Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume 1 (of 2)
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Title: Secret History of the Court of England, from the Accession of George the Third to the Death of George the Fourth, Volume 1 (of 2)
Author: Lady Anne Hamilton
Release date: September 29, 2011 [eBook #37570]
Language: English
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Transcriber's note:
Due to an accusation of libel, some pages had to be rewritten
and reprinted before the book was bound. Pages 1-24 were not
printed and are missing from the original. See the
Preface for more information.
Text in italics in the original is surrounded by underscores
(_italics_).
Text in a Gothic font in the original are surrounded by equal
signs (=Gothic=).
Characters superscripted in the original are surrounded by
curly braces (example: SAM{L}).
A row of asterisks represents a thought break or an ellipsis
in a poetry quotation. Other asterisks indicate censored names.
The original uses two kinds of blockquotes--one type has words
in a smaller font, and the other uses extra white space before
and after the quotation. The transcriber has used wider margins
to represent the smaller font and two blank lines before and
after to represent extra white space.
Variations in spelling and hyphenation have been left as in the
original. A few typographical errors have been corrected. A
complete list follows the text.
SECRET HISTORY
OF THE
=Court of England=,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF GEORGE THE THIRD TO THE
DEATH OF GEORGE THE FOURTH;
INCLUDING, AMONG OTHER IMPORTANT MATTERS,
FULL PARTICULARS OF THE MYSTERIOUS DEATH
OF THE
PRINCESS CHARLOTTE.
BY THE RIGHT HONORABLE LADY ANNE HAMILTON,
_Sister of His Grace the present Duke of Hamilton and Brandon;
and of the Countess of Dunmore_.
"OF MEANER VICE AND VILLAINS, SING NO MORE,
BUT MONSTERS CROWN'D, AND CRIME ENROBED WITH POWER!
AT VICE'S HIGH IMPERIAL THRONE BEGIN,
AND BOLDLY BRAND SUCH PRODIGIES OF SIN;
WITH PREGNANT PHRASE, AND STRONG IMPARTIAL VERSE,
THE CRIMES OF LORDS AND CRIMES OF KINGS REHEARSE!"
VOL I.
LONDON:
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM HENRY STEVENSON,
13, WELLINGTON STREET, STRAND.
1832.
"TO THE READER."
The source from whence this Work proceeds will be a sufficient guarantee
for the facts it contains. A high sense of duty and honor has prompted
these details which have for many years been on the eve of publication.
It will be worthy of the perusal of THE GREAT because it will serve as a
mirror, and they who do not see themselves, or their actions reflected,
will not take offence at the _unvarnished Picture_--it may afford
real benefit to the Statesman and Politician, by the ample testimony
it gives, that when _Justice is perverted_, the most lamentable
consequences ensue; and to that class of Society whose station is more
humble, it may unfold the designing characters by whom they have so
frequently been deceived. _They only_ are competent to detail the scenes
and intrigues of _a Court_, who have been most intimately acquainted
with it, and it must at all times be acknowledged, that it is a climate
not very conducive to the growth of Virtue, not very frequently the
abode of Truth--yet although its atmosphere is so tainted, its giddy
crowd is thought enviably happy. The fallacy of such opinions is here
set forth to public view, by one who has spent much of her time in _the
interior of a Court_, and whose immediate knowledge of the then passing
events, give ability to narrate them faithfully. Many, very many, facts
are here omited, which hereafter shall appear, and there is little
doubt, but that some general good may result from an unprejudiced and
calm perusal of the subjects subjoined.
"PREFACE."
How far the law of Libel (as it now stands) may affect is best to be
ascertained by a reference to the declaration of Lord Abingdon, in 1779,
and inserted, verbatim, at page 69--1st vol. of this "Secret History."
The following Pages are intended as a benefit, not to do injury. If the
facts could not have been maintained proper methods ought to have been
adopted to have caused the most minute enquiry and investigation upon
the subject. Many an Arrow has been shot, and innumerable suspicions
entertained from what motive, and by whose hand the bow was drawn, yet
here all mystery ceases, and an open avowal is made:--Would to Heaven
for the honor of human nature that the subjoined documents were
falsehoods and calumniations invented for the purpose of maligning
character, or for personal resentments--but the unusual corroboration of
_events_, _places_, times, and persons, will not admit the probability.
In the affair of the ever lamented Death of the Princess Charlotte, the
three important Letters commencing at page 369, vol. 1st, are of
essential importance, and deserve the most grave and deliberate
enquiry--for _the first time_ they _now_ appear in print. The subjects
connected with the Royal Mother are also of deep interest. The conduct
of the English Government towards Napoleon is introduced, to give a
true and impartial view of the _reasons_ which dictated such arbitrary
and unjust measures enforced against that _Great Man_, and which will
ever remain a blot upon the British Nation. These unhandsome
derelictions from honorable conduct could alone be expressed by those
who were well informed upon _private subjects_. Respect for the
illustrious Dead has materially encouraged the inclination to give
publicity to scenes, which were as revolting in themselves as they were
_cruel_ and _most heart-rending_ to the Victims: throughout the whole,
it is quite apparent that certain Persons were obnoxious to the Ruling
Authorities, and the sequel will prove, that _the extinction_ of such
Persons was resolved upon, let the means and measures to obtain that
object be what they might. During this period we find those who had long
been opposed in Political sentiments, to all appearance perfectly
reconciled, and adhering to that party from whom they might expect the
greatest honors and advancement in the State. We need only refer as
proofs for this, to the late "Spencer Percival," and "George
Canning"--who to obtain preferment joined the confederations formed
against an unprotected Princess, and yet who previously had been the
most strenuous defenders of the same Lady's cause.--Well may it be
observed that Vanity is too powerful,
"The Seals of Office glitter in their eyes,
They leave the truth, and by their falsehoods rise."
These remarks are not intended as any disparagement to the private
characters or virtues of those statesmen whose talent was great and well
cultivated, but to establish the position which it is the object of this
work to show that Justice has not been fairly and impartially
administered when the requirement was in opposition to the Royal wish or
the administration.
Within these volumes will also be found urgent remonstrances against the
indignities offered to the people of Ireland, whose forebearance has
been great, and whose sorrows are without a parallel, and who merit the
same regard as England and Scotland.--Much is omited relative to the
private conduct of persons who occupy _high stations_, but should it be
needful, it shall be published, and all the correspondence connected
therewith. It is true much honor will not be derived from such
explanations, but they are forthcoming if requisite.
The generality of readers will not criticise severely upon _the diction_
of these prefatory remarks; they will rather have their attention turned
to the truths submitted to them, and the end in view,--_that end_ is for
the advancement of the best interests of Society--to unite more closely
each member in the bonds of friendship and amity, and to expose the
_hidden causes_ which for so long a period have been barriers to
concord, unity, and happiness
"MAY GOD DEFEND THE RIGHT."
SECRET HISTORY,
_&c. &c._
The secret history of the Court of England, during the last two reigns,
will afford the reflecting mind abundant matter for regret and
abhorrence. It has, however, been so much the fashion for historians to
speak of kings and their ministers in all the fulsome terms of flattery,
that the inquirer frequently finds it a matter of great difficulty to
arrive at truth. But, fearless of consequences, we will speak of facts
as they _really occurred_, and only hope our readers will accompany us
in the recital with feelings, unwarped by party prejudice, and with a
determination to judge the actions of kings, lords, and commons, not as
beings of a _superior order_, but as _men_. Minds thus constituted will
have little difficulty in tracing the origin of our present evils, or of
perceiving
"How many that _command_ should be COMMANDED!"
We commence with the year
1761,
about which period George the Third was pressed by his ministers to make
choice of some royal lady, and demand her in marriage. They urged this
under the pretext, that such a connexion was indispensably necessary to
give stability to the monarchy, to assist the progressive improvements
in morality and religion, and to benefit all artificers, by making a
display at court of their ingenious productions. His majesty heard the
proposal with an aching heart; and, to many of his ministers, he seemed
as if labouring under bodily indisposition. Those persons, however, who
were in the immediate confidence of the king, felt no surprise at the
distressing change so apparent in the countenance of his majesty, the
cause of which may be traced in the following particulars:
The unhappy sovereign, while Prince of Wales, was in the daily habit of
passing through St. James' street, and its immediate vicinity. In one of
his favourite rides through that part of town, he saw a very engaging
young lady, who appeared, by her dress, to be a member of the Society of
Friends. The prince was much struck by the delicacy and lovely
appearance of this female, and, for several succeeding days, was
observed to walk out alone. At length, the passion of his royal highness
arrived at such a point, that he felt his happiness depended upon
receiving the lady in marriage.
Every individual in his immediate circle, or in the list of the privy
council, was very narrowly questioned by the prince, though in an
indirect manner, to ascertain who was most to be trusted, that he might
secure, _honorably_, the possession of the object of his ardent wishes.
His royal highness, at last, confided his views to his next brother,
Edward, Duke of York, and another person, who were the only witnesses to
the _legal_ marriage of the Prince of Wales to the before-mentioned
lady, HANNAH LIGHTFOOT, which took place at Curzon-street Chapel, May
Fair, in the year 1759.
This marriage was productive of _issue_, the particulars of which,
however, we pass over for the present, and only look to the results of
the union.
Shortly after the prince came to the throne, by the title of George the
Third, ministers became suspicious of his marriage with the quakeress.
At length, they were informed of the important fact, and immediately
determined to annul it. After innumerable schemes how they might best
attain this end, and thereby frustrate the king's wishes, they devised
the "Royal Marriage Act," by which every prince or princess of the blood
might not marry or intermarry with any person of less degree. _This act,
however, was not passed till thirteen years after George the Third's
union with Miss Lightfoot_, and therefore it could not render such
marriage _illegal_.
From the moment the ministry became aware of his majesty's alliance to
the lady just named, they took possession of their watch-tower, and
determined that the new sovereign should henceforth do even as their
will dictated; while the unsuspecting mind of George the Third was
easily beguiled into their specious devices. In the absence of the
king's beloved brother, Edward, Duke of York, (who was then abroad for
a short period) his majesty was assured by his ministers that no
cognizance would be taken at any time of his late unfortunate amour and
marriage; and persuaded him, that the only stability he could give to
his throne was demanding the hand of the Princess Charlotte of
Mecklenburgh Strelitz. Every needful letter and paper for the
negotiation was speedily prepared for the king's signature, which, in
due course, each received; and thus was the foundation laid for this
ill-fated prince's _future malady_!
Who can reflect upon the blighted first love of this monarch, without
experiencing feelings of pity for his early sorrows! With his domestic
habits, had he only been allowed to live with the _wife of his choice_,
his reign might have passed in harmony and peace, and the English people
now been affluent, happy, and contented. Instead of which, his unfeeling
ministers compelled him to marry one of the most selfish, vindictive,
and tyrannical women that ever disgraced human nature! At the first
sight of the German princess, the king actually shrunk from her gaze;
for her countenance was of that cast that too plainly told of the nature
of the spirit working within.
On the 18th of September, the king was _obliged_ to subscribe to the
formal ceremony of a marriage with the before-named lady, at the palace
of St. James. His majesty's brother Edward, who was one of the witnesses
to the king's first marriage with Miss Lightfoot, was now also present,
and used every endeavour to support his royal brother through the
"trying ordeal," not only by first meeting the princess on her entrance
into the garden, but also at the altar.
In the mean time, the Earl of Abercorn informed the princess of the
_previous_ marriage of the king, and of the then existence of his
majesty's wife; and Lord Harcourt advised the princess to well inform
herself of the policy of the kingdoms, as a measure for preventing much
future disturbance in the country, as well as securing an uninterrupted
possession of the throne to her issue. Presuming, therefore, that this
German princess had hitherto been an open and ingenuous character,
(which are certainly traits very rarely to be found in the mind of a
German of her grade) such expositions, intimations, and dark mysteries,
were ill calculated to nourish honorable feelings, but would rather
operate as a check to their further existence.
To the public eye, the newly-married pair were contented with each
other;--alas! it was because each feared an exposure to the nation. The
king reproached himself that he had not fearlessly avowed the only wife
of his affections; the queen, because she feared an explanation that the
king was guilty of _bigamy_, and thereby her claim, as also that of her
progeny, (if she should have any) would be known to be illegitimate. It
appears as if the result of these reflections formed a basis for the
misery of millions, and added to that number millions then unborn. The
secret marriage of the king proved a pivot, on which the destiny of
kingdoms was to turn.
At this period of increased anxiety to his majesty, Miss Lightfoot was
disposed of during a temporary absence of his brother Edward, and from
that time no _satisfactory_ tidings ever reached those most interested
in her welfare. The only information that could be obtained was, that a
young gentleman, named AXFORD, was offered a large amount, to be paid on
the consummation of his marriage with Miss Lightfoot, which offer he
willingly accepted.
The king was greatly distressed to ascertain the fate of his
much-beloved and legally-married wife, the quakeress, and entrusted Lord
Chatham to go in disguise, and endeavour to trace her abode; but the
search proving fruitless, the king was again almost distracted.
Every one in the queen's confidence was expected to make any personal
sacrifice of feeling whenever her majesty might require it; and,
consequently, new emoluments, honors, and posts of dignity, were
continually needful for the preservation of such unnatural friendships.
From this period, new creations of peers were enrolled; and, as it
became expedient to increase the number of the "privy cabal," the nation
was freely called upon, by extra taxation and oppressive burdens of
various kinds, to supply the necessary means to support this vile system
of bribery and misrule!
We have dwelt upon this important period, because we wish our countrymen
to see the _origin of our overgrown national debt_,--the real cause of
England's present wretchedness.
The coronation of their majesties passed over, a few days after their
marriage, without any remarkable feature, save that of an additional
expense to the nation. The queen generally _appeared_ at ease, though
she seized upon every possible occasion to slight all persons from whom
she feared any state explanation, which might prove inimical to her
wishes. The wily queen thought this would effectually prevent their
frequent appearance at court, as well as cause their banishment from the
council-chamber.
A bill was passed this year to fix the civil list at the annual sum of
EIGHT HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, payable out of the consolidated fund, in
lieu of the hereditary revenue, settled on the late king.
Another act passed, introduced to parliament by a speech from the
throne, for the declared purpose of giving additional security to the
independence of the judges. Although there was a law then in force,
passed in the reign of William the Third, for continuing the commissions
of judges during their good behaviour, they were legally determined on
the death of the reigning sovereign. By this act, however, their
continuance in office was made _independent_ of the royal demise.
Twelve millions of money were raised by loans this year, and the
interest thereon agreed to be paid by an additional duty of three
shillings per barrel on all strong beer or ale,--the sinking fund being
a collateral security. The imposition of this tax was received by the
people as it deserved to be; for every labourer and mechanic severally
felt himself insulted by so oppressive an act.
The year
1762
was ushered in by the hoarse clarion of war. England declared against
Spain, while France and Spain became opposed to Portugal, on account of
her alliance with Great Britain. These hostilities, however, were not of
long duration; for preliminaries of peace were signed, before the
conclusion of the year, by the English and French plenipotentiaries at
Fontainbleau.
By this treaty, the original cause of the war was removed by the cession
of Canada to England. This advantage, if _advantage_ it may be called,
cost this country _eighteen millions of money_, besides the loss of
_three hundred thousand men_! Every friend of humanity must shudder at
so wanton a sacrifice of life, and so prodigious an expenditure of the
public money! But this was only the commencement of the reign of
imbecility and Germanism.
On the 12th of August, her majesty was safely delivered of a prince.
Court etiquette requires _numerous witnesses_ of the birth of an
heir-apparent to the British throne. On this occasion, however, her
majesty's _extraordinary delicacy_ dispensed with a strict adherence to
the forms of state; for only the Archbishop of Canterbury was allowed to
be in the room. But there were _more powerful_ reasons than _delicacy_
for this unusual privacy, which will hereafter appear.
On the 18th of September following, the ceremony of christening the
royal infant was performed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the great
council-chamber of his majesty's palace, and the young prince was named
George, Augustus, Frederick.
In this year, the city of Havannah surrendered to the English, whose
troops were commanded by Lord Albermarle and Admiral Pococke. Nine sail
of the line and four frigates were taken in the harbour; three of the
line had been previously sunk by the enemy, and two were destroyed on
the stocks. The plunder in money and merchandize was supposed to have
amounted to _three millions sterling_, while the sum raised by the
land-tax, at four shillings in the pound, from 1756 to 1760 inclusive,
also produced _ten millions of money_! But to what purpose this amount
was devoted remained a profound secret to those from whom it was
extorted.
In the November of this year, the famous Peter Annet was sentenced by
the Court of King's Bench to be imprisoned one month, to stand twice in
the pillory within that time, and afterwards to be kept to hard labour
in Bridewell for a year. The reader may feel surprised when informed
that all the enormity this man had been guilty of consisted in nothing
more than writing the _truth_ of the government, which was published in
his "Free Inquirer." The unmerited punishment, however, had only this
effect: it made him glory in suffering for the cause of liberty and
truth.
1763
was a continuation of the misrule which characterized the preceding
year.
In May, Lord Bute resigned the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and
the conduct of the earl became a question of much astonishment and
criticism. He was the foundation-stone of _Toryism_, in its most
arbitrary form; and there cannot be a doubt that his lordship's
influence over the state machinery was the key-stone of all the
mischiefs and miseries of the nation. It was Lord Bute's opinion, that
all things should be made subservient to the _queen_, and he framed his
measures accordingly.
The earl was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. Little alteration for
the better, however, was manifested in the administration, although the
characters and principles of the new ministers were supposed to be of a
liberal description; but this may possibly be accounted for by the Earls
of Halifax and Egremont continuing to be the secretaries of state.
In this memorable year, the celebrated John Wilkes, editor of "The North
Briton," was committed to the Tower, for an excellent, though biting,
criticism on his majesty's speech to the two houses of parliament. The
queen vigorously promoted this unconstitutional and tyrannical act of
the new government, which was severely censured by many members of the
House of Commons. Among the rest, Mr. Pitt considered the act as an
infringement upon the rights of the people; and, although he condemned
the libel, he said he would come at the author fairly,--not by an open
breach of the constitution, and a contempt of all restraint. Wilkes,
however, came off triumphantly, and his victory was hailed with delight
by his gratified countrymen.
In the midst of this public agitation, the queen, on the 16th of August,
burdened the nation with her second son, Frederick, afterwards created
Duke of York, _Bishop of Osnaburgh_, and many other _et ceteras_, which
produced a good round sum, and, we should think, more than sufficient to
support this Right Reverend Father in God, at the age of--_eleven
months_!
Colonel Greme, who had been chiefly instrumental in bringing about the
marriage of the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh with the King of
England, was this year appointed Master of St. Catherine, near the
Tower, an excellent _sinecure_ in the _peculiar gift of the queen_!
The most important public event on the continent was, the death of
Augustus, third King of Poland, and Elector of Saxony, who had lately
returned to his electoral dominions, from which he had been banished for
six years, in consequence of the war. Immediately after his demise, his
eldest son and successor to the electorate declared himself a candidate
for the crown of Poland, in which ambition he was supposed to be
countenanced by the Court of Vienna; but he fell a victim to the
small-pox, a few weeks after his father's death.
During the year
1764,
much public anxiety and disquietude was manifested. Mr. Wilkes again
appeared before a public tribunal for publishing opinions not in
accordance with the reigning powers. The House of Commons sat so early
as seven o'clock in the morning to consider his case, and the speaker
actually remained in the chair for _twenty hours_, so important was the
matter considered.
About the end of this year, the king became much indisposed, and
exhibited the first signs of that mental aberration, which, in after
years, so heavily afflicted him. The nation, in general, supposed this
to have arisen from his majesty's anxiety upon the fearful aspect of
affairs, which was then of the most gloomy nature, both at home and
abroad. Little, indeed, did the multitudes imagine the _real_ cause;
little did the private gentleman, the industrious tradesman, the worthy
mechanic, or the labourer, think that their sovereign was living in
splendid misery, bereft of the dearest object of his solicitude, and
compelled to associate with the woman he all but detested!
Nature had not formed George the Third for a king; she had not been
profuse to him either in elegance of manners, or capacity of mind; but
he seemed more fitted to shine in a domestic circle, where his
affections were centred, and in that sphere only. But, with all
hereditary monarchies, _an incompetent person has the same claim as a
man adorned with every requisite and desirable ability_!
In this year, Lord Albermarle received TWENTY THOUSAND POUNDS as _his_
share in the Havannah prize-money; while _one pound, two shillings, and
six-pence_ was thought sufficient for a corporal, and _thirteen
shillings and five-pence_ for a private! How far this disbursement was
consistent with _equity_, we leave every honest member of society to
determine.
In December, a most excellent edict was registered in the parliament of
Paris, by which the King of France abolished the society of Jesuits _for
ever_.
Early in the year
1765,
the queen was pressingly anxious that her marriage with the king should
again be solemnized; and, as the queen was then pregnant, his majesty
readily acquiesced in her wishes. Dr. Wilmot, by his majesty's
appointment, performed the ceremony at their palace at Kew. The king's
brother, Edward, was present upon this occasion also, as he had been on
the two former ones.
Under the peculiar distractions of this year, it was supposed, the mind
of the sovereign was again disturbed. To prevent a recurrence of such
interruptions to the royal authority, a law was passed, empowering his
majesty to appoint the _queen_, or _other member of the royal family_,
assisted by a council, to act as regent of the kingdom. Although his
majesty's blank of intellect was but of short duration, it proved of
essential injury to the people generally. The tyrannical queen,
presuming on the authority of this bill, exercised the most unlimited
sway over national affairs. She supplied her own requirements and
opinions, in unison with her trusty-bought clan, who made it apparent
that these suggestions were offered by the king, and were his settled
opinions, upon the most deliberate investigation of all matters and
things connected therewith!
During the king's indisposition, he was most passionate in his requests,
that the _wife of his choice_ should be brought to him. The queen,
judging her influence might be of much consequence to quell the
perturbation of her husband's mind, was, agreeably to her own request,
admitted to the solitary apartment of the king. It is true he recognised
her, but it was followed by extreme expressions of disappointment and
disgust! The queen was well acquainted with all subjects connected with
his majesty's unfortunate passion and marriage; therefore, she thought
it prudent to stifle expressions of anger or sorrow, and, as soon as
decency permitted, left the place, resolving thenceforth to manage the
helm herself.
On the 31st of October, his majesty's uncle, the Duke of Cumberland,
died suddenly at his house in Upper Grosvenor-street, in the forty-fifth
year of his age; and on the 28th of December, his majesty's youngest
brother, Prince Frederick William, also expired, in the sixteenth year
of his age.
On December 1st,
1766,
his majesty's sister, Matilda, was married to the King of Denmark, and
the Duke of York was proxy on the occasion. Soon afterwards, his royal
highness took leave of his brother, and set out on a projected tour
through Germany, and other parts of the continent. The queen was most
happy to say "Adieu," and, for the first time, felt something like ease
on his account.
The supplies granted for the service of this year, although the people
were in the most distressed state, amounted to _eight millions, two
hundred and seventy-three thousand, two hundred and eighty pounds_!
In the year
1767,
the noble-minded and generous Duke of York was married to a descendant
of the Stuarts, an amiable and conciliating lady, not only willing, but
anxious, to live without the splendour of royal parade, and desirous
also of evading the flatteries and falsehoods of a court.
In August, the duke lived very retired in a chateau near Monaco, in
Italy, blessed and happy in the society of his wife. She was then
advancing in pregnancy, and his solicitude for her was sufficient to
have deeply interested a heart less susceptible than her own. Their
marriage was kept from public declaration, but we shall refer to the
proofs hereafter. In the ensuing month, it was announced that (17th
September) the duke "died of a malignant fever," in the twenty-ninth
year of his age, and the news was immediately communicated to the King
of England. The body was said to be embalmed, (?) and then put on board
his majesty's ship Montreal, to be brought to England. His royal
highness was interred on the evening of November 3rd, in the royal vault
of King Henry the Seventh's Chapel.
The fate of the duke's unfortunate and inconsolable widow, and that of
the infant, to whom she soon after gave birth, must be reserved for its
appropriate place in this history.
The high price of provisions this year occasioned much distress and
discontent, and excited tumults in various parts of the kingdom.
Notwithstanding this, ministers attempted to retain every tax that had
been imposed during the late war, and appeared perfectly callous to the
sufferings of the productive classes. Even the land-tax, of four
shillings in the pound, was attempted to be continued, though contrary
to all former custom; but the country gentlemen became impatient of this
innovation, and contrived to get a bill introduced into the House of
Commons, to reduce it to three shillings in the pound. This was carried
by a great majority, in spite of all the efforts of the ministry to the
contrary! The defeat of the ministers caused a great sensation at the
time, as it was the first money-bill in which any ministry had been
disappointed since the revolution of 1688! But what can any ministers do
against the wishes of a determined people? If the horse knew his own
strength, would he submit to the dictation of his rider?
On account of the above bill being thrown out, ministers had
considerable difficulty in raising the necessary supplies for the year,
which were estimated at _eight millions and a half_, including, we
suppose, secret-service money, which was now in great demand.
The king experienced a fluctuating state of health, sometimes improving,
again retrograding, up to the year
1768.
In his speech, in the November of this year, his majesty announced, that
much disturbance had been exhibited in some of the colonies, and a
disposition manifested to throw aside their dependence upon Great
Britain. Owing to this circumstance, a new office was created, under the
name of "Secretary of State for the Colonies," and to which the Earl of
Hillsborough was appointed.
The Earl of Chatham having resigned, parliament was dissolved. Party
spirit running high, the electioneering contests were unusually violent,
and serious disorders occurred. Mr. Wilkes was returned for Middlesex;
but, being committed to the King's Bench for libels on the government,
the mob rescued Wilkes from the soldiers, who were conducting him
thither. The military were ordered to fire on the people, and one man,
who was singled out and pursued by the soldiers, was shot dead. A
coroner's inquest brought this in _wilful murder_, though the higher
authorities not only acquitted the magistrates and soldiers, but
actually returned _public thanks_ to them!
At this period, the heart sickens at the relations given of the
punishments inflicted on many private soldiers in the guards. They were
each allowed only four-pence per day. If they deserted and were
re-taken, the poor delinquents suffered the dreadful infliction of five
hundred lashes. The victims thus flagellated very seldom escaped with
life! In the navy, also, the slightest offence or neglect was punished
with inexpressible tortures. This infamous treatment of brave men can
only be accounted for by the fact, that officers in the army and navy
either bought their situations, or received them as a _compensation_ for
some SECRET SERVICE performed for, or by the request of, the queen and
her servile ministry. Had officers been promoted from the ranks, for
performing _real_ services to their country, they would have then
possessed more commiseration for their brothers in arms.
We must here do justice to the character of George the Third from all
intentional tyranny. Many a time has this monarch advocated the cause of
the productive classes, and as frequently have his ministers, urged on
by the _queen_, defeated his most sanguine wishes, until he found
himself a mere cipher in the affairs of state. The king's simplicity of
style and unaffected respect for the people would have induced him to
despise the gorgeous pageantry of state; he had been happy, indeed, to
have been "the real father of his subjects." His majesty well knew that
the public good ought to be the sole aim of all governments, and that
for this purpose a prince is invested with the regal crown. A king is
not to employ his authority, patronage, and riches, merely to gratify
his own lusts and ambition; but, if need require it, he ought even to
sacrifice his own ease and pleasure for the benefit of his country. We
give George the Third credit for holding these sentiments, which,
however, only increased his regrets, as he really had _no power to
act_,--that power being in the possession of his queen, and other crafty
and designing persons, to whose opinions and determinations he had
become a perfect slave! It is to be regretted that he had not sufficient
nerve to eject such characters from his councils; for assuredly the
nation would have been, to a man, willing to protect him from their
vile machinations; but once subdued, he was subdued for ever.
From the birth, a prince is the subject of flattery, and is even
caressed for his vicious propensities; nay, his minions never appear
before him without a mask, while every artifice that cunning can suggest
is practised to deceive him. He is not allowed to mix in general
society, and therefore is ignorant of the wants and wishes of the people
over whom he is destined to reign. When he becomes a king, his
counsellors obtain his signature whenever they desire it; and, as his
extravagance increases, so must sums of money, in some way or other, be
extorted from his suffering and oppressed subjects. Should his ministers
prove ambitious, war is the natural result, and the money of the poor is
again in request to furnish means for their own destruction! Whereas,
had the prince been associated with the intelligent and respectable
classes of society, he might have warded off the evil, and, instead of
desolating war, peace might have shed her gentle influence over the
land. Another barbarous custom is, the injunction imposed upon royal
succession, that they shall not marry only with their equals in birth.
But is not this a violation of the most vital interests and solemn
engagements to which humanity have subscribed? What unhappiness has not
such an unnatural doctrine produced? Quality of blood ought only to be
recognized by corresponding nobility of sentiments, principles, and
actions. He that is debarred from possessing the object of his virtuous
regard is to be pitied, whether he be a king or a peasant; and we can
hardly wonder at his sinking into the abyss of carelessness, imbecility,
and even madness.
In February,
1769,
the first of those deficiencies in the civil list, which had occurred
from time to time, was made known to parliament, by a message in the
_name_ of the unhappy king, but who only did as he was ordered by his
ministerial cabal. This debt amounted to five hundred thousand pounds,
and his majesty was tutored to say, that he relied on the _zeal_ and
_affection_ of his faithful Commons to enable him to discharge it! The
principal part of this money was expended upon wretches, of the most
abandoned description, for services performed _against_ the welfare of
England.
The year
1770
proved one of much political interest. The queen was under the necessity
of retiring a little from the apparent part she had taken in the affairs
of state; nevertheless, she was equally active; but, from policy, did
not appear so. Another plan to deceive the people being deemed
necessary, invitations for splendid parties were given, in order to
assume an appearance of confidence and quietness, which her majesty
could not, and did not, possess.
In this year, Lord Chatham publicly avowed his sentiments in these
words: "Infuse a portion of health into the constitution, to enable it
to bear its infirmities." Previous to making this remark, his lordship,
of course, was well acquainted with the causes of the then present
distresses of the country, as well as the sources from whence those
causes originated. But one generous patriot is not sufficient to put a
host of antagonists to flight. The earl's measures were too mild to be
heeded by the minions of the queen then in power; his intention being
"to persuade and soften, not to irritate and offend." We may infer that,
had he been merely a "party man," he would naturally concur in any
enterprise likely to create a bustle without risk to himself; but, upon
examination, he appears to have loved the cause of independence, and was
willing to support it by every personal sacrifice.
About this time, the Duke of Grafton resigned his office of First Lord
of the Treasury, in which he was succeeded by that disgrace to his
country, Lord North, who then commenced his long and disastrous
administration. Dr. Wilmot was a friendly preceptor to this nobleman,
while at the university; but it was frequently a matter of regret to the
worthy doctor, that his lordship had not imbibed those patriotic
principles which he had so strongly endeavoured to inculcate; and he has
been known to observe, that Lord North's administration called for the
most painful animadversions, inasmuch as he advocated the enaction of
laws of the most arbitrary character.
Mr. Wilkes, previous to the meeting of the Commons in January, was not
only acquitted, but had damages, to a large amount, awarded him; and the
king expressed a desire, that such damages should be paid out of his
privy purse. The Earl of Halifax, who signed the warrant for his
committal to the Tower in 1763, was finally so disappointed that he
offered his resignation, though he afterwards accepted the privy seal.
It was during this year, that the celebrated "Letters of Junius" first
appeared. These compositions were distinguished as well by the force and
elegance of their style as by the violence of their attacks on
individuals. The first of these letters was printed in the "Public
Advertiser," of December the 19th, and addressed to the king,
animadverting on all the errors of his reign, and speaking of his
ministers in terms of equal contempt and abhorrence. An attempt was made
to suppress this letter by the strong arm of the law; but the effort
proved abortive, as the jury _acquitted_ the printer, who was the person
prosecuted. Junius (though under a feigned name) was the most competent
person to speak fully upon political subjects. He had long been the
bosom friend of the king, and spent all his leisure time at court. No
one, therefore, could better judge of the state of public affairs than
himself, and his sense of duty to the nation animated him to plead for
the long-estranged rights of the people; indeed, upon many occasions,
he displayed such an heroic firmness, such an invincible love of truth,
and such an unconquerable sense of honor, that he permitted his talents
to be exercised freely in the cause of public justice, and subscribed
his _addenda_ under an envelope, rather than injure his prince, or leave
the interests of his countrymen to the risk of fortuitous circumstances.
We know of whom we speak, and therefore feel authorized to assert, that
in his character were concentrated the steady friend of the prince as
well as of the people.
Numerous disquisitions have been written to prove the identity of
Junius; but, in spite of many arguments to the contrary, we recognize
him in the person of the Rev. JAMES WILMOT, D.D., Rector of
Barton-on-the-Heath, and Aulcester, Warwickshire, and one of his
majesty's justices of the peace for that county.
Dr. Wilmot was born in 1720, and, during his stay at the university,
became intimately acquainted with Dr. Johnson, Lord Archer, and Lord
Plymouth, as well as Lord North, who was then entered at Trinity
College. From these gentlemen, the doctor imbibed his political
opinions, and was introduced to the first society in the kingdom. At the
age of thirty, Dr. Wilmot was confidently entrusted with the most
_secret affairs of state_, and was also the bosom friend of the Prince
of Wales, afterwards George the Third, who at that time was under the
entire tutorage of Lord Bute. To this nobleman, Dr. Wilmot had an
inveterate hatred, for he despised the selfish principles of Toryism. As
soon as the Princess of Mecklenburgh (the late Queen Charlotte) arrived
in this country in 1761, Dr. Wilmot was introduced, as the _especial
friend_ of the king, and this will at once account for his being chosen
to perform the second marriage-ceremony of their majesties at Kew
palace, as before related.
A circumstance of rather a singular nature occurred to Dr. Wilmot, in
the year 1765, inasmuch as it was the _immediate_ cause of the bold and
decisive line of conduct which he afterwards adopted. It was simply
this: the doctor received an anonymous letter, requesting an interview
with the writer in Kensington Gardens. The letter was written in Latin,
and sealed, the impression of which was a Medusa's head. The doctor at
first paid no attention to it; but during the week he received four
similar requests, written by the same hand; and, upon the receipt of the
last, Dr. Wilmot provided himself with a brace of pocket pistols, and
proceeded to the gardens at the hour appointed. The doctor felt much
surprised when he was accosted by--_Lord Bute!_ who immediately
suggested that Dr. Wilmot should assist the administration, as _her
majesty_ had entire confidence in him! The doctor briefly declined, and
very soon afterwards commenced his political career. Thus the German
princess always endeavoured to inveigle the friends of the people.
Lord Chatham had been introduced to Dr. Wilmot by the Duke of
Cumberland; and it was from these associations with the court and the
members of the several administrations, that the doctor became so
competent to write his unparalleled "Letters of Junius."
We here subjoin an incontrovertible _proof_ of Dr. Wilmot's being the
author of the work alluded to:
[Illustration]
This is a fac-simile of the doctor's hand-writing, and must for ever set
at rest the long-disputed question of "Who is the author of Junius?"
The people were really in need of the advocacy of a writer like Junius,
for their burdens at this time were of the most grievous magnitude.
Although the country was not in danger from foreign enemies, in order to
give posts of command, honor, and emolument, to the employed sycophants
at court, our navy was increased, nominal situations were provided;
while all the means to pay for such services were again ordered to be
drawn _from the people_!
1771
was productive of little else than harassing distresses to the poor
labourer and mechanic. At this period, it was not unusual to tear the
husband from the wife, and the parent from the child, and immure them
within the damp and noisome walls of a prison, to prevent any
interposition on the part of the suffering multitudes. Yes, countrymen,
such tyranny was practised to ensure the _secrecy of truth_, and to
destroy the wishes of a monarch, who was rendered incompetent to act for
himself.
Various struggles were made this year to curb the power of the judges,
particularly in cases relating to the _liberty of the press_, and also
to destroy the power vested in the Attorney-General of prosecuting
_ex-officio_, without the intervention of a grand jury, or the forms
observed by courts of law in other cases. But the boroughmongers and
minions of the queen were too powerful for the liberal party in the
House of Commons, and the chains of slavery were, consequently, rivetted
afresh.
A question of great importance also occurred this year respecting the
privileges of the House of Commons. It had become the practice of
newspaper writers to take the liberty, not before ventured upon, of
printing the speeches of the members, under their respective names; some
of which in the whole, and others in essential parts, were spurious
productions, and, in any case, contrary to the standing orders of the
House. A complaint on this ground having been made by a member against
two of the printers, an order was issued for their attendance, with
which they refused to comply; a second order was given with no better
success. At length, one of the printers being taken into custody under
the authority of the speaker's warrant, he was carried before the
celebrated Alderman John Wilkes, who, regarding the caption as illegal,
not only discharged the man, but bound him over to prosecute his captor,
for assault and false imprisonment. Two more printers, being apprehended
and carried before Alderman Wilkes and the Lord Mayor, Crosby, were, in
like manner, discharged. The indignation of the House was then directed
against the city magistrates, and various measures adopted towards them.
The contest finally terminated in favor of the printers, who have ever
since continued to publish the proceedings of parliament, and the
speeches of the members, without obstacle.
In this year, the marriage of the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton
took place. The king appeared electrified when the matter was
communicated to him, and declared that he never would forgive his royal
brother's conduct, who, being informed of his majesty's sentiments, thus
wrote to him: "Sire, my welfare will ensure your own; you cannot
condemn an affair there is a _precedent for, even in your own
person_!"--alluding to his majesty's marriage with Hannah Lightfoot. His
majesty was _compelled_ to acknowledge this marriage, from the Duke of
Cumberland having made a confidant of Colonel Luttrell, brother of Mrs.
Horton, with regard to several important state secrets which had
occurred in the years 1759, 1760, 1761, 1762, and 1763.
This Duke of Cumberland also imbibed the _family complaint of_ BIGAMY;
for he had been married, about twelve months previous, to a daughter of
Dr. Wilmot, who, of course, remonstrated against such unjust treatment.
The king solemnly assured Dr. Wilmot that he might rely upon his
humanity and honor. The doctor paused, and had the courage to say, in
reply, "I have once before relied upon the promises of your majesty!
But"--"Hush! hush!" said the king, interrupting him, "I know what you
are going to say; but do not disturb me with wills and retrospection of
past _irreparable injury_."
The death of the Earl of Halifax, soon after the close of the session in
this year, caused a vacancy; and the Duke of Grafton returned to office,
as keeper of the privy seal. His grace was a particular favourite with
the queen, but much disliked by the intelligent and reflecting part of
the community.
The political atmosphere bore a gloomy aspect at the commencement of
1772,
and petitions from the people were sent to the king and the two houses
of parliament, for the repeal of what they believed to be unjust and
pernicious laws upon the subject of religious liberty. Several clergymen
of the established church prayed to be liberated from their obligation
to subscribe to the "Thirty-nine Articles." But it was urged, in
opposition to the petitions, that government had an undoubted right to
establish and maintain such a system of instruction as the ministers
thereof deemed most suitable for the public benefit. But expedience and
right are as far asunder, in truth, as is the distance from pole to
pole. The policy of the state required some _new source_ from whence to
draw means for the _secret_ measures needful for prolonging the
existence of its privacy; and it was therefore deemed expedient to keep
politics and religion as close together as possible, by enforcing the
strictest obedience of all demands made upon the clergy, in such forms
and at such times as should best accord with the political system of the
queen. In consequence of which, the petitions were rejected by a
majority of 217 boroughmongers against 71 real representatives of the
people!
An act, passed this session, for "Making more effectual provisions to
guard the descendants of the late king, George the Second, from marrying
without the approbation of his majesty, his heirs, and successors, first
had and obtained," was strenuously opposed by the liberal party in every
stage of its progress through both houses. It was generally _supposed_
to have had its origin in the marriage contracted but a few months
before by the Duke of Cumberland with Mrs. Horton, relict of Colonel
Horton, and daughter of Lord Irnham; and also in a private, though
long-suspected, marriage of the Duke of Gloucester to the
Countess-dowager of Waldegrave, which the duke at this time openly
avowed. But were there not _other_ reasons which operated on the mind
of the _queen_ (for the poor king was only a passive instrument in her
power) to force this bill into a law? Had she not an eye to her
husband's former alliance with the quakeress, and the Duke of York's
marriage in Italy? The latter was even more dangerous to her peace than
the former; for the duke had married a descendant of the STUARTS!
Lord Chatham made many representations to the king and queen of the
improper and injudicious state of the penal laws. He cited an instance
of unanswerable disproportion; namely, that, on the 14th of July, two
persons were publicly whipped round Covent Garden market, in accordance
with the sentence passed upon them; but mark the difference of the
crimes for which they were so punished: one was for stealing a bunch of
radishes; the other, for debauching his own niece! In vain, however, did
this friend of humanity represent the unwise, unjust, and inconsistent
tenour of such laws. The king was anxious to alter them immediately; but
the queen was decided in her opinion, that they ought to be left
entirely to the pleasure and opinion of the _judges_, well knowing
_they_ would not disobey her will upon any point of law, or equity, _so
called_. Thus did the nation languish under the tyrannical usurpation of
a _German_ princess, whose disposition and talents were much better
calculated to give laws to the brute creation than to interfere with
_English_ jurisprudence!
In November of this year, it was announced that the _king_ earnestly
desired parliament should take into consideration the state of the East
India Company. But the king was ignorant of the subject; though it was
true, the _queen_ desired it; because she received vast emoluments from
the various situations _purchased_ by individuals under the denomination
of cadets, &c. Of course, her majesty's will was tantamount to law.
The Earl of Chatham resolved once more to speak to the queen upon the
state of things, and had an audience for that purpose. As an honest man,
he very warmly advocated the cause of the nation, and represented the
people to be in a high state of excitement, adding, that "if they be
repelled, they must be repelled by force!" And to whom ought an unhappy
suffering people to have had recourse but to the throne, whose power
sanctioned the means used to drain their purses? The queen, however, was
still unbending; she not only inveighed against the candour and
sentiments of the earl, but requested she might not again be _troubled_
by him upon _such subjects_! Before retiring, Lord Chatham said, "Your
majesty must excuse me if I say, the liberty of the subject is the
surest protection to the monarch, and if the prince _protects the
guilty, instead of punishing them, time will convince him, that he has
judged erroneously, and acted imprudently_."
The earl retired; but "his labouring breast knew not peace," and he
resolved, for the last time, to see the king in private. An interview
was requested, and as readily granted. "Well, well," said the king, "I
hope no bad news?" "No bad news, your majesty; but I wish to submit to
your opinion a few questions." "Quite right, quite right," said the
king, "tell me all." The earl did so, and, after his faithful appeal to
the king, concluded by saying, "My sovereign will excuse me, but I can
no longer be a party to the deceptions pawned upon the people, as I am,
and consider myself to be, amenable to God and my conscience!" Would
that England had possessed a few more such patriots!
This year will ever be memorable in history as the commencement of that
partition of Poland, between three contiguous powers,--Russia, Austria,
and Prussia,--which has served as an example and apology for all those
shameful violations of public right and justice that have stained the
modern annals of Europe. The unfortunate Poles appealed in vain to Great
Britain, France, and Spain, and the States-general of Holland, on the
atrocious perfidy and injustice of these proceedings. After some
unavailable remonstrances, the diet was compelled, at the point of the
bayonet, to sign a treaty for the formal cession of the several
districts which the three usurpers had fixed upon and guaranteed to each
other. The partitioning _legitimates_ also _generously_ made a present
of an _aristocratic_ constitution to the suffering Poles.
In the year
1773,
commercial credit was greatly injured by extensive failures in England
and Holland. The distress and embarrassment of the mercantile classes
were farther augmented by a great diminution in the gold coin, in
consequence of wear and fraud,--such loss, by act of parliament, being
thrown upon the holders!
At this time, the discontents which had long been manifest in the
American colonies broke out into open revolt. The chief source of
irritation against the mother country was the impolitic measure of
retaining a trifling duty on tea, as an assertion of the right of the
British parliament to tax the colonies.
The year
1774
bore a gloomy and arbitrary character, with wars abroad and uneasiness
at home. The county of Nottingham omitted to raise their militia in the
former year, and in this they were fined two thousand pounds.
Louis the Fifteenth of France died this year of the small-pox, caught
from a country girl, introduced to him by Madame du Barre to gratify his
sensual desires. He was in the _sixty-fourth_ year of his age, and in
the fifty-ninth of his reign. The gross debaucheries into which he had
sank, with the despotic measures he had adopted towards the Chamber of
Deputies in his latter years, had entirely deprived him of his
appellation of the "Well-beloved." Few French sovereigns have left a
less-respected memory.
1775
was also a year of disquiet. The City of London addressed the throne,
and petitioned against the existing grievances, expressing their strong
abhorrence of the measures adopted towards the Americans, _justifying
their resistance_, and beseeching his majesty to dismiss his ministers.
The _invisible power of the queen_, however, prevented their receiving
redress, and the ministers were retained, contrary to all petition and
remonstrance. Upon these occasions, the king was obliged to submit to
any form of expression, dictated by the minister, that minister being
under the entire controul of the queen; and though the nation seemed to
wear a florid countenance, it was sick at heart. Lord North was a very
considerable favourite with her majesty; while his opponents, Messrs.
Fox and Burke, were proportionately disliked. The Duke of Grafton now
felt tired of his situation, and told the queen that he could no longer
continue in office; in consequence of which, the Earl of Dartmouth
received the privy seal.
The Americans, in the mean time, were vigorously preparing for what they
conceived to be inevitable--_a war_. Various attempts, notwithstanding,
were made by the enlightened and liberal-minded part of the community to
prevent ministers from continuing hostilities against them. That noble
and persevering patriot, Lord Chatham, raised his warning voice against
it. "I wish," said he, "not to lose a day in this urgent, pressing
crisis; an _hour now lost in allaying ferments in America, may produce_
YEARS OF CALAMITY! Never will I desert, in any stage of its progress,
the conduct of this momentous business. Unless fettered to my bed by the
extremity of sickness, I will give it unremitted attention; I will knock
at the gates of this _sleeping and confounded ministry_, and will, if it
be possible, rouse them to a sense of their danger. The recall of your
army, I urge as necessarily preparatory to the restoration of your
peace. By this it will appear that you are disposed to treat amicably
and equitably, and to consider, revise, and repeal, if it should be
found necessary, as I affirm it _will_, those violent acts and
declarations which have disseminated confusion throughout the empire.
_Resistance to these acts was necessary_, and therefore just; and your
vain declaration of the _omnipotence of Parliament_, and your
_imperious_ doctrines of the _necessity of submission_, will be found
equally _impotent to convince or enslave America_, who feels that
tyranny is equally intolerable, whether it be exercised by an individual
part of the legislature, or by the collective bodies which compose it!"
How prophetic did this language afterwards prove! Oh! England, how hast
thou been cursed by debt and blood through the impotency and villany of
thy rulers!
In the year
1776,
the Earl of Harcourt was charged with a breach of privilege; but his
services for the _queen_ operated as a sufficient reason for rejecting
the matter of complaint.
So expensive did the unjust and disgraceful war with America prove this
year, that more than _nine millions_ were supplied for its service! In
order to raise this shameful amount, extra taxes were levied on
newspapers, deeds, and other matters of public utility. Thus were the
industrious and really productive classes imposed upon, and their means
exhausted, to gratify the inordinate wishes of a German princess, now
entitled to be the cause of their misery and ruin. The queen knew that
war required soldiers and sailors, and that these soldiers and sailors
must have _officers_ over them, which would afford her an opportunity of
_selling commissions_ or of bestowing them upon some of her
_favourites_. So that these things contributed to her majesty's
_individual_ wealth and power, what cared she for the increase of the
country's burdens!
It is wonderful to reflect upon the means with which individuals in
possession of power have contrived, in all ages and in all countries, to
controul mankind. From thoughtlessness and the absence of knowledge, the
masses of people have been made to contend, with vehemence and
courageous enterprise, against their own interests, and for the benefit
of those mercenary wretches by whom they have been enslaved! How
monstrous it is, that, to gratify the sanguinary feelings of _one_
tyrant, thousands of human beings should go forth to the field of battle
as willing sacrifices! Ignorance alone has produced such lamentable
results; for a thirst after blood is never so effectually quenched as
when it is repressed by the influence of _knowledge_, which teaches
humility, moderation, benevolence, and the practice of every other
virtue. In civilized society, there cannot be an equality of property;
and, from the dissimilarity in human organization, there cannot be
equality in the power and vigour of the mind. All men, however, are
entitled to, and ought to enjoy, a perfect equality in civil and
political rights. In the absence of this just condition, a nation can
only be partially free. The people of such a nation exist under unequal
laws, and those persons upon whom injuries are inflicted by the partial
operation of those laws are, it must be conceded, the victims of an
authority which they cannot controul. Such was, unhappily, the condition
of the English people at this period. To prevent truth from having an
impartial hearing and explanation, the plans of government were obliged
to be of an insincere and unjust character. The consequences were, the
debasement of morals, and the prostitution of the happiness and rights
of the people. But Power was in the grasp of Tyranny, attended on each
side by Pride and Cruelty; while Fear presented an excuse for Silence
and Apathy, and left Artifice and Avarice to extend their baneful
influence over society. British courage was stifled by arbitrary
persecutions, fines, and imprisonment, which threatened to overwhelm all
who dared to resist the tide of German despotism. Had _unity_ and
_resolution_ been the watch-words of the sons of Britain, what millions
of debt might have been prevented! what oceans of blood might have been
saved! The iniquitous ministers who dictated war with America should
have suffered as traitors to their country, which would have been their
fate had not blind ignorance and servility, engendered by priests and
tyrants, through the impious frauds of church and state, overwhelmed the
better reason of the great mass of mankind! It was, we say, priestcraft
and statecraft that kindled this unjustifiable war, in order to lower
human nature, and induce men to butcher each other under the most
absurd, frivolous, and wicked pretences. Englishmen, at the commencement
of the American war, appear to have been no better than wretched
captives, without either courage, reason, or virtue, from whom the
queen's banditti of gaolers shut out the glorious light of day. There
were, however, some few patriots who raised their voices in opposition
to the abominable system then in practice, and many generous-hearted men
who boldly refused to fight against the justified resistance of the
Americans; but the general mass remained inactive, cowardly inactive,
against their merciless oppressors. The queen _pretended_ to lament the
sad state of affairs, while she did all in her power to continue the
misrule!
At the commencement of
1777,
the several states of Europe had their eyes fixed on the contest between
this country and the colonies. The French government assisted the
Americans with fleets and armies, though they did not enter into the
contest _publicly_. Queen Charlotte still persevered in her designs
against America, and bore entire sway over her unfortunate husband. The
country, as might be expected, was in a state of great excitement, owing
to the adoption of measures inimical to the wishes and well-being of the
people. The greater power the throne assumed, the larger amounts were
necessarily drawn from the people, to reward fawning courtiers and
borough proprietors.
This year, thirteen millions of money were deemed needful for the public
service, and the debts of the civil list a _second_ time discharged! At
this time, the revenue did not amount to eight millions, and to supply
the consequent deficiency, new taxes were again levied upon the people;
for ministers carried all their bills, however infamous they might be,
by large majorities!
In May, Lord Chatham again addressed the "peers," and called their
attention to the necessity of changing the proceedings of government.
Although bowed down by age and infirmity, and bearing a crutch in each
hand, he delivered his sentiments, with all the ardour of youth, in
these words: "I wish the removal of accumulated grievances, and the
repeal of every oppressive act which have been passed since the year
1763! I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal promises, but at last
will come your equinoctial disappointment."
On another occasion, he said, "I will not join in congratulation on
misfortune and disgrace! _It is necessary to instruct the throne in the
language of truth!_ We must dispel the delusions and darkness which
envelop it. I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my
feelings and indignation were too strong to permit me to say less."
Alas! this patriot stood nearly alone. In his opinion, the good of the
people was the supreme law; but this was opposed to the sentiments of
the hirelings of state and their _liberal_ mistress.
As a last effort, the earl resolved to seek an audience of the queen,
and the request was readily complied with. The day previous to his last
speech, delivered in the House of Lords, this interview took place. His
lordship pressed the queen to relieve the people, and, by every possible
means, to mitigate the public burdens. But, though her majesty was
gentle in her language, she expressed herself positively and decisively
as being adverse to his views; and took the opportunity of reminding him
of the _secrecy of state affairs_. As Lord Chatham had once given his
solemn promise never to permit those secrets to transpire, he resolved
faithfully to keep his engagement, though their disclosure would have
opened the eyes of the public to the disgraceful proceedings of herself
and ministers. The noble earl retired from his royal audience in much
confusion and agitation of mind; and on the following day, April the
7th, went to the House, and delivered a most energetic speech, which was
replied to by the Duke of Richmond. Lord Chatham afterwards made an
effort to rise, as if labouring to give expression to some great idea;
but, before he could utter a word, pressed his hand on his bosom, and
fell down in a convulsive fit. The Duke of Cumberland and Lord Temple
caught him in their arms, and removed him into the prince's chamber.
Medical assistance being immediately rendered, in a short time his
lordship in some measure recovered, and was removed to his favourite
villa at Hayes, in Kent. Hopes of his complete restoration to health,
however, proved delusive, and on the 10th of May,
1778,
this venerable and noble friend of humanity expired, in the seventieth
year of his age.
The news of the earl's death was not disagreeable to the queen; and she
thenceforth determined to increase, rather than decrease, her arbitrary
measures. Ribbons, stars, and garters, were bestowed upon those who lent
their willing aid to support her system of oppression, while thousands
were perishing in want to supply the means.
Manchester, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, this year, were servile
enough to raise regiments at their own expense; but the independent and
brave citizens of London, steady to their principles, that the war was
_unjust_, refused to follow so mean an example!
The year
1779
exhibits a miserable period in the history of Ireland. Her manufactures
declined, and the people became, consequently, much dissatisfied; but
their distresses were, at first, not even _noticed_ by the English
parliament. At length, however, an alarm of _INVASION_ took place, and
ministers allowed twenty thousand Irish volunteers to _carry arms_. The
ministers, who before had been callous to their distresses, found men in
arms were not to be trifled with, and the Irish people obtained a
_promise_ of an extension of trade, which satisfied them for the time.
Large sums were again required to meet the expenses of the American war,
and, the minister being supported by the queen, every vote for supplies
was carried by great majorities; for the year's service alone _fifteen
millions_ were thus agreed to. As the family of the king increased,
extra sums were also deemed requisite for each of his children; and what
amounts could not be raised by taxation were procured by _loans_,--thus
insulting the country, by permitting its expenditure to exceed its means
of income to an enormous extent.
Many representations were made to Lord North, that public opinion was
opposed to the system pursued by ministers; but he was inflexible, and
the generous interpositions of some members of the Upper House proved
also unavailing. The independent members of the Commons remonstrated,
and Mr. Burke brought forward plans for the reduction of the national
expenditure and the diminution of the influence of the crown; but they
were finally rejected, though not until violent conflicts had taken
place, in which Lord North found himself more than once in the minority.
About this time, Mr. Dunning, a lawyer and an eminent speaker,
advocated, in a most sensible manner, the necessity of taking into
consideration the affairs of Ireland; but ministers defeated the
intended benefit, and substituted a plan of their own, which they had
previously promised to Ireland; namely, to permit a free exportation of
their woollen manufactures. The unassuming character of that oppressed
people never appeared to greater advantage than at this period, as even
this resolution was received by them with the warmest testimonies of joy
and gratitude.
There cannot be a doubt, that if the Irish had been honestly
represented, their honor and ardour would have been proverbial; but they
have almost always been neglected and insulted. The queen had taken Lord
North's advice, and acquainted herself with the native character of the
Irish, by which she became aware that, if that people generally
possessed information, they would prove a powerful balance against the
unjust system then in force. At this time, there was not an Irishman
acquainted with any _state secrets_; her majesty, therefore, did not
fear an explanation from that quarter, or she dare not have so oppressed
them.
To provide for the exigencies of state, twelve millions of money, in
addition to the former fifteen millions, were required this year; and
thus were the sorrows of a suffering people increased, and they
themselves forced to forge their own chains of oppression!
Numerous were the prosecutions against the press this year; among the
rest, Mr. Parker, printer of "The General Advertiser," was brought
before the "House of Hereditaries," for publishing a libel on one of its
_noble_ members. That there were a _few_ intelligent and liberal-minded
men in the House of Lords at this time, we do not wish to deny. The
memorable speech of Lord Abingdon proved his lordship to be one of
these, and, as this speech so admirably distinguishes _PRIVILEGE_ from
_TYRANNY_, we hope to be excused for introducing it in our pages. We
give it in his lordship's own words:
"MY LORDS,--Although there is no noble lord more zealously
attached to the privileges of this House than I am, yet when I
see those privileges interfering with, and destructive of, the
rights of the people, there is no one among the people more
ready to oppose those privileges than myself. And, my lords,
my reason is this: that the privileges of neither house of
parliament were ever constitutionally given to either to
combat with the rights of the people. They were given, my
lords, that each branch of the legislature might defend itself
against the encroachments of the other, and to preserve that
balance entire, which is essential to the preservation of all.
"This was the designation, this is the use of privilege; and
in this unquestionable shape let us apply it. Let us apply it
against the encroachments of the crown, and not suffer any
lord (if any such there be) who, having clambered up into the
house upon the ladder of prerogative, might wish to yield up
our privileges to that prerogative. Let us make use of our
privileges against the other house of parliament, whenever
occasion shall make it necessary, but not against the people.
This is the distinction and this the meaning of privilege. The
people are under the law, and we are the legislators. If they
offend, let them be punished according to law, where we have
our remedy. If we are injured in our reputations, the law has
provided us with a special remedy. We are entitled to the
action of _scandalum magnatum_,--a privilege peculiar to
ourselves. For these reasons, then, my lords, when the noble
earl made his motion for the printer to be brought before this
House, and when the end of that motion was answered by the
author of the paper complained of giving up his name, I was in
great hopes that the motion would have been withdrawn. I am
sorry it was not; and yet, when I say this, I do not mean to
wish that an inquiry into the merits of that paper should not
be made. As it stands at present, the noble lord accused
therein is the disgrace of this House, and the scandal of
government. I therefore trust, for his own honor, for the
honor of this House, that that noble lord will not object to,
but will _himself_ insist upon, the most rigid inquiry into
his conduct.
"But, my lords, to call for a printer, in the case of a libel,
when he gives up his author (although a modern procedure) _is
not founded in law_; for in the statute of Westminster, the
1st, chapter 34, it is said, 'None shall report any false and
slanderous news or tales of _great men_, whereby any discord
may arise betwixt the king and his people, on pain of
imprisonment, _until they bring forth the author_.' The
statutes of the 2d of Richard the Second, chapter 5, and the
14th of the same reign, are to the same effect. It is there
enacted, that 'No person shall devise, or tell any _false_
news or lies of any lord, prelate, officer of the government,
judge, &c., by which any slander shall happen to their
persons, or mischief come to the kingdom, upon pain of being
imprisoned; and where any one hath told false news or lies,
and cannot produce the author, he shall suffer imprisonment,
and be punished by the king's counsel.' Here, then, my lords,
two things are clearly pointed out, to wit, the person to be
punished, and what the mode of punishment is. The person to be
punished is the author, when produced; the mode of punishment
is by the king's counsel; so that, in the present case, the
printer having given up the author, he is discharged from
punishment: and if the privilege of punishment had been in
this House, the right is barred by these statutes; for how is
the punishment to be had? Not by this House, but by the king's
counsel. And, my lords, it cannot be otherwise; for, if it
were, the freedom of the press were at an end; and for this
purpose was this modern doctrine, to answer modern views,
invented,--_a doctrine which I should ever stand up in
opposition to, if even the right of its exercise were in us_.
But the right is not in us: it is a jurisdiction too summary
for the freedom of our constitution, and incompatible with
liberty. It takes away the trial by jury; which king, lords,
and commons, _have not a right to do_. It is to make us
accusers, judges, jury, and executioners too, if we please. It
is to give us an executive power, to which, in our legislative
capacities, we are not entitled. It is to give us a power,
which even the executive power itself has not, which the
prerogative of the crown dare not assume, which the king
himself cannot exercise. My lords, _the king cannot touch the
hair of any man's head in this country, though he be guilty of
high treason, but by means of the law. It is the law that
creates the offence; it is a jury that must determine the
guilt; it is the law that affixes the punishment; and all
other modes of proceeding are_ ILLEGAL. Why then, my lords,
are we to assume to ourselves an executive power, with which
even the executive power itself is not entrusted? I am aware,
my lords, it will be said that this House, in its capacity of
a court of justice, has a right to call for evidence at its
bar, and to punish the witness who shall not attend. I admit
it, my lords; and I admit it not only as a right belonging to
this House, but as a right essential to every court of
justice; for, without this right, justice could not be
administered. But, my lords, was this House sitting as a court
of justice (for we must distinguish between our judicial and
our legislative capacities) when Mr. Parker was ordered to be
taken into custody, and brought before this House? If so, at
whose suit was Mr. Parker to be examined? Where are the
records? Where are the papers of appeal? Who is the plaintiff,
and who the defendant? There is nothing like it before your
lordships; for if there had, and Mr. Parker, in such case, had
disobeyed the order of this House, he was not only punishable
for his contumacy and contempt, but every magistrate in the
kingdom was bound to assist your lordships in having him
forthcoming at your lordship's bar. _Whereas, as it is, every
magistrate in the kingdom is bound, by the law of the land, to
release Mr. Parker, if he be taken into custody by the present
order of this House._ Nothing can be more true, than that in
our judicial capacity, we have a right to call for evidence at
our bar, and to punish the witness if he does not appear. The
whole body of the law supports us in this right. But, under
the pretext of privilege, to bring a man by force to the bar,
when we _have our remedy at law; to accuse, condemn, and
punish that man, at the mere arbitrary will and pleasure of
this House, not sitting as a court of justice, is tyranny in
the abstract. It is against law; it is subversive of the
constitution; it is incompetent to this House_; and,
therefore, my lords, thinking as I do, that this House has no
right forcibly to bring any man to its bar, but in the
discharge of its proper functions, as a court of judicature, I
shall now move your lordships, 'that the body of W. Parker,
printer of the General Advertiser, be released from the
custody of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod, and that the
order for the said Parker, being brought to the bar of this
House be now discharged.'
"Before I sit down, I will just observe to your lordships,
that I know that precedents may be adduced in contradiction to
the doctrine I have laid down. But, my lords, _precedents
cannot make that legal and constitutional which is, in itself,
illegal and unconstitutional_. IF THE PRECEDENTS OF THIS REIGN
ARE TO BE RECEIVED AS PRECEDENTS IN THE NEXT, THE LORD HAVE
MERCY ON THOSE WHO ARE TO COME AFTER US!!!
"There is one observation more I would make, and it is this:
_I would wish noble lords to consider, how much it lessens the
dignity of this House, to agitate privileges which you have
not power to enforce. It hurts the constitution of parliament,
and, instead of being respected, makes us contemptible. That
privilege which you cannot exercise, and of right too, disdain
to keep._"
If the country had been blessed with a majority of such patriots as Lord
Abingdon, what misery had been prevented! what lives had been saved!
Early in the year
1780,
meetings of the populace took place in various parts of the kingdom, and
ministers were boldly accused of having prodigally and wastefully spent
the public money; while petitions were presented, praying "for a
correction of abuses in the public expenditure." Riots in many parts of
England were the consequences of unjustly continuing wars and taxation,
and several hundred people were killed and wounded by the military;
while many others forfeited their lives on the scaffold for daring to
raise their arms against tyranny. Lord George Gordon was also committed
to the Tower on a charge of high treason; but no jury of his countrymen
could be found to consider his undaunted attempt to _redress the
people's grievances as treasonable_, and he was, consequently,
_honorably acquitted_! The influence of her majesty, however, kept a
minister in office, though contrary to the sense of the wisest and best
part of the community; and a ruinous war was still permitted to drain
the blood and money of the many.
War might probably be considered by those in power a _legal trade_; but
was it not continued for the untenable purpose of avarice? We think it
was. There did not appear to be any rational hope for reform or
retrenchment, while men versed in corruption were so enriched, and had
an almost unlimited sway over the councils of the reigning authority.
Popular commotion was dreaded; yet the ministers could not be prevailed
upon to dispel the cause of anxiety by conciliatory measures,--by a
timely redress of grievances, by concession of rights, and by
reformation of abuses. If they had done so, they would have given
satisfactory evidence that government had no other object in view than
faithfully to discharge their duty, by adopting such plans as would
really benefit mankind, and furnish means to secure the comfort and
happiness of all men.
In the mean time, much distress was imposed upon the unfortunate king,
by the increasing and uncontroulable prodigality of some of his
children, especially of GEORGE. The queen would not hear of any thing to
his discredit, and thus what little of family enjoyment remained was
ultimately destroyed.
The unrestrained predilection of this youthful prince now became
habitual pursuits, and excesses of the most detestable description were
not unknown to him. Within the circle of his less nominally illustrious
acquaintance, every father dreaded the seduction of his child, if she
possessed any personal charms, while the mother feared to lose sight of
her daughter, even for a moment. It is not in our power to give an
adequate idea of the number of those families whose happiness he ruined;
but we well, too well, know the number was infamously great. The country
gave him credit for being liberal in political principles, and
generously disposed for reform. But little of his _real_ character was
then known; his faults, indeed, were named as virtues, and his vices
considered as _gentlemanly exploits_, so that his dissembled appearance
was received, by those unacquainted with him, as the sure and
incontestable mark of a great and noble soul. But, before our pages are
concluded, we fear we must, in duty, prove him a widely-different
character! It is true, his acquaintance with political characters was
chiefly amongst "the Whigs;" it may also be added that those "Whigs,"
so particularly intimate with this prince, did not gain much by their
connexion with him, but finally became as supine and venal as himself.
They determined that, as the heir-apparent, he should not be allowed to
suffer any deterioration of greatness, and the principles and practices
of so mighty an individual were considered by them to constitute a
sufficient patent for continual imitation.
At this period, Mr. Dunning moved his famous resolution to the House,
with unbending firmness and uncompromising fidelity. He said, "The
influence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be
diminished." It was carried by a majority of 233 against 215; but a
second resolution, which was to give effect to the first, was lost by a
majority of fifty-one votes.
In the year
1781,
William Pitt, the second son of the late Lord Chatham, delivered his
first speech in the Commons, in favour of the bill introduced by Mr.
Burke, on the subject of reform.
Lord North brought forward the budget on the 7th of March, containing
the various items needful for the service of the year. The amount so
calculated was _twenty-one millions of money_!--twelve of which were to
be raised by loans, the terms being very high. From this bold imposition
upon the public purse and credit, the ministry were much lowered in
public opinion.
During this year, the brave General Washington struck that decisive blow
which afterwards gave liberty to his countrymen. He kept General Clinton
at New York, in constant alarm; and then suddenly appeared before York
Town in full force, and obtained a grand victory over Lord Cornwallis,
who was there with his army. The American war consequently became more
unpopular than ever, and shortly after the meeting of parliament, in
March,
1782,
a resolution was moved, and _passed without a division_, declaring that
the House of Commons would consider as enemies to his majesty and the
country all who should advise the prosecution of offensive war in North
America!
Shortly after, Lord North resigned, and the Marquis of Rockingham was
placed at the head of the new administration. Amongst the promotions at
this time, was _Mr. Dunning!_ who, at _her majesty's request_, was
created Baron Ashburton, and also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
A treaty of peace was now entered into with General Washington, and Sir
Guy Carleton was deputed to conduct the happy affair.
In the beginning of July, the unexpected death of the Marquis of
Rockingham threw the whole cabinet into extreme disorder; and another
resignation of ministers took place, on which occasion Mr. Pitt was
constituted "Chancellor of the Exchequer," _although only twenty-three
years of age_! Lord Shelburne accepted the office of premier, at the
request of the king, which gave great offence to Mr. Fox and the Duke of
Portland, who resigned. The country was little benefitted by this
change, as the money required for the service of the year was more than
twenty-four millions, of which thirteen had to be raised by loans.
In November, the provisional articles of peace were signed at Paris
between the Commissioners of England and those of the United States.
The Shelburne party were obliged to retire in
1783,
having, by their arbitrary measures, drawn upon themselves general
displeasure throughout the country.
Much surprise was created at the unexpected coalition of Lord North and
Mr. Fox, which was the natural result of the pressing case of the
prince, to whom the queen had confidentially entrusted his father's
breach of the law, in the solemnization of his marriage with herself.
The queen, in fact, used the prince's influence to prevail upon Mr. Fox
to join Lord North, as he was well informed upon all the circumstances
of the king's first marriage. Although the political sentiments of these
gentlemen were opposed, it was represented as a safe line of conduct, to
ensure the tranquillity of the kingdom. Thus, again, was every portion
of truth sacrificed to the WILL of the _queen_.
This year, the king agreed that the heir-apparent should receive fifty
thousand pounds per annum, and sixty thousand pounds to equip him
suitably to his dignity. In the mean time, it became a public fact, that
the prince had so deeply involved himself in debt as to be mean enough
to resort, through the medium of others, to borrow money (of various
amounts) of his tradespeople!
Before the conclusion of the year, the _Whig and Tory_ ministry were
ejected, to the entire satisfaction of nearly every individual in the
nation, who despised such an unholy alliance of opposite principles.
Mr. Pitt was now made "First Lord of the Treasury," which was a change
very satisfactory to her majesty, as, from the youth of the new
"premier," she augured her likely influence over the political
hemisphere to be increased. It was well known that her majesty did not
like any of the prince's associates, more especially Messrs. Fox and
Sheridan. Mr. Burke was not supposed to be so informed upon all
subjects; and, though much in the necessary confidence of the prince,
the queen presumed it was chiefly in procuring pecuniary accommodations.
It was not until an after period, that the _whole truth_ was stated to
her by the prince.
New taxes alone could furnish means for the immense additional annuities
now imposed upon the country; and thus were sums for every succeeding
year's demand increased.
At this period, the Prince of Wales and his next brother were associated
in dissipation of every kind. Their love of gaming was proverbial, and
their excess of indulgence in voluptuousness soon exhausted the income
allowed them by the country. Their caprices were various, but those of
the prince was most strikingly evinced in his abruptly declining his
engagements with the celebrated Mrs. Robinson. His usual plan was, when
fascinated by the appearance of a new object, to exert every nerve to
possess it. Presents, accompanied by the highest eulogiums, and
protestations of eternal love and constancy, were always pressed upon
the acceptance of the intended victim; and thus, by apparent devotion
and unconquerable passion, many were the delusions he practised, and the
outrages he committed, upon the unsuspecting virtue of woman.
Had a plebeian committed but _one_ act similar to those in which the
prince was so frequently the principal character, his _life_ must have
atoned for his fault, and a destitute family, in consequence, been
plunged into distraction. But, because the prince was of such
high-reputed family, he must, forsooth, be accounted a _noble-minded
gentleman_; and, instead of exposition and punishment, the venal and
hired press of the day launched out into the most fulsome eulogiums of
his _graceful, all-attracting elegance of style and manners_, without
even speaking of the _infamy_ of his amours, intrigues, and
debaucheries! Some writers, alas! are so fearful of speaking the truth,
lest they should offend the _side they have espoused_, or the
inclinations and political principles of those by whom they are likely
to be read, that they almost persuade themselves there is a sort of
_impropriety_ in presenting facts in their proper colours! But is it not
beneath the dignity of the press to act in so cowardly a manner?
In the year
1784,
(notwithstanding the dreadfully enormous weight of the "national debt,"
borrowed by the ministers upon nominal annuities, for which large
interest was given) the king was again solicited to assist the prince,
in order that his debts might be discharged. This request was refused,
and Messrs. Fox and Sheridan advocated the subject to no purpose.
During this year, much public display of talent was made in the House.
Mr. Pitt was now fully and entirely in her majesty's "confidence," and
he well knew if "the system" were to be continued, war must be carried
on, and oppression would increase rather than decrease. While engaged in
a private interview with the queen, upon various state subjects, Mr.
Pitt submitted his opinion upon the extravagance and improper pursuits
of the prince, adding, "I much fear, your majesty, in his delirium of
debauchery, _some expressions may escape him, to the injury of the
crown_!" "No," answered the queen, "he is too well aware of the
_consequences to himself_, if that transpired; so on that point I can
rely upon him." "Is your majesty aware," said Mr. Pitt, "that at this
time the prince is engrossed by a fair beauty? and I believe, from good
authority I may say, intends to marry her! He is now so much
embarrassed, that, at the suggestion of his trusty friend, Sheridan, he
borrows large amounts from a Jew, who resides in town, and gives his
bonds for much larger amounts than he receives; by this means, he is
actually involved in debt to the amount of above a million of money; and
the interest and principal must, some day, be _honourably_ discharged,
or else he must never ascend the throne; as the dishonour would cause
him eternal disgrace, if not an abdication." Truly, this was a fine
picture of England's future monarch!
In the year
1785,
Mr. Pitt caused prosecutions to be issued and enforced to check the
rising spirit of the Irish, as they appeared determined to press hard
until they received reform in the representation; and, in order to
divert the exasperated feelings of the people of England, as he stood
deeply pledged to the reformers, "_as a man and a minister_," to bring
in "a bill to amend the representation of the people," he moved, April
18th, for leave to bring it forward for the consideration of the House.
His plan was to transfer the right of election from thirty-six rotten
boroughs to the counties and principle unrepresented towns, _allowing a
pecuniary compensation to the owners of the disfranchised boroughs_, and
to extend the right of voting for knights of the shires to copyholders.
This minister suffered his motion to be negatived by 248 against 194!
Had there been honesty on the part of the minister towards the people,
unfettered by any _state secrets_, he would have been prepared to meet
the numerous opposers; but he found himself unable to serve the cause of
liberty and slavery at the same time, and so, to save his word of
promise, he did bring in "the bill," when he well knew it was impossible
to carry it under the then existing corruptions!
In the farce here played, under the management of that youthful
renegade,--PITT, we have a fair specimen of the way in which the English
have been treated. But there is a time rapidly approaching when the
supporters of despotism cannot thus delude their countrymen. The whole
nest of court sycophants, however, seem determined rather to see England
reduced to a state of the most grievous bondage than imagine one of
their own ill-gotten acres endangered, or the least of their absurd and
exclusive privileges called in question. But are such creatures, their
_imagined_ interests, and affected opinions, to triumph over the views
of the most virtuous patriots and wisest men of the present age? Forbid
it, Justice!
The year
1786
was ushered in under some peculiar circumstances of distress and alarm.
The king was evidently declining in health, and strong signs of
imbecility were apparent. He positively refused to see the prince upon
the subject of his debts, and was otherwise much distracted at the
recollection of various impositions upon the public, which might have
been avoided, if, in the moment of necessity, he had explained himself
fully to the nation, and pressed for an amelioration of all _unnatural_
and _uncivilized_ acts of parliament, detrimental to the peace, welfare,
and happiness of the sovereign and the subject.
In July, the prince was so beset with appeals from his numerous
creditors, that, partly to silence them, and partly to induce the House
to pay his long-standing arrears of borrowed money, he announced his
intention to give up his establishment, and, out of his annual income of
fifty thousand pounds, to reserve ten thousand, and appropriate forty
thousand for the benefit of his creditors.
In the early part of this year, the prince _was married_ to Mrs.
Fitzherbert. Messrs. Fox, Sheridan, and Burke were present upon the
occasion, as also were some of the relatives of the bride. After the
ceremony, Mr. Fox handed them into a carriage, and they drove to
Richmond, where they spent some days. In the interim, the queen was made
acquainted with the marriage. Her majesty requested an audience with the
prince, which was immediately complied with. The queen insisted on being
told if the news of his marriage were correct. "Yes, madam," replied he,
"and not any force under heaven shall separate _us_. If his majesty had
been _as firm_ in acknowledging _his marriage_, he might _now_ have
enjoyed life, instead of being a misanthrope, as he is. But I beg,
further, that _my_ wife be received at court, and proportionately as
your majesty receives her, and pays her attention, from this time, so
shall I render my attentions to your majesty. The lady I have married is
worthy of all homage, and my very confidential friends, with some of my
wife's relations, only, _witnessed_ our marriage. Have you not always
taught me to consider myself _heir_ to the first sovereignty in the
world? where then will exist any risk of obtaining a ready concurrence
from the House in my marriage? I hope, madam, a few hours reflection
will satisfy you that I have done my duty in following this impulse of
my inclinations, and therefore I wait your majesty's commands, feeling
assured you would not wish to blast the happiness of your favourite
prince." The queen presumed it would prove her best policy to signify
her acquiescence to the prince's wishes, and the interview terminated
without any further explanation or remonstrance; nevertheless, the
substance of the interview was immediately communicated to Mr. Pitt. The
extravagant expenditure of the prince, at this period, was so increased,
that he frequently promised _cent. per cent._ for advances of cash!
The Duke of Richmond, this year, proposed to erect _fortifications_ all
over England! Monstrous as this attempt to enslave the country must
appear, the power of Pitt brought the division of the House of Commons
on the bill exactly _even_, so that the speaker was obliged, by his
conscience, to give his casting vote _against_ so traitorous an affair!
The establishment of a sinking fund was next brought forward; and, on a
surplus of taxes appearing, amounting to NINE HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS,
new taxes were levied on the plea of making up this sum _ONE MILLION_,
which, with compound interest, was to be invariably applied to the
_reduction of the national debt_.
In the year
1787,
the queen received the wife of the prince (Mrs. Fitzherbert) _in the
most courteous manner in public_! The mental illness of the king became
now apparent to those around him, but it _was not spoken of publicly_.
In April, Mr. Newnham, member for the city of London, gave notice that
he should bring forward a motion, the intent of which was, "To address
the king, in order to procure his approbation to relieve the Prince of
Wales from all embarrassments of a _pecuniary_ nature," to which he
hoped the House would _cordially_ agree. This announcement created much
conversation, as well it might; and Mr. Newnham was earnestly solicited
to withdraw his motion, lest its results should do injury to the state,
and be productive of other inconvenience and mischief. The minister
(Pitt) said, "_that if Mr. Newnham persevered in pressing his motion
upon the notice of the House, he should be driven to make disclosures of
circumstances, which otherwise he believed it to be his imperative duty
to conceal_." Mr. Rolle (member for Devonshire) considered that an
investigation of this matter involved many questions of consequence,
which would affect both church and state. Messrs. Fox and Sheridan, with
some other _private_ acquaintances of the prince, were bold in their
language, and replied, that "the prince did not fear any investigation
of his conduct; and that respect or indulgence, by an affected
tenderness or studied ambiguity, would be disagreeable to the wishes and
feelings of his royal highness!"
A few days after this debate, Mr. Fox called the attention of the House
to the strange and extraordinary language used by Mr. Rolle, saying,
"that he presumed those remarks were made in reference to the base and
malicious calumny which had been propagated out of doors by the enemies
of the prince, in order to _depreciate_ his character, and injure him in
the opinion of the country!" Mr. Rolle replied to this by saying that,
"though the marriage could not have been accomplished under the formal
sanction of the law, yet if it existed _as a fact_, it ought to be
satisfactorily cleared up, lest the most alarming consequences should be
the result." Mr. Fox, in reply, said, "that he not only denied the
calumny in question, with respect to the effect of certain existing
laws, but he also denied the _marriage in toto_," adding, "though he
well knew the matter was illegal under every form of statute provided,
yet he took that opportunity to assert, _it never did happen_." Mr.
Rolle again asked, "Do you, Sir, speak from DIRECT OR INDIRECT
AUTHORITY?" Mr. Fox replied, "FROM DIRECT AUTHORITY." The House was now
anxious that Mr. Rolle should express his satisfaction; but he
positively and determinately refused, "as he wished every member of the
House to JUDGE for himself!" Now mark the result. Mr. Sheridan (the
bottle-companion of the prince) rose and declared warmly, "that if Mr.
Rolle would not be satisfied, or put the matter into some train for his
further satisfaction, his opinion was, the House ought to resolve, that
it was seditious and disloyal to propagate reports injurious to the
prince." But notice Mr. Pitt's reply, who rose, and protested against an
attack upon the freedom of speech in that House. Mr. Pitt, indeed, could
do no less than _stop the inquiry_; for if it had proceeded to any
greater length, the LEGITIMACY of the prince might have been
_doubted_!!!
The prince again sought advice to shield himself from his various
opponents, whose impertinent, yet honest expressions, might prove an
alloy to his character, and render void all his pretensions to even
_common honesty_! His royal highness _deigned_ to consult some persons
of consequence, but he could not receive any advice equal to his wishes.
At length, he saw the queen, and partly explained his difficulties and
debts, concluding his remarks by these _threatening_ words: "Unless the
king suggests _HIS DESIRE_ for the payment of these debts, I will
_EXPLAIN_ all this STATE MYSTERY; and I would receive a shot from a
musket, in preference to the galling insults which I well know the
_kingdoms_ infer _from these shameful arrears_." Again the _state
secrets_ operated! Again was TRUTH to be hidden in a napkin! The prince
retired from the audience; but the queen was no sooner disengaged than
Mr. Pitt was announced and introduced. The interview was short, but
decisive, and the minister departed on a mission to the prince at
Carlton House. There he promised that his royal highness should
immediately receive means to discharge his debts, and accordingly, on
the very next day, a message was laid before the House, and an address
voted to the king, to request him to grant out of the "civil list" the
sum of one hundred and sixty-one thousand pounds, to discharge the debts
of George, called Prince of Wales, with an additional sum of twenty
thousand pounds to finish the repairs of Carlton Palace. When this
infamous proposition was made, distress and wretchedness were at an
alarming height! But the king was more an object of pity than of blame.
Royalty, to him, was a deceitful bauble. Those who beheld it at a
distance saw nothing but greatness, splendour, and delight; but, could
they have examined it closely, they would have found toil, perplexity,
and care, its constant companions.
The king was now fast exchanging the bloom of youth for the languor of
age. He knew his duty was to repress calumny and falsehood, and to
support innocence and truth; and not only to abstain from doing evil,
but to exert himself in every way to do good, by preventing the
mischiefs evil counsellors might devise. Yet the _state secrets_ kept
him from acting as his heart dictated, and his mind soon lost all its
vigour!
The prince, from this time, was sure of the attainment of his wishes, if
within the power of the queen to bestow; and, from this conquest, he
gave loose rein to the impetuous desires of his wayward inclinations.
Splendid fetes were given, money was lavished upon the most
insignificant and indecorous occasions; virtue openly insulted, in every
possible shape; and the man, who was expected shortly to reign over the
destiny of millions, was frequently exhibited to his friends as an
UNPRINCIPLED LIBERTINE, a NOTORIOUS GAMESTER, and an UNGRATEFUL SON! But
the rank of royal distinction, and the means he possessed to gratify his
lusts (being devoid of all positive integrity upon many points) were
sufficient causes of excuse in the estimation of himself and his
minions! His graceful bow and ensnaring address led many good-natured
people into a belief that he was really an honest man and a gentleman!
From the commencement of the year
1788,
the king's health again declined. His mind appeared full of gloomy
apprehensions and forebodings; sometimes he uttered the most incoherent
language; then, dissolving in tears, would ask after the health of the
several members of his family, and especially of his youngest daughter,
to whom he was more particularly attached. This state of aberration was,
however, strictly concealed from the public as long as possible by the
queen. Here, again, mark her German policy! Fearing she could not much
longer conceal the king's indisposition, she determined to consult her
favourite minister, and they resolved upon a proposition to give to the
_queen's_ care the charge of his majesty's person, presuming that step
was finally needful, as by its adoption _only_ could she retain an
opportunity of exercising _complete controul over her afflicted
husband_! On the reassembling of parliament, therefore, the project of
the queen was brought forward by Pitt, who, possessing a decided
majority, passed what resolutions he pleased. He contended, in
opposition to Fox, that the Prince of Wales had no more right to the
regency _than he had_! The debates upon this subject were long and warm;
but Pitt and the queen finally triumphed. The care of the king's person
and the disposition of the royal household was to be committed to her
majesty, who would, by this means, be vested with the patronage of _four
hundred places_, amongst which were the great offices of lord-stewart,
lord-chamberlain, and master of the horse! These "loaves and fishes"
offered the queen a fine opportunity of exercising her tyranny, and
further increasing her power!
Let us here digress a little, to reflect upon the _enviable_ state in
which her majesty was placed at this period.
Behold, then, the Queen of England, in the enjoyment of health,
surrounded with all the luxuries of life, knowing the _intricacies_ of
STATE INFAMY, and anxious to hold the reins of government in her own
hands, constantly closeted with the minister--ALONE! his years not half
so many as those of his royal mistress! See her confiding in his
secrecy, submitting her opinions for his decision, and knowing that
herself and her family are in his power! The man, who, after this
retrospect, pronounces there never was a _false step_, or a _deviation
from rectitude_, we venture to say is but very little acquainted with
humanity! It is also well known to more than one or two individuals,
that the Prince of Wales dared to _jest_ with her majesty upon the
occasional _private_ interviews she held with this minister; and his
royal highness was once seriously sent from her presence, in consequence
of a TRIFLING DISCOVERY he made. It therefore seemed the more requisite
that the _appearance_ of a rigid decorum must exist at court;
consequently, if any lady had been known to violate those bounds, she
must be excluded from royal favour, and never again enter the precincts
of the palace! Her majesty, it will be perceived from this, knew how to
put on the garb of virtue, if she possessed it not! Our love of
impartiality, however, obliges us to give an instance contrary to the
general edict of the queen. Her majesty was made fully acquainted with
Mrs. Fitzherbert's history, and therefore knew that this lady had been
left a widow--twice; and that she afterwards accepted the _protection_
of the Marquis Bellois, which intimacy was of considerable duration.
Yet, as soon as the prince _married her_, she was a general visitant at
court, and received the most especial and unlimited polite attentions
from the queen. Let this example suffice to shew her majesty's
_scrupulous_ delicacy!
In March,
1789,
the king was declared convalescent, so as to be able to resume his
duties, and defeat those air-drawn schemes of power, which his queen was
about to assume.
The insulted sovereign thus freed the people, for a time, from the
artful stratagems and devices arising from the charnel house of
oppression.
It is certain, that his majesty was free from all _violent_ paroxysms,
and generally manifested a quiet and unobtrusive disposition in all
things. But then this was the _utmost_ of his improvement. Reason's
empire was fatally shook, and the recollection of the past incapacitated
him for forming an opinion either upon the present or the future.
The queen, in the mean time, resolved not to be entirely debarred of her
prospects of patronage; for, under the specious disguise of kingly
authority, her majesty gave appointments and honours to the hirelings
around her, and carried "majorities" whenever she pleased.
It was not deemed prudent that the king should open the House in person;
therefore, the chancellor delivered the speech in the name of his
majesty.
During this session, Mr. Wilberforce pleaded ably for the abolition of
West Indian slavery, though to very little advantage.
Some excesses of an unhappy description were practised by the Duke of
York; but they were passed over without any public punishment or
parental rebuke, although a family of high respectability suffered the
loss of their only daughter, a most beautiful and accomplished girl,
nearly twenty years of age! She was a victim of the duke's sensuality,
and destroyed herself by poison soon afterwards,--such were the extreme
sentiments of honor and virtue entertained by her. Some of her family
yet live to mourn her loss and regret the privileges of royalty!
In this year a revolution broke out in France, and innumerable lives
were lost. The opposite views which Burke and Fox took of this event
dissolved the friendship that had so long existed between them.
In February,
1790,
the printer of "The Times" newspaper was fined ONE HUNDRED POUNDS for a
libel on the Prince of Wales, and the like sum for a libel on the
_equally-illustrious_ seducer, the Duke of York. If a verdict had been
given otherwise, royalty would have been humbled!
In this year, also, a most remarkable occurrence transpired. A very
respectable clergyman was induced to marry two persons upon an extreme
emergency, without their obtaining a license or the publishing of banns.
The clergyman was tried at Leicester for this offence, and sentenced to
be _transported for fourteen years_! Many appeals were made, in a quiet
and peaceable manner, to the judge. Expostulations upon the
disproportion of the punishment were also made by various classes of
society; but, alas! _the happiness of the subject was destroyed_, while
the higher authorities remained not only unimpeached, but defended!
During this session, the House was solicited to supply extra sums for
the expenditure of the _secret service_, to which, however, many voices
were raised in opposition. The prince and his former friends and
companions were now apparently in a state of disunion, as each one
appeared dissatisfied with the other.
Mr. Fox proved the most unremitting member of the House in the discharge
of his duties, opposing the increase of the national debt, and the
imposition of new taxes. The salary of the speaker of the House of
Commons, however, was advanced to six thousand pounds, remonstrance
proving of no avail.
About this time, the prince and two of his brothers became so
embarrassed by their imprudent conduct, that they found it expedient to
resort to some measure for the attainment of means to satisfy the
clamorous demands of their creditors. Jews and money-brokers were tried,
but to no effect; and their last resource seemed to be by obtaining the
amount desired upon their respective or joint bonds. Every likely person
was solicited to grant the loan; yet, after a long and mortifying
attempt, all their endeavours proved fruitless. A large interest was
offered, and had the parties been persons of indubitable integrity, many
of their countrymen would have gladly lent their money upon such terms;
but former inaccuracies paved the way for future misgivings. At length
the sum was furnished, from foreign houses chiefly,--the amount of which
was ONE MILLION!!! The princes received nearly half a million
immediately, and the other portion was to be paid according to the
stipulation,--the interest being fixed at _six per cent._ This interest,
however, was not paid upon its becoming due; consequently there was a
suspicion of unfair dealing; but of this subject we must treat anon.
A trifling dispute with Spain this year cost the country THREE HUNDRED
THOUSAND POUNDS!
The year
1791
was a period of continual debate and of harassing vexation, both at home
and abroad. In the mean while, the prince was engrossed in his pursuits
of pleasure, ever searching after variety in every possible shape. Such
also were the pursuits of his royal brothers.
It now becomes our painful duty to speak of the FEMALES of this
"_ILLUSTRIOUS FAMILY_."
It is one of the unnatural distinctions of royalty, and which is often
fatal to the happiness of society, that _their ways are not the ways of
the other sons and daughters of humanity_. Though royal blood is not of
itself considered a barrier against marriage, the very few persons that
are eligible to marry a king's daughter, besides the unsurmountable
difficulties which religion opposes to such unions, makes them almost
amount to absolute exclusion.
It would argue a callous heart not to feel the force of the above
reflection, while speaking of the royal daughters of Queen Charlotte.
They were at this period in the bloom of youth, in all the glowing
exuberance of health, but from the real enjoyment of which the miserable
etiquette of regal splendour, and the feigned prudery of their mother,
debarred them. In the full meridian of their state, possessing every
exterior advantage calculated to excite vulgar envy and admiration,
these royal ladies were less blessed, in reality, than the daughters of
peasants, who were free to marry the men of their choice. When this
secluded state of royalty is considered, the reflecting mind will feel
disposed to exercise charity and forbearance; but the subjects of our
present notice partook of _rather more_ of female frailty than ought to
have been allowed. We have heard, indeed, of the most desperate excesses
committed by _royal_ ladies, and are ourselves acquainted with an
_accoucheur_, who officiated under a circumstance of a lamentable
kind,--INDEPENDENT OF THE BIRTH OF CAPTAIN GARTH! Alas! were the crimes
of the court of Charlotte but painted in their true colours, how would
Virtue blush!--how would Honesty be abashed!--how would Credulity be
staggered! The slightest deviation from honor in a tradesman's daughter
is generally punished by eternal disgrace! For the present, we must
leave these very painful reflections; though we fear _truth_ will compel
us to renew the subject.
The revenue was, as usual, unequal to meet the extravagancies of the
royal family, and so was added every succeeding year an increase to the
already immense "NATIONAL DEBT."
The queen became now much disturbed by the dissatisfaction so generally
expressed by all classes of society, and she therefore resolved to give
the minister her opinion upon the subject. Mr. Pitt accordingly
presented himself, and was received with courteous attention. The queen
expressed her fears of an ill _ultimatum_, unless some plan could be
proposed to satisfy the desires of the people. After various
propositions were made and rejected, it was deemed prudent to resist any
and every motion which might be made in the Commons for reform in the
state of the representation, and to rule over the people by _force_, if
found needful.
The House met early in the year
1792,
and the king announced the marriage of his second son, Frederick, with a
daughter of the King of Prussia. In March, Mr. Pitt proposed to settle
thirty thousand pounds per annum upon their royal highnesses! The
Opposition remonstrated, but the motion was finally carried.
Much interest was excited upon the subject of the slave trade; and Mr.
Wilberforce urged the abolition of it in very warm and generous
language. Mr. Pitt was eloquent on this occasion, and pleaded, most
animatedly, in favour of its entire abolition; but the minister _was not
sincere_. A series of resolutions were ultimately agreed upon, and sent
up to the Lords for their concurrence.
The Duke of Clarence now commenced his parliamentary career, by
violently declaiming against the abolition of slavery and its advocates.
This caused it to be delayed, and the guilt of Britain increased.
The queen _appeared_ vexed at this circumstance, as she had imagined
such a concession would have given great satisfaction, without
decreasing her influence at home.
In a private conversation with an illustrious person, some days after
this defeat, Mr. Wilberforce said, "He did not believe the queen or the
minister were _truly desirous_ of the abolition of slavery; for, if it
had been intended by them to be carried, they would have secured it in
the Upper House."
After thus trifling with the wishes of the people, it appeared probable
that dissatisfaction might arise amongst the middle classes of society;
to provide against which, the establishment of a new police for
Westminster was proposed and carried.
The year
1793
commenced with the usual aspects, and power appeared to have had a
hardening influence upon the minds of statesmen. The crisis seemed near,
that some salutary and healing measure of reform in the state of the
representation must be adopted; for it was imprudent any longer to be
silent on the subject. Mr. Grey, therefore, moved the question in the
House, on the 30th of April, and was supported ably by Mr. Erskine and
others; but the minister (Mr. Pitt) repelled the motion, and spoke as
warmly for its withdrawal as he had formerly spoken in its defence, and
of its necessity. The result was prejudicial to the rights and
privileges of free-born men; the motion was dismissed, and a
royal proclamation issued against all seditious writings and
correspondences,--plainly proving that the crown needed the aid of
_spies and informers_, in order to continue its baneful and injurious
influence over a deluded and degraded people! Thus was an attempt to
obtain justice defeated by a combination of overbearing tyranny and
oppression; and thus was the "state automaton" moved at pleasure by the
secret springs of court intrigue and infamy, regulated by the queen! One
extreme generally leads to another, and so by degrees the freedom of the
constitution was changed to tyrannical fetters, under the assumed title
of "_improvements in our code of laws_," whilst distress continued, and
expostulation, as usual, proved fruitless.
Mr. Pitt, at this time, through a private channel, communicated his
desire to see Mr. Canning, who of course promptly attended. The premier
complimented Mr. Canning on his reputation as a scholar and a speaker,
and stated, that, if he concurred in the policy which government was
then pursuing, arrangements would be made to bring him into parliament.
These few words will briefly explain to future generations the manner of
introducing members to parliament by this minister.
Previous to this _honourable_ offer, Mr. Canning belonged to what was
then termed "the opposition faction," and among those who were the _most
violent_ in their opinions, _he_ had been considered and spoken of as
their _protege_. But a seat in parliament from the hands of a prime
minister, who, however haughty and reserved in his general manners, had
perhaps, for that very reason, a peculiar power in fixing himself in the
minds of those whom he wished to please, was a tempting offer to a young
man, conscious of superior talent, but rendered by his situation in life
agreeably alive to such flattering and powerful notice. Our readers will
hardly feel surprised, then, at his after vacillating conduct, which we
shall have occasion frequently to notice.
The Prince of Wales now veered in his political expressions, and
deserted his former acknowledged principles, in obedience to the wishes
of the _queen_. The other male branches of the royal family were
revelling in the vortex of voluptuousness; and so expensive were their
amours and gallantries, in addition to their gambling transactions, that
they were continually involved in debt, and, for momentary relief,
borrowed sums of every person willing to run the risk of a loan, or
afraid to incur the royal displeasure.
The king was ignorant of the most dishonorable transactions in which his
sons were so deeply involved; what he did know was sufficient to make
him miserable. Their supplies and income were to an enormous extent; yet
his majesty was aware that the Duke of York's horses and carriage were
seized, while going down Piccadilly, and his royal highness obliged to
walk home!
Declaration of hostilities was announced between Great Britain and
France, and the year's supply amounted to TWENTY MILLIONS. To provide
this enormous sum, extra taxes were again levied upon the people.
We enter upon the year
1794,
with sorrow and indignation, as it was the commencement of an
all-important era in national affairs. The king beheld the critical
state of the empire with much sorrow and disquietude. The extravagant
and imprudent conduct of his sons also acted as a canker upon his heart.
In vain did he endeavour to represent to them, that to be worthy of
holding their rank in such a great nation, they ought to lay aside the
follies which had so long been practised by them; and as earnestly, yet
as vainly, did he press them to retire from the society of voluptuous
acquaintances, with whom he too well knew they were so deeply involved,
in various ways.
At this period of our history, we are grieved to record the tyrannical
acts of government, in apprehending a number of persons on the charge of
_treason_. Some of our readers will, doubtless, recollect the glorious
acquittal of Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall; but there were others, less
fortunate. We would rather have been Claudius or Caligula, Nero,
Tiberius, or the _Christian_, blood-stained Constantine, than the man
who, in cold blood, could deliberately sign a warrant against those
patriotic martyrs, MUIR, SKIRVING, MARGAROT, PALMER, and GERALD, whose
only _crime_ consisted in having _SUPPORTED MR. PITT'S OWN ORIGINAL
SYSTEM OF REFORM_!
Our readers, at this distance of time, will reflect with amazement and
indignation, that on the 8th of February, 1794, the four first-named
citizens, without a moment's previous notice, were surprised in their
beds by the Newgate ruffians, chained and handcuffed like the vilest
felons, and thus conveyed to Woolwich, where they were sent on board a
transport ready to receive them. A few hours afterwards, the vessel
dropped down the river; but, during the short interval it remained at
Woolwich, all communication was cut off between them and their friends!
Even the wife of Margarot was denied admission to him! Such were the
positive orders of that illiberal and corrupt minister,--Mr. Henry
Dundas.
Let us hope that the day is for ever past when men can be thus treated
for merely giving vent to their complaints and sufferings. It is the
prerogative of affliction to complain, more sacred and natural than any
titles or immunities which _privileged_ persons enjoy! And whenever
_force_ is employed against _argument and reason_, though the contest
may be unequal, depend upon it that the cause of _TRUTH_ will
_ULTIMATELY PREVAIL_!
At this period, the Prince of Wales was involved in more than SIX
HUNDRED THOUSAND POUNDS, beside bonds and bills, signed by him, to a
very enormous amount; and, finding himself unable to procure any further
sums, he applied to the queen for assistance in this extremity. Her
majesty referred him to his father, and pressed him to yield to any
advice which the king might suggest, or any plan he might recommend.
A time was appointed for an interview, and the father and son entered
upon these very distressing and dishonorable transactions. After much
deliberation, the king observed, "that it was utterly impossible to ask
parliament for any relief, as it was all the minister could now do to
keep the wheels of state in motion; and, even to do that, it required
_immense loans_ to be raised, to make up the deficiency of the year's
current expenses." As a last resource, the king proposed that the prince
should MARRY, and that a lady of royal birth be selected, as agreeable
to the inclinations of the prince as possible. Upon such an event, the
minister would, no doubt, furnish means for his liberation, and a
sufficient income for the additional expenses attendant upon such an
alliance. The prince received the opinion of his father with varied
sensations, and requested time to think upon the proposition, when he
would announce the result of his cogitations.
Alas! how much are kings to be pitied! If their principles and
intentions be virtuous, what difficulties have they to surmount, what
sorrows to endure! This was a trying period for George the Third: on the
one hand, he saw the impropriety and cruelty of marriage merely for
state policy, and more particularly so in the present instance, as he
considered the prince's marriage with Mrs. Fitzherbert solemn and
binding in the sight of heaven, though certainly in direct opposition to
the _law_ of the country, which was _in operation at the time it was
solemnized_. On the other hand, it appeared that a royal marriage was an
event that would give great satisfaction to the people, and might,
perhaps, reclaim the prince from those considerable errors and obnoxious
pursuits in which he was so deeply entangled; for he associated with
some of the most unprincipled characters, of whom any person of
morality or _common decency_ would certainly have been ashamed.
Here again the gewgaw of royal parade was intended to entrap the
admiration of the ignorant. The vain pomp and pageantries of courts and
the splendour of fortune have ever been an _ignis fatuus_ to seduce the
people to their ruin. They have, alas! too often served as an useful
shelter to every excess of folly, every enormity of crime; while the
deepest distresses and the most urgent wants have not been allowed as an
extenuation for the slightest transgression, though committed to satisfy
the craving exigencies of famished nature! Had a _private_ individual
acted as this prince was about to do, would he not have become an
outcast from his family, and would not the whole world have abandoned
him? Yet, although the prince's example was ten thousand times more
contagious, all the breaches of faith of which he had been guilty
scarcely received the slightest animadversion! But so it was; common
interest united even those who were disunited by particular
discordances, and the _seeming_ harmony of the royal family may
undoubtedly be inferred to have arisen from their equal interest in the
success of the piece. Their private differences were apparently lost in
the immensity of the SECRETS by which the state chain was rivetted, as
if it were by adamant.
We must not suppose his majesty was all this time ignorant of the
situation of his nephew, the only child of his brother Edward; so far
from that being the case, he had caused him to be brought up privately,
and was regular in the discharge of the yearly expenses incurred on his
account at Eton. The queen presumed that her children were safely
seated, so long as the king's _first_ marriage should be concealed, and
therefore did not bestow many thoughts upon the happiness or misery,
fortune or misfortune, life or death, of this MUCH-INJURED YOUTH! Does
not nature revolt at this barbarity, this secret unfeeling conduct of
the queen? What mother could know a similar case, and not afford all the
generous tenderness of sympathy to mitigate the losses this _orphan_ had
sustained, not only of fortune, but of the fostering care of both his
parents?
The complicated wickedness of the court seemed now nearly approaching
its climax. Deception had been added to deception, until, to complete
the delusion, another victim must necessarily be added, in the person of
the Princess Caroline of Brunswick!
After conferences with Mrs. Fitzherbert, the queen, and a few others,
closely interested in the affair, had taken place, the prince acquainted
his father with his submission to the royal will, and requested to know
whom his majesty would recommend for his bride. The king suggested his
niece, the daughter of his sister, the Duchess of Brunswick, for whose
acceptance he urged the prince to send his miniature, and other
formalities, usual on such occasions. _The prince, with apparent
vivacity, acquiesced_; but his majesty thought that his son's language
wanted sincerity.
The evening was spent in revelry and debauchery by the prince and his
companions, and his royal highness swore "I will marry the Princess of
Brunswick, which," said he, "will be no marriage at all, and desert her,
of which I will give her timely notice." The miniature was painted
_flatteringly_, and the following letter from the prince accompanied it
to his intended wife:
_Copy of a letter written to the Princess Caroline of Brunswick, by
George Prince of Wales._
"1794.
"MADAM,
"The king my father, whom I highly respect and esteem, has just
announced to me that your hand is destined for me. I am obliged, by the
imperious force of circumstances to own, that this intelligence has
thrown me into despair, and my candour does not allow me to conceal my
sentiments from you. I hope that when you are acquainted with them, you
will aid me in breaking the ties which would unite us only to render us
unhappy; and which will be in your power to oppose, since _I_ am unable
to do so. You, Madam, are adored by your parents; I am aware that they
have allowed you the liberty of refusing all the princes who have been
proposed to you in marriage; refuse _me_ also, I conjure you in the name
of pity, to which I know you are no stranger. You do not _know_ me,
Madam; you therefore can have no cause to lament my loss. Learn, then,
the _secret_ and _unhappy_ situation of the prince whom they wish you
to espouse. I cannot love you; I cannot make you happy; my heart has
long ceased to be free. She who possesses it is the only woman to whom I
could unite myself agreeably to my inclinations. _You_ would find in me
a husband who places all his affections upon another. If this _secret_,
which I name to you in _confidence_, does not cause you to reject me; if
ambition, or any other motive of which I am ignorant, cause you to
condescend to the arrangements of my family, learn that, as soon as you
shall have given an heir to the _throne, I will abandon you_, never to
meet you more in public. I will then attach myself to that lady whom I
love, and whom I will not leave. Such is, Madam, my last and irrevocable
resolution; if you are the victim of it, you will be a _willing victim_,
and you cannot accuse me of having deceived you.
"I am, Madam,
"With great truth,
"Your's sincerely,
"GEORGE P."
After reading this very curious epistle, the reader may presume that the
princess was _indiscreet_ in her acceptance of the hand of a prince who
so _boldly_ professed himself averse to the union; but the following
letters of George the Third to herself and her mother, (the king's
sister) which accompanied the one of the prince, will afford some
explanation of her conduct:
_Copy of a Letter to Caroline, Princess of Brunswick, from her uncle,
George the Third._
"1794.
"My dearest Niece Caroline,
"It has afforded me very much pleasure to hear, by the means of my son
Frederick of York, that you merit my very best regard. I have no doubt
you have frequently heard of my very great and affectionate regard for
your dear mother, my sister; and I assure you I love her daughter for
her sake. I am well persuaded that my dear niece will not refuse the
pressing request of myself and her mother with respect to an alliance
with my son George, Prince of Wales, which I earnestly desire may be
arranged to take place as speedily as possible. I promise, most solemnly
promise, that I will be your friend and father upon every occasion, and
I entreat you to comply with this ardent desire of my heart, that my
agitated mind may once more be composed.
"I have explained to my sister the probable difficulties which my son
George may mention; but they must not have any weight in your mind and
conclusions. I beg you not to refuse this pressing petition of your most
"Sincere and affectionate
"Uncle,
"GEORGE R."
"P. S. Do not delay a reply an hour longer than can be avoided."
"_To Caroline, Princess of Brunswick,"
&c. &c. &c._
_Copy of a Letter to the Duchess of Brunswick, from her Brother, George
the Third._
"MY DEAR SISTER,
"I have endeavoured to excite and promote in the mind of my son George a
desire to espouse my dear niece Caroline. _This_, I am aware, he will
only consent to as a prudent step, by which his debts may be paid. I
will trust to your influence with Caroline that she may not be offended
with any thing he pleases to say. He may please to plead that he is
already married!--and I fear he will resort to any measures rather than
an honorable marriage. But as, in my former letters, I have explained my
wishes upon this subject, I therefore need not now repeat them. Tell my
dear niece she must never expect to find a mother or friend in the
queen; but _I will be her friend to my latest breath_. Give me your
support, my sister, and prevail upon my niece Caroline at all hazards.
"Your's affectionately,
"GEORGE R."
A courier was despatched with these preliminaries of a royal marriage,
and the prince again sank into the depths of vice. The queen saw her
path was rather difficult, and feared for the consequences; but she
resolved to exert every thought to devise the surest plan for future
safety. Her majesty did not assist the prince to any extent, because her
purse was of the greatest utility to her personal safety, and therefore
_promises_ were chiefly given to the clamorous and ruined creditors,
that, as soon as the prince was MARRIED, all debts would be discharged!
The reasons which prompted the parsimony of the queen were obvious to
those who knew her plans, though not to the public. She was aware of the
slight tenure she held, and the illegality of her marriage; the
unaccounted-for death of the king's eldest brother; the uncertainty of
the fate of his issue; fears for his future public appeals, and her
knowledge of the validity of his claims! Beside all this, the relatives
of the legally-married wife of the Duke (Edward) were of more
illustrious descent than even the queen herself; and from them she stood
in doubt, lest the untimely death of this lady and her husband, the
unfortunate Duke of York, as well as the privacy of their offspring,
should be brought forward in a public manner, or in any way which might
reflect dishonour upon the influence of the crown!
How much has guilt to fear from exposure by TRUTH! _Secrecy_ was the
ministerial watch-word then in vogue, and though fallacious and
destructive, as experience has demonstrated the principle to be, yet the
nation was cajoled by its influence, and even induced indirectly to
sanction measures the most desperate and ruinous that imagination can
depict!
The hireling part of the press, notwithstanding, strove to eternize this
awful and barbarous system, and thus assisted the minister to cherish
the growth of Ignorance. Indeed, it is an undeniable fact, that
the corruption of government pervaded every branch of Mr. Pitt's
administration; but surely this minister must have been sometimes afraid
that the people would discover the frauds and impositions practised upon
them, and demand satisfaction. Mr. Pitt, indeed, was an _apostate_, who,
at the beginning of his career, stood forth as the CHAMPION OF THE
PEOPLE'S RIGHTS; but no sooner had he gained possession of power, than
he at once threw off the mask, deserted his benefactors, who had trusted
and exalted him, maintained, with all his might, the utmost stretch of
the royal prerogative, owned himself the unblushing advocate of
influence and corruption, and the decided enemy of the human race! When
we reflect on the obduracy, perfidy, and ingratitude of "this pilot that
_gathered_ the storm," in whose breast neither shame nor pity seldom
found a residence, but as if dead to every noble passion of the soul, he
first exhausted the resources of the nation by his imposition of taxes,
and then enslaved it by his politics; when we reflect, we say, on the
conduct of this man, Sejanus and Rufinus, profligate and cruel as they
were, appear angels of light, and we cannot help feeling disgusted with
the age that tolerated such a minister! Secure in his parliamentary
majorities and the favours of his queen, he imagined the people at large
mere nonentities, and set them at defiance, while he must have laughed
at their tameness and stupidity! Did he not warmly commend the sentences
of proscription, imprisonment, and transportation, passed against his
countrymen solely for attempting to procure a reform of grievances, by
the very same means which he had himself previously employed? Did he
not, when every really-loyal subject in the realm was deploring the
disgraces and defeats of the British arms, insult the people with
affected serious congratulations on the successes that had been obtained
by the allied powers, and the happy change that had taken place in their
favour? Yes, reader, these acts may be taken as specimens of the policy
of the "heaven-born minister, that weathered the storm," as a certain
chancellor once imprudently designated Mr. Pitt.
The courier, bearing the despatches to the Princess of Brunswick,
arrived at the court of her father in October, where he delivered his
packet, and was entertained with generous and courteous attention. The
duke and duchess retired to peruse its contents, which they read with
agitation; and Hope and Fear strove tumultuously to gain an ascendency.
The king's letter was considered, in a certain degree, explanatory of
the follies of the prince, though it did not name any vices; and as it
also expressed a _confident opinion_, that, united to a person of
amiability and worth, like the princess, all good would ensue, the
parents of the princess were inclined to hope for a favourable result
from the alliance. The good opinion of the king, their brother, was an
extra inducement to the fond and indulgent parents of Caroline to plead
in behalf of her acceptance of this offer; and all must admit their
conduct to be natural and affectionate.
The letter of the prince was soon after delivered by the duke to his
daughter, accompanied by the remark, "I hope my dear Caroline will one
day be the happy queen of a free and happy nation. Retire, my child,
and, after thinking seriously, decide prudently." The princess retired,
and read the strange epistle written by the prince. She knew not, for
some considerable time, what to think, or how to decide. At length,
after a few hours of rest and enjoyment, the courier departed. He
arrived safely at St. James', and delivered the following reply to the
Prince of Wales:
_Copy of the Reply to George, Prince of Wales, from Caroline, Princess
of Brunswick._
"MY LORD AND COUSIN,
"I cannot express to your royal highness the feelings of surprise which
your letter has afforded me, neither can I rely _entirely_ upon what it
contains; because the accompanying letter of the good king, your father,
is so very opposite to its meaning. I thought that the ties of
relationship which exist between us would have obliged your royal
highness to treat with delicacy and honor the princess whom your king
destines for you. For my own part, my lord, I know my duty, and I have
not the power or the wish to break the laws which are wished to be
imposed upon me. I, therefore, have decided upon obeying the wishes of
those who have the right to dispose of my person. I submit, at the same
time, to the consequences with which your highness threatens me. But, if
you could read _that heart_ to which you impart such anguish, you would
perhaps have feelings of remorse from this barbarous treatment, in which
your royal highness appears to boast. I am now resolved to await from
_time_ and our _union_ the just regard I will endeavour to merit; and I
trust that your regret for what you have written will, in some measure,
avenge the wrongs you have so wantonly committed. Believe me, my lord,
that I shall not cease to offer my prayers for the happiness of your
royal highness; _mine_ will be perfect if I can contribute to your's.
"I am, for life, your most devoted Cousin,
"CAROLINE AMELIA OF BRUNSWICK."
We have given this and the preceding letters solely with a view of
forwarding the cause of truth, and shall leave our readers to draw their
own inferences as to the propriety or impropriety of the conduct of the
parties concerned.
Early in the ensuing year,
1795,
preparations were made, upon a moderate scale, to receive the Princess
of Brunswick as the intended wife of the heir-apparent.
The prince was still as _dissolute_ as ever, and associated with the
very dregs of society, of both sexes. Yet this same personage was about
to be allied, according to the outward usages of the church, to a
princess of the most opposite principles and sentiments! Many times has
he become the _father_ of innocent victims, who were doomed to perish in
a workhouse, or be consigned to a premature grave! How improbable then
was it, that his heart would ever feel affection for the issue of an
honourable connexion,--if it may be so called in _this_ case,--more
particularly when that was the last resource to extricate him from debt
and disgrace! Well, indeed, might his companions say, "the princess may
hear, in the joyful peal, (after her vows) the surer knell of her
happiness." Too well the result proved the truth of their prophetic
announcement!
Previous to the arrival of Caroline, it was arranged by the queen that
persons of distinction, upon whom her majesty could depend in this
instance, should attend her highness, and a selection was made
accordingly. The notorious Lady Jersey was one; of her character and
intriguing disposition, we need not say more than announce the fact,
that her favours had been at the command of the prince for a
considerable time. Her disposition was artful and cruel; indeed, unless
such qualities had been invested in her ladyship, the queen would not
have given her orders in a manner so undisguised and bold. Cruelty and
Vice are always inseparable companions.
At length, the princess arrived on these (to her) inhospitable shores.
On the 8th of April, the formality of a marriage ceremony took place, at
the palace of St. James. The king was particularly attentive to the
princess; but not so the queen, who manifested an unbending
haughtiness, and sometimes lost sight of etiquette so far, that sarcasm
was too evidently visible. The princesses were in too much fear of their
mother to bestow any particular attentions on the Princess of Wales,
except one of them, who, however, dare not publicly avow her sentiments.
On retiring for the night to Carlton House, the princess was attended
only by those invidious characters who had deliberately planned her
ruin. Several historians have recorded, that, by some inaccuracy or
defect in demeanour, the prince received an unexpected impression
unfavourable to her royal highness; but such _was not the case_. It is
true, that the conduct of the prince was any thing but gentlemanly;
though of this little notice was taken. Her royal highness resolved to
forbear from any unpleasant complainings, as she was now separated from
her much-beloved home and friends. She plainly saw the disadvantage of
her change; and, in the disappointment of her heart, frequently deplored
her cruel destiny. Many times has she been obliged to witness the
various favourites of the prince receiving those attentions and enjoying
those smiles which ought to have been her's only.
In a conversation with the prince, shortly after their nuptials, (if
such an appellation may be used) her royal highness said, "that, after
the candour with which I have explained myself, I certainly feel
entitled to the respectful attentions of your highness, and I cannot
endure the insults I am continually receiving from your mistresses and
coarse associates." This gentle remonstrance was repeated by this
"all-accomplished gentleman" when he next met his half-drunken
companions, and their infamy was heightened by maliciously abusing this
much-injured lady.
The prince's yearly income was augmented at his marriage with his cousin
to one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds, besides having all his
debts discharged.
The princess now seldom saw her husband. His nights were spent in
debauchery, and he was frequently carried to bed, totally unconscious of
all around him. Gaming supplied his leisure hours, and scenes of
immorality were the common routine of each succeeding day. Such were the
deportment and character of the man, or _monster_, who was to be
invested with power over millions of brave, generous, and industrious
people! It was impossible for such an one to have retained in his
confidence a single upright and conscientious person. The soul sickens
at the retrospect; but we must pursue the revolting subject.
The king was, at this time, the only friend in whom the Princess of
Wales could repose any confidence, and to him she unburdened herself
unreservedly. His majesty was much incensed at the indignation heaped
upon the daughter of his sister, and, but for the apparent situation of
his niece, he would have recommended severer measures than he then
thought prudent.
In opposition to all remonstrance and advice, the prince gradually sunk
deeper into the vortex of sensuality, and very frequently expressed
himself in high hopes that the princess would soon "BE GOT RID OF." He
still remained ignorant of the confidence the princess had reposed in
her uncle; and well was it for her he was ignorant of it, as his passion
was extreme, and rage might have gained such a pre-eminence as to have
induced him to add _another FOUL DEED to his number_.
This fatal year, more than twenty-nine millions were required, eighteen
of which were raised by loans! Here may be observed how progressively
the "national debt" was incurred, partly for the immoderate extravagance
of those who ought to have acted as models for imitation at home, and
partly by unjust and destructive wars abroad! until Englishmen became
any thing and every thing but a free people. The discontents of the
tax-payers were loud and deep; but the ministers heeded them not!
On the 7th of January,
1796,
the Princess of Wales was safely delivered of a daughter, whose birth,
in some measure, assuaged the miseries of her forlorn condition. The
Duke of Clarence might have very frequently repeated his expressions,
delivered in the House of Lords in the preceding June, when he said,
"Unless suitable provisions were made for the prince, the Princess of
Wales, A LOVELY AND AMIABLE WOMAN, must feel herself torn from her
family, (although her mother was the king's sister) removed from all her
early connexions," &c. Ah! William Henry, were you prepared to prove
this to be a speech in favour of your cousin and sister-in-law? Was it
not _only_ for the aggrandizement of your spendthrift brother?
To oblige her majesty, the young princess was named CHARLOTTE. But what
a different character did the younger Charlotte prove from the elder!
Oh! that so sweet a disposition and so noble a mind should have been
crushed in the bud, and that, too, by one nearly allied to her by the
ties of nature!
Those more immediately about the person of the Princess of Wales were
best capable to form an opinion of her maternal tenderness, and of the
prince's negligence. The proofs of affectionate solicitude on the part
of the mother, contrasted with the indifference of the father, deserve
public explanation. The first time the prince saw his child, his
countenance was not in the least illuminated by any ray of pleasure, as
he contented himself by merely observing, "It is a fine girl." The
princess afterwards acknowledged her disappointment, as she had hoped
his heart was not entirely debased, or his sense of virtue altogether
lost; but this fond, this very natural, hope was doomed to
disappointment, and while this desolate lady was nursing her
tenderly-beloved child, the prince was walking and riding out, openly
and shamelessly, with Mrs. Fitzherbert and Lady Jersey! Would not the
poor cottager have felt abashed to hear of his fellow-labourer's
similar conduct, even in the most humble station of life, who must, of
necessity, be devoid of ten thousand advantages this personage had
derived from birth and education? Yes, doubtless; and he who could so
act deserved no other appellation than that of a VOLUPTUOUS BRUTE.
It was much to be regretted at this time, that all the very heavy
taxation and increase of debt were said to be in consequence of the
"king's great predilection for the lavish expenditures of the royal
family, and his anxious determination to continue the disastrous war."
Such were not his majesty's desires, but exactly the reverse; though,
unfortunately, his opinions were always overruled by the queen.
A formal separation took place this year between the Prince and Princess
of Wales, and certainly her royal highness deserved much more general
sympathy than she then experienced. The nobility appeared uncertain
which side to espouse, and therefore, for want of _principle_ to do that
which their consciences said was right, they fell imperceptibly into
error; besides which, it was indispensably necessary, that those who
wished to stand well with the queen and prince must withdraw from all
intimacy with the Princess of Wales!
The immense amount for the supply this year was above THIRTY-EIGHT
MILLIONS!--about twenty of which were raised by loans!
In
1797,
the heavy burdens imposed on the people to supply the insatiate thirst
for war, and keep a gorgeous appearance at court, reduced the middle
classes of people to want and distraction. While the prince and his
fawning courtiers were revelling in every obscenity, and glutting
themselves with the prospect which still continued, that to-morrow would
be more abundant, thousands,--nay, millions,--in England and Ireland
were perishing for want of bread! During this unexampled period of
sorrow, the conduct of the ministry proved them to be perfectly
indifferent to the distresses of the people. Splendid entertainments, at
an immense expense, were frequently given, and the lofty halls of
palaces rang with the loud shouts of conviviality and profanity! Such
recitals may, to some persons, appear incredible, or too highly
coloured; but _we_ well know they did occur, though we do not wish to
shock the feelings of our readers by entering into the minutiae of the
infamous conduct practised by the Prince of Wales and his courtiers.
Well might the prince, in his memorable letter to the princess in the
preceding year, say, "Our inclinations are not suited to each other." He
was correct; they were not suited; neither did the Princess Caroline
ever desire they should be, because General Lee could testify that the
prince had _more propensities than propriety suggested_!
In this most pressing and trying case, when the mind of the Princess of
Wales was wrought up to the greatest point of agony, she resolved upon
an interview with the queen, when her royal highness told her, that
Carlton House could no longer be inhabited by her, as the infamous
scenes she was too often obliged to witness were of a description so
notoriously abominable, that common decency was grossly outraged! Her
majesty supported the right of the prince to choose his own associates,
and at the same time stated, as her opinion, that it was very
disagreeable to the prince to have her in town at all, and it was proper
the princess should remove to some distance agreeable to herself, where
the prince might not be under the necessity of meeting her, when he had
occasion to spend any time at the palace.
It will readily be presumed, the princess left the presence of the
haughty queen with a heart full of disappointment and chagrin. Her royal
highness found herself surrounded by persons on whose confidence she
could not depend; because every one appeared in awe of the queen. She
was also neglected and insulted by the prince, who ought to have been
the first to protect her; but the smile of her infant still cheered her
gloomy moments.
This was the most disastrous period of the war: the Bank of England
stopped payment; mutinies broke out in the army and navy, which were
attended by much bloodshed; Ireland was on the verge of rebellion; and
the sum required for the year's service amounted to the abominable and
increased sum of FORTY-TWO MILLIONS OF MONEY, of which thirty-four
millions were raised by loans, and three millions by Exchequer Bills.
The premier also proposed to extort seven millions from the people by a
new impost, under the name of "the triple assessment!"
The year
1798
presented a continuation of grievances amongst most classes in humble
life. Revelry and uproarious riot, however, were ever to be found in the
residences of the royal, yet unnatural, husband of the Princess of
Wales; and each succeeding year seemed but to _improve_ him in all sorts
of infamous engagements. He had at his command some of the most
desperate and inhuman characters by which society was ever debased. One
in particular, M'Mahon, who would at any time seduce a female from her
home, under some specious pretence, in order to take her as a prize to
his master, whose favour thereby might be secured!
The intrigues of the Duke of York were also of a most abandoned
character; and the other brothers _merit_ some notice in the "Annals of
Infamy!" During Frederick's residence in Germany, he contracted habits
and indulged in excesses abhorrent to human nature, and we should be
spared much deep humiliation, as Englishmen, if we had not occasion to
recur again to these sickening facts; but the recording angel of TRUTH
forbids our silence, and we must not, therefore, disobey her mandate.
1799
will be remembered, and reference made to it, as long as humanity can
reflect upon the desolations and calamities occasioned by war. The
earth, in many quarters, was covered with "killed and wounded," while
the money of the tax-payers paid the _legal assassins_!
In the mean time, the minister at home was racking his brains how new
taxes might be levied, to supply the means for the continuation of
carnage. Property, liberty,--nay, even life itself, were deemed toys in
the hands of Mr. Pitt, whose passions seemed to centre in rapine,
enmity, and ambition. His heart was steeled against the cry of the widow
and the plaintive sigh of the destitute orphan. The queen's account in
the day of retribution must also be rather enormous, for the minister
acted in concert with her in this complicated trickery. Mr. Pitt and the
queen seemed to think their only part consisted in draining the
resources of the people to their last ability, and in refusing all
overtures of peace, whatever offers might be made.
This year, France made proposals of peace with these kingdoms, which
were _refused_, and war, desolating war, with all its attendant and
consequent horrors, still reared its "gory banners" over the principal
part of the world!
We will leave the contemplation of this heart-rending subject, and turn
to another, scarcely less revolting to humanity,--the conduct of the
Prince of Wales,--whose court was generally filled with a host of
harlots. His royal highness was anxious to get rid of the princess (his
wife) entirely, and most heartily did the queen concur in his wishes.
The difficult part of the task was, the consideration and organization
of those measures most likely to promote the desired end. The Princess
of Wales' letters, addressed to her family in Brunswick, had many times
been opened, and, not unfrequently, even _suppressed_! So that her
persecutions were now commenced.
The princess was too open and ingenuous in character to obtain the
queen's approbation, and therefore, after the several repulses which she
had received from her majesty, Caroline was justly incensed at her
uncalled-for unprovoked haughtiness, and overbearing manners. The
unsuspecting nature of the Princess of Wales, however, prevented her
from being aware of the infamous snares laid for her destruction at this
period. Her royal highness has many times been heard to say, "Had I been
suspicious, pray what should I not have feared? The queen, from the
first time I saw her, frowned upon me, and very little I said or did
pleased her; so I never thought I was an object of any consequence to
her majesty." These were the reasonings of native, unsophisticated
feelings, and well would it have been for the queen if her heart had
been equally open, and her language equally candid.
The year
1800
was a continuation of dissension and discord, both at home and abroad.
Twice in this year the king's life was attempted; once in Hyde Park, and
again, on the same evening, at Drury-lane Theatre; the first being by a
ball cartridge, and the latter by a pistol. In the court, the same
lavish display as formerly was continued, and the royal means were not
curtailed. It was _said_, that the king declined having more than one
course served up, but this was merely _nominal_; indeed, if it were as
stated, the country did not benefit much by the change, as the
allowances to royalty were, in many instances, very much increased,
instead of being decreased.
Such was the scarcity of provisions this year, that the generality of
the population existed upon a scanty portion of potatoes during the
twenty-four hours. Bread was not within the power of the poor to obtain,
as the quartern loaf, mixed with all sorts of deleterious ingredients,
sold for twenty-one pence!
This year was rendered of immortal memory by the union of Ireland with
England, which was effected by a profuse distribution of _money_ and
_titles_. Oh! disgrace to the Irish nation, ye servile few, who could
sell your country for selfish ends! To yield up "name and fame," and all
that is dear to honesty, for the sake of an "empty sound!"
The amounts required for this and the last year were nearly the same as
for 1798.
In the early part of the year
1801,
it was announced that the king had taken a severe cold, while hunting,
and, in consequence, was not able to visit the several concerts to which
he had previously given the promise of his attendance and patronage; but
his indisposition was _mental_, not bodily. His majesty was so
exceedingly distressed at the base and unworthy conduct of his son to
his niece, the Princess of Wales, that he said frequently, "It is more
than a father can bear!" Many times would he order his horse to be
brought, and, requesting his attendants not to follow him, pursue his
way towards Blackheath, where the princess then resided, sympathizing
with her sorrows, and, more especially, in the intended removal of her
child; for even at this early period, when the Princess Charlotte was
but four years of age, the queen would signify her commands that the
child should pass some days with her, either in London or Windsor,
whichever happened to be most convenient to her majesty.
Notwithstanding the extreme scarcity of money and the high price of
food, the queen and the younger branches of her family continued to give
their splendid entertainments, as expense was the last consideration
with the royal brood, when it was known the country supplied the means.
Oh! John Bull, thy gullibility has, for above half a century, been
_more_ than proverbial!
On the 29th of October, the king opened the house in person, and
announced the conclusion of war. Parliament then adjourned till after
the Christmas recess. England now exhibited the effects of an eight
years' war; the national debt had been DOUBLED, and internal distress
had become general; the poor were in a state bordering on starvation,
and commerce had the prospect of every foreign port being shut against
it; while the supplies required for the year amounted to nearly FORTY
MILLIONS.
The year
1802
was ushered in under the greatest embarrassments. The vitals of the
people were nearly destroyed by the enormous taxation they had endured
for so many years, and it was doubtless owing to the intolerable load
they had sustained, and still expected to have forced upon them, that
independent sentiments were proclaimed. They had a right to condemn the
usurping power of the queen, for producing all their troubles.
The recess having terminated, the House met. The chancellor came forward
to shew that the sovereign's pecuniary affairs were very much in arrear.
After introducing his plan of finance, he was obliged to inform the
House that certain taxes had been mortgaged by Mr. Pitt, (_who had now
resigned_) for which the present minister must provide. To defray this
expense, very heavy additional duties were imposed on beer, malt, hops,
&c. A considerable addition was also made to the assessed taxes, and
upon imports and exports. At this period, the whole of the "funded
debt," including the loans of the present year, amounted to _five
hundred and forty millions_, and the interest was annually _seventeen
millions sterling_!
On the 7th of May, Mr. Nichol moved that an address be presented to his
majesty, thanking him for the removal of Mr. Pitt from his councils,
when Lord Belgrave rose, and moved an amendment, expressive of the high
approbation of that House respecting the character and conduct of the
late minister and his colleagues! In the face of all opposition, Lord
Belgrave's amendment was carried by more than _four to one_, as also a
second motion, by Sir H. Mildmay, "that the _thanks_ of the House be
given to the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt." This was assurance in perfection!
These discussions only seemed to increase Mr. Pitt's popularity, and on
the occasion of his next birth-day, Earl Spencer, late first lord of the
Admiralty, gave as a toast to the company, "the pilot that weathered the
storm," instead of "the pilot who _gathered_ the storm!"
In the latter part of this year, much fear was excited, lest hostilities
should again arise between France and England, on account of the
ascendency of Buonaparte.
At the commencement of the year
1803,
the unhappy king, by the desire of his overbearing wife, directed a
message to the House, recommending "the embarrassed state of the Prince
of Wales to their attention," and, in consequence, sixty thousand
pounds annually were further settled upon his royal highness, to
continue for three years and a half. This sum, however, was not half
sufficient to meet his lavish engagements; and therefore Mr. Calcraft
had the hardihood to move, that "means be granted to enable the prince
to resume his state and dignity!" But this inconsistent and insulting
motion was "_too bad_," and, in defiance of even the boroughmongers, was
negatived.
The supplies voted for the public service this year amounted to above
FIFTY-SIX MILLIONS! We really wonder of what materials Englishmen were
composed to allow such iniquitous grants.
Ministers again declared war with France, and men and money were in no
inconsiderable request. The French Consul possessed himself of Hanover,
and threatened an invasion of England, which frightened ministers to put
the country in a state of defence. But was not this a political _ruse_?
Mr. Addington was not so popular as his predecessor in the capacity of
minister; he had not so much hardihood as Mr. Pitt, and was not
calculated to endure the load of obloquy which he received, as he
considered himself free from the charge of having destroyed the
prospects of his country by the immense debt then contracted; for that
was the arrangement of Mr. Pitt. Mr. Addington was merely a _tool_ in
the hands of others.
Those who knew the intricate and perplexed state of affairs within the
court were only able to judge how long Mr. Addington's ministry would
continue, and also, WHY it was brought into action. Alas! not merely or
intentionally to satisfy the liberal politicians, or to change any part
of the long misrule of the former minister. Widely opposite were the
motives which proved the main-spring to the meditated result. The queen
again intended to press the king for an increase of income, to a serious
amount, for her favourite spendthrift, and she asked the minister how it
might be best attained. The plan was therefore concerted, and as Pitt
dared not so soon again ask for further advances, a new minister _might_
be induced to do it, if shielded by the royal message.
If such conduct were not juggling and acting with the most abominable
treachery and hypocrisy, we must for ever give up our claim to the
possession of one iota of common understanding. As we proceed, we will
explain to the gentle or indignant reader, whichever he may be, in what
way our enormous "national debt," as it is called, was contracted, when
we have no doubt that he will be as incensed as ourselves, and will be
ready to exclaim, "Was this the policy pursued by that paragon of her
sex, Queen Charlotte?--she who was at all times revered for her _piety_,
and admired for her inexpressible and _unspotted virtue_!" Yes, reader,
the very same; the only difference is, you have formerly beheld her in
_borrowed_ plumes,--_we_ present her in _her own_!
Let us here recur to the consideration of the treatment, exercised
against the Princess of Wales by her abominable husband and his
vindictive mother. We formerly alluded to some confidential
communications made by her to his majesty. The suspicious and mean
characters then placed about her person reported to the queen every
interview which the king had with his daughter-in-law, and maliciously,
represented the imprudence of such an intimacy. From this time, the
Prince of Wales _professed_ to believe his father was _improperly_
interested in the cause of the princess, and spies were placed in
various situations, to give notice of all visits the princess received
and paid. Notwithstanding, the plotters' most ardent wishes were
disappointed, and they could not fix upon any action, which they were
able to prove, to affect her honour or virtue. In the mean time,
Caroline's only child was removed from her, without the enjoyment of
whose endearing society life was a mere blank.
In proportion as the prince was applauded, and the queen supported him,
so was the princess abused and insulted. With respect to pecuniary
affairs, every honest and upright person saw the strange disproportion
in the incomes of the several members of the family; for the princess,
who had to keep an entirely distinct and separate establishment at her
sole expense, was allowed no more than twenty-two thousand pounds per
annum, while the other members, who were chiefly expensive to the king,
had their salaries granted without reference to this subject. Yet it was
expected that the etiquette of rank should be maintained, and with an
equal ostentatious display as if means were proportionately provided to
defray such expenses. Although living upon the establishment of the
king, the queen's real independent income was fifty-eight thousand
pounds a year! Ought we not to ask why the princess was thus neglected
and shamefully insulted?--left in debt, and in extreme perplexity of
circumstances, for which the family must ever be considered mean and
unjust? How was her royal highness to act in such a trying case? If she
had retired to _private_ life, her enemies would have pronounced her an
improper person to retain the high station which she had formerly
occupied. If appearances were to be maintained, and royal splendour
continued, she must mix with _certain_ society, and debt be the
inevitable consequence. The princess felt there were points, beyond
which a virtuous, insulted female could not shew forbearance; and she,
therefore, resolved no longer to endure the galling yoke of oppression,
without farther explanation.
We now proceed to the year
1804,
which commenced amidst much political dissension at home, and
preparations for increasing desolation abroad.
His majesty's health now became very indifferent, and, in February, an
official bulletin announced his malady. It was reported to be a very
slight attack; though we are sorry to say it was, to the king,
productive of great pain and agitation of mind by the misrule of the
queen, and the improprieties of his family! Little did the nation at
large imagine that the family of the sovereign (to whose individual
income they had so promptly and munificently contributed) were the
causes of his acute anxieties! His sons were deeply embarrassed by PLAY,
their female connexions chiefly of the most abandoned character, and
their engagements in the world, generally speaking, far beyond their
powers to discharge. His daughters were also composed of the FRAILTIES
of human nature. Born and educated in a court, under the severe tuition
of their mother, they believed themselves of superior worth. The
pleasures and enjoyments of life were ever waiting for their
acquiescence, and their exercise on horseback, attended by _certain_
persons, occupying _certain_ stations in life, afforded them a variety
of opportunities for conversation, in which the _softest subjects_ met
the ear!
At this period also, the king's already-distracted mind was farther
embittered by what he considered the loss of virtue in one of his
daughters; and the agony he endured, lest the circumstance should
transpire to the public, would defy any language to depict.
After calmness, in some measure, was restored to his majesty's wounded
feelings, his health gradually improved, and, on the 29th of March, he
was declared to be convalescent.
On the resignation of Mr. Addington, Mr. Pitt again assumed the reins of
government, and appointed his _protege_, Mr. Canning, treasurer of the
navy. Why do not the many biographers of this political character
explain the reason, if every thing were fair and straightforward, of his
quitting office in 1801, because the Catholic question was forbidden to
be mentioned, and returning to it in 1804, under an express stipulation
that no member of the government should agitate it contrary to the royal
inclination? Was the promise that had been given only binding for _three
years_? Was Mr. Canning's secession from office a trick? Was his return
to it a sacrifice,--a sacrifice of honour and principle,--to the
miserable gratification of obtaining _power_? Alas! the public had
little to thank Mr. Canning for; but they knew not, at that time, his
love of place and pension.
In October, it was said the king and prince were _reconciled_; but the
substance of that reconciliation was not made known to the nation. The
queen had resolved to oblige her favourite son, and promote his wishes,
by finally relieving him from any farther engagements with the princess,
his wife; though of the various abominable schemes then in action, the
king was kept entirely ignorant.
In this year, the health of Mr. Pitt began to fail; his ardour seemed
cooled, and he experienced short intervals of extreme debility and pain.
In the year
1805,
certain existing evils rendered it needful and expedient, in the
opinion of the ministry, that the English nation _should fear_ an
invasion from Buonaparte. We will say WHY they deemed it necessary.
Because the burdens of the poor were already immense, and it was
requisite to give an _excuse_ for stripping thousands of families of
their scanty apparel, their few mean and simple articles of furniture,
and their humble home, for the purpose of enabling the "hydra-headed
monster" of corruption to pursue his unlimited course over this insulted
nation! And what could be better to effect this object than alarming the
country with the fear of an invasion? The diabolical scheme too fatally
succeeded!
In order to strengthen the power of the queen at this period, Mr. Pitt
renewed his connexion with Mr. Addington, who was raised to the peerage
by the title of _Viscount Sidmouth_, and succeeded the Duke of Portland
as president of the council.
The minister, Mr. Pitt, cool as he was on many iniquitous subjects,
could not avoid feeling pangs of remorse at the continual impositions he
was _compelled_ by the queen to make (in various shapes) upon the
people. His unbending pride, however, would not permit him to name his
uneasiness to her majesty, as he well knew her inflexible temper and
disposition would not permit her to receive _any opinion_ in preference
to her own. He soon resigned his earthly vexation upon this point, as he
became so indisposed as not to be able to attend his political affairs,
and was obliged to seek for repose in retirement from active life.
At the commencement of the year
1806,
parliament was opened by commission; but the usual address was omitted,
on account of the absence of the minister, who, as before stated, was
then seriously indisposed.
On the 23rd of January, Mr. Pitt expired, in the forty-seventh year of
his age. He was said to have died insolvent. Be this as it may, forty
thousand pounds were voted as a plea to discharge his debts, as well as
means to defray the expenses of his funeral! Probably this was the best
laid-out money of the ministry for some time past. If the occasion had
occurred twenty years before, what an immense saving it had produced the
country!
The public life of Mr. Pitt will afford no room for praise to the
faithful and just historian. When the errors and praises of his
biographers shall have lost their force, future generations will behold
his character in its native colours. He must then appear either in the
light of an ungrateful hypocrite, or submit to the only alternative of
being reckoned a man of contracted mind. Even in private life, he was
not more amiable nor exemplary. The ministerial system which he had laid
down pervaded the internal economy of all his actions. He appeared to
imagine true dignity consisted in a coolness and reserve, (probably
acquired from his queen) that banished every suitor from his presence;
nor did he ever suffer a case of distress, however just or pressing the
claims might be, to divert him from the routine of office, or to extort
the least relief or comfort from himself. Negligent and careless in his
domestic concerns, he never permitted a single ray of generosity to
burst forth to animate the general frost of his character. He retained
his natural sullenness and reserve; even in the best moments of
convivial mirth, he never displayed a flexibility of disposition, or an
openness to conviction. Often as he was obliged to submit to the decrees
of necessity, whereon he imagined his continuance in office depended,
yet he never had the candour to acknowledge the weakness of any measure,
originating in himself, that brought on that necessity. But what a
departure was this from the principles of his illustrious ancestor, the
Earl of Chatham, who would never crouch to the authority of any
sovereign or cabinet, when militating against his own more enlightened
judgment. He resisted bribery, and generally succeeded in his views, or,
if baffled, resigned his office. The son of this nobleman, however,
pursued far different maxims, and pertinaciously clung to the douceurs
and infamy of office; for _infamous_ it most certainly was, to practice
measures his own sentiments condemned. Never did man accede to power on
more just or noble principles, and never did man forsake those
principles with less reserve. He forgot all obligations, and at a happy
crisis, when he might have availed himself of the occasion of honorably
fulfilling them, in advancing the liberty and happiness of the country,
he was eternally launching out into vapid and unmeaning encomiums on
the boasted excellencies of the British constitution, instead of
adhering to his solemn contract, of exerting all his influence and
abilities to reform its blemishes. With all the failings of this
minister, his caution and plausibility were admirably calculated to
entrap the confidence of the landed and monied interest, and he turned
it to the best account, labouring with all his zeal to inculcate a
belief of the flourishing state of the national finances, enforcing
every circumstance tending to confirm this belief, and concealing every
truth that would serve to diminish or destroy it. Will not such a man,
then, be regarded by posterity as a time-server and an apostate?
After the death of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox joined the ministry; and, at the
same time, Lord Sidmouth continued a member of the cabinet! But Mr. Fox
did not retain his situation long. His health soon after declined, and
he died on the 13th of September following.
Of this great statesman, we may say, "take him for all in all, we ne'er
shall look upon his like again." He was an unbending patriot; possessed
of great political ability, and loved, as well as advocated, the cause
of LIBERTY. Light and shade, however, were mixed in Mr. Fox's picture.
He permitted private friendship, in one instance, to over-balance his
public duty. We refer to the language used by him in the House of
Commons, in April, 1787, which must have been against his conscience. He
there _denied_ the marriage between the Prince of Wales and Mrs.
Fitzherbert, when, in fact, _he assisted at that very marriage_; but,
because he had engaged secrecy to the prince, he thought proper to utter
a direct falsehood rather than break his promise upon the subject!
Mr. Pitt's death was an unpleasant consequence to the usurping queen,
and perhaps impelled the ardour of her determination to get her
favourite son's divorce from his injured wife settled as soon as
possible. The scheme for this purpose, which seemed most practicable,
was the obtaining some document as evidence _against the moral character
of the princess_. By the queen's express desire, therefore, Lady Douglas
had removed her abode, nearly six years previously, close to Blackheath,
and was purposely employed to invent some dishonourable report against
the princess.
The Princess of Wales accidentally and innocently (on her part) became
acquainted with this lady, and from that period no pains were spared, on
the part of Lady Douglas and her husband, to increase that acquaintance,
until their diabolical object should be attained. The most assiduous
attentions and extravagant pains were used to entrap the generous mind
of the princess; but as the object in view proved of a very difficult
nature, so did the means for its accomplishment become equally numerous.
This intimacy commenced in 1801, and terminated in 1804; and during that
period did these base designing slanderers and ungrateful guests, by
secret application, obtain an opportunity to vilify, outrage, and
insult the princess, in connexion with _nearly_ every branch of the
royal family, who were too closely united in one general interest not to
assist each other.
The only patriotic members, the Dukes of Kent and Sussex, appeared much
wrought upon by the specious and abominable fabrication brought forward
by these unprincipled, time-serving, and heartless enemies of Caroline.
Although their statements and depositions were taken so fully, and
examined so closely,--although the prince pursued the subject with such
unfeeling barbarity,--yet the princess was acquitted, most honourably
acquitted. Indeed, to any rational inquirer, the wickedness of the
Douglas statement was, beyond doubt, most palpable. It was full of
improbabilities, of contradictions, and absurdities, which well merited
punishment. Had a similar insult or a flagrant transgression been
offered to the royal family in the person of any _other than the
Princess of Wales_, would not the whole royal phalanx, headed by the
queen, have arisen in defence of their _illustrious_ and _virtuous_
house? Nay, would not the insulting falsehoods and infamous assertions
have been proved treasonable? Yes, undoubtedly; but, because the injured
Princess of Wales was the INTENDED VICTIM OF A CONSPIRACY, although so
gloriously acquitted, yet no prosecution of her traducers followed;
neither did any branch of the royal family exemplify one pleasurable
feeling upon the conclusion of this disgracefully-iniquitous business!
Their chagrin was much more evident!
As if in this year a deluge of sadness and sorrow, in addition to all
other trials and injuries, were to fall upon the persecuted Caroline,
she had to suffer the heavy and irreparable loss of her father, William,
Duke of Brunswick, at the memorable battle of Jena, October 14th, in the
seventy-first year of his age.
The character of the venerable Duke of Brunswick is beyond praise; "his
NAME shall be his _monument_!" If at any period the Princess of Wales
needed the kind and soothing balm of friendship, it was at this trying
juncture. Her friends were few in number, and their friendship was of an
evanescent description. They sometimes professed their readiness to
serve her, and eulogised her greatness of mind and talent; yet, when
brought to the point by public opinion and inquiry, they very generally
expressed their sentiments _equivocally_, or with some portion of
hesitation calculated to injure, rather than benefit, the cause they
professed to serve. Mr. Canning and Mr. Whitbread were two of these
_particular_ kind of friends, as our after history will abundantly
testify.
How wretched must have been the Princess Charlotte at this period, who
was nearly deprived of all communication with her affectionate mother,
and without one friend to whom she could freely speak of her sorrows and
anxious wishes!
The year
1807
commenced with selfish men in office, who contrived selfish measures
for the continued purposes of corruption.
The king now became very imbecile; and the queen and the Prince of Wales
intimidated him from acting honourably towards the Princess of Wales, as
he had so committed himself by his fatal act of BIGAMY. As his mind
became proportionately depressed by the perplexities of his situation,
so did his conduct become more influenced as they desired it; until, at
length, he proved a mere automaton, to be moved at their pleasure!
In any case of vital importance to character, delay is dangerous;
because it causes suspicion, suspicion begets mistrust, and so on do
these injurious sentiments proceed, until, ere the time of trial
arrives, the injured party has suffered unjustly in a two-fold way. Thus
it was in the case of the unfortunate Caroline. To oblige the queen, his
majesty postponed seeing his daughter-in-law as long as it suited the
views of the designers against her happiness.
From the active part which Mr. Perceval had taken in defence of the
princess, especially in his book, which made much noise in the world at
this time, the queen thought it prudent to advise his being accommodated
with office. She made her will known to the prince, who was very happy
to concur in the suggestion, but only feared an obstacle in Mr.
Perceval's _rigid virtue_. This, however, was not insurmountable, and
Mr. Perceval was made "Chancellor of the Exchequer;" Mr. Canning,
"Secretary for Foreign Affairs;" and Lord Castlereagh, "Secretary for
the Department of War and the Colonies." Thus were two of the former
advocates of the Princess of Wales enlisted under the banners of her
most deadly enemies! As to the _honor_ they derived from their base
desertion of the cause of innocence, we leave our readers to judge.
The Prince of Wales, at this juncture, made no secret of his diabolical
intentions; for we well know that he has frequently raised the goblet to
his lips, and drank "TO THE SPEEDY DAMNATION OF THE PRINCESS." It was
very perceptible that the royal party were well aware of the injustice
practised towards the princess; but, charity being a virtue of little
worth in their ideas, they resolved to carry their plans into execution,
no matter at what cost.
The least the late _friends_ of the princess could do was, to remain
_silent_; but human beings can articulate sounds, and be oppositely
communicative with their optical faculties. An individual, who accepts
_place_ amongst those whom he formerly professed to despise, renders
himself an object of suspicion, if not of detestation.
For the present, we abstain from further remarks upon these two late
principal friends of the persecuted Princess of Wales.
Upon hearing of the Duke of Brunswick's death, the king could do no less
than solicit the duchess, his sister, to visit England. As the country
around her was in a deplorable state, and feeling desirous to see her
daughter, she determined to accept the invitation, and arrived at the
house of the Princess of Wales, at Blackheath, on the 7th of July, in
one of her royal highness' carriages.
The injured Caroline was so overpowered at this interview as to cause
the duchess much serious disquiet; for she plainly saw that her daughter
had great cause for sorrow, the particulars of which she was yet
ignorant. The princess afterwards appeared soothed; and this short
interview, cheered by a fond mother's presence, proved a solace to her
lacerated heart.
The king went from Windsor to see his sister, and the queen also from
St. James' Palace; the Princess Charlotte, and several other members of
the family, paid their respects to the duchess.
Thus, though common or decent attention was refused the daughter, while
mourning over her early misfortunes and recent losses, yet, when her
mother arrived, some little regard must be paid to _etiquette_, although
the daughter _was to receive the visiters_. But so it was. Poor Queen
Charlotte, how hard it was for her to vouchsafe or condescend to let
fall one smile upon Caroline!
After the opportunity this visit afforded the Princess Charlotte, the
mother and daughter were of necessity explicit, and they mourned over
the seeming hard destiny each was doomed to experience.
During the remainder of this year, the king became more and more
incapacitated for business of any sort; he could not even distinguish
any object by either its colour or size, and was led from one place to
another as if in the last stage of blindness. The long-continued
distractions of his mind, and the anxiety yet remaining, caused his
rational moments to be most gloomy. His favourite daughter was incurably
diseased with a scrofulous disorder, from which she suffered dreadfully,
and nature seemed fast declining. Throughout the whole of his family,
the poor monarch had but little gratification, as every individual
composing it was separately under her majesty's controul. To have
contradicted _her_ order or command would have been attended with no
very pleasant consequences. Her _look_ was sufficient to frighten every
one into obedience!
We now enter upon the year
1808,
in which the session of parliament was opened by commission, on the 21st
of January, the king's indisposition preventing him from going in
person.
At this period, a very strong sensation was excited against the
continuance of the pension list. The productive classes ascertained, in
a very correct way, how the fruits of their industry were devoured. In
consequence of which, they felt themselves imposed upon in the highest
degree; but resolved to try rational entreaty and petition ere they
resorted to acts of violence. The number of these dissatisfied classes,
in every large town, was immensely great, and they only needed _system_
to obtain, by their SIMPLE PETITION, what they so much desired; but the
authorities knew the incapacitated state of the sufferers, in the
absence of that _system_, and therefore very ungenerously refused their
appeal.
In March, the City of London (John Ansley, mayor) petitioned both Houses
for parliamentary reform, and the abolition of sinecure places and
pensions; but they received the expense attendant upon their exertions
for their reward, and the mortification of the ministers' apathy for
their satisfaction. Popular indignation, however, is not so easily
allayed; for, though extreme appearances may for a time be concealed,
they will eventually break forth with ten-fold force. The public
reasoned upon a rational ground, and was fully aware that their strength
was spent to support _enemies_. Their resolve to petition for freedom
was the dictate of an unerring and fixed principle, ever inherent in the
breast of man. The blandishments of folly, and the encouragement given
to imposition, have rendered the industrious and honest citizen a prey
to the lordlings of arbitrary power; and so long as he can assist to
supply means whereby their cravings may be satisfied, so long do they
seem to suppose he lives to a sufficient purpose. Under these
circumstances, the oppressed classes were perfectly justified in making
a stand against farther innovation; and also in resisting the
intolerable injustice in force against them. Still the administration
continued inexorable to the pressing prayers and miserable condition of
the people. The political disease, however, was rapidly advancing to a
crisis.
Similar distress and dissatisfaction existed at the commencement of the
year
1809:
provisions were dear, and labour scarce; yet an additional sum was
required for the state, to uphold its _secret_ machinations, and pervert
the ends of justice.
It will be remembered that, in this year, the celebrated Mrs. Mary Ann
Clark, formerly a mistress of the Duke of York, appeared at the bar of
the House of Commons, as evidence against him. Mr. Wardle, with an
intrepidity worthy of the cause in which he was engaged, took upon
himself the awful responsibility of preferring those serious charges
against the duke, which it were unnecessary for us here to repeat. The
public officers of the king volunteered their services to rescue his
royal highness from public odium by denominating the proceeding as a
_conspiracy_! In spite, however, of every artifice which a knowledge of
the law enables bad men to practice to defeat the ends of justice, there
were exposed to public view scenes of the grossest corruption, of the
most abandoned profligacy, of the most degrading meanness, and of the
most consummate hypocrisy. The contagion had reached every department of
the state; nor was the church exempted from its baneful influence. It
was fully proved that, not only subordinate situations, but even
deaneries and bishoprics (which had been supposed to be the rewards of
piety and learning) were applied for to his royal highness, through the
intervention of his mistress! A great majority of the boroughmongers, of
course, acquitted the duke from these charges, and talked of voting an
address of thanks to him for the manner in which he discharged his
official duties. Fortunately, however, the mode of investigation adopted
enabled every man in the kingdom to judge for himself. Englishmen, for
once, spoke out, and the duke was compelled to resign. This step on the
part of the _illustrious_ debauchee prevented further exposure, and
saved him from the severe and heavy weight of being _voted out of
office_, and degraded! Behold, then, reader, what the principles of Pitt
achieved! That minister always persuaded the male branches of the
family, that the queen's protection (through the medium of the minister)
would prove at all times a sufficient retreat and asylum, in case of
complaint or _refractory sensation_ of the people at their frequent
derelictions from duty and honor.
The fluctuations of the public funds was an opportune chance for
speculation, and the queen's love of money induced her to turn her
sources of information to the best account; she therefore acted in
concert with her broker, and immediately, upon any rise taking place,
she "sold out," and when gloom overspread the market, she "bought in."
By this speculation alone, the Duke of Kent acknowledged that his mother
realized _four hundred thousand pounds_! At the same period, her majesty
had another excellent speculation in hand; namely, the profits arising
from the sale of cadetships for the East Indies. Dr. Randolph and Lady
Jersey were the chief managers of these affairs, though her majesty
received the largest portion of the spoil. Dr. Randolph himself
acknowledged, that the queen had realized _seventy thousand pounds_ upon
this traffic alone! In one transaction with a candidate for a cadetship,
an enormous premium was required, and the applicant was very much
incensed, as it appeared to him to be nothing less than a bold
imposition. He expostulated; but Dr. Randolph made short of the affair
by refusing any further communication upon the subject. For once, Dr.
Randolph forgot his own interest, as also the _public character_ and
_safety_ of his royal mistress. The gentleman, shortly afterwards, was
visiting a friend in Paris, when the conversation turned upon the
English constitution, and the immense revenues of the kingdom. The
friend spoke in raptures upon the liberal feelings and generous
provisions exercised and provided towards, and for all, aspirants to
honor. At length, the visiter could no longer conceal his mortification
and chagrin, and he candidly explained every particular of his
correspondence with Dr. Randolph, in which her majesty's name was as
freely introduced as the doctor's. The astonishment and surprise of his
friend were great indeed, and he recommended him _to publish the whole
affair_ in France, and circulate it through the surrounding kingdoms. A
printer was sought for, who required a certain time to determine the
risk he should run in the undertaking; this was accordingly granted, and
the parties separated. As soon as the person intended to be employed
found the consequence attached to it, he communicated the important
information to a solicitor, of some eminence, in London, to whom he had
formerly been known. The affair was subsequently made known to the
queen's youngest son, and by him the queen was fully acquainted with the
probability of public exposure. An overwhelming infamy she well knew
would be inseparably attached to it. Her majesty had been accustomed to
deception, but hitherto she had not feared detection; but the moment of
her fancied security was the moment most likely to prove fatal to her
existence as a queen.
The Duke of Kent was unremitting in his exertions to obtain a settlement
of this nefarious affair, and _twenty thousand pounds_ were actually
paid for the _correspondence_, and _two thousand pounds_ given by the
queen (through the medium of the duke) to the person who effected the
settlement of the business, under the provision "that that business
might never transpire to the public." His royal highness was too well
aware of the general disposition of the queen, and her avaricious
character, not to _affect satisfaction_ at the high price her majesty
paid for silencing this unpleasant affair. It may be inferred, that if
the queen had committed herself by such flagrant acts of injustice as
these, there might be many more dishonourable transactions of a minor
description, occurring nearly at the same period. Yes, the inference is
correct, for her majesty was truly born and bred a German!
We will relate another instance of Queen Charlotte's ungenerous
conduct. She had the superintendence of the education of her daughters,
as far as related to the choice of their preceptors. Her majesty
appointed a very clever and scientific gentleman, who resided in London,
to teach herself and the six princesses--geography, astronomy,
arithmetic, and the nature of the _funds_. Besides which, he was asked,
as a _favour_, to settle the very deranged accounts of the princesses.
This accomplished and worthy gentleman also held of Princess Elizabeth a
bond for ten thousand pounds. After dancing attendance upon these
_illustrious_ individuals for twenty-six years, without receiving any
remuneration, though he had frequently pressed for payment of his
long-standing account, he again solicited a settlement with the queen;
but, as he only received abuse of an unmeasured description for his
pains, he determined to maintain himself and his large family out of
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