Province' is found by experience not to answer the end for which it was
designed. Its object, it is presumed, was to promote the education of
our youth in general, but a little acquaintance with the facts must
convince every unbiased mind that it has contributed little or nothing
to the promotion of so laudable a design. By reason of the place of
instruction being established at one end of the District, and the sum
demanded for tuition, in addition to the annual compensation received
from the public, most of the people are unable to avail themselves of
the advantages contemplated by the institution. A few wealthy
inhabitants, and those of the Town of Kingston, reap exclusively the
benefit of it in this District. The institution, instead of aiding the
middling and poorer class of His Majesty's subjects, casts money into
the lap of the rich, who are sufficiently able, without public
assistance, to support a school in every respect equal to the one
established by law.... Wherefore, your petitioners pray, that so much of
the Act first mentioned may be repealed, and such provisions made in the
premises as may be conducive to public utility."
[17] See Journals of Legislature of Upper Canada for 1812.
A repeal bill of the Act of 1807 was passed by the Legislative Assembly
of 1812, but thrown out by the Legislative Council. The Act of 1807
limited the schools to one for each District. This was unsatisfactory
even to that class for whom the schools were especially designed. As the
country made progress and became more thickly populated, eight schools
were a wholly inadequate provision for the education of those requiring
it. But the Legislative Assembly steadily resisted any attempt to
enlarge the scope of these class schools. Perhaps it was owing to their
resistance that in 1816 they secured the consent of the Legislative
Council to a really forward movement in elementary education.
But it would be a serious mistake to infer that the educational
machinery of Upper Canada previous to 1816 was limited to these eight
District Grammar Schools. What the Government failed to provide, private
enterprise secured. More than two hundred schools were certainly in
operation in 1816. These schools were maintained partly by subscriptions
from well-to-do people and partly by fees collected from the pupils. In
many cases they were private ventures, conducted by teachers who
depended wholly upon fees. In some cases these schools were of a high
order, perhaps superior to the District Grammar Schools; in other cases,
probably in the large majority of cases, they were very inefficient.
The average fees paid by pupils in the elementary schools were about
twelve shillings per quarter.
William Crooks, of Grimsby, writing to Gourlay, in January, 1818,
says:[18] "The state of education is also at a very low ebb, not only in
this township but generally throughout the District; although the
liberality of the Legislature has been great in support of the District
Grammar Schools (giving to the teachers of each L100 per annum) yet they
have been productive of little or no good hitherto, for this obvious
cause, they are looked upon as seminaries exclusively instituted for the
education of the children of the more wealthy classes of society, and to
which the poor man's child is considered as unfit to be admitted. From
such causes, instead of their being a benefit to the Province, they are
sunk into obscurity, and the heads of most of them are at this moment
enjoying their situations as comfortable sinecures. Another class of
schools has within a short time been likewise founded upon the
liberality of the Legislative purse denominated as Common or Parish
Schools, but like the preceding, the anxiety of the teacher employed
seems more alive to his stipend than the advancement of the education of
those placed under his care; from the pecuniary advantages thus held
out we have been inundated with the worthless scum, under the character
of schoolmasters, not only of this but of every other country where the
knowledge has been promulgated of the easy means our laws afford of
getting a living here, by obtaining a parish school."
[18] See Gourlay's "Statistical Account of Upper Canada." Pages 433-434
of Vol. I. Published by Simpkin & Marshall, London, Eng., 1822.
The Common or Parish Schools referred to in this letter were the result
of the legislation of 1816, a red-letter year in school affairs because
it saw the first attempts in Upper Canada to give schools under public
control to the common people. The sum of $24,000 a year was appropriated
for four years to establish Common Schools. The law provided that the
people of any village, town or township might meet together and arrange
to establish one or more schools, at each of which the attendance must
be not less than twenty. Three suitable trustees were to be chosen to
conduct the school, appoint teachers, and select textbooks from a list
prescribed by a District Board of Education. The Legislature authorized
payments to each of these schools of a sum not exceeding L100. The
balance needed to maintain the school had to be made up by
subscriptions.
In 1819 the Grammar School Act of 1807 received some slight amendments.
The grant of L100 per school was reduced to L50 for new schools, except
where the number of pupils exceeded ten. A new school was authorized
for the new Gore District, at Hamilton. Trustee Boards were required to
present annual reports to the Lieutenant-Governor and to conduct an
annual public examination. But the most important change was provision
for the free education of ten poor children at each District Public
School. These children were chosen by lot from names submitted by
Trustee Boards of Common Schools.
In 1822 the Governor, Sir Peregrine Maitland, on his own responsibility,
had established in Toronto a school known as the Upper Canada Central
School, formed on the plan of the British National Schools, which had
been established in Britain by Rev. Dr. Bell. These schools were
decidedly Anglican in tone, and that established in Toronto was at the
instigation of Rev. Dr. Strachan.[19] In a despatch to Earl Bathurst,
Colonial Secretary in 1822, Governor Maitland said:[20] "It is proposed
to establish one introductory school on the national plan in each town
of a certain size. It is supposed that a salary of L100 per annum to the
master of each such school would be sufficient. The number of these
schools may be increased as the circumstances of the Province may
require and the means allow."
[19] See D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 176.
[20] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 179.
In answer, the Earl of Bathurst, under date of October 12th, 1823,
says:[21] "I am happy to have it in my power to convey to you His
Majesty's consent that you appropriate a portion of the Reserves set
apart for the establishment of a University for the support of schools
on the National [Church of England] plan of education." This action
established one school, and had in contemplation the establishment of
others under the direct control of the Governor and his Council. The
Legislative Assembly naturally resented the action, and for two reasons.
They objected to the disposal of any Crown property other than upon
their authority. They objected to anything being done that would lessen
the resources of the proposed University.
[21] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. I., p. 179.
A side-light upon education in Upper Canada is furnished by Mr. E. A.
Talbot, who published a series of letters upon Upper Canada in London,
1824. I quote from Letter XXX: "The great mass of the [Canadian] people
are at present completely ignorant even of the rudiments of the most
common learning. Very few can either read or write; and parents who are
ignorant themselves, possess so slight a relish for literature and are
so little acquainted with its advantages, that they feel scarcely any
anxiety to have the minds of their children cultivated.... They will not
believe that 'knowledge is power,' and being convinced that it is not
in the nature of 'book-learned skill' to improve the earnestness of
their sons in hewing wood or the readiness of their daughters in
spinning flax, they consider it a misapplication of money to spend any
sum in obtaining instruction for their offspring. Nothing can afford a
stronger proof of their indifference in this respect than the
circumstance of their electing men to represent them in the Provincial
Parliament, whose attainments in learning are in many instances
exceedingly small, and sometimes do not pass beyond the horn-book. I
have myself been present in the Honourable the House of Assembly when
some of the members, on being called to be Chairmen of Committees, were
under the disagreeable and humiliating necessity of requesting other
members to read the bills before the Committee, and then, as the
different clauses were rejected or adopted, to request these, their
proxies, to signify the same in the common mode of writing."
In 1823 there was established a General Board of Education, consisting
of: The Hon. and Rev. John Strachan, D.D., Chairman; Hon. Jos. Wells,
M.L.C.; Hon. G. H. Markland, M.L.C.; Rev. Robert Addison; John Beverley
Robinson, Esq., Attorney-General; Thomas Ridout, Esq., Surveyor-General.
The same session of the Legislature set apart L150 as an annual grant
for purchasing books and tracts designed to afford moral and religious
instruction.
By the creation of a General Board of Education, Rev. Dr. Strachan
became very prominently identified with education in Upper Canada. No
man was better qualified through zeal, practical knowledge, and a
genuine interest in higher education. He had been made an honorary
member of the Executive Council in 1815, and an active member in 1817.
In 1820 he was appointed a member of the Legislative Council. Being a
prominent Churchman, an experienced and successful teacher, and residing
at York, he was naturally consulted by successive Governors on
educational matters. Strachan was an uncompromising Churchman with
ritualistic tendencies, and in politics a Tory of the George III.
school. He had neither faith in, nor sympathy for, a democracy. He
accepted things as he found them, and wished to preserve them so. He
could conceive of no more perfect state of society for the new world
than that which he left behind him in the old. He firmly believed in
education of the most noble kind for gentlemen, but it is doubtful if he
recognized the right of every man to the highest possible cultivation of
his intellectual powers. He would have looked upon such a plan as
subversive of the existing orders of society. At any rate he never
evinced any passion for popular education except that moral and
religious education given under the aegis of an Established Church. On
the other hand, no man in Canada had a more sincere desire to foster
higher institutions of learning, and it had from the very first been
Strachan's plan that the District Grammar Schools should be feeders for
a Provincial University, and now, in 1824, when he became virtually head
of educational affairs in Upper Canada, he determined to carry his
scheme to a successful issue.
There were serious difficulties. An endowment had been provided for a
university by the Crown grant in 1797, but it was at this time almost
worthless. It consisted of blocks of land, containing several townships,
in remote parts of the Province. The lands were good, but so long as the
Government had free lands to give incoming settlers, the school lands
were not in demand. Besides these school or university lands, there were
other lands in possession of the Crown. The original surveyor reserved
two-sevenths of all land. One-seventh was the reserve for a "Protestant
Clergy," which eventually caused so much strife and ill-feeling. The
other seventh was known as the Crown Reserve. In many cases this Crown
Reserve was becoming valuable, even in 1824, because of the labour of
settlers who owned adjoining farms. Much of the Crown Reserve was under
lease and giving a more or less certain revenue. Strachan conceived a
bold and successful plan. He suggested to Sir Peregrine Maitland that
for grants to new settlers the school lands were worth as much to the
Government as the Crown Reserves. Why not exchange school lands for an
equal area of Crown Reserve land? The matter was put before the Home
Government, and in 1827 a favourable reply was given. The result was
that the University got 225,944 acres of land, distributed throughout
every District in Upper Canada, but having more than one-half its total
area in the Home, Gore, and London Districts, the wealthiest and most
populous parts of Upper Canada. The Commissioners, appointed in 1848 by
Lord Elgin to enquire into the affairs of King's College, state (pages
16 and 17): "The Crown Reserves thus converted into the University
Endowment, consisted of lands in various parts of Upper Canada in actual
or nominal occupation under lease, at rate of rental fixed by a certain
scale established by the Provincial Government, and a large proportion
of the lots were in an improved or cultivated state."
In March, 1826, Rev. Dr. Strachan submitted to the Lieutenant-Governor a
very able and comprehensive report[22] showing why a university ought at
once to be established. The report gives an interesting and authentic
summary of the state of education in Upper Canada at that time. "The
present state of Education in this Province consists of Common Schools
throughout the Townships, established under several Acts of the
Provincial Legislature, and which are now, by the exertions of Your
Excellency, placed on an excellent footing, requiring no other
improvements than the means of multiplying their number, which, no
doubt, will be granted as the finances of the Province become more
productive. In about three hundred and forty Common Schools established
in the different Districts of the Colony, from seven to eight thousand
children are taught reading and writing, the elements of arithmetic, and
the first principles of religion; and when it is considered that the
parents commonly send their children in rotation--the younger in summer
when the roads are good, and the older in winter--it is not too much to
say that nearly double this number, or from twelve to fourteen thousand
children, profit annually by the Common Schools. The consequence is that
the people, scattered as they are over a vast wilderness, are becoming
alive to the great advantage of educating their children, and are, in
many places, seconding, with laudable zeal, the exertions of the
Legislature, and establishing schools at their own expense.
[22] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp. 211-213.
"Provision is made by law for the translation of some of the more
promising scholars from the Common to the District Schools, where the
classics and practical mathematics are taught. In these schools, eleven
in number, there are at present upwards of 300 youth acquiring an
education to qualify them for the different professions; and, although
they can seldom support more than one master, several of the young
gentlemen who have been brought up in them are now eminent in their
professions, and would, by their talents and high principles, do credit
to seminaries of greater name. But the period has arrived when the
District Schools [Grammar Schools] will become still more useful by
confining themselves to the intention of their first establishment,
namely, nurseries for a University--an institution now called for by the
increased population and circumstances of the Colony, and most earnestly
desired by the more respectable inhabitants.
"There is not in either Province any English Seminary above the rank of
a good school, at which a liberal education can be obtained. Thus the
youth of nearly 300,000 Englishmen have no opportunity of receiving
instruction within the Canadas in Law, Medicine, or Divinity. The
consequence is that many young men coming forward to the learned
professions are obliged to look beyond the Province for the last two
years of their education--undoubtedly the most important and critical of
their lives. Very few are able on account of the great expense to go to
England or Scotland; and the distance is so great and the difficulties
so many that parental anxiety reluctantly trusts children from its
observation and control. The youths are, therefore, in some degree,
compelled to look forward to the United States, where the means of
education, though of a description far inferior to those of Great
Britain, are yet superior to those within the Province, and a growing
necessity is arising of sending them to finish their education in that
country. Now, in the United States, a system prevails unknown to, or
unpractised by, any other nation. In all other countries morals and
religion are made the basis of future instruction, and the first book
put into the hands of children teaches them the domestic, social, and
religious virtues; but in the United States politics pervade the whole
system of instruction. The school books from the very first elements are
stuffed with praises of their own institutions and breathe hatred to
everything English. To such a country our youth may go, strongly
attached to their native land and all its establishments, but by hearing
them continually depreciated and those of America praised, these
attachments will, in many, be gradually weakened, and some may become
fascinated with that liberty which has degenerated into licentiousness
and imbibe, perhaps unconsciously, sentiments unfriendly to things of
which Englishmen are proud....
"The establishment of a University at the seat of Government will
complete a regular system of education in Upper Canada from the letters
of the alphabet to the most profound investigations of science.... In
regard to the profession of medicine it is melancholy to think that more
than three-fourths of the present practitioners have been educated or
attended lectures in the United States.... There are, as yet, only
twenty-two clergymen in Upper Canada, the greater number from England.
It is essential that young men coming forward to the Church should be
educated entirely within the Province, but for this there is no
provision.... But the wants of the Province are becoming great, and
however much disposed the elder clergy may be to bring forward young men
to the sacred profession, they have neither time nor means of doing it
with sufficient effect. There can be nothing of that zeal, of that union
and mutual attachment, of that deep theological and literary enquiry and
anxiety to excel, which would be found among men collected at the
University, and here it is not irrelevant to observe that it is of the
greatest importance that the education of the Colony should be conducted
by the clergy.
"Nothing can be more manifest than that this Colony has not yet felt the
advantage of a religious establishment. What can twenty-two clergymen
do, scattered over a country of nearly six hundred miles in length? Can
we be surprised that, under such circumstances, the religious benefits
of the ecclesiastical establishment are unknown, and sectaries of all
descriptions have increased on every side? And when it is further
considered that the religious teachers of all other Protestant
denominations, a very few respectable ministers of the Church of
Scotland excepted, come almost universally from the Republican States of
America, where they gather their knowledge and form their sentiments, it
is evident that if the Imperial Government does not step forward with
efficient help, the mass of the population will be nurtured and
instructed in hostility to all our institutions, both civil and
religious.... From all which it appears highly expedient to establish a
university at the seat of Government, to complete the system of
education in the Colony at which all the branches requisite for
qualifying young men for the learned professions may be taught.... The
principal and professors, except those of Medicine and Law, should be
clergymen of the Established Church; and no tutor, teacher, or officer
who is not a member of that Church should ever be employed in the
institution."
I have given this long quotation from Rev. Dr. Strachan's report for
several reasons. It shows very clearly the point of view of a remarkable
man who had much to do with educational affairs in Upper Canada for a
period of nearly seventy years. It shows his zeal for higher education,
his belief in the efficacy of a religious establishment, his narrow
bigotry and intolerance of all outside of an establishment, his
old-world belief that the clergy should control education, his loyal
attachment to British institutions, and above all, to those who read
between the lines, his lack of real interest in elementary education. He
is perfectly satisfied with the state of the Common Schools, although
they were then accommodating less than one in twenty of the total
population. The schools of which he says, "which are now, by the
exertions of Your Excellency, placed on an excellent footing, requiring
no other improvements than the means of multiplying their number," were
conducted in rude buildings, without any apparatus, with a motley
assortment of textbooks, and taught in many cases by ignorant itinerant
schoolmasters who were of no use at any other occupation, and who
received from $80 to $200 a year! Little can ever be expected in the way
of improvement from those who are wholly satisfied with present
conditions, and it is safe to say that any improvements that took place
in the Common Schools of Canada under the _regime_ of the Rev. Dr.
Strachan were owing to other causes than the efforts put forth by that
gentleman. The Common Schools of Upper Canada had to wait for a new
birth--until Ryerson breathed life into them.
Rev. Dr. Strachan's Report is interesting for another reason--it deals
with the proposed King's College and its relations with what Dr.
Strachan calls the "religious establishment" in Canada. This "religious
establishment" was to have as its basis the one-seventh of all lands in
Upper Canada as provided for by the Constitutional Act of 1791. Now
these two things, the Clergy Reserves and King's College, caused more
trouble to the Canadian Legislature and engendered more bitter feeling
among the people of Upper Canada than any other two questions that ever
were debated in the Parliament of Upper Canada, or in the Parliament of
the united Canadas. In the Parliamentary struggle over both these
questions the Rev. Dr. Strachan was an active and valiant leader of the
party of privilege, and among those who led the opposing forces to a
final victory none was more courageous or more successful than Dr.
Ryerson.
Dr. Strachan went to England in 1826 to use his personal influence
towards securing a Royal Charter for a University. He there issued an
appeal to the English people for aid on the ground that the proposed
College would be largely occupied in educating clergymen for the
Anglican Church.[23] A Royal Charter, making the proposed university a
close corporation under the control of Anglican clergymen, was obtained.
Besides granting the charter the British Government made a grant toward
buildings of L1,000 a year for sixteen years.
[23] See "An Appeal to the Friends of Religion and Literature in behalf
of the University of Upper Canada." By John Strachan, Archdeacon of
York, Upper Canada, 1826.
When the Legislative Assembly met in 1828 several members presented
numerously signed petitions praying for definite information about the
newly granted charter of King's College. The Governor sent down a copy
of the charter which was referred to a select committee. The committee
protested against the nature of the charter in that the university was
to become an Anglican institution, supported out of public funds. This
they thought unjust, inasmuch as only a small proportion of the settlers
of Upper Canada were Anglicans.[24] The committee also drafted an
address to His Majesty the King. This address was adopted by the
Assembly, and immediately despatched to His Majesty by the Governor. The
address was courteous and loyal in tone, but the exact condition of
affairs in Canada was made clear. The King was petitioned to cancel the
charter to King's College, and grant one that would make possible a
university for all classes. This address to His Majesty and the protest
of the Assembly of Upper Canada attracted the attention of a select
committee of the Imperial Parliament. This committee[25] reported
against that part of the Charter which required religious tests. George
Ryerson, of Canada, gave valuable evidence before this committee
relative to Canadian affairs. It seems doubtful whether His Majesty's
advisers, when the King's College charter was given, were really made
aware of the conditions of society in Canada. Those Canadians who had
the ears of His Majesty's advisers were, for the most part, interested
in forming and strengthening an Anglican Establishment.
[24] See Journals of House of Assembly for Upper Canada, 1828.
[25] See Report made 22nd July, 1828, by Select Committee of House of
Commons, appointed to inquire into the State of Civil Government in
Canada.
CHAPTER III.
_EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844--(Continued)._
Late in the year 1828, Sir Peregrine Maitland was replaced as
Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada by Sir John Colborne. About the same
time Sir George Murray, who had acted as Administrator of the Government
of Upper Canada in 1815, and who consequently knew something of Canadian
affairs, became Colonial Secretary in the Imperial Parliament. In
acknowledging receipt of the petition to His Majesty of the Assembly of
Upper Canada protesting against the King's College charter, Sir George
Murray, in a communication to Sir John Colborne, said:[26] "It would be
deservedly a subject of regret to His Majesty's Government, if the
University, recently established at York, should prove to have been
founded upon principles which cannot be made to accord with the general
feelings and opinions of those for whose advantage it was intended.... I
have observed that your predecessor (Sir Peregrine Maitland) in the
Government of Upper Canada differs from the House of Assembly as to the
general prevalence of objections to the University founded upon the
degree of exclusive connection which it has with the Church of England.
It seems reasonable to conclude, however, that on such a subject as this
an address adopted by a full House of Assembly, with scarcely any
dissentient voices,[27] must be considered to express the prevailing
opinion in the Province upon this subject.
[26] See copy of Sir George Murray's letter in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp.
257 and 258.
[27] The vote stood 21 for and 9 against.
"In the event, therefore, of its appearing to you to be proper to invite
the Legislative Council and House of Assembly to resume the
consideration of this question, you will apprise them that their
representations on the existing charter of the University have attracted
the serious attention of His Majesty's Government and that the opinion
which may be expressed by the Legislative Council and House of Assembly
on that subject will not fail to receive the most prompt and serious
attention."
Shortly after the receipt of this communication Sir John Colborne, as
Chancellor of King's College, convened the College Council and declared
that no immediate steps were to be taken toward active University work,
and that not one stone should be put upon another until certain
alterations had been made in the charter.
In 1829 the Chairman of the General Board of Education, Rev. Dr.
Strachan, presented to the Legislative Assembly his first annual report.
It is an able and very suggestive document. It showed 372 pupils[28] in
the eleven Grammar Schools, and 401 Common Schools with 10,712 pupils.
Dr. Strachan had personally visited each Grammar School during 1828, and
had incidentally learned something of the Common Schools. Referring to
Grammar Schools he says:[29] "It will be seen that in some places girls
are admitted.[30] This happens from the want of good female schools, and
perhaps from the more rapid progress which children are supposed to make
under experienced and able schoolmasters. It is to be wished, however,
that separate schools for the sexes were established, as the admission
of female children interferes with the government which is required in
classical seminaries; it is, nevertheless, an inconvenience of a
temporary nature, which will gradually pass away as the population
increases in wealth and numbers." This "inconvenience of a temporary
nature" persisted until 1868, when girls were formally admitted as
pupils in Grammar Schools.
[28] In 1827 there were 329 pupils, of whom 8 in the Cornwall School
were girls.
[29] See copy of Report in D. H. E., Vol. I., pp. 266 and 267.
[30] The Report for 1828 showed 25 girls in the eleven District
Schools.
Dr. Strachan pointed out very clearly in this Report that the Common
Schools could never improve very much until the teachers were better
paid. He also made an excellent practical suggestion.[31] "The
Provincial Board, therefore, would submit with all deference, that in
addition to the public allowance, even if increased beyond its present
amount, a power should be given to the Townships to assess themselves
for this special purpose."
[31] See original Report in Appendix to Journals of Assembly, U. C., pp.
16 and 17 of Appendix on Education.
Here we have laid down the correct principle of support for public
schools, and one cannot but feel that had Dr. Strachan followed up this
suggestion by pressing it upon the Legislature, and by discussing it
with school-managers and the general public, he might have secured its
early adoption.
When the Legislature convened in 1829, Sir John Colborne in the Speech
from the Throne[32] made direct reference to education as follows: "The
Public [Grammar] Schools are generally increasing, but their
organization appears susceptible of improvement. Measures will be
adopted, I hope, to reform the Royal Grammar School [the District School
at York] and to incorporate it with the University recently endowed by
His Majesty, and to introduce a system in that Seminary which will open
to the youth of the Province the means of receiving a liberal and
extensive course of instruction. Unceasing exertions should be made to
attract able masters to this country, where the population bears no
proportion to the number of offices and employments that must
necessarily be held by men of education and acquirements, for the
support of the laws and of your free institutions."
[32] See Journals of Assembly for U. C. for 1829, p. 5.
This message from the Governor may require some explanation. In the
first place let us note that Sir John Colborne was an able and
enlightened man, sincerely desirous of giving to Upper Canada a
government that would be acceptable to the mass of the people. He seems
to have realized clearly that the Assembly was a fairly accurate
reflection of public opinion, and that no policy could ultimately
prevail unless it was in harmony with its wishes. His action in
arresting the working of King's College was one proof of this, although
his subsequent action in founding Upper Canada College solely on his own
responsibility showed his belief in the power of the Crown to take
independent action. He saw that the District Grammar Schools were very
inefficient and were touching the lives of an insignificant proportion
of the people of Upper Canada. He foresaw that for some years the
revenue to be derived from the endowment of King's College would not
support a very pretentious institution, and that for such an
institution, even if it were in operation, there would be very few
students prepared by previous study to profit from its courses. In his
opinion the immediate wants of the country would be better served by a
high-class school than by a university. Hence his proposal to reform the
Royal Grammar School at York and incorporate it with King's College.
The Assembly of 1829 contained many eminent men, of whom it is
sufficient to mention Marshall Bidwell (the Speaker), William Lyon
Mackenzie, W. W. Baldwin (father of Hon. Robert Baldwin), and John
Rolph, the latter a graduate of the University of Cambridge. The
Assembly appointed a select committee on Education. This committee made
an extensive report[33] upon both District Grammar and Common Schools.
In regard to the former they were pronounced in their condemnation and
recommended their abolition. The report claimed that the District or
Grammar School Trustees, appointed by the Crown, were chosen to promote
the interests of the Anglican Church; that in many cases the schools
themselves were merely stepping-stones for the clergy of the Anglican
Church; that they were under no efficient inspection; that they were
quite as expensive to those parents who did not live immediately beside
them as much better schools in the United States; and finally that as
only 108 pupils in the whole Province were studying languages in these
schools, that their work could be done equally well by really good
Common Schools. The report lamented the low salaries of teachers in
Common Schools and suggested that no Government grants should be given
unless the managers of schools themselves raised by subscription equal
amounts. The report also protested against the payment out of public
funds of L300 a year to Rev. Dr. Strachan, as Chairman of the General
Board,[34] and against his assumption that reports of District Schools
should be made to him instead of to the Lieutenant-Governor. The report
expressed a hope that something might be done to encourage the
publication of textbooks in Canada, and concluded with expressing
approval of the Governor's plan to found a seminary of a high class,
which should be free from sectarian influences and afford advanced
instruction to the youth of Canada.
[33] See Report in Appendix to Journals of Assembly for 1829, p. 42.
[34] The General Board of Education had been organized by Sir Peregrine
Maitland wholly on his own authority and that of the Home Government.
The Assembly naturally refused to acknowledge any obligation to support
it with public funds.
Later in the session of 1829 this select committee on Education prepared
a series of resolutions which were adopted by the Assembly. The
following are the chief points in the resolutions:--[35]
1. That the Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, not being
amenable for his conduct to any tribunal, ought not to be Chancellor of
King's College.
2. That it ought not to be required that the President of King's College
be a clergyman of the Anglican Church, and that he ought to be elected
or appointed for a stated term.
3. That the Archdeacon of York ought not by virtue of his clerical
office to become President of King's College.
4. That the President and Professors of King's College ought not to be
required to subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles.
5. That the Degree of Doctor of Divinity ought to be conferred by King's
College upon any professing Christian who passed the required
examinations in Classical, Biblical, and other subjects of learning.
6. That wherever the charter of King's College is in any way sectarian
it should be amended.
[35] See Appendix to Journals of Assembly of U.C. for 1829, pp. 72 and
73.
The Governor asked the Legislative Council to consider in what way the
charter of King's College could be amended to make it more acceptable to
the people of Upper Canada. The Council in reply recommended that
instead of the Archdeacon of York any Anglican clergyman should be
eligible for President. They also recommended that tests for the Council
be dispensed with.
Having the sanction of the Home Government, and feeling sure of the
active support of the Assembly, Sir John Colborne immediately put in
execution his plan of forming a high-class school to replace the Royal
Grammar School at York. He caused advertisements to be inserted in the
British papers for masters. The head master was to have a house, L600
per annum, and the privilege of taking boarders. The classical and
mathematical masters were to receive L300 a year and similar privileges.
The Assembly had suggested that the new school should be known as
Colborne College, but the name adopted was Upper Canada College. The
school opened in 1830 with a staff of seven specialists, nearly all
chosen in England. The work was carried on in the buildings of the old
Grammar School until handsome and elaborate buildings were erected on
Russell Square, north of King Street. An endowment of some 60,000 acres
from the School lands was given the new institution. It was generally
felt that the new school would, for the present, supply the want of a
university, and also make it unnecessary for Canadian youths to complete
their education in the United States.
Before Upper Canada College had been working a year a very
numerously-signed petition was presented by some York patrons of the
school praying for some modification of the exclusively classical nature
of the programme for those boys destined for commerce and mechanical
pursuits. The Governor's attempt to give Canadians a high-class
collegiate school seemed only partially successful. The error was in
attempting to adapt to a new country a form of school that suited the
requirements of a select class in an old and highly civilized country.
Latin and Greek must be crammed into boys whether or not they had any
natural aptitude for language study, and quite irrespective of their
future occupations in life.
The founding and liberal equipment of Upper Canada College had one
effect that might easily have been foretold. Petitions came from almost
every Grammar School District praying for endowed and well-equipped
schools similar to Upper Canada College. The petitioners resented the
concentration at York of two important institutions, Upper Canada
College and King's College, deriving support from an endowment
originally set aside to give educational facilities to the whole of
Upper Canada.
The Assembly of 1833, through a select committee, made a minute
examination into the affairs of Upper Canada College, and passed a
resolution recommending that it be incorporated with King's College. I
give here quotations from two writers on Upper Canada College, showing
how differently things appear when viewed through different eyes. The
first is from a letter written in 1833 by Rev. Thomas Radcliffe.[36]
"Future generations will bless the memory of Sir John Colborne, who, to
the many advantages derived from the equity and wisdom of his
government, has added that of a magnificent foundation [in Upper Canada
College] for the purposes of literary instruction. The lowest salary of
any of the professors of this institution is L300 per annum, with the
accommodation of a noble brick house and the privilege of taking
boarders at L50 per annum."
[36] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 120 and 121.
The next is from "Sketches," published by William Lyon Mackenzie,
London, 1833. "Splendid incomes are given to the masters of the new
[Upper Canada] College, culled at Oxford by the Vice-Chancellor, and
dwellings furnished to the professors (we may say) by the sweat of the
brow of the Canadian labourer. All these advantages and others not now
necessary to be mentioned, are insufficient to gratify the rapacious
appetite of the 'Established Church' managers, who, in order to
accumulate wealth and live in opulence, charge the children of His
Majesty's subjects ten times as high fees as are required by the less
amply endowed Seminary at Quebec. They have another reason for so doing.
The College (already a monopoly) becomes almost an exclusive school for
the families of the Government officers, and the few who, through their
means, have, in York, already attained a pecuniary independence out of
the public treasury. The College never was intended for the people, nor
did the Executive endow it thus amply that all classes might apply to
the fountain of knowledge."[37]
[37] See volume in Library of Parliament, Ottawa, pp. 190 and 191.
As time passed the College founded by Sir John Colborne did good work as
a secondary school for people of wealth, but all attempts to make it
popular with the mass of the people proved ineffective. The Legislature
gave it an annual grant somewhat unwillingly.[38] The buildings were
erected, and part of the annual expenses paid from advances made by the
King's College Council.
[38] See D. H. E., Vol. III., p. 123.
By an Act passed in 1839[39] there was an attempt made to raise the
College to the dignity of a temporary university. This action displeased
the Council of King's College because it tended to delay the opening of
lectures in that institution. In 1849, when the Baldwin University Bill
made an independent corporation of Upper Canada College, that
institution was indebted to the University for nearly $40,000, which was
never repaid.[40]
[39] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 170 and 171.
[40] For the later history of Upper Canada College see "History of Upper
Canada College," by Principal George Dickson.
In 1831 the Methodists began to build at Cobourg the Upper Canada
Academy, which was to be open to all religious denominations. They felt
that although Upper Canada College was non-sectarian in a legal sense,
yet, inasmuch as the principal and professors were Anglican clergymen,
the institution was essentially an Anglican College.
At this time the Rev. Egerton Ryerson was editor of _The Christian
Guardian_ newspaper, the official organ of the Methodist Conference. In
an editorial, April, 1831, he thus refers to the proposed Upper Canada
Academy: "It is the first literary institution which has been commenced
by any body of ministers in accordance with the frequently expressed
wishes of the people of Upper Canada. The Methodist Conference have not
sought endowments of public lands for the establishment of an
institution, contrary to the voice of the people as expressed by their
representatives.... Desirous of promoting more extensively the interests
of the rising generation and of the country generally, we have resolved
upon the establishment of a Seminary of Learning--we have done so upon
liberal principles--we have not reserved any peculiar privileges to
ourselves for the education of our children; we have published the
constitution for your examination; and now we appeal to your liberality
for assistance.... On the characteristics of the system of education
which it is contemplated to pursue in the proposed Seminary, we may
observe that it will be such as to produce habits of intellectual labour
and activity; a diligent and profitable improvement of time; bodily
health and vigour, a fitness and relish for agricultural and mechanical,
as well as for other pursuits; virtuous principles and Christian morals.
On the importance of education generally we may remark, it is as
necessary as the light--it should be as common as water, and as free as
air.... Education among the people is the best security of a good
government and constitutional liberty; it yields a steady, unbending
support to the former, and effectually protects the latter. An educated
people are always a loyal people to good government; and the first
object of a wise government should be the education of the people. An
educated people are always enterprising in all kinds of general and
local improvements. An ignorant population are equally fit for, and are
liable to be, slaves of despots and the dupes of demagogues; sometimes,
like the unsettled ocean, they can be thrown into incontrollable
agitation by every wind that blows; at other times, like the
uncomplaining ass, they tamely submit to the most unreasonable
burdens.... Sound learning is of great worth even in religion; the
wisest and best instructed Christians are the most steady, and may be
the most useful. If a man be a child in knowledge he is likely to be
tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, and
often lies at the mercy of interested, designing men; the more knowledge
he has the safer is his state. If our circumstances be such that we have
few means of improvement, we should turn them to the best account.
Partial knowledge is better than total ignorance; and he who cannot get
all he may wish, must take heed to acquire all that he can. If total
ignorance be a bad and dangerous thing, every degree of knowledge
lessens both the evil and the danger."[41]
[41] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 7 and 8.
Ryerson wrote this when he was only twenty-eight years of age, but it
foreshadows the fundamental principles upon which he later attempted to
base a national system of education.
It is interesting to note that in this same year the United Presbytery
of Upper Canada were discussing the establishment of a Literary and
Theological Seminary at Pleasant Bay, in Prince Edward County. This
seminary never was established, but the agitation for it led to the
founding of Queen's University, at Kingston.
While Methodist and Presbyterian clergy were forming plans for
academies, the members of the Legislative Assembly were debating a
series of resolutions on the School Reserves and the failure of the
people of Upper Canada to secure the free Grammar Schools for which the
Crown Lands were appropriated in 1798. Several things are made plain in
these resolutions regarding the attitude of the popularly elected branch
of the Legislature. The following stand out prominently:--
1. That the existing Grammar Schools were wholly inadequate to perform
the work for which they were created.
2. That the real intentions of the Crown in setting apart the immense
School Reserves in 1798 had never been carried out.
3. That the successive Canadian Administrations had been largely
concerned in appropriating the lion's share of these Reserves for
University education.
4. That the School Reserves of 1798, with proper management, would be
now (1831) sufficiently productive to give great assistance to education
if applied in accord with the real wishes of the people.
5. That the money received from these School lands from time to time
ought to be paid in to the Receiver-General and disposed of only by
vote of the Legislature.
Further protests were made against the exclusive nature of King's
College charter, and the Assembly was assured by Sir John Colborne that
some changes would be made. As a matter of fact, on the 2nd of November,
1831, Lord Goderich, the British Colonial Secretary, in a lengthy
communication to Governor Colborne, showed that His Majesty's Government
was fully seized of the situation in regard to the charter of King's
College. Lord Goderich said,[42] "I am to convey through you to the
Members of the Corporation of King's College, at the earnest
recommendation and advice of His Majesty's Government, that they do
forthwith surrender[43] to His Majesty the charter of King's College of
Upper Canada, with any lands that may have been granted them." Lord
Goderich then proceeds to intimate that a new charter will be granted by
the Legislature of Upper Canada. Lord Goderich further proceeds to give
some very sound advice concerning the necessity of mutual forbearance
among a people of diverse religious creeds.
[42] See copy of despatch in D. H. E., Vol. II., p. 55.
[43] This the College Council positively refused to do.
In the Assembly there was shown an intelligent grasp of the educational
needs of the country and a determination to secure better schools. Had
the Executive Council and Legislative Council been equally zealous in
the cause of education, the fathers and mothers of the generation which
profited from Ryerson's reforms might themselves have had the advantage
of good schools.
The following extracts from an address to His Excellency, Sir John
Colborne, will show the temper and wishes of the Assembly: "We, His
Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Upper Canada in
Provincial Parliament assembled, most respectfully beg leave to
represent that there is in this Province a very general want of
education; that the insufficiency of the Common School fund [the total
Government grant for schools in 1831 was $11,200] to support competent,
respectable, and well-educated teachers, has degraded Common School
teaching from a regular business to a mere matter of convenience to
transient persons, or common idlers, who often teach the school one
season and leave it vacant until it accommodates some other like person
to take it in hand, whereby the minds of our youth are left without
cultivation, or, what is still worse, frequently with vulgar, low-bred,
vicious, or intemperate examples before them in the capacity of
monitors."[44] The address proceeded to state that there was urgent need
of a Government fund to secure larger grants for teachers' salaries, and
asked His Excellency to lay before the Colonial Secretary a plan to set
aside one million acres of waste land in Upper Canada for the support of
Common Schools.
[44] See Journals of Assembly, U. C., 1831, p. 40.
In this Address the Assembly virtually said to the Crown, "Give us some
fixed capital as a source of revenue and we will speedily reorganize our
schools." The Assembly knew what was needed and knew how to remedy the
existing conditions, but was powerless because the Crown revenue was
subject only to the control of the Executive Council.
The session of 1832-33[45] was very active from an educational point of
view. The Assembly was informed by His Excellency that the Crown had
consented to give over to the Legislature, for the support of Grammar
Schools, control of the 258,330 acres of School lands, being the balance
of the original grant of half a million acres made in 1798, and from
which had already been made extensive grants to endow King's College and
Upper Canada College. Much of the remainder of this land, which was now
vested in the Legislature, was not of a superior quality. It had also
been selected in township blocks and naturally had very little value
until settlements were made in surrounding townships.
[45] The previous session, William Lyon Mackenzie had been expelled from
the Assembly because of his criticism of the Governor, in his newspaper,
the _Colonial Advocate_. It is interesting to note that Mackenzie's
criticisms of the Governor were largely based on His Excellency's
actions in regard to education.
The Assembly prepared an Address to His Majesty praying for a grant of
one million acres of Crown lands for the establishment and support of
Township Common Schools. As a measure of immediate relief for these
schools, a bill was passed by the two branches of the Legislature, and
assented to by His Excellency, providing for two years an additional
grant of $22,000. This sum was allotted to the several Districts,
approximately in proportion to population, but no Board of Trustees was
to receive any of this grant unless they secured for their teacher a sum
equal at least to twice the Government grant.
The most significant feature of the session, however, was a Common
School Bill, introduced into the Assembly by Mr. Mahlon Burwell, and
read a first time. The bill proposed to repeal all previous Common
School legislation; to establish a General Board and also District
Boards of Education; to grant L10,000 to Common Schools as a Legislative
grant and to assess a further L10,000 on the rateable property of the
Districts.
This bill, had it become law, would have anticipated Ryerson's
legislation by nearly twenty years, and it is interesting to note the
comments made upon it by that gentleman, who was at this time editor of
the _Christian Guardian_. The _Guardian_ of January 15th, 1834,
expressed a general approval of the plan of taxation but was totally
opposed to the _appointment_ of Boards of Education. After showing that
the principle of local taxation was borrowed from the New England
States, where it was working satisfactorily, Ryerson says: "The next
leading feature of the bill is the appointment of a General Board of
Education and also District Boards of Education. This is proposed to be
left to the Governor, or person administering the Government, a
proposition, in our opinion, radically objectionable. It makes the
system of education, in theory, a mere engine of the Executive, a system
which is liable to all the abuse, suspicion, jealousy and opposition
caused by despotism; and it withholds from the system of Common School
education, in its first and prominent feature, that character of common
interest and harmonious co-operation which, as we humbly conceive, are
essential to its success, and even to its acceptance with the Province.
Education is an object in which the Government, as an individual portion
of the Province, and the people at large possess, in some respects, a
common interest, consequently they should exercise a joint or common
control.... And in an equitable and patriotic administration of
Government, the more its agents and the people's agents are associated
together in promoting the common weal, the more strongly will mutual
respect and confidence and co-operation between the people and the
Government be established, the less room there will be for Executive
negligence, or partiality, or popular or local abuse; and the less
opportunity there will be for either despotic oppression or demagogue
misrepresentation."
In 1834 there was a General Election, which resulted in the return to
the Assembly of a large majority in favour of reform principles, and
wholly opposed to the arbitrary and aristocratic ideas of the
Legislative Council. Bidwell, Rolph, and William Lyon Mackenzie were
three leading spirits in the new House.
When the Assembly opened the Governor laid before the members a despatch
from the Colonial Office, stating His Majesty's readiness to transfer
240,000 acres in the settled townships in return for the School lands
which were in township blocks and not then saleable.
A bill was passed by the Legislature renewing for two years, 1835 and
1836, the increased grant of L5,650 for Common Schools.
A grant of L200 was also made to Mechanics' Institutes at York and a
grant of L100 to one at Kingston.
Considerable time was spent in the Assembly upon two bills which were
rejected by the Executive Council. One was a bill to regulate Common
Schools which would have given them a thorough organization and made
them subject to popular control by elected Boards and Superintendents.
The Executive Council had no faith in control by the people. They
doubted whether "the respectable yeomanry of the country" were capable
of choosing suitable Superintendents. The other was a bill to amend the
charter of King's College. These amendments were designed to remove all
religious tests and to have the College governed by a Council, half of
whom were to be appointed by the Assembly and half by the Legislative
Council. The only reasons given by the Council for rejecting these
amendments were that they knew of no university so governed and that a
university must have as a basis some established form of religion. In
the meantime, while the hide-bound worshippers of European traditions
who made up the Council were delaying the active work of King's College,
the youth of Upper Canada, preparing for the learned professions, were
compelled to seek university advantages in the United States or Great
Britain. More than this, owing to the lack of advantages in their own
country, many who could otherwise have afforded it were wholly deprived
of the higher education and training necessary for the professions they
had in view.
The Legislative Council at this time, and for many years afterwards,
made boasts of their loyalty to the Crown, and upon some occasions
arrogated to themselves and their friends a monopoly of all loyal spirit
in Upper Canada, and yet they firmly refused to surrender the charter
and endowment of King's College when requested and even urged to do so
by His Majesty's Colonial Secretary[46]. From 1831 to 1835, the Council
refused to accept any substantial amendments made in that charter
suggested by the Assembly, although Lord Goderich had, in 1831, made it
quite clear that His Majesty's Government wished the question of the
charter to be settled by the Upper Canada Legislature.
[46] See letter of Lord Goderich of Nov. 2nd, 1831, to Sir John
Colborne.
When, upon the 6th of May, 1835, Sir John Colborne sent to the Colonial
Secretary the King's College Charter Amendment Bill passed by the
Assembly, he urged the immediate opening of King's College, although he
had declared to the College Council that "not one stone should be placed
upon another" until the charter was amended. It may also be gathered
from this despatch to Lord Glenelg[47] that Sir John Colborne
accompanied it with a draft of amendments which he thought would be
acceptable to both branches of the Legislature of Upper Canada. His
Lordship was too astute a politician and too thoroughly informed
concerning Canadian public opinion to be easily misled. Sir John
Colborne, as a concession to the Assembly, proposed that five out of
seven of the governing body should be permanently of the faith of the
Church of England. The other two members were to be the
Lieutenant-Governor and the Archdeacon of York! Lord Glenelg, in reply,
says: "I cannot hesitate to express my opinion that this plan claims for
the Established Church of England privileges which those who best
understand and most deeply prize her real interests would not think it
prudent to assert for her in any British Province on the North American
Continent.... I would respectfully and earnestly impress upon the
Members of both these Bodies [Assembly and Council] the expediency of
endeavouring, by mutual concessions, to meet on some common ground.
Especially would I beg the Legislative Councillors to remember that, if
there be any one subject on which, more than others, it is vain and
dangerous to oppose the deliberate wishes of the great mass of the
people, the system of national instruction to be pursued in the moral
and religious education of youth is emphatically that subject."[48] Lord
Glenelg concludes by referring the question of amending the charter back
to the Legislature of Upper Canada and states that His Majesty will act
as mediator only if the two branches of the Legislature fail to agree
and then only upon their presenting a joint Address.
[47] See D. H. E., Vol. II., p. 214.
[48] See copy of letter in D. H. E., Vol. II., pp. 213 and 214.
CHAPTER IV.
_EDUCATION IN UPPER CANADA FROM 1783 TO 1844--(Continued)._
During the Legislative session of 1836, Sir John Colborne was replaced
by Sir Francis Bond Head as Lieutenant-Governor. It would seem that the
difference of opinion between Sir John Colborne and Lord Glenelg of the
Colonial Office was responsible for the former's asking to be recalled.
His last official act as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada, and one
intimately connected with educational controversy at a later date, was
to sign patents for the endowment of forty-three Anglican rectories out
of the Clergy Reserve lands.
In the Legislature no real progress was made in education, although a
lengthy report[49] and a draft School Bill were presented by a member of
the Assembly, Doctor Charles Duncomb. This report was based on a visit
paid by Doctor Duncomb to the Eastern, Middle and Western United States.
It is interesting and emphasizes the importance of a suitable education
for women.
[49] See Appendix to Journals of Assembly of U.C., 1836. See also
Assembly Journals for 1836, pp. 213 and 214.
The most important event of the year in its after effects upon education
in Upper Canada was the formal opening of Upper Canada Academy[50] at
Cobourg, under a Royal Charter secured by Egerton Ryerson.
[50] See Chapter I.
In resigning his position as editor of _The Guardian_, the official
organ of Methodism, Ryerson referred to the condition of education in
Upper Canada, emphasizing the supreme importance of elementary
instruction for every child in the country. It is also interesting to
note that at this date, when he had probably never dreamed of having any
official connection with elementary education, he should have touched
the very root of the problem by pointing out the utter impossibility of
making any real progress without a body of educated and trained
teachers.
The Legislature of 1837 set at rest for a few years the vexed question
of an amendment to King's College charter. The majority of the
Legislative Council were stoutly opposed to any modifications that would
lessen the control of the Anglican Church, but they saw that public
opinion was strong enough to prevent the opening of the college until
amendments were made. They also saw that they were running a risk of
having the charter cancelled and a new one granted by the Crown. They
accordingly accepted certain amendments proposed by the Legislative
Assembly. These amendments[51] gave _ex-officio_ seats on the College
Council to the Speaker of the two branches of the Legislature and to the
Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General of Upper Canada; they removed
from members of the Council and from professors every semblance of a
religious test except the following declaration: "I do solemnly and
sincerely declare that I believe in the authenticity and Divine
Inspiration of the Old and New Testaments and in the Doctrine of the
Holy Trinity"; they removed absolutely from religious tests all students
and candidates for degrees; they made the Judges of His Majesty's Court
of King's Bench visitors instead of the Lord Bishop of Quebec, and
vested the appointment of future presidents in His Majesty instead of
conferring that office _ex-officio_ upon the Archdeacon of York.
[51] See Journals of Assembly of Upper Canada for 1837, Legislative
Library, Toronto.
Steps were taken at once to place the college in a position to begin
work. A very able and comprehensive scheme[52] of studies and courses
was drawn up by the President, Dr. Strachan, and everything promised
favourably, when the Rebellion broke out and all operations were
suspended.
[52] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 93-98.
The following sketch of the Common Schools of this period, written by
Mr. Malcolm Campbell, an old teacher of Middlesex, is inserted because
it is believed to be typical of Upper Canada conditions. Mr. Campbell
began to teach in 1835:--
"The School Houses, during the time I taught, were built of round logs
about 14 x 16 ft., with clapboard roofs and open fireplaces. A window
sash on three sides for light, a board being placed beneath them, on
which to keep copies and slates. There were long hewn benches without
backs for seats. There were no blackboards or maps on the chinked walls.
There was a miscellaneous assortment of books, which made it very
difficult to form classes. Cobb's and Webster's Spelling-books
afterwards gave place to Mavor's. The Testament was used as a Textbook,
a supply of which was furnished by Rev. Benjamin Cronyn, afterwards
Bishop of Huron. The English Reader, and Hume and Smollett's History of
England were used by the more advanced classes. Lennie's Grammar, and
Dilworth's and Hutton's Arithmetics, and the History of Cortez' Conquest
of Mexico were used, also a Geography and Atlas, and a variety of books.
Goose-quills were used for pens, which the teacher made and mended at
least twice a day. The hours of teaching were somewhat longer than at
present, and there was no recess. The number of scholars varied from 15
to 30, and school was kept open eight to ten months in the year with a
Saturday vacation every two weeks. Teachers, after having taught school
for some months, underwent a pretty thorough oral examination by the
District Board of Education, and were granted First, Second, or Third
Class certificates according to their merits, real or supposed. They had
the Government grant apportioned to them according to their standing.
Mr. Donald Currie, in the section west of me, drew annually $120 on the
ground of his high qualifications as well as his teaching Latin. My
share of the grant was $80. Mr. Benson east of me drew $50.... The
Government grant was what the teacher mainly depended on for cash. The
rest of his pay, which varied from $10 to $16 a month, Government grant
included, was mostly paid in "kind," and very hard to collect at that.
"The Trustees in these early days assumed duties beyond what they now
possess. In engaging a teacher, they examined him as to his
qualifications in the three R's and as much farther as any of themselves
knew. They fixed the rate bill which each scholar should pay, usually at
a dollar and fifty cents a quarter; and any family sending more than
three scholars should go free, as well as the children of widows.... The
teacher was expected to 'board round' at that rate of pay. He usually
boarded in one or two houses near the school, doing chores morning and
evening. The Trustees assessed each scholar with half a cord of wood
during winter, which was scantily supplied; sometimes the teacher and
bigger boys went with an axe to the woods to make up the deficiency. The
trustees were to examine the school quarterly, and sign the Quarterly
Reports so that the teacher might draw the Government grant."[53]
[53] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 131, 132.
The following "Rules for the Government of Common Schools" prescribed by
the Board of Education for the Niagara District is taken from Gourley's
"Statistical Account of Upper Canada, 1817-1822," Vol. II.; Appendix,
pp. 116-119:--
"1. The Master to commence the labours of the day by a short prayer.
"2. School to commence each day at 9 o'clock and five hours at least
to be given to teaching during the day, except on Saturdays.
"3. Diligence and Emulation to be cherished and encouraged among the
pupils by rewards judiciously distributed, to consist of little
pictures and books, according to the age of the scholar.
"4. Cleanliness and Good Order to be indispensable; and corporal
punishment seldom necessary, except for bad habits learned at
home--lying, disobedience, obstinacy and perverseness--these
sometimes require chastisement; but gentleness even in these cases
would do better with most children.
"5. All other offences, arising chiefly from liveliness and
inattention, are better corrected by shame, such as gaudy caps,
placing the culprits by themselves, not permitting anyone to play
with them for a day or days, detaining after school hours, or during
a play afternoon, or by ridicule.
"6. The Master must keep a regular catalogue of his scholars and
mark every day they are absent.
"7. The forenoons of Wednesday and Saturday to be set apart for
Religious Instruction; to render it agreeable the school should be
furnished with at least ten copies of Barrows' 'Questions on the New
Testament,' and the Teacher to have one copy of the key to these
questions for his own use; the teacher should likewise have a copy
of Murray's 'Power of Religion on the Mind,' Watkin's 'Scripture
Biography,' and Blair's 'Class Book,' the Saturday Lessons of which
are well-calculated to impress religious feeling.
"Note.--These books are confined to no religious denomination, and
do not prevent the Masters from teaching such Catechism as the
parents of the children may adopt.
"8. Every day to close with reading publicly a few verses from the
New Testament, proceeding regularly through the Gospels.
"9. The afternoons of Wednesday and Saturday to be allowed for play.
"10. A copy of these Rules to be affixed up in some conspicuous
place in the School-room, and to be read publicly to the Scholars
every Monday morning by the Teacher."
No doubt much good teaching was done in schools nominally governed by
similar codes of instruction. The teacher is always the real force in a
school and good teachers are never slaves to mechanical rules.
These "rules," however, suggest a form of punishment that was largely
used in those days even by good teachers and has not yet been wholly
banished from the schoolroom--ridicule. Here we see it offered as an
improvement upon corporal punishment. It may have had its advantages
over the brutal punishments sometimes inflicted in the old days, but I
think Dr. Johnson was right in saying that a reasonably severe corporal
punishment was better for both teacher and pupil than either "nagging"
or ridicule. No doubt the systems of Bell and Lancaster were responsible
for the use recommended of ridicule in the Niagara District in 1820.
One important Bill, "An Act to Provide for the Advancement of
Education,"[54] became law during the session of 1839. This Bill set
apart 250,000 acres of waste lands for the support of District Grammar
Schools, made provision for additional schools in districts where they
were needed, and provided for the erection of new buildings and
assistant masters. The Bill also placed the revenue and management of
these schools under the Council of King's College. In this way King's
College, Upper Canada College, and the District Grammar Schools--all the
machinery of higher education--were brought under central authority.
[54] See Journals of Legislature of Upper Canada for 1839. Legislative
Library, Toronto. See also copy of bill in D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 170,
171.
From a careful reading of a despatch[55] sent by Sir George Arthur to
the Colonial Office, in connection with the Act referred to above, it
seems quite clear that the land grant of 250,000 acres now set apart for
District Grammar Schools was the balance of the original 549,217 acres
granted by the Crown in 1798 for the endowment of Free Grammar Schools
and a University. Thus, after forty years, the intentions of the Crown
regarding Grammar Schools were to be realized. But only in part, because
the Act of 1839 did not make the Grammar Schools free.
[55] Reprinted in D. H. E. See Vol. III., pp. 173-183.
It was confidently hoped by many of the King's College Council, and
especially by the President, Rev. Dr. Strachan, that when the college
charter was amended in 1837 nothing would interfere with the immediate
execution of plans for building and opening King's College. Elaborate
plans and models of a building were prepared and sent out from England,
an architect was employed, advertisements for tenders for a building
were inserted in various newspapers, and the contract was about to be
awarded, when Sir George Arthur hurriedly convened the Council and
ordered an investigation into the finances of the College.
His suspicions had evidently been awakened by some returns on College
affairs presented in response to an Address by the Assembly. The report
of the special audit committee[56] appointed by the Council revealed a
startling condition of affairs and incidentally a strong argument
against allowing any body or corporation to handle public funds without
an annual audit by someone responsible to Parliament.
[56] See proceedings of King's College Council, 1837-1840.
The Bursar, the Hon. Joseph Wells, a prominent member of the Legislative
Council, had diverted to his own use and that of his needy friends some
L6,374, and the sum of L4,312 had been loaned to the President, Dr.
Strachan. There was in use a very primitive system[57] of book-keeping,
and on the whole just such management as might have been expected from
the close corporation which had, up to 1837, made up the King's College
Council. There was also much mismanagement of the financial affairs of
Upper Canada College. These revelations delayed building operations
until 1842.
[57] See Report of T. C. Patrick, Vol. II., manuscript Minutes King's
College Council, pp. 68-73.
On December 3rd, 1839, the last session of the Legislature of Upper
Canada was opened by Charles Poulett Thompson, afterwards Lord Sydenham.
A Bill was passed granting a charter to the "University of Kingston."
When the Bill was introduced into the Assembly, the name was to be the
"University of Queen's College."[58] Why the change was made does not
seem very clear, but perhaps it was because the promoters of the Bill
were not certain that Her Majesty had given her consent to the use of
her name in the Act. The Act placed the College largely under the
control of the Presbyterian Church and wholly under control of
Presbyterians, but no religious tests were to be exacted from students
or graduates except in Divinity. The 15th section of the charter
authorized the representative of Her Majesty in Canada to pay from the
revenues of King's College a sum sufficient to establish a Chair in
Divinity. This arrangement doubtless was the result of a despatch from
the Colonial Office some years previous to the effect that any
modification of King's College charter should provide for a Divinity
Professor of the Church of Scotland. Some readers of the present day may
ask, Why not also for other religious denominations--Methodists,
Baptists, and Congregationalists? The answer is simple. The Churches of
England and Scotland were national churches in Great Britain and
Ireland. The Anglican Church in Canada in 1840 claimed to be an
Established Church, and as the Clergy Reserve controversy was then
unsettled, her claim had reasonable expectation of realization. Had her
claim been allowed, it would have strengthened any claim the
Presbyterian Church might have made also to rank as an Established
Church.
[58] See D. H. E., Vol. III., Chap. XVI., pp. 284-299.
This Canadian charter to the "University of Kingston" was cancelled by
the Crown with the consent of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, and a
Royal Charter issued to the "University of Queen's College." By this
Royal Charter, Queen's lost the Divinity Professorship which, by the
Canadian charter, was to be established out of King's College
foundation. The Crown had power to grant a charter but no power to
interfere with the funds of King's College, which were subject to the
Canadian Legislature.
The Commission[59] appointed by the Legislature in 1839 to prepare a
report[60] on education gave a comprehensive account of the condition of
schools, but without throwing much new light upon them. The total number
of pupils in the District Grammar Schools was still about 300, but the
number in the Common Schools was estimated at 24,000, or about one in
eighteen of the total population. As to the nature of the schools
attended by these 24,000, there is abundant evidence to prove that they
were very inefficient. The Rev. Robt. McGill, of Niagara, says: "I know
the qualifications of nearly all the Common School teachers in this
district, and I do not hesitate to say that there is not more than one
in ten fully qualified to instruct the young in the humblest
department." The London District Board for 1839 says: "The Masters
chosen by the Common School Trustees are often ignorant men, barely
acquainted with the rudiments of education and, consequently, jealous of
any school superior to their own."[61]
[59] The members were: Rev. John McCaul, Rev. Henry Grasett and
Secretary Harrison.
[60] See D. H. E., Vol. III., pp. 243-283. Also Appendix to Journals of
Assembly for 1840.
[61] See D. H. E., Vol. III., p. 266.
The Grammar Schools had been gradually improving since their
establishment, but were still very far from supplying the real needs of
the people. They had no uniformity in course of study or textbooks, and
were under no inspection. In fact, lack of supervision was the weakest
spot in the whole school system.
Lord Durham, in his famous Report,[62] refers to education in Upper
Canada thus: "A very considerable portion of the Province has neither
roads, post offices, mills, schools, nor churches. The people may raise
enough for their own subsistence and may even have a rude and
comfortless plenty, but they can seldom acquire wealth; nor can even
wealthy landowners prevent their children from growing up ignorant and
boorish, and from occupying a far lower mental, moral and social
position than they themselves fill.... Even in the most thickly peopled
districts there are but few schools, and those of a very inferior
character; while the more remote settlements are almost entirely without
any."
[62] See Lord Durham's Report, p. 66.
The Committee recommended better salaries, normal schools for training
teachers, British textbooks, an Inspector-General of Education, and a
Provincial Board of School Commissioners. Looking at the matter
three-quarters of a century later, we can see that really good schools
were not then immediately possible. Schools, like everything else,
cannot be created at command. They are the result of evolution. Upper
Canada College illustrates this. Expensive buildings were erected and
capable masters secured in England, and yet the school was not really
efficient for many years. The country was largely a wilderness. The
people were comparatively poor and their first care was to provide the
necessities of life. The sad side to the picture is that there was among
the mass of the people so little real interest in education and so
little appreciation of its worth. People will never struggle to acquire
that of which they feel no need. It seems quite clear, too, that the
struggle for civil and religious freedom and equality hindered the
development of a good school system. The latter could scarcely be
possible before the former had triumphed. The natural leaders of the
people and those who by superior attainments and education were fitted
for leadership were straining every nerve and mustering every known
resource to overthrow a corrupt oligarchy. Even among the spiritual
leaders of the people there was no unity of purpose. Instead of working
shoulder to shoulder with one another for the moral and intellectual
growth of their people, they were in many cases sapping their strength
through acrimonious and recriminating discussions of state church,
sectarianism, Clergy Reserves, endowment and grants. When once it was
finally settled that Upper Canada was to have responsible government and
that all races and all creeds were to enjoy equal civil, religious and
political rights, it was much easier to lay a solid foundation for the
development of efficient schools.
To this nothing contributed more than the Municipal Act of 1841. It
supplied the necessary local machinery, working in harmony and in close
connection with a central government. It seemed to leave almost
everything to local initiative and local control, thus appealing to
local patriotism. In reality it gave a central authority power to direct
by laying down broad general principles, and it stirred up a maximum of
local self-effort by distributing Provincial grants.
Sydenham's first Speech from the Throne to the Legislature of the United
Canadas in 1841 referred to the necessity of a better system of Common
Schools. During the session the Legislature passed an elaborate Act for
this purpose, and although it proved not to be of a practical nature it
showed an earnest desire on the part of the Legislature to improve the
Common Schools. The Act appropriated L50,000 per year to be distributed
among the Common Schools in proportion to the number of pupils between 5
and 16 years of age in each district. It provided a Superintendent of
Education for the United Canadas and prescribed his duties. It
established popularly-elected Township Boards and passed certain rates
to be assessed on the ratepayers.
The most significant feature of the Bill was that it contained the germ
which later developed into our elaborate system of Separate Schools.
Early in the session, forty petitions were presented asking that the
Bible be used in the schools. There was also a petition from Rev. Dr.
Strachan and the Anglican clergy asking that Anglican children be
educated by their own pastors and that they receive a share of public
funds for support of their schools. The Roman Catholics also petitioned
against some principles of the Common School Bill then before the House.
These things will probably explain why the Bill as passed contained a
clause allowing any number of dissentients (not necessarily Roman
Catholics) in Township Schools to withdraw and form a school of their
own, and also a clause which created for cities and incorporated towns a
School Board, half of whom were Protestant and half of whom were Roman
Catholic. The Catholics and Protestants might work together and maintain
schools in common, or they might constitute themselves into separate
committees, each committee virtually controlling its own schools.
Thus we see that while the Assembly were fighting to break down a system
of sectarianism in university education, they were introducing into the
Common Schools a policy that led to divisions on account of religion.
During the session of 1841, the Upper Canada Academy at Cobourg secured
incorporation as Victoria College with university powers, and also a
grant of L500, which later was made annual. Here, too, the Legislature
was granting public money to a sectarian institution, although it should
be noted that no religious tests were to be exacted of any students, and
that five public officers, the President of the Executive Council, the
Speakers of the two branches of the Legislature, and the
Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General for Canada West were to be
_ex-officio_ visitors and members of the Victoria College Senate.
Early in 1842, Queen's University was opened for the reception of
students. Later in the same year the corner-stone of King's College was
laid with imposing ceremony by Sir Charles Bagot, the Governor-General.
In 1843 the King's College professors began lectures. This gave three
colleges with university powers in active operation in Upper Canada in
1843.
In May, 1842, the Governor-General appointed the Hon. Robert Jameson,
Vice-Chancellor of Upper Canada, to be Chief Superintendent of
Education, and the Rev. Robert Murray, of Oakville, to be Assistant
Superintendent for Upper Canada. Mr. Murray was a scholarly gentleman,
but possessed no special qualifications for so important an office. It
seems probable that as early as 1841 Sydenham had some thought of
giving the position to Ryerson. It also seems probable that Sir Charles
Bagot knew of this and had some communication with Ryerson in respect to
it. It is more than likely that Ryerson had been too active, both in
opposing the arbitrary acts of the Legislative Council and in promoting
the interests of his own Church, to be readily acceptable to His
Excellency's Council, nearly all of whom were Churchmen.
It was soon discovered that the Common School Act of 1841 could never be
put into operation. It had only a single merit--good intentions. In 1843
it was decided to amend it and enact a separate Bill for Upper and Lower
Canada. That for Upper Canada was introduced by Hon. Francis Hincks.
Speaking of the Bill[63] he says: "The principle adopted in the School
Bill of 1843 is this: The Government pays a certain amount to each
Township--the property in that Township pays an equal amount; or if the
Councillors elected by the people choose it, double the amount. This
forms the School Fund, which is divided among the school districts, the
Trustees of which raise the balance of the teacher's salary by a Rate
Bill on the parents of the children. The system is as simple as it is
just.... In framing this system, gentlemen, you will observe that, as
in all other instances, the late Ministry have divested the grant of all
local patronage. Everything has been left to the people themselves; and
I feel perfectly convinced that they will prove themselves capable of
managing their own affairs in a more satisfactory manner than any
Government Boards of Education or visiting Superintendents could do for
them.
[63] See "Reminiscences of His Public Life," by Sir Francis Hincks, pp.
175-177. Library of Parliament, Canada.
"The new School Act provides also for the establishment in each Township
of a Model School--the teacher of which is to receive a larger share
than others of the School Fund, provided he gives gratuitous instruction
to the other teachers in the Township, under such regulations as may be
established.
"There is also provision for a Model School in each county, on a similar
plan, but, of course, of a higher grade. It is left to the people
themselves or their representatives in the several municipalities, to
establish these Model Schools or not, as they deem expedient. But it is
provided that as soon as a Provincial Normal School shall be in
operation (and the system will never be complete without one) the
teachers of the Model Schools must have certificates of qualification
from the professors of the Normal School."
This Act of 1843 is much more elaborate in its provisions than any
preceding legislation affecting Common Schools in Upper Canada. It
provided for county superintendents appointed by wardens and for
township, town or city superintendents appointed by the municipal
council. It would seem that in many points the duties of these two
classes of superintendents would conflict, as both were allowed to
examine and appoint teachers, and both were to visit schools. Every
section was to have a Board of Trustees elected by ratepayers, and to
these trustees was given charge of school property and the regulation of
course of study, including choice of textbooks. It would seem that full
local control was given except in the matter of certificating teachers
and regulating the government grant.
Either Protestants or Roman Catholics might petition for a Separate
School on the application of ten or more resident freeholders, but such
schools when established were maintained and controlled by the same
machinery as other schools. Model Schools were to receive a larger grant
from the Legislature. A county superintendent could issue unlimited or
limited certificates, but all certificates issued by a township, town,
or city superintendent were limited to the division in which they were
issued and were valid for one year only.
The marked weaknesses of the Act may be summed up as follows:--
1. Possible conflict of authority between county and local
superintendents.
2. No uniformity of course of study or textbooks.
3. No accepted standard of qualification for teachers.
4. No method provided for training of teachers, as a Normal School was
merely suggested, and Model Schools were optional.
5. No provision made to secure competent local superintendents. Any man
might be appointed.
But with all its deficiencies the School Bill of 1843 was a proof that
the Legislature earnestly desired to promote elementary education. It
was, no doubt, felt by many public men, and especially by the Governor,
that no man was so well qualified as Ryerson to direct that system at
headquarters. To pave the way for Ryerson's appointment, Rev. Robert
Murray was made Professor of Mathematics in King's College, and in
September, 1844, Ryerson became Assistant Superintendent of Education
for Upper Canada. He was to have leave of absence for travel and for
investigation into the school systems of Europe.
As events proved, Ryerson's appointment as Superintendent of Education
soon bore fruit in a more efficient system of Common Schools. But
university affairs were still in a state of chaos.
The amendments to the charter of King's College made in 1837 were
disappointingly unfruitful of any practical changes. The College
remained in charge of Anglicans, and was in reality, if not in a legal
sense, a Church of England institution. The question may naturally be
asked, why did the legislation of 1837 not effect greater changes? The
answer is simple. In 1837 the seat of government was at Toronto, and the
five _ex-officio_ Government officers could easily attend meetings of
King's College Council. But after the Act of Union in 1841 the seat of
government was moved first to Kingston and later to Montreal. It then
became wholly impossible for the five lay members of King's College to
attend regular meetings in Toronto. The result was that the affairs of
King's College remained practically in the hands of the president and
professors, who made no real efforts to adapt the College to the needs
of the people of Upper Canada. Bishop Strachan, the President, could not
forget his original plans in securing the charter, and was still trying
to realize them as far as possible. In a petition which he presented to
Parliament in 1845 against the Draper University Bill, he makes his real
object very clear. He says: "Above all things, I claim from the
endowment the means of educating my clergy. This was my chief object in
obtaining the Royal Charter and the Endowment of King's College; ... and
was indeed the most valuable result to be anticipated by the
institution.... This is a point which never can be given up, and to
which I believe the faith of Government is unreservedly pledged."[64] As
time went on and the history of the Royal grant of 1798 came to be more
fully discussed and understood, the determination of the people grew
more and more fixed to secure such modifications in the King's College
Charter as would make it a national instead of a sectarian institution.
[64] See D. H. E., Vol. V., p. 137.
The proposal of Baldwin, introduced in 1843, was statesmanlike, and
although it failed to pass owing to the early resignation of his
Ministry, it is interesting because it outlined in part the principles
upon which the University question was finally settled. The Bill
proposed to create a University of Toronto, and leave King's College as
a theological seminary without power to confer degrees. Queen's,
Victoria, and Regiopolis[65] were to become affiliated in connection
with Toronto University, and were to surrender their powers to confer
degrees. In return they were to receive certain grants from the King's
College endowment. Toronto University was to become the only
degree-conferring power in Upper Canada. Baldwin had the Governor's
consent to bring in this Bill, and had his Ministry remained in power
it would doubtless have passed. The Bill had the active support of
Queen's and Victoria, and the bitter opposition of Dr. Strachan.[66]
[65] Regiopolis, a Roman Catholic college incorporated by the
Legislature in 1837, had not, at this time, degree-conferring powers.
[66] See his petition presented to House of Assembly, 1843, against
Bill.
Dr. Ryerson summed up the whole situation in a reply to an eloquent and
very able argument of Hon. W. H. Draper, who appeared at the Bar of the
House of Assembly as Counsel of King's College Council, in opposition to
the Bill. Dr. Ryerson concludes as follows: "The lands by which King's
College has been so munificently endowed, were set apart nearly fifty
years ago (in compliance with an application in 1797 of the Provincial
Legislature) for the promotion of Education in Upper Canada. This was
the object of the original appropriation of those lands--a noble grant,
not to the Church of England, but to the people of Upper Canada. In 1827
Doctor Strachan, by statements and representations against which the
House of Assembly of Upper Canada protested again and again, got 225,944
acres of these lands applied to the endowment of the Church of England
College. Against such a partial application and perversion of the
original Provincial objects of that Royal grant the people of Upper
Canada protested; the Charter of King's College was amended to carry out
the original object of the Grant; the general objects of the amended
Charter have been defeated by the manner in which it has been
administered, and the University Bill is introduced to secure their
accomplishment; and the Council of King's College employ an advocate to
perpetuate their monopoly. The reader can, therefore, easily judge who
is the faithful advocate and who is the selfish perverter of the most
splendid educational endowment that was ever made for any new
country.... I argue for no particular University Bill; but I contend
upon the grounds of right and humanity, that Presbyterians, Methodists
and all others ought to participate equally with the Episcopalians in
the educational advantages and endowments that have been derived from
the sale of lands, which, pursuant to an application from the Provincial
Legislature, were set apart in 1797 by the Crown for the support of
Education in Upper Canada."[67]
[67] See D. H. E., Vol. V., pp. 49-59.
In looking back upon the situation from our vantage-ground, covering a
lapse of nearly three-quarters of a century, we may marvel that all
parties were not ready to compromise upon the basis of a purely secular
and national university. But secular, state-owned colleges are a very
modern growth, and few men among our grandfathers had the courage to
champion such institutions. An educational institution without some
religious basis had uncanny associations. Therefore, it is not a matter
for surprise that many good men were prepared to mutilate the University
Endowment of Upper Canada, and dissipate it among sectarian colleges.
Such, to a large degree, would have been the result had the Draper Bill
of 1845 become law.
The Draper Government made a further attempt to settle the vexed
question in 1846. John A. Macdonald (afterwards Sir John A. Macdonald)
made another unsuccessful attempt in 1847. The Hon. Robert Baldwin then
became Premier, and after securing the Report of a Commission on
University Affairs, he introduced and passed a University Bill in 1849.
This Act has been many times amended, but the final result has been to
preserve for the people of Upper Canada the University Endowment, and to
remove from the management every semblance of sectarian control. The
University has become the property and the pride of all classes,
irrespective of race, politics, or religion.
CHAPTER V.
_RYERSON'S FIRST REPORT ON A SYSTEM OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION._
"The true greatness of a people does not consist in borrowing nothing
from others, but in borrowing from all whatever is good, and in
perfecting whatever it appropriates."--_M. Cousin._
This quotation from the eminent Frenchman admirably illustrates the
spirit of Ryerson's first Report[68] and the draft of proposed
legislation accompanying it. His Report contains comparatively little
that is original, being made up of ninety per cent. of quotations from
Horace Mann's Report and from reports of eminent European statesmen and
educators. And yet the Report is none the less valuable because of the
quotations, nor does a reading of it tend to lessen one's respect for
the writer. On the contrary, the aptness of the quotations and the
skilful way in which Ryerson marshals his proofs, show his statesmanship
and genius for organization. He saw enough during his European and
American tours of investigation to convince him that Canada could, with
profit to herself, borrow many things from other peoples. His shrewd
common sense and intimate first-hand knowledge of Canadian conditions
told him exactly what ought to be done, and he wisely allowed others to
tell in his Report their own stories. His position was that of a skilled
advocate bringing forth witness after witness to give evidence to the
soundness of his theories.
[68] See "Report on a System of Public Elementary Instruction for Upper
Canada," by Egerton Ryerson, published 1847, consisting of 191 pages.
_Note._--Unless otherwise specified, all quotations in this Chapter are
from the above report.
He sets out by defining education, and although his definition is not
scientific in a psychological sense, it is essentially correct--it
points to the school as an agency to promote good citizenship. "By
education I mean not the mere acquisition of certain arts or of certain
branches of knowledge, but that instruction and discipline which qualify
and dispose the subjects of it for their appropriate duties and
employments of life, as Christians, as persons of business, and also as
members of the civil community in which they live."
Ryerson then points out that in Upper Canada the education of the masses
has been sacrificed to the education of a select class. He wishes to see
a system of universal education adapted to the needs of the country.
"The branches of knowledge which it is essential that all should
understand should be provided for all, and taught to all; should be
brought within the reach of the most needy and forced upon the attention
of the most careless. The knowledge required for the scientific pursuit
of mechanics, agriculture, and commerce must needs be provided to an
extent corresponding with the demand and the exigencies of the country;
while to a more limited extent are needed facilities for acquiring the
higher education of the learned professions." The Report sets forth a
great array of proof drawn from the United States, Britain, Switzerland,
Germany, and other European countries, to show that the productive
capacity of the people, their morality and intelligence, are in direct
proportion to their schools and institutions of learning. Ryerson lays
down as fundamental that any system adopted for Upper Canada must be
universal in the sense of giving elementary instruction to all and
practical in the sense of fitting for the duties of life in a young
country. He goes to considerable trouble to show that in his view the
practical includes religion and morality, as well as a development of
the merely intellectual powers.
Ryerson was no narrow ecclesiastic, but still he could conceive of no
sound system of elementary instruction that did not provide for the
teaching of the essential truths of Christianity. He was decidedly not
in favour of secular schools or secular colleges. And yet he believed
that religious instruction in mixed classes was possible, and pointed
out in his Report how it might be conducted. He made a very sharp
distinction between religion and dogma, between the essential truths of
Christianity and sectarianism. Dogma and sectarian teaching, in his
opinion, had no place in schools except in those where all the pupils
were of a common religious faith. What he pleads for in his Report is
the recognition of Christianity as a basis of all instruction, and the
teaching of as much of the Bible as could be given without offending any
sectarian prejudices. "To teach a child the dogmas and spirit of a Sect,
before he is taught the essential principles of Religion and Morality,
is to invert the pyramid, to reverse the order of nature,--to feed with
the bones of controversy instead of with the nourishing milk of Truth
and Charity.... I can aver from personal experience and practice, as
well as from a very extended enquiry on this subject, that a much more
comprehensive course of Biblical and Religious instruction can be given
than there is likely to be opportunity for doing so in Elementary
Schools, without any restraint on the one side or any tincture of
sectarianism on the other,--a course embracing the entire history of the
Bible, its institutions, cardinal doctrines and morals, together with
the evidences of its authenticity." The Report goes on to show how from
Ryerson's viewpoint the absence of religious teaching in the schools of
the American Union was having a damaging effect upon the moral fibre of
the national life. He further illustrated by reference to what he saw in
France, Germany, and Ireland, how religious instruction might be given
without causing any denominational friction or unpleasantness.
After defining the aim and scope of a national system of education, and
giving it a religious foundation, the Report outlines the subjects that
should be taught in Elementary Schools, and illustrates in almost every
case how these several subjects should be presented. While the basis of
the instruction proposed is the three R's--reading, including spelling;
'riting, and 'rithmetic--yet it is remarkable to what an extent Ryerson
proposed to go in "enriching" the Common School programme. Indeed, as
one reads the Report he is inclined to repeat the old adage: "There is
nothing new under the sun." Almost every subject introduced into Ontario
schools during the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and many
which yet, in the twentieth century, seem to have an insecure foothold,
and are by many denominated "fads," were included by Ryerson in his
memorable Report of 1846, and the arguments he uses in favour of their
adoption would not seem out of place if used by an advanced educator of
the present day. He pleads for music, drawing, history, civics,
inductive geography, inductive grammar teaching, concrete number work,
oral instruction, mental arithmetic, nature study, experimental science,
book-keeping, agriculture, physical training, hygiene, and even
political economy. He illustrates some German methods of teaching
reading that many Ontario teachers fondly think were originated in their
own country.
Ryerson from Canada, Horace Mann from Massachusetts, Sir Kay
Shuttleworth from England, besides many others, about this time paid
visits to Prussia, and went home to recommend the adoption of much that
they saw. These men were acute observers. They recognized that the
Germans had learned something that was not generally known by other
teachers. How are we to explain it? Had the German teachers by accident
blundered upon better _methods_ of teaching than were practised by other
nations? Not so. The German methods were the natural result of the
German philosophy. The work of Herbart, Froebel, and other thinkers, was
bearing its natural fruit, and many of the improvements introduced into
the Canadian schools by Ryerson and practised by Canadian teachers,
perhaps in an empirical way, were far-away echoes of principles
laboriously worked out by German scholars.
Ryerson's remarks on teaching Biography and Civil Government seem almost
like an echo from some modern school syllabus. "Individuals preceded
nations. The picture of the former is more easily comprehended than that
of the latter, and is better adapted to awaken the curiosity and
interest the feeling of the child. Biography should, therefore, form the
principal topic of elementary history; and the great periods into which
it is naturally and formally divided,--and which must be distinctly
marked,--should be associated with the names of some distinguished
individual or individuals. The life of an individual often forms the
leading feature of the age in which he lived and will form the best
nucleus around which to collect, in the youthful mind, the events of an
age, or the history of a period.... Every pupil should know something of
the Government and Institutions and Laws under which he lives, and with
which his rights and interests are so closely connected. Provision
should be made to teach in our Common Schools an outline of the
principles and constitution of our Government; the nature of our
institutions; the duties which they require; the manner of fulfilling
them; some notions of our Civil, and especially our Criminal Code."
The second part of Ryerson's Report is wholly concerned with the
machinery of a System of Public Elementary Instruction for Upper Canada.
The Report, after giving an outline of the various classes of schools
in France and Germany, recommends for Canada a system as
follows:--Common or Primary Schools for every section of a township;
District Model Schools, which would correspond with the German Real or
Trade Schools; District Grammar Schools, which would correspond with the
German Higher Burgher Schools and Gymnasia; and, completing all, one or
more Provincial Universities. The Report also suggested that as
Districts became more populous each would in time be able to support,
say three Model Schools, and these might specialize, one training for
agriculture, another for commercial life, and a third for mechanical or
industrial life.
Normal Schools were also recommended for the training of teachers, and
elaborate arguments set forth showing their benefits. The example of
France, Germany, Ireland, and the United States is quoted to show how
these schools would secure better teachers, and that better teachers
would mean better schools. Ryerson believed that Normal Schools would
elevate teaching to the rank of a profession. He believed that the
people were intelligent enough to choose good teachers in preference to
poor ones if the good ones were at hand. He also pointed out how a good
teacher would be able to economize the child's time and advance him much
faster than an indifferent teacher.
The Report then deals with the subject of textbooks. We need to remember
that in Upper Canada at this time there was no control of textbooks.
Each local Board or each teacher made a selection. In the majority of
cases the matter regulated itself. Pupils used what they could get. With
many of the people, a book was a book, and one was as good as another.
The utmost confusion prevailed. There had been many complaints that some
of the books used were American and anti-British in tone. By 1846 the
enterprise of Canadian publishers had driven out many of the American
texts, but in some districts they were still in common use.[69] In
reference to this, Ryerson says: "The variety of textbooks in the
schools, and the objectionable character of many of them, is a subject
of serious and general complaint. All classification of the pupils is
thereby prevented; the exertions of the best teacher are in a great
measure paralyzed; the time of the scholars is almost wasted; and
improper sentiments are often inculcated." The Report suggests that this
matter must be under central control and not left to any local board or
district superintendent. To fully appreciate the importance of this
matter we need to remember that books meant more sixty years ago than
they do to-day in any system of instruction. The better the teacher the
less he is dependent upon a book, especially in such subjects as
arithmetic, grammar, geography, or history. But in 1846 the teachers
were in many cases wholly helpless without books. A boy went to school
to "mind his book." Rote learning, working problems by a rule laid down
in the book, studying printed questions and answers, were largely what
was meant by "schooling." Bad as such a system was, its evils were
increased when the books were especially unsuitable. Ryerson praised
very highly the series in use in the National Schools of Ireland, and
later he introduced them into Canada.
[69] A Report made to the Education Office, for 1846, shows that there
were in use in Upper Canada schools 13 Spelling, 107 Reading, 35
Arithmetic, 20 Geography, 21 History, and 16 Grammar texts, besides 53
different texts in various other subjects.
Public men in Upper Canada who took an interest in education had long
recognized that the Common Schools were sadly in need of a stronger
central control, and some system of inspection. But how to secure these
safeguards and yet not destroy the principle of local control was no
easy problem to solve. The township superintendents were not educators.
They often were intelligent men, but as a class were without any
knowledge of how to guide schools or inspire teachers to nobler things.
They received from L10 to L20 a year for their services, which sum was
as good as wasted. The Act of 1841, and that of 1843, had made
provision for local superintendents of education, and had also defined
their duties, but the Act had made no provision to secure the due
performance of their orders. They were without power except such as the
District and Township Boards voluntarily allowed them to assume. They
might make suggestions and give advice, but with that their legal
functions were at an end.
When M. Cousin, in 1836, visited Holland to examine into the system of
primary instruction in that country, the Dutch Commissioner who had
founded the system said to him: "Be watchful in the choice of your
inspectors; they are the men who ought to be sought for with a lantern
in the hand." Ryerson recognized the truth of this, and in his Report
laid it down as essential to any efficient system.
His report on the control that should be exercised directly by the
Government I shall quote entire.
"(1) To see that the Legislative grants are faithfully and judiciously
expended according to the intentions of the Legislature; that the
conditions on which the appropriations have been made are in all cases
duly fulfilled.
"(2) To see that the general principles of the law as well as the
objects of its appropriations are in no instance contravened.
"(3) To prepare the regulations which relate to the general character
and management of the schools, and the qualifications and character of
the teachers, leaving the employment of them to the people and a large
discretion as to modes of teaching.
"(4) To provide or recommend books from the catalogue of which Trustees
or Committees may be enabled to select suitable ones for the use of
their schools.
"(5) To prepare and recommend suitable plans of school-houses and their
furniture and appendages as one of the most important subsidiary means
of securing good schools--a subject upon which it is intended by me, on
a future occasion, to present a special report.
"(6) To employ every constitutional means to excite a spirit of
intellectual activity and enquiry, and to satisfy it as far as possible
by aiding in the establishment and selection of school libraries and
other means of diffusing useful knowledge.
"(7) Finally and especially, to see that an efficient system of
inspection is exercised over all the schools. This involves the
examination and licensing of teachers, visiting the schools, discovering
errors and suggesting remedies as to the organization, classification
and methods of teaching in the schools, giving counsel and instruction
as to their management, carefully examining the pupils, animating
teachers, trustees and parents by conversations and addresses, whenever
practicable, imparting vigour by every available means to the whole
school system. What the Government is to the system and what the teacher
is to the school, the local inspector or superintendent of schools
should be within the limits of his district."
This plan made the Local Superintendent responsible for the examination
and licensing of teachers according to regulations laid down by the
Department. With this important exception it will be seen that the
functions of the Government as exercised through the Department of
Education are substantially the same to-day as they were outlined in
Ryerson's first report.
The concluding part of the report dealt with what Ryerson called
"Individual Efforts," and under this heading he said some very sensible
things. He emphasized the importance of parents taking an interest in
the school, of clergymen and magistrates visiting the school, of good
school libraries, of Teachers' Institutes, of debating clubs, and of
every agency that would assist in stimulating intellectual life.
CHAPTER VI.
_RYERSON'S SCHOOL BILL OF 1846._
The year 1846 will ever be memorable in the annals of school legislation
in Upper Canada, because it established the main principles upon which
all subsequent school legislation was founded. As already pointed out,
the Act of 1843 was largely a failure because it did not provide
adequate machinery for the enforcement of its provisions. No important
school legislation was undertaken during 1845 in anticipation of
Ryerson's report. After making his report, Ryerson drafted a Bill which,
with a few trifling emendations, became the Common School Act of 1846.
It will assist us to an intelligent grasp of future legislation if we
examine this Act with some care.
It first defined the duties of the Superintendent of Schools. He became
the chief executive officer of the Government in all school matters. He
was to apportion among the various District Councils (there were twenty
at this time) in proportion to the school population, the money voted by
the Legislature for the support of common schools (the total Legislative
grant for 1846 was L20,962 to 2,736 schools) and see that it was
expended according to the Act; he was to supply school officers with all
necessary forms for making school returns and keep them posted as to
school regulations; he was to discourage unsuitable books as texts and
for school libraries and to recommend the use of uniform and approved
texts; he was to assume a general direction of the Normal School when it
became established; he was to prepare and recommend plans for
school-houses, with proper furniture; he was to encourage school
libraries, and finally he was to diffuse information generally on
education and submit an annual report to the Governor-General.
The Act established the first General Board of Education.[70] It was to
consist of the Superintendent of Education and six other members
appointed by the Governor-General. This Board was to manage the Normal
School, to authorize texts for schools and to aid the Superintendent
with advice upon any subject which he should submit to it.
[70] The one in existence from 1823 to 1833 was not established by
Parliament but by the Lieutenant-Governor by the authority of the
Imperial Government.
The Act provided for a Normal and Model School. It required each
Municipal District Council to appoint a Superintendent of Schools. No
qualification was fixed for the District Superintendent. It would have
been useless to do so, because there were no men technically qualified
for such positions. The only thing to do was trust to the District
Council to choose the best man available. The District Municipal Council
was also instructed to levy upon the rateable property of the District a
sum for support of schools at least equal to the Legislative grant. They
were to divide each township, town or city into numbered school
sections. They were also given power by by-law to levy rates upon any
school section for the purchase of school sites, erection of school
buildings or teachers' residences in that section.
The District Superintendents became very important officers, and upon
their learning, zeal, integrity and tact must have depended much of the
success or failure of the schools of this period. They were required to
apportion the District School Fund, consisting of the Legislative grant
and Municipal levy, among the various school sections in proportion to
the number of children between five and sixteen years of age resident in
the section, and pay these sums to the teacher on the proper order being
presented; to visit all schools in their Districts[71] at least once a
year and report on their progress and general condition; to advise
trustees and teachers in regard to school management; to examine
candidates for teachers' certificates, and grant licenses, either
temporary or permanent, to those who were proficient; to revoke licenses
held by incompetent or unsuitable teachers; to prevent the use of
unauthorized textbooks; and finally, to make an annual report of the
schools in their districts to the Chief Superintendent.
[71] Five Districts had, in 1846, more than 200 schools each, the
average for the Province being 155 schools for each District.
The Act declared that all Clergymen, Judges of the District Court,
Wardens, Councillors and Justices of the Peace were to be school
visitors, with the right to visit any school or schools in their
districts except Separate Schools. They were given authority to question
pupils, conduct examinations and advise the teachers, or make reports to
the District Superintendent. They were especially charged with the duty
of encouraging school libraries. One remarkable power was conferred upon
them. Any two school visitors of a district were allowed to examine a
candidate for a teacher's license and grant such license if they saw fit
for a term not exceeding one year in a specified school.
There are two simple explanations[72] of this clause in Ryerson's School
Act. He may have wished to interest school visitors in the schools by
giving them some power. He may have wished to create a local power to
act in an emergency if a school became vacant through any cause during a
school term. In many cases the Superintendent lived fifty to
seventy-five miles from the remote corners of his District, and with the
primitive means of communication in use at that time, it was an
advantage to have some local body with authority to license teachers.
[72] Ryerson also gives as a reason his desire to make a gradual
transition from the old system of license by Township Boards to the new
plan of granting licenses only by the District Superintendent. See D. H.
E., Vol. VII., P. 155.
It is a matter for regret that at the present time the various officials
mentioned here as school visitors, as well as parents generally, are so
seldom seen inside the public schools. True, we now have trained
teachers, and teaching has so far become a profession that few school
visitors would care to question pupils, but the very presence in the
school-room from time to time of educated men and women, and especially
those occupying public positions, has a beneficial effect upon both
teachers and pupils. Pupils feel that the work of the school must be
important if it is worthy of the attention of busy and successful men.
Teachers are encouraged to make a good showing and are often hungry for
the few words of sympathy and encouragement that would naturally
accompany such visits. The school can never fully realize its function
as a social institution unless the best citizens take an active interest
in it. This was uppermost in Ryerson's mind when he penned that part of
his report relating to individual efforts in promoting the welfare of
the school.[73]
[73] See Report in D. H. E., Vol. VI., p. 208.
The Act of 1846 defined in detail how school trustees were to be
elected. In all previous Acts the whole Trustee Board was elected
annually. This gave to the Board no continuity of corporate life. One
Trustee Board might have certain plans and make a certain bargain with a
teacher. The new Board might have different plans and repudiate the
contracts of its predecessor. Ryerson's Bill solved the difficulty by
having trustees elected for three years, one to retire annually.
Trustees' duties were not materially different from those of trustees
to-day except in one or two particulars. They had to raise by a rate
bill upon parents of pupils attending school such sums as were required
over and above the two school grants for payment of the teacher's salary
and the incidental expenses of the school; they were required to make
provision by which the children of indigent parents were exempted,
wholly or in part, from school rates; and they were required to select
school books from a list sanctioned by the Department of Education. In
Ryerson's draft bill he proposed that the rate bill should be levied
upon the property of the section. This would virtually have given free
schools. The Legislature of 1846 amended this clause and made the rate
bill assessable only upon parents of children in actual attendance.
Ryerson says of these rate bills:[74] "The evils of the present system
of school rate bills have been brought under my notice from the most
populous townships and by the most experienced educationists in Canada.
When it is apprehended that the rate bill in a school section will be
high, many will not send their children to the school at all--then there
is no school; or else a few give enough to pay the teacher for three
months, including the Government grant; or even after the school has
commenced, if it be found that the school is not so large as had been
anticipated, and that those who send will consequently be required to
pay more than they had expected, parents will begin to take their
children from school in order to escape the rate bill as persons would
flee from a falling house! The consequence is that the school is either
broken up, or the whole burthen of paying the teacher falls upon the
trustees, and often as a consequence a quarrel ensues between them and
the teacher. I have been assured by the most experienced and judicious
men, with whom I have conversed on the subject, that it is impossible to
have good schools under the present rate bill system. I think the
substitute I proposed will remedy the evil. I know of none who will
object to it but the rich and the childless and the selfish. Education
is a public good; ignorance is a public evil. What affects the public
ought to be binding upon each individual composing it. In every good
government and in every good system the interests of the whole society
are obligatory upon each member of it."
[74] See D. H. E., Vol. VI., p. 76.
This rate bill, as authorized in 1846, was, however, an improvement on
the old one which was levied upon parents according to the actual time
of the child's attendance, whereas the Bill of 1846 levied a tax upon
the parents of children in actual attendance for at least two-thirds of
the whole school term, whether the children attended regularly or
irregularly.
Teachers' duties were defined by the Act much as they are to-day.
District Model Schools were authorized on the same condition as in the
Act of 1843. The clauses in the Act of 1843 relating to the formation of
Separate Roman Catholic or Protestant schools were also embodied in the
Act of 1846.
Now, what are the distinguishing features of this School Act that
reflect credit upon its author? It would be idle to pretend that there
were not in Upper Canada many able men who saw the weaknesses of the
school system as clearly as Dr. Ryerson. Ryerson's claim to distinction
rests upon the fact that he organized a system that _worked_. He not
only co-ordinated the several parts of the system, but put life into
it. This was no easy task. The people were very jealous of their power
of local control, and yet unless this local control could be subjected
to some central control, improvement was hopeless. It was here that
Ryerson did what no other man had done. He lessened local, and
strengthened central, control, and did it so gradually, so wisely, and
so tactfully, that local prejudices were soothed and in many cases the
people scarcely recognized what was being done until the thing was
accomplished. We must not suppose that all this was completed by the
legislation of 1846. It began then, but its complete evolution was the
work of a quarter-century.
If we ask through what agency Ryerson was enabled to secure this gradual
executive strength that makes our educational machinery so effective the
answer must be--the Legislative grant. The Legislature placed the grant
at the disposal of the Superintendent for him to apportion among the
Districts. Here was a lever of wonderful power, and Ryerson was quick to
perceive its possibilities. If Districts wished a grant they must
conform to certain requirements. If school sections wished a grant from
the District Superintendent, they, too, must satisfy certain
requirements as to textbooks, qualified teachers, building and
equipment.
No doubt the Prussian system gave Ryerson many hints on this subject,
but he knew that the Canadian spirit was very different from the docile
German spirit fostered by generations of benevolent paternalism. I
think, too, there can be no reasonable doubt that he received many
practical hints on this point from the workings of Her Majesty's
Committee on Education formed by the Imperial Parliament. The history of
the world presents no more significant illustration of how an outside
body may come to exercise an effective control over various kinds of
schools than is presented by the history of the schools of Great Britain
and Ireland and their control by Her Majesty's Government through
parliamentary grants.
That the leaders of Canadian public opinion in the years following 1846
saw all that was involved in Ryerson's gradual strengthening of central
control of educational affairs is made abundantly clear by the leading
editorials in the press of that period. The Toronto _Globe_, which had
been established in 1844 by the Browns, was already in 1846 the leading
exponent of advanced liberal ideas in Upper Canada. As the _Globe_ had
been bitterly opposed to Lord Metcalfe, and had resented Ryerson's
defence of him, it was not to be expected that Ryerson's appointment as
Superintendent of Education would be satisfactory to that journal, or
that his educational plans would be leniently criticised. Indeed, the
_Globe_ editor's first objection to Ryerson's Bill of 1846 was to the
great powers conferred upon the Superintendent and to the irresponsible
nature of his Commission. The following is from a _Globe_ editorial of
April 14th, 1846;[75] "We have read a draft of the new School Bill for
Upper Canada brought in by Mr. Draper. We have not been able to go over
all its claims, but it contains one objectionable principle, viz.: the
appointment and dismissal of the Superintendent is vested in the
Governor-General personally and not in the Governor-General with the
advice of his Council, as it ought to be. The whole funds from which the
school system is to derive support are raised by the people of Canada,
and the disposal of them should be subjected to the control of the House
through the Executive Council.... The powers of the Superintendent are
very great and embrace many points such as the selection of proper
books, etc. A Board of seven Commissioners to assist the Superintendent
is named, but the Governor may appoint them, or not, and the
Superintendent may take their advice, or not, and he has also power to
prevent interference at any time, for he is only to receive advice on
all measures which he may 'submit to them.' The whole of this extensive
institution, if the Bill passes, will be lodged in the Governor-General
personally and in the Superintendent, and they may work it for any
purpose that suits their views." On July 14th, 1846, the editor of the
_Globe_ again criticises the School Bill, because the Superintendent
reports to the Governor and not to the Governor-General-in-Council.
[75] See bound volume of _Globe_ in Legislative Library, Toronto.
These articles are interesting and important. Why was Ryerson's
appointment vested in the Governor and not in the Executive Council? The
answer not only throws valuable light upon the way that Ryerson himself
viewed his office and its relation to the public, but it incidentally
shows how imperfectly responsible government was established in Upper
Canada in 1846. We should gasp with astonishment in Canada to-day if it
were proposed to vest the appointment of any public officers in the
Governor-General personally. We allow our Governors no personal freedom
in the conduct of public affairs. But in 1846 that idea was not wholly
accepted. There still lingered a feeling that the Crown had certain
vaguely-defined prerogatives, which might be exercised without let or
hindrance from Councillors. And many who recognized that the British
Crown had little individual freedom of action in public affairs in
Britain could not see that the same status ought to be established for
the Crown's representative in a colony. Or, to put it in another way,
the people did not see how a colony could be self-governing without
being wholly independent.
Ryerson wished his appointment to be vested in the Governor, rather than
in the Executive Council, because he thought that by such an arrangement
he was a servant of the country and not of any political party. He
thought that a Superintendent of Education ought, like a judge, to be
placed beyond the accidents and turmoil of politics. No doubt that was
an illogical position. Indeed, time showed it to be so, and that full
recognition of the principle of responsible government required a
Minister of Education responsible directly to the Legislature. We can
only speculate as to what would have been the effect upon our schools
had Ryerson's position been looked upon as political and had he been
forced to vacate his office with every change of government. It seems
doubtful whether our schools would have improved as rapidly as they did
under the conservative, but truly progressive, policy of Ryerson.
There is abundant evidence that there were many in Upper Canada who
wished to see the position of Superintendent closely connected with
politics. A _Globe_ editorial, Jan. 6th, 1847, commenting on Ryerson's
report, says: "We expected that when our new Superintendent stepped into
his ill-gotten office he would immediately take measures to make
himself acquainted with the replies to such questions as the following:
First, the situation, condition and number of schools and school-houses
of all kinds in the Province. Second, the manner in which school
trustees, town, county and district Superintendents had discharged their
several duties. Third, the desire manifested by parents generally for
the education of their children. Fourth, the competency and efficiency
of the teachers, their salaries, etc. Fifth, the kind of school books
used, the school libraries and other apparatus for teaching. Had such
questions been proposed and answered, the Superintendent would have had
something to base a report upon. It was but natural to suppose that an
officer whose sole prospects of success are in the confidence and
co-operation of the people would have taken some steps to gain that
confidence and co-operation, that he would have been desirous by direct
communication with superintendents, trustees, experienced teachers and
influential persons in the Province of ascertaining their views and of
obtaining their suggestions as to the best means of promoting the
interests of the noble department over which he had been called to
preside. But no, it is true he was devising a system of education for
Canada, but what had the wants or wishes of the people to do with it?
The serfs must receive anything I, their lord and master, may import
from the cringing subjects of despotic monarchies. We are more and more
convinced from the examination of this report that Mr. Ryerson is not
competent for the situation which he occupies."
This is manifestly unfair. Ryerson knew from previous experience and
without any further special investigation, the answer to every one of
the five questions propounded above. In 1848, just after the
Baldwin-Lafontaine administration was formed, and before the
newly-formed ministry had met Parliament, there was more or less
discussion about dismissing Ryerson from his position as Superintendent
of Education. The _Globe_ of April 29th, 1848, says: "Will any man,
except a few of his own clique, say that Egerton Ryerson should be
Superintendent of Education under a Liberal Government? We apprehend
none. He has done nothing wrong since his appointment, it is said. We
say he has. He spent many months on the Continent of Europe and in
Britain in amusement or recreation, professing to get information about
things which every person knew already.... We have had hints of the
Prussian system being applicable to Canada and we feel convinced that
he, who sold himself to the late Administration, would have readily
brought all the youth of Canada to the same market and placed them
under the domination of an arbitrary and coercive power. He had sold
their fathers for pelf, why not sell the sons also? Was he not in league
with that party which would retain the Province in vassalage to the old
Compact which he had so heartily denounced in former times? Is he not a
member of that Methodist Committee which bargained away to a worthless
Ministry the Methodist votes for L1,500 to Victoria College? These are
most memorable events in the annals of political corruption.... But we
care not if there had been no ground for complaint since 1844. We know
that Egerton Ryerson sold himself body and spirit to Lord Metcalfe and
that he broached doctrines of the most unconstitutional kind,
threatening those who were but asking the common rights of British
subjects with the vengeance of the whole Empire. The man who holds such
views is unfit to be at the head of the country's education. He would
convert the children of the Province into the most pliable tools of an
arbitrary system."
These articles show clearly that the party press was not disposed to
judge Ryerson by his work as Superintendent of Education. They claimed
that because he championed Lord Metcalfe in 1844 he was a partizan, and
if a partizan in 1844 he must still be one in 1848.
Besides a certain amount of political prejudice, Ryerson had to overcome
the many points of friction caused by an attempt to work the Bill of
1846, and when we consider the ignorance and incompetence among those
upon whom the administration of the Act rested, and the prejudices
against the Act by many who were supremely selfish, we have to admit
that a less courageous man would have utterly failed. Many trustees
could neither read nor write. In some cases the District Municipal
Councillors who were parties to school administration were equally
ignorant. District Superintendents of schools were not always fitted for
such a responsibility. Perhaps half the whole body of teachers made up a
motley assortment of impecunious tramps. The Superintendent's report for
1847 shows that out of 2,572 schoolhouses only 133 were of brick or
stone, and that 1,399 were made of logs; 1,378 had no playground, and
only 163 were provided with water-closets. With many superintendents,
trustees, and teachers miserably incompetent, with buildings and
equipment woefully inadequate, it required a stout heart to undertake a
reformation.
Ryerson had two temperamental qualities that stood him in good stead; he
had an idealist's faith in humanity, believing that men would choose the
higher if it could once be shown them; he had besides an infinite
capacity for hard work and for taking pains. This is fully shown by the
way he met the many objections to his Bill of 1846. The bitterest
opposition came from the Council of the Gore District, now the County of
Wentworth, a District from which more progressive ideas might have been
expected. On the 10th November, 1846, this Council[76] petitioned the
Legislative Assembly against Ryerson's Bill. They objected to a
Provincial Board of Education and to a Chief Superintendent. They wished
to have re-enacted the School Bills of 1816 and 1820. Among other things
the petition says: "With respect to the necessity of establishing a
Normal, with elementary Model Schools in this Province, your
memorialists are of opinion that however well adapted such an
institution might be to the wants of the old and densely populated
countries of Europe, where service in almost every vocation will
scarcely yield the common necessaries of life, they are altogether
unsuited to a country like Upper Canada, where a young man of such
excellent character as a candidate is required to be to enter a Normal
School and having the advantage of a good education besides, need only
turn to the right hand or to the left to make his service much more
agreeable and profitable to himself, than in the drudgery of a common
school, at an average of L29 per annum [the average in Upper Canada for
1845]; nor do your memorialists hope to provide qualified teachers by
any other means in the present circumstances of the country than by
securing as heretofore the services of those whose physical disabilities
from age render this mode of obtaining a livelihood the only one suited
to their decaying energy, or by employing such of the newly-arrived
immigrants as are qualified for common school teachers, year by year as
they come amongst us, and who will adopt this as a means of temporary
support until their character and abilities are known and turned to
better account for themselves."
[76] See copy of petition in D. H. E., Vol. VII., pp. 114-116.
This petition was sent to every District Council in Upper Canada. Some
districts agreed with it, some were indifferent and some wholly opposed
its spirit. Colborne District Council took a very different attitude.
They praised the Chief Superintendent, warmly approved of a Normal
School, and found much to admire in the legislation of 1846. The
following from their report will serve as an illustration:[77] "As the
Normal and Model Schools begin to yield their legitimate fruits, and as
the blighting effects of employing men as school teachers who are
neither in manners nor in intellectual endowments much above the lowest
menials, shall press less and less heavily upon the mental and moral
habitudes of the rising generation, the great benefits to be derived
from the present Common School Act, and its immense superiority over
all former school laws of Upper Canada, will become more and more
confessed and appreciated. Already that public apathy which is the
deadliest enemy to improvement is slowly yielding to the necessity
imposed by the present school law upon the trustees and others of
acquiring extended information, of entering with a deeper interest into
all matters connected with Common Schools and of joining with school
visitors, superintendents and municipal councillors in a more active and
vigilant oversight of them."
[77] See copy of memorial in D. H. E., Vol. VII., p. 117.
Ryerson saw that public opinion must be educated. The problem was a
wider one than the education of the rising generation in the
schoolhouses. The fathers and mothers and all who made public opinion
must be awakened. This work Ryerson did in a characteristic manner. He
had been a missionary preacher of the Gospel; he now became an
educational missionary. He sent carefully-prepared circulars to
Municipal Councils, to District Superintendents, to school trustees and
to teachers. He established at his own financial risk, and without
accepting a penny of the profits for his labour, an educational journal
as a means of communication with the general public. In the autumn of
1847 he spent ten weeks in visits to the twenty-one Districts into which
Upper Canada was at that time divided. He called District Educational
Conventions, lasting each two days. To these were invited teachers,
District Superintendents, School Visitors, Municipal Councillors and the
general public. The Warden was generally secured as chairman. During the
day, Ryerson discussed the School Act and its operation. He found that
often the people had been misled and that trustees who had never made
any attempt to enforce the Act had laid the blame for their poor school
upon the Act of 1846. In almost every case a frank discussion face to
face with the parties concerned removed unreasonable prejudices and made
friends for the new Superintendent. In the evening, Ryerson gave a
public lecture. His subject in 1847 was "The Advantage of Education to
an Agricultural People." No subject could have been more appropriate to
secure the sympathy of the mass of the people and to give the lecturer
an opportunity to show what he hoped to do for Upper Canada.
CHAPTER VII.
_THE RYERSON BILL OF 1850._
The Act of 1846 provided that the Municipal Councils of Toronto and
Kingston were to have the same powers in school matters as the District
Councils. Toronto had at this time twelve school sections, each with its
own Trustee Board, and each fixing its own textbooks and course of
study. Such a system was cumbersome, wasteful, and inefficient, and the
practical mind of Ryerson devised a remedy. In 1847, the Cities and
Towns Act was passed. This Act required the Municipal Councils of cities
and towns to appoint a School Board of six members. These six, together
with the Mayor of the Corporation, had full control of all schools and
school property. They could determine the number and kind of schools and
the texts to be used, but they had no power either to levy an assessment
upon property or to collect rate bills from parents. Any funds needed by
the School Board in addition to the Legislative and Municipal grants
were to be levied upon the taxable property of the city or town by the
Municipal Council. But the Act did not say that the Municipal Council
must grant the sums asked for by the Board of Trustees. In Toronto the
Council of 1848 refused to levy the necessary assessment, and the School
Trustees were compelled to close the schools from July to December.
The Toronto _Globe_[78] declared that Ryerson was introducing a Prussian
despotism into Canada. Ryerson said that he desired nothing Prussian in
the Canadian schools except the method of schoolroom instruction, and
claimed that his new School Bill was almost a literal transcript of that
in force in the State of New York. Ryerson then set forth the chief
advantage of the new Bill, viz.: that it gave to the poor man the
_right_ to have his children, however numerous, educated, whereas the
rate bill system compelled him in many cases to claim free schooling
only on the ground of his poverty. The new School Act was to enable a
poor man to educate his children and still maintain his self-respect.
The school tax was to be levied not upon the children of the section,
but upon the real property. Ryerson concluded as follows: "Wealthy
selfishness and hatred of the education of the poor and labouring
classes may exclaim against this provision of the law, but enlightened
Christian philanthropy and true patriotism will rejoice at its
application."
[78] See editorial, Toronto _Globe_ of May 8th, 1848.
Commenting on Ryerson's letter, the following issue of the _Globe_ said:
"The Doctor makes a great fuss about the cruel position of a man who
cannot 'brook to say he was a pauper' under the old system and the
delightful and 'enlightened Christian philanthropy' of his new system
which 'places the poor man and his children upon equal footing with the
rich man and his children.' All bunkum, Dr. Ryerson. If it is hard to
have ten or fifty or one hundred scholars as paupers at present, will it
improve the matter to make the children of the common schools all
paupers? If one class keep their children away now because the schools
are above their means, and pride won't let them submit to state the fact
to a trustee, will there not hereafter be a much larger class whose
pride will prevent them sending their children to what even Dr. Ryerson
admits will be pauper schools?... Is it not melancholy that so crooked,
so visionary a man as this should be at the head of the literary
institutions of the country?"
But Ryerson was fighting for free schools. He knew that thousands of
children were growing up ignorant, especially in the large towns. He was
able to show that in the city of Toronto, out of 4,450 children of
school age in 1846, only 1,221 were on the common school registers and
that the average attendance was scarcely one thousand. Even if it were
granted that another thousand were in attendance at private and church
schools, the fact remained that not more than half the children in
Toronto were being educated.
In October, 1848, Ryerson submitted to the Government a draft School
Bill, designed to remedy the defects in the legislation of 1846-1848. In
a report[79] which he submitted with his draft Bill he says: "No law
which contemplates the removal of grovelling or selfish ignorance and
the elevation of society by means of efficient regulations and general
taxation for schools ever has been, or ever will be, popular with the
purely selfish or the listlessly ignorant. All such laws must be
sustained for a time at least by the joint influence of the Government
and the intelligent and enterprising portion of the community."
[79] See copy in D. H. E., Vol. VIII., p. 85.
The outcry against free schools and taxation of property to educate the
children of the poor showed clearly that the time had not yet come for
the realization of his plans, and Ryerson in his draft Bill restored to
towns and cities the right to impose rate bills upon parents, at the
same time declaring his faith in the ultimate triumph of free schools.
In February, 1849, Ryerson submitted additions to his draft Bill of the
previous October. Among other changes he recommended additional
Superintendents for Districts of more than 150 schools; District Boards
of Examiners who would replace the District Superintendent and school
visitors[80] in issuing teachers' certificates; Teachers' Institutes for
lectures and professional training of teachers; provision for separate
schools for coloured children; school libraries for each section, and
also township libraries; township School Boards; a School of Art and
Design, connected with the Normal School; provincial certificates for
Normal School graduates; making trustees personally responsible for a
teacher's salary; the distribution of school funds on a basis of actual
attendance, rather than on the number of children in the section; better
provision for fixing school sites; more equitable division of the
$200,000 legislative grant between Upper and Lower Canada, and provision
for the admission into the common schools of pupils from sixteen to
twenty-one years of age.
[80] The report of the Bathurst District Superintendent for 1848 showed
82 teachers certificated by School Visitors and 42 by the District
Superintendent. See Report of Chief Superintendent for 1848.
The Baldwin Government entrusted the handling in the Legislature of the
School Bill of 1849 to the Honourable Malcolm Cameron. It should be
borne in mind that the Legislature met in Montreal and that the
Education Office for Upper Canada was in Toronto. Dr. Ryerson was,
therefore, not in direct communication with the Government, nor was he
officially informed from day to day as to the progress of the Bill. It
should further be borne in mind that during this session the Parliament
Buildings were burned, the Governor-General mobbed, and party feeling
strongly aroused, thus creating conditions favourable for hasty and
careless legislation. It seems to have been taken for granted by the
Legislature that the Bill as brought in was prepared by Ryerson. As a
matter of fact, Ryerson's Bill had, with Cameron's assent, been so
mutilated by an enemy of the Superintendent that its essential
provisions were destroyed. As soon as Ryerson learned its real nature,
he protested on several grounds, but especially because it aimed to
destroy the usefulness of the Chief Superintendent; excluded clergymen
from being school visitors; destroyed the provincial nature of the
school system; injured the prospects of a Normal School; would subject
teachers to serious loss in collecting their salaries; re-established
school sections in towns and cities; made no provision for uniform
textbooks, and because it was cumbersome and unworkable. After an
elaborate analysis of the Bill, Ryerson intimated that he would not
attempt to administer the law as passed and that sooner than do so he
would resign. The Government soon ascertained that the Bill was
unsatisfactory to everybody and intimated to Ryerson that it would not
be brought into operation. This course was followed, and in the
meantime Ryerson perfected his plans for a new Bill to go before the
Legislature in 1850.
As the Cameron Act of 1849 was never given effect, it has no interest
for us, except in so far as it shows the evolution of the Act of 1850.
During the Parliamentary recess, 1849-50, the Government issued circular
letters to School Superintendents, ministers and other official persons,
to secure suggestions as to school legislation. The replies were handed
to Dr. Ryerson by the Hon. Francis Hincks, who had charge of the School
legislation for 1850.
Ryerson's draft of the Bill of 1850 is a tribute to his practical common
sense and is sometimes called the Charter of the Ontario School System.
Ryerson knew the people of Upper Canada as few knew them, and he was
quick to see the dividing line between that which seemed highly
desirable and that which was possible. He moved steadily toward a
distant goal, but was ever educating public opinion to move with him and
seldom showed impatience over the slow pace of travel, so long as there
was actual progress. He wished to see free schools, but in this Act
contented himself with securing permissive legislation, which he
believed would soon lead to the adoption of a free system.
The outstanding feature of the Act was the strengthening of Trustee
Boards by recognizing them as corporate bodies with full power to
manage schools under Government regulations and full power to levy taxes
or rates upon the District which they represented. In case the Municipal
Council collected school money, they did it only as a matter of
convenience. Provision was made for securing school sites, erecting and
furnishing new buildings, electing trustees, holding board meetings,
keeping schools accounts, appointing collectors for school moneys,
providing books and apparatus, educating indigent children and forming
school libraries. Teachers' duties and responsibilities were not
materially altered. They were, however, effectually secured against loss
of the full amount of salary promised them by trustee boards. Adequate
provision was made for school sections composed of adjoining parts of
two or more townships. Provision was made for Township Boards of
Trustees on the request of a majority of the school supporters, to
manage all the schools of a township. County Boards of Public
Instruction were formed, consisting of the County Superintendent and the
Trustees of the District Grammar School. These boards were to meet four
times a year, to hold examinations and license teachers. They were to
use their influence to establish school libraries and promote the cause
of education. District superintendents were limited to one hundred
schools each, and were to receive one pound per annum for each school,
besides necessary travelling expenses. The Superintendent was no longer
the custodian of school money, but gave orders to the Township Treasurer
to pay to teachers their proper allowances. The Superintendent was to
visit every school in his District once each quarter, and to deliver a
public lecture in every school section once each year. Thus the way was
open for the District Superintendent to become an expert, giving a
minimum of time to clerical work and a maximum to the encouragement of
pupils and teachers. He was to become a link between the Department of
Education on the one hand and the District Council and Trustee Boards on
the other. He was a local officer, but his duties were definitely
prescribed by a central authority. Through him the Chief Superintendent
and the Council of Public Instruction were able to keep in touch with
pupils, teachers, school visitors, trustee boards, county boards, and
district councils. School visitors were given the same privileges as by
the Act of 1846, except the right to grant licenses to teachers. The
General Board of Education was merged into the Council of Public
Instruction, with duties substantially the same as those assigned the
former body in 1846.
Incorporated towns and cities were no longer to have school sections,
but instead a Board of Trustees to manage school affairs. Town and City
School Boards were allowed three ways of securing the money necessary,
in addition to the school fund, for common school purposes. The Board
might ask the Municipal Council to levy an assessment for the required
sum, in which case the said Council were bound to comply with its
wishes; the Board might levy a rate bill upon the parents of pupils
attending school; or they might raise the required funds partly by a
rate bill and partly by an assessment levied by the Municipal Council.
The only real difference between the methods of raising money in towns
and cities on the one hand and rural sections on the other, lay in the
plan of deciding how the money was to be raised. In rural sections the
ratepayers assembled at the annual meeting, made the decision, and the
trustees carried out their wishes; in towns and cities the trustees had
full power to decide upon the method of taxation without consulting the
ratepayers. School trustees in incorporated villages were governed by
the same rules as trustees of towns and cities, except in the manner of
the annual election.
One very important feature of the new Act was the setting apart of
L3,000 a year for the establishment and support of school libraries, and
L25 a year for each District Teachers' Institute. A sum was also set
apart for procuring plans and publications for the improvement of school
architecture. The Chief Superintendent was authorized to issue
provincial certificates to Normal School graduates.
The Act of 1850 also made some important changes relating to Separate
Schools, which will be noted in another chapter.
Dr. Ryerson always felt that he owed much to the Governor-General, Lord
Elgin, for helping him to form a public opinion which made possible the
legislation of 1850. That distinguished nobleman was a graduate of
Oxford, and he never lost an opportunity of helping forward any movement
designed to raise the intellectual status of the people. But it was
largely Ryerson's unaided efforts that gave Upper Canada in 1850 such a
splend
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