A Hind Let Loose
by Alexander Shields · English · Gutenberg #37137 · 1,679,029 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: A Hind Let Loose
Author: Alexander Shields
Release date: August 20, 2011 [eBook #37137]
Most recently updated: October 13, 2011
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/37137
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E-text prepared by Jordan, Julia Neufeld, and the Online Distributed
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A
HIND LET LOOSE;
OR,
AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION
OF THE
TESTIMONIES
OF THE
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND,
FOR THE
INTEREST OF CHRIST.
WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS.
TOGETHER WITH
A Vindication of the present TESTIMONY against the Popish, Prelatical,
and malignant Enemies of that Church, as it is now stated,
for the Prerogatives of CHRIST, Privileges of the Church,
and Liberties of Mankind; and sealed by the sufferings of a reproached
Remnant of Presbyterians there, witnessing against the Corruptions of
the Time:
WHEREIN
Several Controversies of greatest Consequence are enquired into, and
in some measure cleared; concerning hearing of the Curates, owning
of the present Tyranny, taking of ensnaring Oaths and Bonds,
frequenting of Field-meetings, defensive Resistance of tyrannical
Violence, with several other subordinate Questions useful for these
Times.
* * * * *
BY MR. ALEXANDER SHIELS,
LATE MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL IN ST. ANDREW'S.
Psal. xciv. 20. _Shall the throne of iniquity have fellowship with thee,
which frameth mischief by a law?_
Rev. xii. 11. _And they overcame him by the blood of the Lamb, and by the
word of their testimony; and they loved not their lives unto the death._
Glasgow
_PRINTED BY WILLIAM PATON_,
FOR JOHN KIRK, CALTON, THE PUBLISHER.
1797.
PREFACE.
CHRISTIAN READER,
Presuming it is thy desire to answer the holy and honourable designation
I accost thee with, I shall take the confidence to assure thee, it is my
design to answer, in some measure, the expectation which the title of
this treatise would offer, in the hope that, wherein I come short (as I
indeed confess not only my jealous fears, but my sensible conviction of
my insufficiency for such a great undertaking) thy Christian tenderness
will impute it to my weakness, and not to any want of worth in the cause
I manage, which is truly worthy, weighty, noble and honourable, in the
esteem of all the lovers of Christ, that have zeal for his honour in
exercise; and therefore as it gives me all the encouragement I have, in
dependence on his furniture whose cause it is, to make such an essay, so
it animates my ambition, albeit I cannot manage it with any proportion
to its merit, yet to move the Christian reader to make enquiry about it,
and then sure I am he will find it is truth I plead for, though my plea
be weak. All I shall further say by way of preface, is to declare the
reason of the title, and the design of the work.
Though books use not to be required to render a reason of their names,
which often are arbitrarily imposed more for the author's fancy and the
time's fashion, than for the reader's instruction: yet, seeing the
time's injuries do oblige the author to conceal his name, the title will
not obscurely notify it to some for whose satisfaction this is mainly
intended, and signify also the scope of the subject; which aims at
giving goodly words, not sugared with parasitic sweetness, nor painted
with affected pedantry, but fairly brought forth in an unhampered
freedom, for the beauty of the blessing of human and Christian liberty,
in its due and true boundaries. This was the subject of a discourse, as
some may remember, on that text whence this title is taken, Gen. xlix.
21. "Naphtali is a Hind let loose." In prosecuting of which, the
speaker, with several others, falling at the same time into the hands of
the hunters, (to learn the worth of that interrupted subject from the
experience of the want of it) an occasion was given, and interpreted by
the author to be a call to study more the preciousness of that privilege
predicated of Naphtali, which is the right and property of the wrestling
tribe of Israel, the persecuted witnesses of Christ now every where
preyed upon. And now, providence having opened a door for "delivering
himself as a roe from the hand of the hunter," he thought it his duty,
and as necessary a piece of service as he could do to the generation, to
bring to light his lucubrations thereupon; with an endeavour to discover
to all that are free born, and are not contented slaves, mancipated to a
stupid subjection to tyrants absoluteness, that this character of
Naphtali, "satisfied with favour, and full with the blessing of the
Lord," that he is a "hind let loose" from the yoke of tyrannical
slavery, is far preferable, in the account of all that understand to be
Christians or men, to that infamous stigma of Issachar (the sin, shame,
and misery of this age) to be "a strong ass, couching under two burdens;
and he saw that rest was good, and the land that it was pleasant, and
bowed his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute." But to
all that are not altogether strangers in our Israel, it will appear,
that this title is not inaptly applied to the subject and design of this
treatise. The party whose case and cause, and contendings are here
treated of, being known to have the same situation of residence in
Scotland that Naphtali had in Israel, viz. the west and the south (Deut.
xxxiii. 23.) will be found, among all our tribes, most appositely to
bear the signature of Naphtali, who, in their wrestlings for the
interest of Christ and the liberties of his Israel, have mostly
jeoparded their lives in the high places of the fields; and chiefly to
deserve his elogy, being a "hind", (called wild by nickname in the scorn
of them that are at ease, but) truly weak in their present wilderness
condition, to wrestle against the force and fraud of their cruel and
cunning hunters, who cease not (when they have now got the rest of the
roes and hinds of the field made fast asleep, under the bondage of the
lions dens and mountains of leopards, by a pretence of a falsely so
called liberty of conscience) to seek and pursue the chace of them for a
prey; yet really they are "let loose," and not only suffered to run
loose, as a prey to the hunters, by the unwatchfulness of their keepers,
but made to escape loose, by the mercy of the Mighty One of Jacob, from
the nets of the hunters and snares of the fowlers, and from the yoke of
the bondage of these beasts of prey, to whose authority they will not
own a willing subjection; and being such "hinds," so "let loose," they
make it their work to give goodly words, for the worth and honour, and
royalties of their princely master, and for the precious liberties
wherewith he hath endoted and entrusted his spouse and children, and to
keep the goodly words of his patience, until he return "as a roe or a
young hart upon the mountains of Bether." This being the party who are
represented as the wild folk of Scotland, the design of this treatise is
to hold forth the history of their manifold chaces, the craft, keeness,
and cruelty of their hunters, and the goodliness of the words of their
testimony, which, by reason of the likeness of the testimony of former
periods with the present, and that the latter may be vindicated by the
former, is resumed from the beginning of the Church of Scotland's
wrestlings against the enemies of Christ, and deduced through all the
most signal steps of this long propagated and hereditary war. And, lest
my words should not be goodly enough, nor my notions grateful to the
critics of this age, who cast every thing as new and nice, which is
someway singular, and not suited to their sentiments; that it may appear
the cause here cleared and vindicated is not of yesterday, but older
than their grandfathers who oppose it, I dare avouch, without vanity,
there is nothing here but what is confirmed by authors of greatest note
and repute in our church, both ancient and modern, namely, Buchanan,
Knox, Calderwood, Acts of General Assemblies, Causes of Wrath, Lex Rex,
Apologetical Relation, Naphtali, Jus Populi, History of the Indulgence,
Banders Disbanded, Rectius Instruendum, and some other authors much
respected, whose authority, more always repelled by rage than ever yet
refitted by reason; though I value more than all the vain oblatrations
of the opposers of this testimony, and think it sufficient to confute
all imputations of its novelty, and to counterbalance the weight that
may be laid on the contradictions of the greatest that treat on this
subject, yet I do not lay so much stress on the reason of their
authority as on the authority of their reason, which is here represented
with that candour and care, that, lest any should cavil that they are
wrested or wronged when made to speak so patly to the present
controversies, I have chosen rather to transcribe their words, than to
borrow their matter dressed up in my own, except where the prolixity and
multiplicity of their arguments, as clearly demonstrating that which I
adduce them for, as that for which they were primarily intended, did
impose the necessity of abridging them, which yet is mostly in their own
words, though reduced into a sollogistical form. But this obloquy of
novelty being anticipated, when I reflect on the helps I have collected
from so many hands, I am rather afraid the truths here delivered be
contemned as obsolete and antiquate, than cast at for new speculations.
However, I am content; yea it is my ambition, that nothing here be
looked upon as mine, but that it may appear this is an old plea, and
that the party here pleaded for, who are stigmatized with many
singularities, are a people who ask the old paths, and the good way,
that they may walk therein; and though their paths be not now much
paved, by the frequency of passengers, and multitude of professors
walking therein, and albeit it must indeed be confessed the word of
their testimony is someway singular, that the same things were never the
word of Christ's patience, stated as heads of suffering before, yet they
are not untrodden paths, but the same way of truth which hath been
maintained by the witnesses of Christ in all the periods of our church,
and asserted by the greatest confessors, though never before sealed by
martyrs. As for the arguments I bring to clear and confirm them, whether
they be accounted mine, or borrowed from others, I am very indifferent,
if they prove the point they are brought for, which I hope they will be
found to do; but of this I am confident, there is nothing here can be
condemned until some one or more of these grave authors be confuted;
and, when that is done, (which will be never, or against the _thirtieth
of February_), there is something besides here, which will challenge
consideration.
The design then of this work is of great importance, even no less than
to essay the discussing the difficulties of all our conflicts with open
enemies, about the present state of the testimony; the vindicating of
all the heads of sufferings sustained thereupon these twenty-seven years
past; the proposing of the right state of the testimony for the interest
of Christ, not only of this, but of all former periods, with an account
of the propagation and prosecution of the witnesses, wrestlings, and
sufferings of it from time to time, to the end it may appear, not only
how great the sufferings have been, since this fatal catastrophe and
overturning of the covenanted reformation, and unhappy restoration of
tyranny and prelacy; but that the grounds upon which they have been
stated, are not niceties and novelties, (as they are reproached and
reprobated by many), but worthy and weighty truths of great value and
validity, and of near affinity unto, and conformity with the continued
series and succession of the testimonies in all former periods. So that
in this little treatise must be contained a compendious history of the
Church of Scotland, her testimony in all ages, a vindication of the
present state of it; yea, in effect, a short epitome of the substance of
those famous forecited authors, as far as we need to consult them,
concerning the controversies of the present time with adversaries; which
is much, and perhaps too much, to be undertaken in so small a volume.
But considering that many who are concerned in this cause, yea the most
part who concern themselves about, are such who have neither access, nor
time, nor capacity to revolve the voluminous labours of these learned
men for light in this case, I have done best to bring them into one body
of portable bulk with as great brevity as could consist well with any my
measure of perspicuity, not meddling with any thing but what I thought
might some way conduce to clear some part of the present testimony.
Every undertaking of this nature cannot but be liable to several
disadvantages that are unavoidable: this hath many discouraging and
difficult. One is, that it shall be exposed to the common fate of such
representations, to be stigmatized as a seditious libel, and so may be
sent to the flames to be confuted; and, to inflame the fury of these
fire brands, already hell-hot, into the utmost extremity of rage against
the author, that ever cruelty itself at its fullest freedom did exert
against truth and reason arraigned, and cast for sedition and treason:
the only sanctuary in such a case, is, in prospect of this, to have the
greater care that nothing be spoken, but what the speaker may dare to
affirm in the face of cruelty itself. A second common disadvantage is
obvious from the consideration of the humour of the age; wherein fancy
hath greater force than faith, and nothing is pleasing but what is
parasitical, or attempered to the palate of the greatest, not of the
best; and naked truth, without the fairdings of flattery, or paintings
of that pakiness which is commonly applauded as prudence now a days, is
either boggled at, or exposed to scorn and contempt; and reason, if
roundly written, except it meet with an honest heart, is commonly read
with a stammering mouth, which puts a T before it, and then it is
stumbled at as Treason. This essay does expect no entertainment from
any, but such who resolve to harbour truth, be the hazard what will,
even when the world raises the _Hue_ and _Cry_ after it, and from such
who are really groaning, either by suffering or sympathy, under the same
grievances here represented. There is a third, which makes it not a
little difficult, the quality, quantity, and intricacy of the matter,
here to be confined to such a compend. All which, together considered,
do infer a fourth difficulty, that hardly can it get a pass through the
press; which is blocked up against all such books that may offer a
manifestation of the innocency of that people, and the injustice and
inhumanity of their enemies; which is their only hope of preventing the
world's knowledge and condemnation of their actings. Yea, there is a
fifth, that wants not its own difficulty; that though the Press were
patent, yet an empty purse, from a poor impoverished people, will as
readily preclude all access to it, as if it were locked up by law; but
both together make it hard. But there is a sixth disadvantage yet more
discouraging, that the man as well as the money, is wanting to manage
the business: and this needs no other proof; than the necessity of my
poor pen to undertake it, instead of a better. It must needs be very low
with that people, that stand in need of such a pitiful patrociny as mine
is. Our persecuted brethren, elsewhere, have this advantage of us, that
they have champions to espouse their quarrel, which we have not; but
only such, who as they are reputed in the world, so, in their own
sense, own themselves to be very unaccomplished for such work; and under
this invincible disadvantage also, that, being forced to a wandering and
unsettled life, they have no conveniency, nor can be accommodated with
time, nor helps to perform it; and so circumstantiated, that either it
must be done at this time, and in this manner, or not at all. In the
seventh place, we are at a greater loss than any suffering people; in
that, among all other bitter ingredients, we have this gall also in our
cup, that they that suffer most among us, have not the comfort and
benefit of the sympathy of others, that sufferers use to have from good
people. The reason of this makes an eighth discouragement, besides what
is said above; that not only is the case and cause of that poor
persecuted and wasted witnessing remnant, obscure in itself, and not
known in the world, nay, not so much as in the very neighbouring
churches of England and Ireland, but also more obscured by the malice of
enemies, traducing, calumniating, and reproaching that righteous remnant
whom they intend to ruin; not indeed as hereticks (which is the case of
other suffering churches, wherein they have the advantage of us also;
that though the name be more odious, yet it makes the notion of their
cause, and the nature of their enemies, notour, and is more effectual to
conciliate sympathy from all that know that Protestants are persecuted
by Papists under the notion of hereticks: but we are at a loss in this,
that our persecutors, at least the most part of the executioners of the
persecution, will not as yet avouch that Protestantism is heresy though
we want not this nick name likewise from the chief of them that are
professed Papists) but as Scismaticks, Seditious, Rebels, Traitors,
Murderers, Holding principles inconsistent with Government, (to wit,
their tyranny), and the peace of human society, (to wit, their
association against religion and liberty), and therefore to be
exterminated out of the world. And this imposture, covering all their
mischiefs, hath prevailed so far with the blinded world, that under this
brand the consideration of their case and cause is buried, without
farther inquiry. This were yet more tolerable from open enemies, if
there were not another more pressing discouragement, in the ninth place,
peculiar to them in Scotland; that having to do with treacherous as well
as truculent enemies, as they have been much destroyed by open force, so
much more by fraud; while, by ensnaring favours, some have been
flattered from the testimony, others disdaining and suspecting, as well
as deprived of, and secluded from, these favours, have stuck to it;
hence defection brought on division, and division confusion, which hath
reduced the reformation to a ruinous heap. In the next place, as the
consequent of the former, while the purer remnant have been resolutely
prosecuting the testimony, and not only keeping themselves free of, and
standing at the farthest distance from, all degrees of compliance, but
also witnessing against their brethren involved in them and thinking it
their duty to discountenance them in these corruptions and backslidings;
they have been therefore reproached and misrepresented very
industriously, as "Ignorant, Imprudent, Transported with blind zeal,
Extravagant, wild Separatists, Espousing new and nice notions, rejecters
of the ministry, imposers on the ministry, deniers of all government,
usurpers of an imaginary government of their own, that died as fools,
and as guilty of their own blood." By which odious and and invidious
obloquies, they have easily prevailed with many, both at home and
abroad, that are more credulous than considerate, to believe these
things of them: hence, with prejudicate people, a contrary
representation will find difficult acceptance. However, this moreover is
another great disadvantage, and renders an essay to vindicate their
sufferings very uneasy; that they are thrust at, and tossed on both
hands, by enemies and professed friends: and by enemies that are not
Papists, but professed Protestants, owning the same fundamentals in
opinion, though in practice not holding the same head: and by friends,
that not only are Protestants, but Presbyterians, under the bonds of the
same solemn and sacred covenants, the obligation whereof they still own;
and not only so, but such, whose piety and godliness cannot be doubted.
This is a gravamen grievous to bear, and greatly aggravates the
difficulty. Finally, the greatest of all is, that not only their cause
is rendered odious, but must be confessed truly stated as heads of
suffering. For now it is the dragon's chief stratagem with us, like to
be the most subtile, ensnaring, and successful of any, that ever he set
on work since ever he began this war with the Lamb, (which yet I hope
will prove as fatal to his interest as the former), to bring the
sufferings of Christ's witnesses to such a state, that may seem to
spectators little or nothing relative to religion, that so he may
destroy both them and their testimony unlamented, and by that trick
divert others from concerting that same necessary witness in the season
thereof. And, for this end, he will change both matter and manner, in
managing the war. He will not now persecute for the old controverted
heads of Popery, with fire and faggot, as formerly, for refusing to
worship our Lady, or the "blessed Sacrament of the Altar." These weapons
and engines are so worn out of use, that they will not work now as they
did before. And that old bawd of Babylon is become so ugly, and out of
date; that he does not believe her beauty can be so bewitching, except
that she put on a new busk: but her eldest daughter, the prelatical
church, of the same complexion with herself, except that she is coloured
with Protestant paint, is fitter for his service to allure our land into
fornication; and who will not be enticed, must be forced to communion
with her, by finings, confinings, exactions, extortions, and impositions
of oaths, &c. Religion must be little concerned here; for there is
preaching enough, and of protestant doctrine too, and without the
monkey-tricks, and montebank shows, and foperies of English popish
ceremonies and liturgical services: What would they be at! Is it not
better to yield to this, than to fall into the hand of the
Scottish-Spanish inquisition, that will rack the purse, the body, and
conscience and all? This is one complex head of suffering, and thought a
very small one by many. But now, finding this would not do his business
yet, it looked too like religion still: he hath therefore invented a new
machine; he will not now persecute, nor force the conscience at all (so
good-natured is the devil and his lieutenant grown in their old age) for
matters of mere religion. Nay, (if we may believe him, who, when he
speaketh a lie, speaketh it of his own) he hath not done it this long
time, but only, in all the violent courses exercised against these
sufferers, he hath been magistratically chastising the disobedence and
rebellion of a few turbulent traitors, who would not own the government.
And thus, under the notion of rebellion and disowning authority, he hath
had access and success to destroy almost an innumerable number of honest
and innocent, faithful and fruitful lovers of Christ, who, though indeed
they have had their sufferings stated upon those points, yet I doubt not
shall be found among the followers of the Lamb, and confessors and
martyrs of Christ, who have overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the
word of their testimony, not loving their lives unto the death, whose
blood is crying for vengeance against the shedders thereof: and he will
make inquisition for it, when he comes to overturn, overturn, and take
his own right, for which they have been contending. Nevertheless this is
a prejudice too prevalent with many, to misregard the case and cause of
these contenders, or any thing that can be said to represent them
favourably. And all these disadvantages, difficulties, and
discouragements, together considered, would soon cool my courage, and,
at first blush, make me leave off before I begin, were I not persuaded,
that it is the cause of Christ these reproached people are still
suffering for: and that their great sufferings and reproaches are both
alike unjust: from both which the Lord will vindicate them, and bring
forth their righteousness as the light, and their judgment as the
noon-day, in his own time. In confidence of which, depending on his
conduct, I shall undertake, as briefly as possible for me, to represent
their case, and clear the cause, so far at least as concerns their
contest with their persecuting enemies, with whom I only deal at
present: it not being my purpose to descend particularly in their
necessitated contendings with complying brethren: partly because they
would make the volume to excresce unto too great a bulk, and because
they are to be seen elsewhere: yet, in effect: these also are not only
here narratively deduced, but whatever is odious in them is vindicated,
and what is difficult in some measure enodated.
But it may be expected and desiderated, that I should give a distinct
deduction of all the steps of this woful defection, against which a
great part of the testimony hath been stated; but I would have the
reader advertised, I touch only that part of the testimony which hath
been sealed by severe sufferings from enemies. It were a task
transcending my capacity, and a theme wherein I have no pleasure,
besides that it is inconsistent with my leisure, to enlarge upon such a
sad and shameful subject: though the world indeed is at a loss, that
they that would do it, cannot, and they that would and should do it,
will not; and it is a greater loss, not only to Scotland, but also to
the whole Christian world, that what hath been done in this kind already
cannot see the light, or rather that the church of Christ is deprived of
its light, which through the injury of the times, and the disingenuous
prudence of some, who suffer themselves to be imposed upon by the
patrons of defection, is embezzled and suppressed. I mean that excellent
and faithful history of defection, the posthumous work of the famous
Mr. M'Ward, whose praise is in the churches; which if they that have it
in keeping would do themselves the honour, and the world the happiness,
of publishing it, there would be no more need to discover from whence,
to what, and how, that church hath fallen and degenerate; nor so great
difficulty in that indisputable and indispensible duty that such a day
calls for, in searching and trying our ways, to the end we may turn
again to the Lord; nor any necessity for my poor essay to invite and
incite the people of the Lord to take cognizance and compassion on poor
perishing Scotland. I wish that they who have it, may consult more their
own duty and credit, and what they owe to the memory of the dead, the
church's edification, the day's testimony, and the honour of Christ,
than to continue robbing the world of such a treasure; which I doubt not
to call treason against Christ, and sacrilege against the church, and
stick not to tell them, if they will not publish it, the world must know
there was such a thing done. But it not being my design now, to detect
or reflect upon all the defections of that declining, and by declensions
divided, and by divisions almost (only not) destroyed church; I shall
meddle with them no further, than what is necessary to clear the cause,
referring the knowledge and account of them, either to the notoriety of
the grossest of them, or to the more particular ennaration of them, to
be found in papers emitted and published by the contenders against them:
of which one is of this same year's edition, entitled, 'The Informatory
Vindication of a 'poor, wasted, misrepresented Remnant,' &c. In which
may be evident, that notwithstanding of all this darkness and distress,
defection and division, under which the church of Scotland hath been so
long, and is still labouring, there is yet a poor wasted, wounded, rent,
and almost ruined, but still wrestling and witnessing remnant of
professors and confessors of Christ there, who though they have not only
had their souls exceedingly filled with the scorning of those that are
at ease, and with the contempt of the proud; but their bodies also
killed all day long, and counted as sheep for the slaughter, have yet
through grace endeavoured to overcome by the blood of the Lamb, and the
word of their testimony, and have not loved their lives dear unto the
death, and have continued to this day contending both against professed
enemies, and also declining friends, sustaining from both the utmost of
rage and reproach. And since that little book gives an account, what
their contendings have been against their backdrawing brethren on the
right and left hand, I shall spare labour to offer a discussion of them,
only endeavour to make it not difficult to decide and determine, on
whose side truth lies, by what is here hinted.
I shall conclude with advertising the reader of one thing further, that,
as this reproached people, for testimony I am pleading, is now the only
party that is persecuted in Scotland, (some few excepted, who are
exempted from the pretended favour of the current indemnities) and their
persecution still continues, notwithstanding of the impudent, as well as
insnaring declarations of universal liberty to all dissenters, which
they look upon as their honour and happiness, to be thought incapable of
tyrannical and antichristian favours; so their past and present
oppressions and sufferings are only here in general aggregated,
described as to their kinds, and vindicated as to their causes: the
particular deduction of their number, weight, and measure, of their
names that have been martyred and murdered, both by formality of law,
and without all formality of law, by sea and land, city and country, on
scaffolds, and in the fields; of the manner of their sufferings; and of
the form of their trials and testimonies, being intended shortly (if the
Lord will) to be emitted and published in a book by itself; which will
discover to the world as rare instances of the injustice, illegality,
and inhumanity of the Scottish inquisition, and of the innocency, zeal,
ingenuity, and patience of the witnesses of Christ, as readily can be
instanced in these latter ages. Only here is a taste till more come;
which if the Lord bless for its designed end, the glory of God, the
vindication of truth, the information and satisfaction of all serious
sympathisers with Zion's sorrows, and the conviction or confutation of
reproachers, so far, at least, as to make them surcease from their
invidious charge of things whereof the innocency is here vindicated, I
have obtained all my design, and shall desire to give the Lord the
praise.
_It will not be unprofitable for the Reader to cast his eye upon these
sentences of great Authors, which relate to some heads of the following
discourse._
(Translated from their Originals.)
_Erasmus._ As a woodcock, otherwise loud, being taken, becomes
dumb; so slavery renders some men speechless, who, if they were
free, would tell their minds freely.
_Nazianzen._ Discord is better for the advantage of piety, than
dissembled concord.
_Bernard._ But if scandal arise for the truth, it is better to
suffer scandal than relinquish the truth.
_Bracton._ He is a king who rightly governs, a tyrant who oppresses
his people.
_Cicero._ He loses all right to government, who, by that
government, overturns the common-weal.
_Aristotle._ He who obeys the law, obeys both God and the law; who
obeys the king, a man and a beast.
_Sueton._ They are not bound to be loyal to a wicked king, under
the pains of perjury.
_Ambrose._ He that does not keep off injury from his neighbour, if
he can do it, is as much in the fault as he who does it.
_Chamier._ But all subjects have right of resisting tyrants, who by
open force acquire dominion.
_Barclay. Against contenders for Monarchy._ All antiquity agrees,
that tyrants can, most justly, be attacked and slain as public
enemies, not only by the public, but also by individual persons.
A
HIND LET LOOSE;
OR,
AN HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION
OF THE
TESTIMONIES
OF THE
CHURCH OF SCOTLAND,
FOR THE
INTEREST OF CHRIST.
WITH THE TRUE STATE THEREOF IN ALL ITS PERIODS.
WITH
_A VINDICATION OF THE PRESENT TESTIMONY_.
The church of Christ, in the impression of all that have the least spark
of the day's spirit is now brought to such a doleful and dreadful case
and crisis, that if it be not reckoned the killing of the witnesses, yet
all that have or desire the knowledge of the times, will judge it no
impeachment to the prophecy to say, it is either very like, or near unto
it. When now the devil is come down in great wrath, and knowing his time
is but short, and therefore exerting all the energy of the venom and
violence, craft and cruelty of the dragon, and antichrist, alias pope,
his captain-general, is now universally prevailing, and plying all his
hellish engines to batter down, and bury under the rubbish of
everlasting darkness, what is left to be destroyed of the work of
reformation; and the crowned heads, or horns of the beast, the tyrants,
alias kings of Europe, his council of war, are advancing their
prerogatives upon the ruins of the nations and churches privileges, to
such a pitch of absoluteness, and improving and employing their power
for promoting their masters (the devil and antichrists) interests, to
whom they have gifted the churches, mancipated their own, and sacrificed
the nations interest; and that with such combination of counsels, and
countenance of providential success, that all the powers of hell, the
principalities of earth, and the providence of heaven, over-ruling all
things for the accomplishment of the divine purpose, and purchase, and
prediction, seem to conspire to produce that prodigious period, and last
attempt of the church's enemy. And the commencement is so far advanced,
that now in all the churches of Europe either the witnesses of Christ
are a killing, or the witness for Christ is in a great measure killed;
either the followers of the Lamb, who are called, and chosen, and
faithful, are killed for their testimony, or fainting in their zeal, and
falling from their first love, they are cooled or cajoled from their
testimony. Some are indulging themselves in their ease, settling on
their lees, and sleeping in a stupid security; and, while the Lord is
roaring from above, and his, and their enemies raging about them, and
designing to raze them after they have ruined their neighbours, they are
rotting away under the destructive distempers of detestable neutrality,
loathsome lukewarmness, declining, and decaying in corruptions,
defections, divisions, distractions, confusions; and so judicially
infatuated with darkness and delusions, that they forget and forego the
necessary testimony of the day. Others again, outwearied with the length
and weight of the trial, under the temptation of antichrist's formidable
strength on the one hand, and a deceitful prospect of an insnaring
liberty on the other, are overcome either to be hectored or flattered
from their testimony. And so, in these churches, comprehending all that
are free from persecution at this time, the witness for Christ is in a
great measure killed. Other churches, which are keeping and contending
for the word of Christ's patience, are so wasted, and almost worn out,
with persecutions, afflictions, and calamities, that, after they have
been, and are (so much) daily killed for the word of God, and the
testimony of Jesus, it may well be said, there hath been, and is, a
great slaughter of the witnesses. And it were hard to determine, which
of them can give the largest and most lamentable account of their
sufferings, or which of them have had the greatest and most grievous
experiences of the treachery and truculency, violence and villany of
atheistical and papistical enemies: whether the reformed church of
France, howling under the paw of that devouring lion, the French tyrant;
or the protestants of Hungary under the tearing claws of that ravenous
eagle, the tyrant of Austria; or those of Piedmont, under the grassant
tyranny of that little tyger of Savoy. The accounts they give in print,
the reports they bring with them in their flight from their respective
countries, and the little hints we have in gazettes and news-letters,
must needs enforce a conviction, if not extort a compassion of the
greatness of their pressures; and that with such a parity, that it is
doubtful which preponderates. I shall not make comparisons, nor
aggravate nor extenuate the sufferings of any of the churches of Christ,
beyond or below their due measures; but will presume to plead, that
Scotland, another ancient, and sometimes famous reformed church, be
inrolled in the catalogue of suffering churches, besides these
mentioned; and crave, that she may have a share of that charity and
sympathy which is the demand and desire of afflicted churches of Christ,
from all the fellow members of that same body: and so much the rather is
this her due, that, whereas, among all the rest of the churches,
Christ's witnesses are killed in some particular respect, and each of
them have their own proper complaint of it; some upon the account of
persecution, some of defection, division, &c. of this it may be said, in
all respects, both the witnesses of Christ, and a witness for Christ,
are killed with a witness. This is the case of the sometimes renowned,
famous, faithful, and fruitful, reformed, covenanted church of Scotland,
famous for unity, faithful for verity, fruitful in the purity of
doctrine, worship, discipline, and government; which now, for these
twenty-seven years past, under the domination of the late tyrant, and
present usurper of Britain, hath been so wasted with oppression, wounded
with persecution, rent with division, ruined with defection, that now
she is as much despised, as she was before admired; and her witness and
testimony for reformation, is now as far depressed and suppressed in
obscurity, as it was formerly declared and depredicated in glory and
honour. And yet, which should move the greater commiseration, her
witnessings and wrestlings, trials and temptations, have not been
inferior, in manner or measure, quality or continuance, to any of the
fore-mentioned churches, though in extent not so great, because her
precinct is not so large, whereby the number of her oppressed and
murdered children could not be so multiplied, though her martyrs be
more, and the manner of their murder more illegal, than can be instanced
in any of them during that time. A particular enumeration or ennaration
whereof, cannot be here exhibited, but is referred and reserved to a
peculiar treatise of that subject, which ere long the world may see.
Only I shall give a compendious account of the kinds and causes, grounds
and heads of their sufferings, who have been most slighted, and least
sympatized with, though they have sustained the greatest severities of
any; and, in end, endeavour to vindicate the merit of their cause, in
the most principal heads upon which their sufferings have been stated:
whereby it will appear to impartial men, that will not be imposed upon,
there hath been, and yet is, a great and grievous, and some way
unparalleled, persecution in Scotland, at least inferior to none: which
hath not hitherto been duly considered, with any proportion to the
importance thereof.
But though this be the scope, it is not the sum of what is intended in
this discourse. The method I have proposed to prosecute it withal, will
discover it; which is, 1. To give a brief and summary account of the
series and succession, success and result of the several contendings of
the witnesses of Christ, against his enemies in Scotland from time to
time; that it may appear, whether or not the present sufferings, as now
stated, can be condemned, if the former be approven. 2. To rehearse some
of the chief means, methods and measures, that the popish, prelatical
and malignant faction have managed, for the ruin of this witnessing
remnant, and some of the most signal steps of sufferings sustained by
and from these within these twenty-seven years; by which it will appear,
that the persecution in Scotland hath been very remarkable (though
little regarded) both in respect of the injustice, illegality, and
inhumanity of the persecutors, and in respect of the innocency, zeal and
ingenuity of the persecuted. 3. To clear the state, and vindicate the
merit of the cause of their sufferings, as to the most material heads of
it, that are most controverted at this time. In the first of these, I
must study all compendious brevity, as may consist with the clearing of
my scope; which is not to enlarge an historical deduction of the rise
and result, progress and prosecution, occasion and continuation of every
controversy the church hath had with her several adversaries in several
periods; but only to hint at the chief heads of their contendings, with
a design to make it appear, that the most material heads of sufferings
that are now condemned as new and nice notions, have been transmitted
from age to age, from the beginning even to this present time, through
all the periods of this church.
PERIOD I.
_Comprehending the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ CULDEES.
It is not without reason reckoned among the peculiar prerogatives of the
renowned church of Scotland, that Christ's conquest in the conversion of
that nation, is one of the most eminent accomplishments of
scripture-prophecies, of the propagation of his kingdom in the new
testament dispensation; not only because it was, when called out of
Gentile paganism, among the rudest of heathen nations, and in the
acknowledgement of all, among "the uttermost parts of the earth," which
were given to Christ for his inheritance and possession; whereunto he
had, and hath still undoubted right, by his Father's grant, and by his
own purchase; and took infeftment of it by a glorious conquest of that
land, which the Roman arms could never subdue; and erected his
victorious trophies there, whither their triumphs could never penetrate;
obtaining and thereby accomplishing that predicted song of praise, "From
the uttermost parts of the earth have we heard songs, even glory to the
righteous." Which gives us ground to expect, that however Christ's
interest there be now very low, and like to be lost as a prey in the
dragon's mouth, yet Christ, having such undoubted and manifold right to
it, will not so easily quit or forego his possession; but also, because
he hath so constantly continued his possession, and maintained his
title, by a long course of contendings, by the testimonies of his
witnesses against the invaders thereof, through all the periods of the
church, from the very infancy of this new dispensation; and because
Scotland's conversion unto the Christian faith was among the first
fruits of the Gentiles, of the oldest date, that any standing church
holding the head Christ this day can deduct its original from. For it is
clear from ancient records, the Christian faith was embraced here a few
years after the ascension of our Saviour, being taught by the disciples
of John the apostle; and received afterwards great increase from the
Britons flying to Scotland to escape the persecution of the Emperor
Domitian, and was long promoted by the ancient Culdees, (or worshippers
of God,) men whose memory is still fragrant for piety and purity of
faith and life, who continued some hundreds of years under various
vicissitudes of providence, before either prelacy or popery was known in
Scotland. They were first universally encouraged by King Cratilinth, in
the time of the last persecution under Dioclesian, which brought many of
Christ's witnesses hither for shelter, who were very helpful for the
settling of truth, and the total extirpation of the idolatry of the
Druids, the heathen priests, whereby the pure doctrine, worship, and
government also, of Christ's institution, was established and continued
many years, while these witnesses of Christ had no other emulation but
of well-doing, and to advance piety. In this period, these ancient, and
first confessors and witnesses of Christ, did wrestle strenuously,
according to their strength and light, for the truths and words of
Christ's patience, controverted in their day, both against professed
enemies, Pagan persecutors and priests, and pretended friends,
corrupters of the faith. Their testimony was stated in a peculiar
manner, for the verity, value and virtue of Christ's natures and
offices, in asserting his truths relative to either, against the
malignants and sectaries of their time; particularly for the concerns of
his prophetical office. And though we be at a loss, that for the most
part their witness is buried in oblivion, through the darkness of the
times succeeding; yet the scrapes and fragments that are left, do
furnish us with these few remarks.
I. They maintained the verity of the Christian doctrine, against both
Pagan Persecutors and heretical perverters; and the purity of his
instituted worship, without the vanity of human inventions, or
conformity with, either the Druids on the one hand, or the heretics on
the other, with which, sometime before the end of that period, they were
infested; chiefly the Pelagians, with whom the faithful would have no
communion; but abstracted themselves in a monastical life, living and
exercising their religion in cells, from whence many places in the
country yet retain the name, as Kilmarnock, Kilpatrick, &c. that is the
cells of these eminent men among the Culdees. And their government also
was that of the primitive order, without bishops, with little vanity,
but great simplicity and holiness. Many authors do testify, that near
about 400 years, the church of Scotland knew nothing of the episcopal
Hierarchy, until Palladius brought it in, and not without great
opposition.
II. In these recesses, they had the advantage, both of outward peace,
when others were in trouble, and of inward peace of conscience, when
others were debauched with many conjurations and abjurations,
combinations and confederacies, imposed and exacted by them that
prevailed for the time, whereby they might both keep themselves free of
ensnaring oaths, perfidious compliances, and associations with the
wicked, and also entertain and encourage the oppressed for equity, who
fled unto their sanctuary for safety. We find they refused to enter into
league with malignant enemies. One memorable passage I shall insert
(though strictly it belong not to this period, as I distinguish it, yet
falling out, within eighty years thereafter, in the time of the Culdees,
it will not obscurely evidence the truth of this) Goranus the
forty-fifth king of Scots, earnestly dissuaded Lothus king of Picts to
entertain the league with the Saxons, not only because they were
treacherous and cruel, but because they were enemies to the country and
to the religion they professed, concluding thus: _Homini vero Christiano
id longe omnium videri_, &c. "But to a Christian nothing must seem more
grievous, than to consent to such a covenant, as will extinguish the
Christian religion, and reduce the prophane customs of the heathen, and
arm wicked tyrants, the enemies of all humanity and piety, against God
and his laws." Whereupon Lothus was persuaded to relinquish the Saxons,
Buchan. Hist. Rer. Scotic.
III. Though they were not for partaking in wicked unnecessary wars,
without authority, or against it; yet we have ground to conclude, they
were for war, and did maintain the principle of resisting tyranny; since
there was never more of the practice of it, nor more happy resistances
in any age, than in that; where we find, that, as their ancestors had
frequently done before, so they also followed their footsteps, in
resisting, reducing to order, repressing, and bringing to condign
punishment tyrants and usurpers; and thought those actions, which their
fathers did by the light of nature and dictates of reason, worthy of
imitation, when they had the advantage of the light of revelation and
dictates of faith; the one being indeed moderate and directed, but no
ways contradicted by the other. Therefore we read, that, as their
predecessors had done with Thereus the 8th king of Scotland, whom they
banished in the year before Christ's incarnation 173; with Dustus the
11th king, whom they slew in battle in the year before Christ 107;
Evenus the 3d, who was imprisoned, and died there, in the year before
Christ 12; Dardanus the 20th king, who was taken in battle, beheaded by
his own subjects, his head exposed to mockage, and his body cast into a
sink, in the year of Christ 72; Luctatus the 22d king, who was slain for
his leachery and tyranny in the year 110, Mogaldus the 23d king, slain
in the year 113; Conarus the 24th king, a leacherous tyrant, died in
prison in the year 149; Satrael the 26th king hanged in the year 159.
So, after the Christian faith was publicly professed, they pursued
Athirco the 29th king, when degenerate into tyranny, who was forced to
kill himself in the year 231. They slew Nathalocus the 30th king, and
cast him into a privy, in the year 241. They beheaded Romachus the 36th
king, and carried about his head for a show in the year 348. As they did
with many others afterwards, as witnesseth Buchanan, Book IV. Scottish
History.
IV. Whence it is evident, that as they attained, even in these primitive
times, and maintained the purity and freedom of their ministry,
independent on Pope, Prelate, or any human supremacy (that Antichristian
hierarchy and Erastian blasphemy not being known in those days) so they
contended for the order and boundaries of the magistracy, according to
God's appointment and the fundamental constitutions of their government;
and thought it their duty to shake off the yoke, and disown the
authority of these tyrants that destroyed the same. Yea, we find, that
even for incapacity, stupidity and folly, they disowned the relation of
a magistrate, and disposed of the government another way, as they did
with Ethodius II. whose authority they did own, but only to the title.
See Buchanan in the before cited place.
PERIOD II.
_Comprehending the_ TESTIMONY _of the same_ CULDEES, _with that of the_
LOLLARDS.
The following period was that fatal one, that brought in universal
darkness on the face of the whole church of Christ, and on Scotland with
the first of them: which, as it received very early Christianity, so it
was with the first corrupted with antichristianism: for that mystery of
iniquity that had been long working, till he who letted was taken out of
the way, found Scotland ripe for it when he came; which, while the
dragon did persecute the woman in the wilderness, did valiantly repel
his assaults; but when the beast did arise, to whom he gave his power,
he prevailed more by his subtilty, than his rampant predecessor could do
by his rage. Scotland could resist the Roman legions while heathenish,
but not the Roman locusts when antichristian. At his very first
appearance in the world, under the character of antichrist, his
harbinger Palladius brought in prelacy to Scotland, and by that
conveyance the contagion of popery, which hath always been, as every
where, so especially in Scotland, both the mother and daughter, cause
and effect, occasion and consequence of popery. These rose, stood and
lived together, and sometimes did also fall together; and we have ground
to hope that they shall fall again; and their final and fatal fall is
not far off. Whatever difficulty authors do make, in calculating the
epocha of the forty-two months of antichrist's duration in the world,
because of the obscurity of his first rise; yet there needs not be much
perplexity in finding out that epocha in Scotland, nor so much
discouragement from the fancied permanency of that kingdom of
wickedness. For if it be certain, as it will not be much disputed, that
popery and prelacy came in by Palladius, sent legate by Pope Celestine,
about the year 450; then if we add forty-two months, or 1260 prophetical
days, that is, years, we may have a comfortable prospect of their
tragical conclusion. And though both clashings and combinations,
oppositions and conjunctions, this day may seem to have a terrible
aspect, portending a darker hour before the dawning; yet all these
reelings and revolutions, though they be symptoms of wrath incumbent
upon us for our sins, they may be looked upon, through a prospect of
faith, as presages and prognostics of mercy impendent for his name's
sake, encouraging us, when we see these dreadful things come to pass in
our day, to lift up our heads, for the day of our redemption draweth
nigh. This dark period continued nigh about 1100 years, in which, though
Christ's witnesses were very few, yet he had some witnessing and
prophesying in sackcloth all the while. Their testimony was the same
with that of the Waldenses and Albigenses, stated upon the grounds of
their secession, or rather abstraction from that mystery Babylon, mother
of harlots, popery and prelacy, for their corruption in doctrine,
worship, discipline and government. And did more particularly relate to
the concerns of Christ's priestly office, which was transmitted from the
Culdees to the Lollards, and by them handed down to the instruments of
reformation in the following period. Their testimony indeed was not
active, by way of forcible resistance against the sovereign powers; but
passive, by way of confession and martyrdom, and sufferings and verbal
contendings, and witnessings against the prevailing corruptions of the
time. And no wonder it should be so, and in this someway different from
ours, because that was a dispensation of suffering, when antichrist was
on the ascendant, and they had no call or capacity to oppose him any
other way, and were new spirited for this passive testimony, in which
circumstances they are an excellent pattern for imitation, but not an
example for confutation of that principle of defensive resistance, which
they never contradicted, and had never occasion to confirm by their
practice. But, as in their managing their testimony, their manner was
someway different from ours on this respect; so they had by far the
advantage of us, that their cause was so clearly stated upon the
greatest heads of sufferings, having the clearest connexion with the
fundamentals of religion; yet we shall find in this period our heads of
suffering someway homologated, if we consider,
I. That as they did faithfully keep and contend for the word of Christ's
patience under that dispensation, in asserting and maintaining both the
verity of Christ's doctrine, and the purity of his worship, by
testifying against the corruptions, errors, idolatries and superstitions
of popery; so they did constantly bear witness against the usurpation
and tyrannical domination of the antichristian prelates. And as the
Culdees did vigorously oppose their first introduction, and after
aspiring domination, as well as the corruptions of their doctrines, as
we have the contendings of eminent witnesses recorded from age to age;
in the fourth and fifth age, Columbe, Libthac, Ethernan, Kintegern or
Mungo; in the sixth and seventh age, Colmanus, Clemens, and Samson, with
others; in the eighth and ninth age, Alcuin, Rabanus, Maurus, Joannes
Scotus AErigena, are noted in history. And the Lollards, by their
examinations and testimonies, are found to have witnessed against the
exercise of their power, and sometimes against the very nature of their
power itself: so in their practice they condemned prelacy as well as
popery, in that their ministers did in much painfulness, poverty,
simplicity, humility, and equality, observe the institution of our Lord.
And so far as their light served, and had occasion to enquire into this
point, they acknowledged no officer in the house of God superior to a
preaching minister, and according to this standard, they rejected and
craved reformation of exorbitant prelacy. And it is plain, that they
were frequently discovered by discountenancing and withdrawing from
their superstitious and idolatrous worship; for all which, when they
could not escape nor repel their violence, they cheerfully embraced and
endured the flames.
II. That their adversaries did manage their cruel craft, and crafty
cruelty, in murdering those servants of God, much after the same methods
that ours do; except that they are many stages outdone by their
successors; as much as perfect artists do outstrip the rude beginnings
of apprentices. But, on the other hand, the sufferers in our day, that
would follow the example of those worthies under Popery, would be much
condemned by this generation, even by them that commend the matter of
their testimony, though they will not allow the manner of it to be
imitated in this day. The adversaries of Christ, in this and that
generation, are more like than his confessors and witnesses are. The
adversaries then, when constrained by diversions of the time's troubles,
or when their designs were not ripe, pretended more moderation and
aversation from severity; but no sooner got they opportunity, (which
always they sought), but so soon they renewed the battle against Jesus
Christ; so now: when they had seven abominations in their hearts, and
many cursed designs in their heads, they always spoke fairest; so now:
when they had a mind to execute their cruelty, they would resolve before
hand whom to pitch upon before conviction; so now: and when so resolved,
the least pretence of a fault, obnoxious to their wicked law, would
serve their design; so now: they used then to forge articles, and
falsely misrepresent their answers, and declarations of their
principles; so now. Yet, on the other hand, if now poor sufferers should
glory in that they are counted worthy to suffer shame for the name of
Christ, as they did then; if now they should suffer with as great
chearfulness, for the smallest points as for the greatest heads, as they
did then, who endured the flames as gallantly, for eating a goose upon
Friday, as others did for the doctrine of justification, or purgatory,
or indulgences, or worshipping of images and saints; if now they should
speak for every truth in question, with all simplicity and plainness,
without reserves or shifts declining a testimony, as they did; if they
should supersede from all application to their enemies for favour, and
not meddle with either petitioning or bonding with them, as they did;
nay, not accepting deliverance, that they might obtain a better
resurrection: then they might expect the severe censure of ignorant and
precise fools, as the most part who suffer now are counted.
III. That they stood aloof from every appearance of a base compliance
with them; not so much as to give them an interpretative sign of it;
which, in their meaning, might be thought a recantation, though,
abstractly considered, it might be capable of a more favourable
construction; as the required burning of their bill was; which might
have been thought a condemning of their accusations; but because that
was not their adversaries sense of it, they durst not do it. Not like
many now a-days, who will not be solicitous to consult that. Neither
would they take any of their oaths, nor pay any of their ecclesiastical
exactions, as we find in the articles brought in against the Lollards of
Kyle, Knox's History of Reformation. These things are easily complied
with now: and such as will suffer upon such things are condemned.
IV. That while the love of God and his blessed truth, and the precepts,
promise, and presence of our Lord Jesus Christ, did enable them unto all
patience with joy, in a passive testimony, being by the call of a clear
and necessary providence sent and set forth to be his witnesses; they
did not indeed endeavour any resistance: yet we find they never resigned
nor abandoned that first and most just privilege of resistance; nay, nor
bringing public beasts of prey to condign punishment, in an
extraordinary way of vindictive justice, for the murder of the saints.
As, upon the murder of Mr. George Wishart, was done with Cardinal
Beaton, who was slain in the tower of St. Andrew's by James Melvin: who,
perceiving his consorts in the enterprize moved with passion, withdrew
them, and said, 'This work and judgment of God, although it be secret,
ought to be done with greater gravity.' And, presenting the point of the
sword to the Cardinal, said, 'Repent thee of thy former wicked life, but
especially of the shedding of the blood of that notable instrument of
God, Mr. George Wishart, which albeit the flame of fire consumed before
men, yet it cries for vengeance upon thee, and we from God are sent to
revenge it; for here, before my God, I protest, that neither the hatred
of thy person, the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou
couldst have done me in particular, moved or moveth me to strike thee,
but only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy against
Christ Jesus, and his holy gospel.' Of which fact, the famous and
faithful historian Mr. Knox speaks very honourably, and was so far from
condemning it, that while, after the slaughter, they kept out the
castle, he, with other godly men, went to them, and stayed with them,
till they were together carried captives to France. Yet now such a fact,
committed upon such another bloody and treacherous beast, the Cardinal
Prelate of Scotland, eight years ago, is generally condemned as horrid
murder.
V. However, though in this dark period there be no noted instances of
these witnesses resisting the superior powers, for reasons above hinted:
yet, in this period, we find many instances of noble and virtuous
patriots, their not only resisting, but also revenging to the utmost of
severity, rigorous and raging tyrants, as may be seen in histories. For,
before the corruption of antichrist came to its height, we find
Ferchardus 1st, the 52d King, was drawn to judgment against his will,
great crimes were laid to his charge, and among others the Pelagian
heresy, and contempt of baptism, for which he was cast into prison,
where he killed himself in the year 636; Eugenius 8th, the 62d King,
degenerating into wickedness, and rejecting the admonitions of his
friends, and especially of the ministers, was killed in a convention of
his nobles, with the consent of all, in the year 765; Donaldus 7th was
imprisoned, where he killed himself, in the year 859; Ethus, surnamed
Alipes, the 72d King, was apprehended, and his wicked life laid out
before the people, and then compelled to resign the government, and died
in prison, in the year 875. Afterwards when the government was
transmitted to the Stewarts, James the 2d, the 103d King, who killed
William Earl of Douglas in the castle of Stirling, most treacherously,
after he had pretended a civil treatment, was publicly defied by the
Earl's friends, who took the King's public writ and subscription made to
the said Earl, and tied it to a horse tail, dragging it through the
streets; and, when they came to the market-place, they proclaimed both
King and Nobles perjured covenant breakers; and thereafter, when Earl
James his brother was desired to submit, he answered, 'He would never
put himself in their reverence who had no regard to shame; nor to the
laws of God or man, and who had so perfidiously killed his brother and
his cousins.' James 3d, the 104th King, for his treachery and tyranny,
was opposed and pursued by arms by his own subjects; who, finding
himself under disadvantages, sent to the rebels (as he thought them, and
called them) an offer of peace, and received this answer--'That seeing
the King did nothing honestly, a certain war seemed better to them than
a peace not to be trusted, that there was no other hope of agreement but
one, that he should quit the government, otherwise it was to no purpose
to trouble themselves with treaties.' Thereafter, in a battle, he was
slain at Bannockburn by Gray, Ker, and Borthwick. The same King was also
constrained, by the valour of Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, called
Bell the Cat, to reform the court, and put away some wicked sycophants
from his council, and give way, though against his will, to the
execution of judgment upon others: which was the occasion of that
foresaid agnomen to the Earl: for he, with other nobles, in a meeting at
Lauder, consulting how to reform and repress the insolency of the Court,
had the apologue of the mice laid out before them; that the mice fell
upon deliberating how to be rid of the cat, and concluded that the best
way was to put a bell about her neck; but when it came to be put in
execution, never a mouse durst undertake it: the Earl quickly made
application, saying, I will bell the cat; and forthwith went out, and
meeting Cochran, one of these wicked counsellors, took hold of him, and
hanged him with a horse halter over the bridge of Lauder; and, rushing
into the King's presence, proceeded to snatch Ramsay, another of the
country's enemies, out of the King's arms; but that he yielded at length
to the King's earnest entreaties to spare him. However we see how
generously zealous these noble patriots were for the country's good,
against tyranny, though they were ignorant of religion: yet this all
along was still the character of the Scots in these days, none more
terrible to tyrants, none more loyal to Kings than they.
PERIOD III.
_Containing the_ TESTIMONY _of the_ REFORMATION _from_ POPERY.
As in the former, the testimony was mostly passive; so, in the following
period, when they were encreased in number and strength that embraced
the gospel, the Lord called, and spirited to an active testimony, for
these two twins, religion and liberty, that were then sought to be
stifled in the birth, and are now designed more declaredly to be
destroyed, after they have grown up to some maturity: which, as it
renders the cruelty of the present destroyers the more grassant and
grievous, so it rubs the more indelible infamy on the shameful security
and ass-like stupidity of this generation, that have received such an
excellent testimony deposited to their trust, transmitted to them
through a continued tract of the witnessings and wrestlings of their
worthy ancestors, and now let it slip and slide through their feeble
fingers; and does the more justify, yea magnify, the poor endeavours of
the present sufferers, who, at least, when they cannot re-act these
mighty works, in defending religion and liberty, do chuse rather to die
than to resign the testimony, or quit the least privilege that their
progenitors possessed them of: and though they be superciliously
despised, as little insignificant nothings in the eyes of the bulk of
the big boasters of this blind age; yet if these valiant heroes, who did
such exploits for their God, in commencing and carrying on the work of
reformation, were now to see the dull dotages of this dreaming
generation, (not only suffering and consenting to, but congratulating
and applauding, the introduction and re-establishment of idolatry and
tyranny, popery and slavery, upon the ruins of the work they built with
so great expence); and were to read the pitiful petitions, and airy and
empty, flattering and fawning addresses, to this antichristian tyrant,
for the toleration of that religion and liberty, under the odious notion
of a crime, which they had conveyed to them under the security of a
fundamental law; they, if any, would be acknowledged as their children,
who disdain and disown such dishonourable and dastardly yieldings, and
are therefore most despised with disdain and despight. A brief rehearsal
of their contendings will clear the case.
While the Queen Dowager regent reigned by the curse of God, and employed
all her power and policy to suppress the gospel in Scotland, God so
counteracted her, that the blood of the martyrs she caused to be
murdered, proved the seed of the church; and the endeavours of his
servants had such success, that no small part of the barons and
gentlemen, as well as commons, began to abhor the tyranny of the
bishops: yea, men almost universally began to doubt, whether they could
without sin give their bodily presence 'to the mass, or offer their
children to the papistical baptism? Whether these that were in any
public trust, could with safe conscience serve the higher powers in
maintaining of idolatry, persecuting their brethren, and suppressing
Christ's truth? Or whether they might suffer their brethren to be
murdered in their presence, without any declaration that such tyranny
displeased them?' And, from the scriptures, they were resolved, That a
lively faith requires a plain confession, when Christ's truth is
impugned; and that not only they be guilty that do evil, but also they
that consent to evil, and this they should do, if seeing such things
openly committed, they should be silent, and so allow whatsoever was
done. From doubts they came to determinations, to endeavour that Christ
Jesus his glorious gospel should be preached, his holy sacraments truly
ministred, superstition, idolatry, and tyranny should be suppressed in
this realm; and that both as to the worship, discipline, and government,
the reverend face of the first primitive and apostolic church should be
reduced again to the eyes and knowledge of men. And in this they never
fainted till the work was finished. To accomplish this, famous and
faithful Mr. Knox, and other servants of the Lord, did preach diligently
in private meetings. And for that, when they were summoned before the
Queen, several zealous and bold men repaired to her, and plainly in the
hearing of the Prelates, did charge them with the cruel device intended,
and told her with a vow, 'They should make a day of it, because they
oppressed them and their tenants for feeding their idle bellies, they
troubled the preachers, and would murder all; should they suffer this
any longer? No; it should not be.' Thereafter, the more effectually to
prosecute the reformation begun, they entered into covenants, to
maintain and advance that work of reformation, and to stand to the
defence thereof; and of one another, against all wicked power, that
might intend tyranny or trouble against them, and to resent any injury
done to any of their brethren, upon the account of the common cause, as
done to all. Of which covenants they entered into many very solemnly;
one was at Edinburgh in the year 1557; another at Perth 1559; another at
Stirling 1559, binding, that none should have any correspondence with
the Queen, without notifying it to one another; and that nothing should
proceed therein, without common consent of them all. Another at Leith,
in the year 1560; another at Ayr, in the year 1562, of the same tenor.
By which covenants, as their conjunction was the more firm among
themselves, so was it the more fearful to their adversaries: when,
according to the tenor of them, they kept their conventions, and held
counsels with such gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled. I
mention these things more particularly, because these same very things
commended in our fathers, are now condemned in a poor handful, that
would aim at imitating their example, in renewing and reiterating such
covenants of the same nature and tenor, and binding to the same very
duties, and prosecute in the same methods of keeping general meetings
for correspondence, and consultation about common mutual duties in
common danger; whereunto they have not only present necessity to urge
them, but also preterite examples of these worthies to encourage them,
and their experience of comfort and tranquillity they reaped, by these
Christian assemblies and godly conferences, as oft as any danger
appeared to any member or members of their body. These beginnings, the
zealous covenanted reformers left no means unessayed to promote, by
protestations to the parliament, and petitions, and many reiterated
addresses to the Queen Dowager: from whom they received many renewed
fair promises; which she had never mind to keep, and wanted not the
impudence, when challenged for breaking them, to declare, 'It becomes
not subjects to burden their princes with promises further than it
pleased them to keep the same:' and, at another time, 'that she was
bound to keep no faith to hereticks:' and again, 'that princes must not
be strickly bound to keep their promises; and that herself would make
little conscience to take from all that sort their lives and
inheritance, if she might do it with an honest excuse.' Wherein she
spoke not only the venom of her own heart, but the very soul and sense,
principle and project of all popish princes: whereby we may see what
security we have for religion and liberty this day, though the most part
make such a pretence a pillow to sleep on. But, after many discoveries
in this kind of the Queen's treachery, at length they would no more be
bribed by promises, blinded by pretences, nor boasted by her
proclamations, (slandering their enterprise, as if it pertained nothing
to religion) from their endeavours to prosecute the same: but finding
themselves compelled to take the sword of just defence, against all that
should pursue them for the matter of religon, they first signified unto
her; 'that they would notify to the king of France, and all Christian
princes, that her cruel, unjust, and most tyrannical murder intended
against towns and multitudes, was and is the only cause of their revolt
from their accustomed obedience, which they owned and promised to their
Sovereign; provided they might live in peace and liberty, and enjoy
Christ's gospel, without which they firmly purpose never to be subject
to mortal man; and that better it were to expose their bodies to a
thousand deaths; than to deny Christ; which thing not only do they, who
commit open idolatry, but also all such, as, seeing their brethren
pursued for the cause of religion, and having no sufficient means to
comfort and assist them, do nevertheless withdraw from them their
dutiful support.' And thereafter, they published a declaration to the
generation of antichrist, the pestilent prelates, and their shavelings
within Scotland. 'That they should not be abused, thinking to escape
just punishment, after that they, in their blind fury, had caused the
blood of many to be shed; but if they proceeded in this their malicious
cruelty, they should be dealt withal, wheresoever they should be
apprehended, as murderers, and open enemies to God and to mankind. And
that with the same measure they had measured, and intended to measure to
others, it should be measured to them;--that is, they should, with all
force and power they had, execute just vengeance and punishment upon
them; yea begin that same war which God commandeth Israel to execute
against the Canaanites; that is, contract of peace should never be made,
till they desist from their open idolatry and cruel persecution of God's
children.' I rehearse this declaration the more expressly, because in
our day declarations of this style and strain, and aiming at the same
scope, are hideously hissed and houted at as unheard of novelties.
Finally, when by all their letters, warnings, admonitions and
protestations, they could obtain no redress, but rather an increase of
insupportable violence, they proponed the question in a general meeting,
'Whether she, whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole common
wealth, ought to be suffered so tyrannically to domineer over them?'
Unto which the ministers, being required to give their judgment,
answered, That she ought not. And accordingly they declared her deposed
from all government over them; 'because of her persecuting the
professors of the true religion, and oppressing the liberties of the
true lieges, never being called nor convinced of any crime; because of
her intrusion of magistrates against all order of election; because of
her bringing in strangers to suppress the liberty of the country, and
placing them in greatest offices of credit; because of her altering and
subverting the old laws of the realm,' &c. Which I mention, because
hence we may see what things our fathers judged did dissolve the
relation between the people and their rulers; and, when applied to our
case, will justify their reasons that have renounced the present
tyranny. This was done at Edinburgh in the year 1559. And thereafter,
while they vindicated themselves, and went on with the work of
reformation, throwing down all monuments of idolatry, and propagating
the reformed religion, God so blessed their endeavours, that their
confession of faith, and all articles of the protestant religion, was
read and ratified by the three estates of parliament, at Edinburgh, July
1560. And the same year the book of discipline, containing the form and
order of presbyterial government, was subscribed by a great part of the
nobility. Thus, through the wisdom and power of God alone, even by the
weakness of very mean instruments, against the rage and fury of the
devil, and of all the powers of hell, was this work of reformation
advanced and effectuated; and came to the establishment of a law, which
did not only ratify and confirm the protestant religion, but abolish
antichristian popery, and appoint punishment for the professors and
promoters thereof. Which law, often confirmed and ratified afterwards,
though it be now cested and rescinded by the prerogative of the present
tyrant; because it annuls and invalidates his pretence to succession in
the government, (it being expressly enacted afterwards, by a parliament
at Edinburgh, 1567, confirming this, that all princes and kings
hereafter, before their coronation, shall take oath to maintain the true
religion then professed, and suppress all things contrary to it), yet is
still in force in the hearts of all honest men, that will not prostitute
religion, law and liberty, to the lusts of tyrants; and will be
accounted a better bottom to build the hope of enjoying religion upon,
than the perfidious promises of a popish usurper, pretending a liberty
to dissenting protestants, by taking away the penal statutes, the legal
bulwark against popery: all which yet, to the reproach of all
protestants, some are applauding and congratulating in this time by
their addresses and petitions, to this destroyer of law and religion. I
wish they would look back to see what the building of this bulwark cost
our fathers, before they sell it at such a rate; and compare the present
addresses, courting and caressing the papists, with the addresses of
these worthy builders of what they are destroying. There is one dated
Edinburgh, May 27, 1561, presented to the Council, shewing, that honesty
craved them, to make the secrets of their heart patent, which
was--'That, before ever these tyrants and dumb dogs empire over them
professing Christ Jesus within this realm, they were fully determined to
hazard life, and whatsoever they had received of God in temporal
things.--And let these enemies of God assure themselves, that if their
council put not order unto them, that they should shortly take such
order, that they shall neither be able to do what they list, neither yet
to live upon the sweet of the brows of such as are no debtors to them.'
And when the mischievous Mary, the daughter of the degraded Queen,
returning from France, set up the mass but in her own family, the godly
at that time gave plain signification, that they could not abide that
'the land which God had purged from idolatry, should in their eyes be
polluted again. Shall that idol (say they) be suffered again to take
place within this realm? It shall not.' The idolatrous priests should
die the death according to God's law. And a proclamation being issued to
protect the Queen's domestic servants that were papists, there was a
protestation given forth presently, 'That if any of her servants should
commit idolatry, say mass, participate therewith, or take the defence
thereof, in that case this proclamation was not extended to them in that
behalf, no more than if they commit murder; seeing the one is much more
abominable in the sight of God than the other; but that it may be lawful
to inflict upon them, the pains contained in God's word against
idolaters, wherever they may be apprehended, without favour.' The words
of John Knox upon the following Sabbath may be added, 'That one mass
was more fearful unto him, than if ten thousand armed enemies were
landed in any part of the realm, of purpose to suppress the whole
religion: for (said he) in our God there is strength to resist and
confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon him; but when we join
hands with idolatry, it is no doubt but both God's amiable presence and
comfortable defence will leave us, and what shall then become of us?'
Yea, when it was voted in the General Assembly, whether they might take
the Queen's mass from her? many frankly affirmed, 'That as the mass is
abominable, so it is just and right that it should be suppressed; and
that in so doing, men did no more hurt to the Queen's Majesty, than they
that should by force take from her a poisoned cup, when she was going to
drink it.' Thus we have some specimen of the zeal of our fathers against
idolatry. But in a little time court favours blunted it in many; and
then had the servants of God a double battle, fighting on the one hand
against idolatry, and the rest of the abominations maintained by the
court. And upon the other hand, against the unfaithfulness of false
brethren, and treachery of sycophants, who informed the court against
the ministers, for their free and faithful preaching and warnings on all
occasions; yet they sustained the brunt of all these assaults, and came
off with honour. At length, to be short, in process of time, this Mary,
a woman of a proud and crafty wit, and an obdured heart against God and
his truth, infilled in the same steps of tyranny and treachery (but with
greater aggravations) that her mother walked in, and was served
according to her desert. For after that her darling David Rizzo, the
Italian fidler, (whom most men then supposed, and do still suspect to be
the father of King James, this man's grandfather; and some do think it
not unlikely, that his successors have derived from this stock the
Italian complexion and constitution both of body and mind, spare and
swarthy, cruel and crafty) received his due rewards in her presence, by
the King's consent and counsel; she conceived such contempt of, and
indignation against the poor uxorious young King, Henry of Darnley, that
she never rested till she and Bothwel contrived and executed his murder,
and then she married that murdering adulterer, the said Earl of Bothwel:
whereupon the Protestant Noblemen pursuing the murder, took her, and
sent her prisoner to Lochleven, where they made her resign the
government to her son James, then an infant, and afterwards she was
beheaded by Elizabeth Queen of England. We see now by this deduction,
what was the testimony of this period, and how in many things it
confirms the heads of the present sufferings, which we may particularly
remark.
I. The reformation of Scotland had this common with all other protestant
churches, that it was carried on by resisting the opposing powers; but
it had this peculiar advantage above all, that at once, and from the
beginning, both doctrine and worship, discipline and government were
reformed: as Mr. Knox witnesseth, that there was no realm upon the face
of the earth at that time that had religion in greater purity. 'Yea,'
says he, 'we must speak the truth, whomsoever we offend, there is no
realm that hath the like purity; for all others, how sincere soever the
doctrine be, retain in their churches and ministry thereof, some
footsteps of antichrist, and dregs of popery; but we (praise to God
alone) have nothing in our churches that ever flowed from that Man of
Sin.' The doctrine was purely reformed, according to the rule of Christ,
both as to matter and manner of delivery. As to the matter of it, what
it was, the Confession of Faith, ratified in parliament in the year
1560, doth witness. In the manner of it, they studied not the smooth and
pawky prudence that is now so much applauded, for not observing which,
such as would fain be honest in this duty, are so much condemned; but
they cried aloud against, and did not spare the sins of the time, with
application to every degree of men; as we have it published and
vindicated in Mr. Knox's History. They cried, 'that the same God who
plagued Pharaoh, repulsed Sennacherib, struck Herod with worms, and made
the bellies of dogs the grave and sepulchre of the spiteful Jezebel,
will not spare misled princes, who authorize the murderers of Christ's
members in this our time. Many now a days will have no other religion
than the Queen; the Queen no other than the Cardinal; the Cardinal no
other than the Pope; the Pope no other than the devil: let men therefore
consider what danger they stand in, if their salvation shall depend upon
the Queen's faith.' And they used to defend such manner of free dealing,
from the examples of the prophets reproving Kings personally. 'Now, if
the like and greater corruptions be in the world this day, who dare
enterprize, to put to silence the Spirit of God, which will not be
subject to the appetites of misled princes.' Mr. Knox's defence before
the Queen, when rebuked for speaking of her marriage in the pulpit, was:
'The Evangel, saith he, hath two points, repentance and faith; in
preaching repentance, of necessity it is, that the sins of men may be
noted, that they may know wherein they offend.' And in his dispute with
Lethington, requiring where any of the prophets did so use Kings and
rulers; he gave the example of Elias 'reproving Ahab and Jezebel, that
dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and eat the flesh of Jezebel; which
was not whispered in their ears, but so as the people understood well
enough, for so witnessed Jehu after the accomplishment.' Elisha reproved
Jehoram, saying, 'What have I to do with thee; if it were not for
Jehosaphat, I would not have looked toward thee. Though a subject, yet
he gave little reverence to the King.' These were their arguments for
faithfulness then, which are now exploded with contempt. Their worship
was also reformed from all dregs of popery, and fopperies of human
ceremonies, retained in many other churches, especially in England; to
whose bishops, in Queen Elizabeth's time, the Assembly wrote, 'That if
surplice, corner cap, tippet, &c. have been the badges of idolaters in
the very act of idolatry, what have preachers to do with the dregs of
that Romish beast? Yea, what is he that ought not to fear to take,
either in his hand or forehead, the mark of that odious beast?--We think
you should boldly oppose yourselves to all power, that will dare extol
itself against God, and against all such as do burden the conscience of
the faithful, further than God hath burdened them by his own word.' The
discipline and government was from the beginning presbyterial, even
before the establishment: both in practice, among the persecuted
ministers, who kept their private meetings; and in their doctrine. This
was one of Mr. Knox's articles he sustained at St. Andrew's, upon his
first entry unto the ministry. _Art. 8._ There is no bishop, except he
preach even by himself, without any substitute. But so soon as they
attained any settlement, they assembled in their first national synod in
the year 1560, by virtue of that intrinsic power granted by the Lord to
his church; nor did they so much as petition for the indulgence of the
then authority; but upon Christ's warrant, they kept and held their
courts in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ only; and in his sole
authority, by direction of his word and Spirit, concluded all their
counsels, votes and acts. And as they knew nothing of an exotic
supremacy, so they put out and held out prelacy, and kept a perfect
parity; which was nothing infringed by the extraordinary employments and
commissions delegated to some superintendants, upon the account of the
particular exigence of these times.
II. Next we find in the practice of these renowned reformers, many
demonstrations of pure zeal, worthy of all imitation; which I remark the
rather, because poor sufferers that would now imitate it, are condemned
as blind and ignorant zealots. But why are not the reformers condemned
for the same things? We find in the first place, that they were so far
from complying with, or conniving at, or countenancing public sins, that
they could not contain themselves from declaring their detestation of
the sight of them; yea the very boys did abominate them, as at the
reformation, at St. Johnstoun, a boy cried with a bold voice, This is
intolerable, that when God by his word hath plainly condemned idolatry,
we shall stand and see it used in despight. Whereupon he and others
threw down all the monuments of idolatry in that place. But if now any
should enterprise such a thing, when the idol of the mass is set up in
every city, they might expect Jerubaal's censure of the Abiezrites;
though it is true they might have the same encouragement, because they
have the same command as he had, to wit, the perpetual precept of
throwing down idolatrous altars. Next, they were so far from complying
with the enemies, in keeping the peace with them, that they thought it a
great sin not to oppose them, when their brethren were forced to take
the sword of self-defence, being persuaded by these arguments: 'That by
their fainting and abstracting their support, the enemies would be
encouraged; and thereby they should declare themselves both traitors to
the truth once professed, and murderers of their brethren, whom their
presence and concurrence might preserve; and that if they should deny
their brethren suffering for his name's sake, they should also deny
Christ, and be denied of him; and that God hath punished subjects with
their princes, for winking at, and not resisting their manifest
iniquity; and therefore, as he is immutable in nature, so would he not
pardon them in that which he hath punished in others,' &c. Which
arguments prevailed with the noble Earl of Glencairn, in zeal to burst
forth in these words:--'Albeit never man should accompany me, yet I will
go to my brethren, and if it were but a pike upon my shoulder, I had
rather die with that company, than live after them.' But now professors
cannot only sit at home, in their shops and cieled houses, when the
Lord's people are pursued and murdered in the fields, but also can hire
their murderers, and strengthen their hands, by paying them cesses and
localities, and what they require for help to do their work, and
maintaining them in their iniquity. Which famous Mr. Knox disproveth
very much in his day, arguing, 'That if people thought they were
innocent, because they were not the actors of such iniquity, they were
utterly deceived; for God doth not only punish the chief offenders, but
the consenters to such iniquity; and all are judged to consent, who give
not testimony against it; as the rulers and bishops are criminal of all
the innocent blood that is shed for the testimony of Christ's truth; so
are all who assist and maintain them in their blind rage, and give no
declaration, that their tyranny displeaseth them. This doctrine is
strange to the blind world, but the verity of it hath been declared in
all notable punishments from the beginning. When the old world was
destroyed by water, Sodom and Jerusalem were destroyed, were all alike
wicked? Yet all perished: why? All kept silence, or did not resist; by
which all approved iniquity, and joined hands with the tyrants, as it
had been in one battle against the Omnipotent.' Which words, if
impartially applied, will condemn and confute the dull daubings of the
present compliances, in maintaining tyrants and their emissaries, by
emoluments which they require and exact, and that professedly, for
promoting their accursed projects; and will justify conscientious
sufferers, for refusing to pay these impositions. And this will the
more appear, if we add some more of his pithy expressions in the same
place, clearing the subject he is upon, and answering an objection, what
poor people might do, when compelled to give obedience to all their
rulers demanded? 'Ye may,' saith that author, without sedition,
'withhold the fruits and profits, which your false bishops and clergy
most unjustly received of you: upon which he subjoins the preceeding
arguments.' Yet now a-days these have no weight, but such as refuse
either to pay oppressors exactions, or curates stipends, are condemned
for giddy fools. Again we find, that when they were challenged for duty,
they would never decline a declaration of its righteousness, nor do any
thing directly or indirectly, which might seem a condemning of it. And
therefore they would receive no pardons for these things which they
could not confess to be offences. John Knox, challenged for offending
the Queen, had her promise, that if he would confess an offence his
greatest punishment should be, but to go within the castle of Edinburgh,
and immediately to return to his own house; he refused absolutely. But
now, if our pardon-mongers, and prudent men had been so circumstantiate,
surely they could have helped themselves with their distinctions, they
might confess and be pardoned for offending the Queen, though not
confess it to be a fault in their conscience: but Mr. Knox had not
learned that then. When they were pursuing the murderer of King Henry of
Darnly, the queen finding herself not strong enough, offers to forgive
and pardon that insurrection: the Earl of Morton, in name of all the
rest, did not only refuse a cessation, but told her they would not ask a
pardon. But now sufferers, for refusing of these base and unmanly, as
well as unchristian compliances, are much condemned. Finally, because
this strictness, especially in their severity against their enemies, may
be accused of Jewish rigidity, inconsistent with a gospel spirit of
lenity, which also is imputed to the much condemned sufferers of
Scotland at this time, for their testimonies against toleration and
liberty of conscience: let us hear what Knox says, 'whatsoever God
required of the civil magistrate in Israel or Judah, concerning the
observation of true religion during the time of the law, the same doth
he require of lawful magistrates, professing Christ Jesus, in the time
of the gospel: and cites a large testimony out of Augustine to this
purpose.' And afterward objecting to himself the practice of the
apostles, who did not punish the idolatrous Gentiles; he answers, 'That
the Gentiles, being never avowed to be God's people before, had never
received his law, and therefore were not to be punished according to the
rigour of it, to which they were never subject, being strangers from the
common-wealth of Israel; but if any think, after the Gentiles were
received in the number of Abraham's children, and so made one people
with the Jews believing; then they were not bound to the same obedience
of Israel's covenant, the same seems to make Christ inferior to Moses,
and contrary to the law of his heavenly Father; for if the contempt and
transgression of Moses' law was worthy of death, what judge we the
contempt of Christ's ordinance to be? And if Christ be not come to
dissolve, but to fulfil the law of his heavenly Father, shall the
liberty of his gospel be an occasion that the special glory of his
Father be trodden under foot, and regarded of no man? God forbid: and
therefore I fear not to affirm, that the Gentiles be bound by the same
covenant that God made with his people Israel, in these words--"Beware
that thou make not any covenant with the inhabitants of the land, but
thou shalt destroy their altars," &c. When, therefore, the Lord putteth
the sword in the hand of a people, they are no less bound to purge their
cities and countries from idolatry, than were the Israelites, what time
they received the possession of the land of Canaan.'
III. For the head of resistance of superior powers, we have no clearer
instances in any period than in this, whereof the above-mentioned hints
give some account, to which their sentiments and arguments may be here
subjoined. They prized and improved this principle so much, that they
put it in their Confession of Faith, Art. 14. To save the lives of
innocents, to repress tyranny, to defend the oppressed, are among the
good works of the second table, which are most pleasing and acceptable
to God, as these works are commanded by himself; and to suffer innocent
blood to be shed, if we may withstand it, is affirmed to be sin, by
which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud and unthankful
world. And if there were no more to render the late test of Scotland
detestable, that condemns all resistance of kings upon any pretence
whatsoever, this may make all Christians, and all men, abhor the
contrivance of it; that that same test that confirms this thesis, doth
also impose the antithesis upon conscience. It obliges to this
confession in the first part of it, and to deny it in the latter. But no
wonder, that men of feared consciences can receive any thing, though
never so contradictory to itself, and that men who deny sense, and that
principle radicated in human nature, may also deny conscience, and make
a tool of it in soldering contradictories. But not only did our
reformers assert this truth, for which now their children adhering to
their testimony, suffer both rage and reproach; but also gave their
reasons for it. As (1.) Mr. Knox, in his first conference with the
Queen, argues thus, 'There is neither greater honour nor obedience to be
given to princes than parents; but so it is, that the father may be
stricken with a phrensy, in the which he would slay his own children;
now if the children arise, take his weapon from him, bind his hands, do
the children any wrong? It is even so with princes, that would murder
the children of God subject to them, their blind zeal is nothing but a
very mad phrensy; and therefore to take the sword from them, and cast
them into prison till they be brought to a more sober mind, is no
disobedience against princes.' (2.) In his conference with Lethingtoun,
he proves the same point, from the consideration of the justice of God,
punishing the people for not resisting the prince. The scripture of God
teacheth me (saith he) 'Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sins
of Manasseh; if you alledge they were punished, because they were
wicked, and not because the king was wicked; the scripture says
expressly, for the sins of Manasseh; yet will I not absolve the people,
I will grant the whole people offended with their king, but how? To
affirm that all Judah committed the acts of his impiety, hath no
certainty; who can think, that all Jerusalem should turn idolaters
immediately after Hezekiah's notable reformation? One part therefore
willingly followed him in his idolatry, the other suffered him, and so
were criminal of his sin; even as Scotland is guilty of the Queen's
idolatry this day.' In the same discourse he makes it plain, that all
are guilty of innocents murder who do not oppose it, from Jeremiah's
words in his defence before the princes.----"Know ye for certain, if ye
put me to death, ye shall surely bring innocent blood upon yourselves,
and upon the city, and upon the inhabitants thereof:" Now, if the
princes, and the whole people should have been guilty of the prophet's
blood; how shall others be judged innocent before God, if they suffer
the blood of innocents to be shed, when they may save it? (3.) _Ibid._
He argues from the distinction between the person placed in authority,
and the ordinance of God, the one may be resisted, the other cannot. The
plain words of the apostle makes the difference, 'The ordinance is of
God, for preservation of mankind, punishment of vice, which is holy and
constant: persons commonly are profane and unjust: he that resisteth the
power there, is only meant of the just power wherewith God hath armed
his magistrates, which whoso resists, resists God's ordinance; but if
men, in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury of princes, they
then resist not God, but the devil, who abuses the sword and authority
of God: it is evident the people resisted Saul, when he had sworn
Jonathan should die, whom they delivered: the Spirit of God accuses them
not of any crime, but praises them, and condemns the king: this same
Saul again commanded the priests of the Lord to be slain, his guard
would not obey, but Doeg put the king's cruelty in execution; I will not
ask, whether the king's servants, not obeying, resisted the ordinance of
God; or whether Doeg's murdering gave obedience to just authority? The
Spirit of God condemns that fact, Psal. lii. that God would not only
punish the commander, but also the merciless executor; therefore they
who gainstood his command, resisted not the ordinance of God. (4.)
_Ibid._ He argues from examples, not only of resisting, but of punishing
tyrants; chiefly the example of Uzziah is pertinent to this purpose, 2
Chron. xxvi. who after his usurping the priest's office, was put out of
the temple.' When it was replied, that they were the priests that
withstood the king, not simple people: he answered, 'The priests were
subjects, as Abiathar was deposed by Solomon, &c. yet they made him go
out of the temple for his leprosy, and the people put him from the
kingdom.' It is noted also, that Mr. Knox, in that discourse, adduces
examples of those, who use to be brought in as objections against
defensive arms, even the primitive Christians, before that passage last
cited: 'what precepts,' says he, 'the apostle gave, I will not affirm;
but I find two things the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their
preachers even against the rulers; the other was, they suppressed
idolatry wheresoever God gave unto them force, asking no leave of the
emperor, nor of his deputies: read the Ecclesiastical histories, and ye
shall find examples sufficient.'
IV. In the next place, we may enquire into the judgment of these
reformers, concerning that question that is now so puzzling to many;
which indeed was never started before this time, as a head of suffering;
but now, when it is started, we may gather from our ancestors actings
and determinations about it, how it ought to be answered. They were
indeed in capacity, and accordingly did improve it, for disowning the
authority of both the Queens; for their capacity was not the thing that
made it duty, if it had not been so before. Capacity makes a thing
possible, but not lawful: it does indeed make a duty seasonable, and
clears the call to it, and regulates the timing of affirmative duties,
but the want of it can never dispense with negative precepts: and a
duty, negative especially, may become necessary, when it hath not the
advantage of seasonableness or capacity; certainly it were duty to
depose the Pope from his usurped authority, and to disown it even in
Rome itself, but there it would not be thought very feasible or
seasonable, for twenty or thirty people to avouch such a thing there;
yet, at all times, it is a duty never to own it. It is thought
unseasonable and unfeasible to disown the tyrants authority; but it is
made necessary, when urged, never to own it. And for this we have the
grounds of our ancestors, shewing who may be disowned, and must not be
owned. I shall first insert here John Knox's propositions, prosecuted in
his second blast, extant at the end of Anton. Gilbie's admonition to
England and Scotland, 1. 'It is not birth only, nor propinquity of
blood, that maketh a king lawfully to reign over a people professing
Christ Jesus and his eternal verity; but, in his election, the ordinance
which God hath established in the election of inferior judges, must be
observed. 2. No manifest idolater, nor notorious transgressor of God's
holy precepts, ought to be promoted to any public regimen, honour, or
dignity, in any realm, province, or city, that hath subjected themselves
to Christ Jesus, and his blessed evangel. 3. Neither can oath, or
promise, bind any such people to obey and maintain tyrants, against God
and his truth known. 4. But if rashly they have promoted any manifest
wicked person, or yet ignorantly have chosen such an one, as after
declareth himself unworthy of regimen above the people of God, (and such
be all idolaters and cruel persecutors) most justly may the same men
depose and punish him, that unadvisedly before they did nominate,
appoint and elect.' Accordingly this was done in deposing both the
Queens; which is fully vindicated by the Earl of Morton, in his
discourse to the Queen of England, as Buchanan relates it, book xx. page
746. 'The deed itself, neither the custom of our ancestors of taking a
course with their governors, will suffer it to be accounted new, nor the
moderation of the punishment to be odious; for it were not needful to
recount so many kings punished by death, bonds, and exile by our
progenitors. For the Scottish nation, being from the beginning always
free, hath created kings upon these conditions, that the government
entrusted to them by the people's suffrages, might be also (if the
matter required) removed by the same suffrages: of which law there are
many footsteps remaining even to our day; for both in the isles about,
and in many places of the continent, in which the old language and
institutions have any abode, this custom is kept, in creating their
governors of clanns: and the ceremonies, used at the entering into
government, do yet retain the express representation of this law. Whence
it is evident, that the government is nothing else but a mutual
stipulation between kings and people: which further appears, from the
inviolated tenor of the ancient law, since the beginning of the Scottish
government, reserved even unto our memory, without the least essay
either to abrogate it, or disable, or diminish it. Yea, even when our
fathers have deposed, banished, and more severely punished so many
kings, yet never was any mention or motion made of relaxing the rigour
of that law, and not without reason, seeing it was not of that kind of
constitutions, that change with the times, but of those which are
engraven in the minds of men from the first original, and approved by
the mutual consent of all nations, and by nature's sanction continued
inviolable and perpetual, which, being subject to no other laws, do
command and rule all. This, which in every action doth offer itself to
our eyes and minds, and whether we will or not, abides in our breasts,
our predecessors followed; being always armed against violence, and
ready to suppress tyrants.--And now for the present, what have we done,
but insisting in the footsteps of so many kingdoms and free nations,
suppressed tyrannical licentiousness, extolling itself above all order
of laws, not indeed so severely as our predecessors in like cases; if we
had imitated them, not only would we have been far from all fear of
danger, but also have escaped the trouble of calumnies.--What would our
adversaries be at? Is it that we should arm with authority tyrants
convicted of grievous crimes, maintained by the spoils of the subjects,
having hands embrued in loyal blood, and hearts gaping for the
oppression of all good men? And shall we put them upon our head, who are
infamously suspected of parricide, both projected and perpetrated?' To
which we may add, a foreign conclusion indeed, but adduced and
maintained by Mr. Craig, in the assembly, in the 1564, which had been
determined by learned men in Bononia, 'All rulers, be they supreme or
subordinate, may and ought to be reformed, or bridled (to speak
moderately) by them, by whom they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to
their office; so oft as they break that promise made by oath to their
subjects, because princes are no less bound by oath to their subjects,
than are the subjects to their princes: and therefore ought it to be
kept and performed equally, according to law and condition of the oath
that is made of either party.' By comparing which two testimonies
together, we may see the reasons, why neither of the two royal brothers,
that have ruled in our day, could be conscientiously owned as
magistrates, in the case they have been in for several years past: the
first testimony is for the second brother, the latter is for the first
that's gone. But, as for Mr. Knox's opinion, it is evident he had
written a book against the government of women; which though he did not
intend it particularly against Mary of Scotland, yet it did invalidate
her authority as well as other women's. This book he owns and maintains,
in his first conference with her, and consequently could not own her
authority as of the Lord, tho' he gave her common respect, as the title
of majesty, &c. yet when he was particularly urged by the Queen's
question, you think, said she, 'That I have no just authority;' he would
not answer in the affirmative, but shifted it, by telling her, 'That
learned men, in all ages, have had their judgment free, and most
commonly disagreeing from the common judgment of the world. And though,
he says, he could live under her government (so may, and would the
greatest disowners of tyranny, if they be not troubled with questions
about owning it) yet he affirms that with the testimony of a good
conscience, he had communicated his judgment to the world, and that if
the realm found no inconveniences in her government, he would no further
disallow than within his own breast.' Certainly then, in his conscience,
he did not, and could not own her, as the magistrate of God; and that
though many things which before were holden stable, had been called in
doubt, yet neither protestant nor papist could prove, that any such
question was, at any time, moved in public or private. Neither could
ever such a question be moved, if the conscience were not posed; and
then, when it must speak, it must of necessity be unpleasant to tyrants.
Thus we have heard both the positions and scruples of this witness; let
us also hear his arguings, that people may punish princes for their
idolatry and murder, &c. and therefore much more may disown them: and
therefore again much more may they forbear to own them, when called; for
can a dead man, by law, be owned to be a magistrate, and keeper of the
law. 'Idolatry' (saith he in his conference with Lethington) 'ought not
only to be suppressed, but the idolater ought to die the death; but by
whom? By the people of God, for the commandment was given to Israel;
yea, a command, that if it be heard that idolatry is committed in any
one city, that then the whole body of the people arise and destroy that
city, sparing neither man, woman, nor child. But shall the king also be
punished? If he be an idolater, I find no privilege granted unto kings
more than unto people, to offend God's majesty. But the people may not
be judges to their king.----God is the universal judge; so that what his
word commands to be punished in the one, is not to be absolved in the
other; and that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not
execute God's judgments against their king, being an offender; I am sure
you have no other warrant, except your own imaginations, and the opinion
of such as more fear to offend their princes than God.' In the same
conference we have the instance of Jehu adduced to prove that subjects
may execute God's judgments upon their princes. It was objected, Jehu
was a king before he executed judgment upon Ahab's house, and the fact
was extraordinary, and not to be imitated. He answered, He was a mere
subject; 'No doubt Jezabel both thought and said he was a traitor, and
so did many others in Israel and Samaria. And whereas it was said, that
the fact was extraordinary; I say, it had the ground of God's ordinary
judgment, which commandeth the idolater to die the death; and therefore
I yet again affirm, it is to be imitated of all those that prefer the
true honour of the true worship and glory of God, to the affection of
flesh and wicked princes. We are not bound, said Lethington, to follow
extraordinary examples, unless we have the like commandment and
assurance. I grant, said the other, if the example repugn to the law,
but where the example agrees with the law, and is, as it were, the
execution of God's judgment expressed within the same; I say, that the
example approved of God, stands to us in place of a commandment; for as
God, in his nature, is constant and immutable, so cannot he condemn, in
the ages subsequent, that which he hath approved in his servants before
us.' Then he brings another argument from Amaziah who fled to Lachish,
but the people sent thither and slew him there. Lethington doubted
whether they did well or not: he answered, 'Where I find execution
according to God's law, and God himself not accuse the doers, I dare not
doubt of the equity of their cause: And it appears, God gave them
sufficient evidence of his approving the fact, for he blessed them with
peace and prosperity. But prosperity does not always prove that God
approves the fact: yes, when the acts of men agree with the law, and are
rewarded according to the promise in that law, then the prosperity
succeeding the fact is a most infallible assurance that God hath
approved it; but so it is, that there is a promise of lengthening out
prosperity to them that destroy idolatry. And again, concluding Uzziah's
example, he says there, the people ought to execute God's law, even
against their princes, when that their open crimes, by God's law,
deserve punishment; especially when they are such as may infect the
rest of the multitude.'
V. There is another thing for which people have suffered much in our day
of blasphemy, rebuke and trouble, which yet we find was not so odious in
our reformers eyes as this dull and degenerate age would represent it.
That in some cases it is lawful and laudable for private persons,
touched with the zeal of God, and love to their country, and respect to
justice trampled upon by tyrants; to put forth their hand to execute
righteous judgment upon the enemies of God and mankind, intolerable
traitors, murderers, idolaters; when the ruin of the country,
destruction of religion and liberty, and the wrath of God is threatened,
in and for the impunity of that vermin of villains, and may be averted
by their destruction, always supposed, that these, whose office it is to
do it, decline their duty. The mind of our reformers as to this is
manifest, both in their practice and opinion. We heard before of the
slaughter of Cardinal Beaton, and of the fiddler Rizzio: we shall find
both commended by Mr. Knox, giving account how these that were carried
captives to France for this cause from St. Andrew's were delivered.
'This (saith he), we write, to let the posterity to come to understand,
how potently God wrought in preserving and delivering of those that had
but a small knowledge of his truth, and for the love of the same
hazarded all; that if we, in our days, or our posterity that shall
follow, shall see a dispersion of such as oppose themselves to impiety,
or take upon them to punish the same otherwise than laws of men will
permit, if such shall be left of men, yea as it were despised and
punished of God: yet let us not damn the persons that punish vice, (and
that for just cause,) nor yet despair, but that the same God that
dejects will raise up again the persons dejected, to his glory and their
comfort; and to let the world understand in plain terms what we mean;
that great abuser of this commonwealth, that poultron and vile knave
Davie was justly punished, March 9, 1565, by the counsel and hands of
James Douglas, Earl of Morton, Patrick Lord Lindsay, &c. who, for their
just act, and most worthy of all praise, are now unworthily left of all
their brethren.' This is not only commended by the author alone, but we
find it concluded by all the brethren at that time, when the Queen
brought in the idol of the mass again, and the proud papists began to
avow it: Then let it be marked that, 'The brethren universally offended,
and espying that the Queen by proclamation did but delude them,
determined to put to their own hands, and to punish for example of
others; and so some priests in the West land were apprehended,
intimation was made to others, as to the abbot of Cosragnel, the parson
of Sanquhar, and such, that they should neither complain to the Queen
nor council, but should execute the punishment that God has appointed to
idolaters in his law, by such means as they might, wherever they should
be apprehended.' Upon this the Queen sent for Mr. Knox, and dealt with
him earnestly, that he would be the instrument to persuade the people
not to put hand to punish. He perceiving her craft, willed her Majesty
to punish malefactors according to law, and he durst promise quietness,
upon the part of all them that professed Christ within Scotland: but if
her Majesty thought to delude the laws, he feared some would let the
papists understand, that without punishment they should not be suffered
so manifestly to offend God's majesty. Will ye (quoth she) allow they
shall take my sword in their hand? 'The sword of justice (said he)
Madam, is God's, and is given to princes and rulers for one end; which,
if they transgress, sparing the wicked, and oppressing the innocents,
they that in the fear of God execute judgment, where God hath commanded,
offend not God, although kings do it not: the examples are evident, for
Samuel spared not to slay Agag the fat and delicate king of Amalek, whom
king Saul had saved; neither spared Elias Jezabel's false prophets, and
Baal's priests, albeit that king Ahab was present; Phineas was no
magistrate, and yet feared he not to strike Zimri and Cozbi in the very
act of filthy fornication; and so, Madam, your Majesty may see that
others than magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished the vice
and crimes that God commands to be punished.' He proved it also at more
length in his appellation, from Deut. xiii. "If thy brother solicit thee
secretly, saying, Let us go serve other gods, consent not to him, let
not thine eye spare him, but kill him; let thy hand be first upon him,
and afterward the hand of the whole people." Of these words of Moses,
two things appertaining to our purpose are to be noted: 'The first is,
that such as solicitate only to idolatry ought to be punished to death,
without favour or respect of person; for he that will not suffer man to
spare his son, wife, &c. will not wink at the idolatry of others, of
what state or condition soever they be: it is not unknown that the
prophets had revelations of God, which were not common to the people;
now, if any man might have claimed any privilege from the rigour of the
law, or might have justified his fact, it should have been the prophet,
but God commands, that the prophet that shall so solicitate the people
to serve strange gods, shall die the death, notwithstanding that he
alledge for himself, dream, vision, or revelation, because he teacheth
apostacy from God: hereby it may be seen, that none, provoking the
people to idolatry, ought to be exempted from the punishment of death.
Evident it is, that no state, condition, nor honour can exempt the
idolater from the hands of God, when he shall call him to an account:
how shall it then excuse the people, that they according to God's
command, punish not to death such as shall solicitate or violently draw
the people to idolatry? The second is, that the punishment of such
crimes, as idolatry, blasphemy, and others that touch the majesty of
God, doth not appertain to kings and chief rulers only, but also to the
whole body of the people, and to every member of the same, according to
the vocation of every man, and according that possibility and occasion
which God doth minister, to revenge the injury done against his glory:
and that doth Moses more plainly speak in these words of the same
chapter, "If in any city which the Lord thy God giveth thee, thou shalt
hear this brute, there are some men sons of Belial."--Plain it is, that
Moses speaks not nor giveth charge to kings, rulers, and judges only;
but he commands the whole body of the people, yea and every member of
the same, according to their possibility. And who dare be so impudent as
to deny this to be most reasonable and just? For seeing God had
delivered the whole body from bondage, and to the whole multitude had
given his law, and to the twelve tribes had distributed the land of
Canaan: was not the whole and every member addebted to confess the
benefits of God, and to study to keep the possession received? which
they could not do, except they kept the religion established, and put
out iniquity from amongst them. To the carnal man this may seem to be a
rigorous and severe judgment, that even the infants there should be
appointed to the cruel death; and as concerning the city and spoil of
the same, man's reason cannot think but that it might have been better
bestowed, than to be consumed. But in such cases, let all creatures
stoop, and desist from reasoning, when commandment is given to execute
his judgment. I will search no other reasons than the Holy Ghost hath
assigned; first, That all Israel should fear to commit the like
abomination; and, secondly, That the Lord might turn from the fury of
his anger: which plainly doth signify, that, by the defection and
idolatry of a few, God's wrath is kindled against the whole, which is
never quenched, till such punishment be taken upon the offenders, that
whatsoever served them in their idolatry be brought to destruction,' &c.
I have enlarged so far upon this period, that it may appear, there is
nothing now in controversy, between the suffering and reproached party
now in Scotland, and either their friends or enemies, which could fall
under our reformers inquiry; but they have declared themselves of the
same sentiments that are now so much opposed; and therefore none can
condemn the present heads of suffering, except also they condemn the
reformers judgment; and consequently the imputation of novelty must
fall.
PERIOD IV.
_Containing the Testimony of the first Contenders against Prelacy and
Supremacy, from the Year 1570, to 1638._
Hitherto the conflict was for the concerns of Christ's prophetical and
priestly office, against paganism and popery. But from the year 1570,
and downward, the testimony is stated, and gradually prosecuted for the
rights, privileges and prerogatives of Christ's kingly office; which
hath been the peculiar glory of the church of Scotland, above all the
churches in the earth, that this hath been given to her as the word of
her testimony; and not only consequentially and reductively, as all
other churches may challenge a part of this dignity, but formally and
explicitly to contend for this very head, the headship and kingship of
Jesus Christ, the prince of the kings of the earth, and his mediatory
supremacy over his own kingdom of grace, both visible and invisible.
This is Christ's supremacy, a special radiant jewel of his imperial
crown, which as it hath been as explicitly encroached upon in Scotland,
by his insolent enemies, as ever by any that entered in opposition to
him, so it hath been more expressly witnessed and wrestled for by his
suffering servants in that land than in any place of the world. This was
in a particular manner the testimony of that period, during the reign of
King James the 6th; as it hath been in a great measure in our day, since
the year 1660. Which, as it is the most important cause, of the greatest
consequence that mortals can contend for; so it hath this peculiar glory
in it, that it is not only for the truth of Christ, of greater value
than the standing of heaven and earth, but also it is the very truth for
which Christ himself died, considered as a martyr; and which concerns
him to vindicate and maintain as a monarch. The witnesses of that day
made such an high account of it, that they encouraged one another to
suffer for it, as the greatest concern; 'being a witness for Christ's
glorious and free monarchy, which, as it is the end of the other two
offices, so the testimony is more glorious to God, more honourable to
his Son, and more comfortable to them, than the testimony either for his
prophetical office, or for his priesthood, because his kingdom was
especially impugned at the time;' as Mr. Forbes and Mr. Welch wrote in a
letter to the Ministers at court. The corruptions and usurpations
wronging this truth, that they contended against, were prelacy and the
King's supremacy in ecclesiastical matters; which will be useful to hint
a little, how they prosecuted the conflict. When Satan (whose kingdom
was then declining) by several instruments and means, both by force and
fraud, did endeavour to put a stop to the reformation, by reintroducing
the antichristian hierarchy of prelacy, when he could not re-establish
the antichristian doctrine of popery; he left no means unessayed to
effectuate it. And first he began to bring the name Bishop in request,
that was now growing obsolete and odious, by reason of the abuse of it
(as it ought to be still, for though the name be found in the
scriptures, yet neither is that catechestical application of it to
prelates to be found, nor was there any other reason for the translation
of it after that manner, except it were to please princes; seeing the
native signification of it is an overseer, proper and common to all
faithful pastors.) And indeed his first essay reached little further
than the bare name, for they were to be rejected to, and tried by
assemblies, and hardly had so much power as superintendants before. But
it was a fine court juggle for noblemen to get the church-revenues into
their hands, by restoring the ecclesiastical titles, and obtaining from
the titulars either temporal lands, or pensions to their dependers; so
they were only Tulchan bishops, _a calf-skin to cause the cow give
milk_. Yet, though this in our day would have been thought tolerable,
the faithful servants of Christ did zealously oppose it. Mr. Knox
denounced Anathema to the giver, and Anathema to the receiver. And the
following Assembly condemned the office itself, 'as having no sure
warrant, authority, nor ground in the book of God, but brought in by the
folly and corruption of men's invention, to the overthrow of the church;
and ordained all that brooked the office, to demit simpliciter, and to
desist and cease from preaching, while they received _de novo_ admission
from the General Assembly, under the pain of excommunication.' Hereby
they were awakened and animated to a more vigorous prosecution of the
establishment of the house of God in its due government. In pursuance
whereof, the Assemblies from that time, until the year 1581, did with
much painfulness and faithfulness attend the work: until, by perfecting
of the second book of discipline, they completed their work, in the
exact model of Presbyterial Government, in all its courts and officers;
which was confirmed and covenanted to be kept inviolate, in the
National Covenant, subscribed that year by the King, his Court and
Council; and afterwards by all ranks of people in the land. Whence it
may be doubted, whether the impudence of the succeeding prelates, that
denied this, or their perjury in breaking of it, be greater. This was
but the first brush. A brisker assault follows; wherein, for the better
establishment of prelacy, that what it wants of divine right, might be
supplied by the accession of human prerogative, and not only Diocesan,
but also Erastian prelacy might be set up, to destroy Christ's kingdom,
and advance Satan's; the Earl of Arran, and his wicked accomplices move
the King, contrary both to the word and oath of God, to usurp the
prerogative of Jesus Christ, and assume to himself a blasphemous monster
of supremacy, over all persons, and in all causes, as well
ecclesiastical as civil. But this also the faithful servants of God did
worthily and valiantly resist; and at the very appearance of it, gave in
a grievance to the King in the year 1582, 'That he had taken upon him a
spiritual power, which properly belongs to Christ, as only king and head
of the church; the ministry and execution whereof is only given to such
as bear office in the ecclesiastical government in the same: so that in
the King's person, some men press to erect a new popedom, as though he
could not be full king of this commonwealth, unless as well the
spiritual as temporal sword be put in his hand, unless Christ be reft of
his authority, and the two jurisdictions confounded, which God hath
divided, which directly tendeth to the wreck of all true religion.'
Which being presented by the Commissioners of the General Assembly, the
Earl of Arran asked with a frowning countenance, who dare subscribe
these treasonable articles? Mr. Andrew Melvin answered, we dare, and
will subscribe, and render our lives in the cause. And afterward, that
same Assembly presented articles, shewing, 'That seeing the spiritual
jurisdiction of the church is granted by Christ, and given only to
them, that by preaching, teaching, and overseeing, bear office within
the same, to be exercised, not by the injunctions of men, but by the
only rule of God's word.--Hereafter, no other, of whatsoever degree, or
under whatsoever pretence, have any colour to ascribe, or to take upon
them any part thereof either in placing or displacing of ministers,
without the church's admission, or in stopping the mouths of preachers,
or putting them to silence, or take upon them the judgment of trial of
doctrine,' &c. But in contempt and contradiction to this, and to
prosecute and exert this new usurped power, Mr. Andrew Melvin was
summoned before the Secret Council, for a sermon of his, applying his
doctrine to the time's corruptions; whereupon he gave in his declinature
against them, as incompetent judges, and told them, 'They were too bold,
in a constitute Christian church, to pass by the pastors, prophets, and
doctors, and to take upon them to judge the doctrine, and to controul
the ambassadors of a greater than was there, which they neither ought
nor can do. There are (saith he, loosing a little Hebrew bible from his
girdle) my instructions and warrant: see if any of you can controul me,
that I have past my injunctions.' For this he was decerned to be warded
in the castle of Edinburgh; but he being informed that if he entered in
ward, he would not be released, unless it were for the scaffold, he
conveyed himself secretly out of the country. Hereafter when the
parliament 1584 had enacted this supremacy, and submission to prelacy,
to be subscribed by all ministers; the faithful first directed Mr. David
Lindsay to the King, desiring, that nothing be done in parliament
prejudicial to the church's liberty, who got the prison of Blackness for
his pains. And then when they could not get access for shut doors to
protest before the parliament; yet when the acts were proclaimed at the
cross of Edinburgh, they took public documents in name of the church of
Scotland (though they were but two) that they protested against the said
acts, and fled to England, leaving behind them reasons that moved them
to do so. And Mr. James Melvin wrote against the subscribers at that
time very pertinently; proving first, 'That they had not only set up a
new pope, and so become traitors to Christ; and condescended to that
chief error of papistry, whereupon all the rest depend; but further, in
so doing, they had granted more to the King, than ever the popes of Rome
peaceably obtained,' &c. And in the end, as for those that lamented
their own weakness and feebleness, he adviseth them, to remove the
public slander, 'by going boldly to the King and Lords, and shew them
how they had fallen through weakness, but by God's power are risen
again; and there by public note and witness taken, free themselves from
that subscription, and to will the same to be delete, renouncing and
detesting it plainly, and thereafter publicly in their sermons; and by
their declaration and retractation in writ, presented to the faithful,
manifest the same, let them do with stipend, benefice, and life itself,
what they list.' This I inferr, because this counsel is now condemned;
and when poor people, offended with ministers subscriptions of bonds and
other compliances, desire acknowledgments of the offence, they reject it
as an impertinent imposition, and plead they are not obliged to manifest
any retractation but to an ecclesiastical judicatory. To which I shall
say nothing here, but this is no novelty. After this, it is known what
bickerings the faithful witnesses of Christ had, in their conflicts with
this supremacy upon the account of Mr. David Black's declinature, which
they both advised him to, and approved when he gave it in, against the
King and Council, as judges of his doctrine. And the Commissioners of
the General Assembly ordained all, to deal mightily with the power of
the word, against the Council's encroachments; for which they were
charged to depart forth of Edinburgh. After which he added a second
declinature: 'Declaring, there are two jurisdictions in this realm; the
one spiritual, the other civil; the one respecting the conscience, the
other externals, &c.--Therefore, in so far as he was one of the
spiritual office-bearers, and had discharged his spiritual calling in
some measure of grace and sincerity, should not, nor could not be
lawfully judged for preaching and applying the word, by any civil power;
he being an ambassador and messenger of the Lord Jesus, having his
commission from the King of kings, and all his instructions set down and
limited in the book of God, that cannot be extended, abridged, or
altered by any mortal wight, king or emperor; and seeing he was sent to
all sorts, his commission and discharge of it should not, nor cannot be
lawfully judged by them to whom he was sent; they being sheep, and not
pastors, to be judged by the word, and not to be judges thereof in a
judicial way.' The interlocutor being past against him for this, the
brethren thought it duty, that the droctrine of the preacher should be
directed against the said interlocutor, as against a strong and mighty
hold set up against the Lord Jesus, and the freedom of the gospel; and
praised God for the force and unity of the spirit that was among
themselves. And being charged to depart out of the town, they leave a
faithful declaration at large, shewing how the liberties of the church
were invaded and robbed. But all this was nothing, in comparison of
their wrestlings for the royalties of their princely Master, and
privileges of his kingdom, against the tyrant's insolences, after he
obtained the crown of England; for then he would not suffer the church
to indict her own Assemblies. And when the faithful thought themselves
obliged to counteract his encroachments, and therefore convened in an
Assembly at Aberdeen in the year 1605, they were forced to dissolve,
and thereafter, the most eminent of the ministers there assembled were
transported prisoners to Blackness; whence being cited before the
Council, they decline their judicatory. And one of their brethren, Mr.
Robert Youngson, who had formerly succumbed, being moved in conscience,
returned; and when the rest were standing before the Council, desired to
be heard, and acknowledged his fault; and therefore, howbeit not
summoned by the Lords, was charged by the living God, and compelled to
compear that day, to justify that Assembly, to the great astonishment of
the Lords, and comfort of his brethren; he subscribed the declinature
with the rest; and for this they were arraigned, and condemned, as
guilty of treason, and banished. Before the execution of which sentence,
Mr. Welch wrote to the Lady Fleming, to this effect: 'What am I, that he
should first have called me, and then constituted me a minister of glad
tidings of the gospel of salvation, these fifteen years already, and now
last of all to be a sufferer of his cause and kingdom? To witness that
good confession, that Jesus Christ is the King of saints, and that his
church is a most free kingdom; yea, as free as any kingdom under heaven,
not only to convocate, hold and keep her meetings, conventions and
assemblies; but also to judge of all her affairs in all her meetings and
conventions among his subjects. These two points, (1.) That Christ is
the head of his church. (2.) That she is free in her government from all
other jurisdiction except Christ's, are the special cause of our
imprisonment, being now convict as traitors, for maintaining thereof. We
have now been waiting with joyfulness to give the last testimony of our
blood in confirmation thereof, if it would please our God to be so
favourable, as to honour us with that dignity.' After this, the King
resolving by parliament to advance the state of bishops again, as in the
time of popery, without cautions as before; and further, to establish
not only that Antichristian Hierarchy, but an Erastian supremacy: the
faithful ministers of Christ thought themselves bound in conscience to
protest; and accordingly they offered protestation to the parliament
July----1606, obtesting, 'That they would reserve into the Lord's own
hands, that glory which he will communicate neither to man nor angel, to
wit, to prescribe from his holy mountain a lively pattern, according to
which his own tabernacle should be formed: remembring always, that there
is no absolute and undoubted authority in this world, except the
sovereign authority of Christ the King; to whom it belongeth as properly
to rule the church, according to the good pleasure of his own will, as
it belongeth to him to save his church by the merit of his own
sufferings: all other authority is so entrenched within the marches of
divine command, that the least overpassing of the bounds, set by God
himself, brings men under the fearful expectation of temporal and
eternal judgment.--If ye should authorize bishops, ye should bring into
the church the ordinance of man, which experience hath found to have
been the ground of that Antichristian Hierarchy, which mounted up on
steps of bishops pre-eminence, until that man of sin came forth, as the
ripe fruit of man's wisdom, whom God shall consume with the breath of
his own mouth. Let the sword of God pierce that belly, which brought
forth such a monster; and let the staff of God crush that egg, which
hath hatched such a cockatrice: and let not only that Roman Antichrist
be thrown down from the high bench of his usurped authority, but also
let all the steps, whereby he mounted up to that unlawful pre-eminence,
be cut down and utterly abolished in this land: and beware to strive
against God with an open displayed banner, by building up again the
walls of Jericho, which the Lord hath not only cast down, but also hath
laid them under an horrible interdiction and execration; so that the
building of them again must needs stand to greater charges to the
builders, than the re-edifying of Jericho, to Hiel the Bethelite in the
days of Ahab.' Yet notwithstanding of all opposition, prelacy was again
restored in parliament. And to bring all to a compliance with the same,
presbyteries and synods universally charged, under highest pains, to
admit a constant moderator without change; which many refused
resolutely, as being the first step of prelacy. Upon this followed a
great persecution of the faithful, for their non-conformity, managed by
that mongrel and monstrous kind of court, made up of clergymen and
statesmen, called the high commission court, erected in the year 1610,
whereby many honest men were put violently from their charges and
habitations; the generality were involved in a great and fearful
defection. But the cope-stone of the wickedness of that period, was the
ratification of the five articles of Perth, 'kneeling at the communion;
private communion to be given to the sick, private baptism: and
confirmation of children by the bishop; and observation of festival
days:' which were much opposed and testified against by the faithful,
from their first hatching in the year 1618, to the year 1621, when they
were ratified in parliament; at what time they were also witnessed
against from heaven; by extraordinary lightnings and tempests. And
against this the testimony of the faithful continued, till the
revolution in the year 1638. Here we see how the cause was stated in
this period; and may gather also wherein it agrees; and how far it
differs from the present testimony, now suffered for under all rage and
reproach.
I. The matter of the testimony was one with that we are suffering for,
against popery, prelacy and supremacy; except that it was not so far
extended against tyranny, because that tyrant was not such an usurper,
nor such a violator of the fundamental constitutions of the civil
government, as these that we have had to do withal. But as to the
managing the testimony; they far outstripped their successors in this
generation, in conduct and courage, prudence and zeal, as is above
hinted in many instances; to which we may add some more. When several
plots of papist lords had been discovered, conspiring with the king of
Spain, and they were by the king's indulgence favoured, and some were
also persuaded to treat with them, famous Mr. Davidson opposed with
great resolution; declaring before the synod of Lothian, 'That it
savoured much of defection in these days, that such notorious rebels to
God, his church, and the country, should be so treated with; we should
not rashly open a door to God's enemies, without better proof of their
manners nor were yet seen.' And when a convention in Falkland was
consulting to call home these conspiring traitors, Mr. Andrew Melvin
went thither uncalled; and when found fault with by the king for his
boldness, he answered, 'Sir, I have a call to come here from Christ and
his church, who have special interest in this turn, and against whom
this convention is assembled directly; I charge you, and your estates,
in the name of Christ and his church, that ye favour not his enemies
whom he hateth, nor go about to call home, nor make citizens of these,
who have traiterously fought to betray their city and native country,
with the overthrow of Christ's kingdom.' And further challenged them of
treason against Christ, his church and the country, in that purpose they
were about. About the same time, in a private conference with the king,
he calls the king God's silly vassal; and taking him by the sleeve, told
him, 'Sir, you, and church and country is like to be wrecked for not
telling the truth, and giving you faithful counsel; we must discharge
our duty, or else be enemies to Christ and you: therefore I must tell
you, there are two kings and two kingdoms; there is Christ and his
kingdom, whose subject king James VI. is, and of whole kindom he is not
a king, nor a head, nor a lord, but a member; and they whom Christ hath
called to watch over and govern his church, have sufficient authority
and power from him, which no Christian king should controul, but assist,
otherwise they are not faithful subjects to Christ. Sir, when you were
in your swaddling clouts, Christ reigned freely in this land, in spight
of all his enemies; but now the wisdom of your council, which is
devilish and pernicious, is this, that you may be served of all sorts of
men to your purpose and grandeur, Jew and Gentile, Papist and
Protestant, because the ministers and Protestants in Scotland are too
strong, and controul the king, they must be weakened and brought low, by
stirring up a party against them; and the king being equal and
indifferent, both shall be fain to flee to him, so shall he be well
settled: but, Sir, let God's wisdom be the only wisdom, this will prove
mere and mad folly; for his curse cannot but light upon it; so that in
seeking both, you shall lose both.' To the like effect Mr. Robert Bruce,
in a sermon upon Psal. li. gives faithful warning of the danger of the
times. 'It is not we (says he) that are party in this cause; no, the
quarrel is betwixt a greater prince and them. What are we but silly men:
Yet it has pleased him to let us in this office, that we should oppone
to the manifest usurpation that is made upon his spiritual kingdom. Is
there a more forcible mean to draw down the wrath of God, than to let
Barabbas that nobilitate malefactor pass free, and to begin the war
against Christ and his ministry. It putteth on the cope-stone, that so
many of our brethren should not be so faithful, as their calling and
this cause craveth. Fy upon false brethren, to see them dumb, so
faint-hearted, when it comes to the shock; not only are they ashamed to
speak the thing they think, which is a shame in a pastor, but speak
directly against their former doctrine. They will speak the truth a
while, till they be put at, but incontinent they will turn, and make
their gifts weapons to fight against Christ; for there is none so
malicious as an apostate, when he begins to slide back,' &c. The same
faithful witness, because he would not preach as the king would have
him, against his own conscience, to justify and proclaim the king's
innocency, in a forged conspiracy against him, was put from his church
in Edinburgh; and being requested in an insinuating manner to desist
from preaching but for nine or ten days; he condescended at first,
thinking the matter of no great importance; yet that night his body was
cast in a fever, with the terror of his conscience, and he promised he
should never obey their commandments any more. These were faithful men,
yet we find they challenge themselves, in deep humiliation, for their
short-comings and defections. At the renovation of the national covenant
March 30th, 1596, was the greatest solemnity ever had been seen in
Scotland before that time; so that the place might worthily have been
called Bochim. O when shall we see such a day, when even the most
faithful among us, shall mourn over our far more aggravated defections!
but if they mourned then for these first degrees of declensions; we may
say, 'How heavily would these valiant men groan, who formerly contended
so stoutly for the liberty of the church of Scotland, if they beheld
this our laziness (that I may call it by no worse name!') I know
notwithstanding of all this, that some encourage themselves in a base
compliance with the present corruptions of our church, from the practice
of these worthies; alledging, they did not scruple to hear and join with
prelatical men, dispensing the ordinances. But this objection will be
easily refelled, if we consider, first, the period wherein they were but
growing up to a more perfect reformation, and therefore might bear with
many things which we cannot, after we have been reformed from them:
they were then advancing, and still gaining ground, we are now
declining, and therefore should be more shy to lose what we have gained.
They had then of a long time enjoyed their judicatories, unto which they
might recur for an orderly redress of such grievances that offended
them; and when they were deprived of them, yet they were still in hopes
of recovering them; and so suspended their total secession from that
corrupt church, until they should recover them; in the mean time still
holding their right, and maintaining their cause against these invaders.
But we were, at the very first beginning of this unhappy revolution,
totally deprived of our judicatories, and denuded of all expectation of
them in an ordinary way, and of all place, but what they are masters of
to contend with them that way; therefore must keep ourselves free of
their communion. But next, if we consider their practice, we shall find
these worthies were not such conformists, as our compliers would make
them. What if we find among them meetings, that were called and counted
as seditious and schismatic as ours are now? We find a field meeting,
yea, a General Assembly at Dumfermline, without and against the king's
warrant, when the ports were shut against them, in the year 1585. But
that is not so pat to the purpose, as that we find private meetings at
Edinburgh, and that in the very time of public service in the churches,
discharged by open proclamation in 1624, wherein it is charged, that
they had no respect to the ordinary pastors, contemned and impugned
their doctrine, disobeyed and controuled their discipline, abstained to
hear the word preached, and to participate of the sacraments. And long
before that, we find the sincerer sort scrupled to hear Bishop Adamson,
notwithstanding that he was absolved in the Assembly. And that
afterwards, the doubt being proponed to the Assembly, if it be a slander
to a Christian to absent himself from the sermons of them that are
suspended from all function in the ministry? The Assembly answered,
there is no slander in the case, but rather it is slanderous to resort.
And why is not this ground to think it slanderous, or scandalous to
resort to them, who deserve to be suspended (all of them by a spiritual
cognizance, and some of them to be suspended corporally for their
villany) when there can be no access orderly to do it. And the rather,
because we find in this period, that sometimes ministers were so
faithful and zealous against the corruptions of the ministry, that they
decerned ministers to be suspended for far smaller faults, than many now
could exempt themselves from, viz. if they were not powerful and
spiritual; if they did not apply their doctrine to corruptions; if they
were obscure and too scholastic before the people; cold and wanting
zeal, flatterers, dissembling at public sins for flattery or fear, &c.
As we may read in the advice of the brethren, deputed for penning the
corruptions in the ministry, in 1596. I wish our silent prudent
ministers now would consider the justness of this censure, and what
ground people have to be offended at such censurableness. But not only
this may answer the false imputation of conformity on these witnesses of
Christ at that time; but I shall set down a part of a letter of one of
the banished ministers at that time, discovering his mind about hearing
these men, that were then serving the times. Mr. John Welch, writing to
Mr. Robert Bruce,----'What my mind is concerning the root of these
branches, the bearer will shew you more fully. They are no more to be
counted orthodox, but apostates; they have fallen from their callings,
by receiving an antichristian, and bringing in of idolatry, to make the
kingdom culpable, and to expose it to fearful judgments, for such an
high perfidy against an oath so solemnly enacted and given; and are no
more to be counted Christians, but strangers, apostates, and
persecutors; and therefore, not to be heard any more, either in public,
or in consistories, colleges, or synods; for what fellowship hath light
with darkness?' We see then as to that part of the testimony, they were
not dissonant to the witness of the present reproached sufferers.
II. As the matter and manner of their testimony against all the invaders
of the church's privileges, did speak forth a great deal of sincere and
pure zeal; so their practice was conform, shewing forth a great deal of
strictness and averseness from all sinful compliances, even with things
that would be now accounted of very minute and inconsiderable
consequence, and for which honest sufferers now are flouted at as fools.
When that oath was formed for acknowledging the supremacy, there was a
clause added which might have been thought to salve the matter,
"according to the word of God." I fear many now would not stand to
subscribe with such a qualification. Yet the faithful then perceived the
sophistry, that it made it rather worse, affirming that that brat of
hell was according to the word of God: and therefore, though there were
several eminent men to persuade them to it, both by advice and example,
yet they could not, in conscience, comply; and pleaded also from the
illegality of that imposition, that they should be charged with the
subscription of laws, a thing never required before of any subject; if
they offended against the laws, why might they not be punished according
to the laws? When many honest faithful patriots, for the attempt at
Ruthven to deliver the country from a vermin of villains that abused the
King, to the destruction of the church and kingdom, were charged to
crave pardon, and take remission; they would do neither, judging it a
base condemning duty, which puts a brand upon our sneaking supplicators
and petitioners, and pardon mongers, as unworthy to be called the race
of such worthies, who scorned such baseness; and choosed rather to
endure the extremity of their unjust sentences of intercommuning and
banishment, &c. And when the Earl of Gowrie accepted of a remission, he
afterwards condemned himself for it, and desired that his old friends
would accept of his friendship, to whom he had the same favour offered
to him, refused altogether, lest so doing he should condemn himself, and
approve the courts proceedings: and the brethren, conferring with the
counsellors, craving that some penalty should be condescended unto for
satisfying his majesty in his honour, would not condescend to any, how
light soever; lest thereby they should seem to approve the judicatory
and their proceeding. The imprisoned ministers, for declining the
counsel, had it in their offer, that if they would, without any
confession of offence, only submit themselves to his majesty, "for
scandal received, not given," they should be restored to their places:
but it pleased God so to strengthen them, that they stopped their
mouths, and convinced them in their consciences, that they could not do
it without betraying of the cause of Christ. Again, in another case, we
have instances of such strictness, as is much scorned now a-days. The
ministers of Edinburgh were committed to ward, for refusing to pray for
the queen, before her execution in Fothringham castle 1586. They refused
not simply to pray for her, but for the preservation of her life, as if
she had been innocent of the crimes laid to her charge, which had
imported a condemnation of the proceedings against her. Afterwards, in
the year 1600. The ministers of Edinburgh would not praise God for the
delivery of the king from a pretended conspiracy of the Earl of Gowrie
at that time, of which they had no credit nor assurance; and would not
crave pardon for it neither. For this Mr. Robert Bruce was deprived of
the exercise of his ministry, and never obtained it again in Edinburgh:
but now, for refusing such compelled and imposed devotion, to pray or
praise for the king, poor people are much condemned. I know it is
alledged, that these faithful sufferers in those days, were not so
strict as they are now, in submitting to unjust sentences, and obeying
and keeping their confinements. I shall grant, there was much of this,
and much might be tolerate in their circumstances, when the court's
procedure against them was not so illegal, their authority was not so
tyrannical, nor so necessary to be disowned, and they were so stated,
that they were afraid to take guilt upon them, in making their escapes;
whereas it is not so with us. Yet we find very faithful men broke their
confinements; as Mr. John Murray, confined at Dumfries, perceiving there
was no end of the bishop's malice, and that he would be in no worse case
than he was, he resolved without licence, either of king or council, to
transport himself: so did also Mr. Robert Bruce.
III. For resistance of superior powers, we have in this period, first
the practice of some noblemen at Ruthven, in the [year] 1582. who took
the King, and seized on that arrant traitor, enemy to the church and
country the Earl of Arran; declaring to the world the causes of it, the
King's correspondence with papists, his usurping the supremacy over the
church, and oppressing the ministers, all by means of his wicked
counsellers, whom therefore they removed from him. The King himself
emitted a declaration allowing this deed. The General Assembly approved
of it, and persuaded to a concurrence with it, and nothing was wanting
to ratify it, as a most lawful and laudable action. At length the fox
escapes, and changes all, and retracts his former declaration. The lords
again rally, and interprise the taking of the castle of Stirling, and
gain it; but afterward surrender it: after which the Earl of Gowrie was
executed, and ministers are commanded to retract the approbation of
Ruthven business, but they refused; and many were forced to flee to
England, and the lords were banished. But, in the year 1585, they return
with more success, and take the castle of Stirling. The cowardly king
does again acknowledge and justify their enterprise, 'that they needed
no apology of words, weapons had spoken well enough, and gotten them
audience to clear their own cause:' but his after carriage declared him
as crafty and false, as he was cowardly and fearful. Again, we have the
advice of the General Assembly, for resisting, when the ministers were
troubled upon Mr. Black's business, and there was an intention to pull
them out of their pulpits; they advised them to stand to the discharge
of their calling, if their flocks would save them from violence, and yet
this violence was expected from the King and his emissaries. As to that
point then there can be no dispute.
IV. There was little occasion for the question about the King's
authority in this period, but generally all acknowledged it; because
they were not sensible of his usurpation, and his cowardice made him
incapable of attempting any thing that might raise commotions in civil
things. Yet we remark, that whatsoever authority he usurped beyond his
sphere, that was disowned and declined by all the faithful, as the
supremacy. Next that they resented, and represented very harshly, any
aspiring to absoluteness; as Mr. Andrew Melvin could give it no better
name, nor entertain no better notion of it, than to term it, the bloody
gully, as he inveighs against it in the Assembly 1582. And next, in this
same period, we have a very good description of that authority, which
the King himself allows not to be owned, which out of a King's mouth
abundantly justifies the disowning of the present tyranny: this same
King James, in a speech to the parliament, in the year 1609, saith, 'A
king degenerateth into a tyrant, when he leaveth to rule by law, much
more when he beginneth to invade his subjects persons, rights and
liberties, to set up an arbitrary power, impose unlawful taxes, raise
forces, make war upon his subjects, to pillage, plunder, waste, and
spoil his kingdoms.'
PERIOD V.
_Containing the Testimony for the last Reformation from Prelacy, in all
its steps, from the year 1638. to 1660._
The following period, from the year 1638, to 1660, continues and
advances the testimony, to the greatest height of purity and power, that
either this church, or any other did ever arrive unto, with a gradation,
succession, and complication of wonders, of divine wisdom, power,
justice and mercy, signally and singularly owning and sealing it, to the
confusion of his enemies, comfort of his people, conviction of
indifferent neutrals, and consternation of all. Now after a long winter,
and night of deadness and darkness, the sun returns with an amiable
approach of light and life; now the winter was past, the rain was over
and gone, the flowers appear on earth, and the time of singing of birds
is come, and the voice of the turtle is heard in our land. Now the
second time, the testimony comes to be managed in an active manner, as
before it was passive: as the one hath been always observed to follow
interchangeably upon the other, especially in Scotland, and the last
always the greatest; which gives ground to hope, though it be now our
turn to suffer, that when the summer comes again after this winter, and
the day after this night, the next active testimony shall be more
notable than any that went before. The matter of the testimony was the
same as before, for the concerns of Christ's kingly prerogative, but
with some more increase as to its opposites: for these grew successively
in every period, the last always including all that went before. The
first period had Gentilism principally to deal with; the second Popery;
the third Popery and Tyranny; the fourth Prelacy and Supremacy; this
fifth hath all together, and Sectarianism also, to contend against. The
former had always the opposites on one hand, but this hath them in
extremes on both hands; both fighting against one another, and both
fighting together against the church of Scotland, and she against both,
till at length one of her opposites prevailed, viz. the Sectarian party,
and that prevailing brought in the other, to wit, the Malignant, which
now domineers over all together. Wherefore, because this period is in
itself of so great importance, the revolutions therein emergent so
eminent, the reformation therein prosecuted wanting little of its
perfect complement, the deformation succeeding in its deviation from the
pattern being so destructive; to the end it may be seen from whence we
have fallen, and whether or not the present reproached sufferers have
lost or left their ground, we must give a short deduction of the rise,
progress, and end of the contendings of that period.
In the midst of the forementioned miseries and mischiefs, that the pride
of prelacy and tyrannical supremacy had multiplied beyond measure upon
this church and nation, and at the height of all their haughtiness, when
they were setting up their Dagon and erecting altars for him, imposing
the service-book, and book of Canons, &c. the Lord in mercy remembred
his people, and surprised them with a sudden unexpected deliverance, by
very despicable means; even the opposition of a few weak women, at the
beginning of that contest, which, ere it was quashed, made the tyrant
tumble headless off his throne. The zeal against the English popish
ceremonies, obtruded on Edinburgh, did first inflame some feminine
hearts to witness their detestation of them; but afterwards was followed
out with more masculine fervor, accosting King and Council with
petitions, remonstrances, protestations and testimonies against the
innovations, and resolving upon a mutual conjunction, to defend
religion, lives and liberties, against all that would innovate or invade
them. To fortify which, and conciliate the favour both of God and man in
the resolution, all the lovers of God, and friends to the liberty of
the nation, did solemnly renew the national covenant, (wherein they were
signally countenanced of the Lord,) which, though in itself obliging to
the condemnation of prelatical Hierarchy, and clearly enough confirming
presbyterial government, yet they engaged into it with an enlargement,
to suspend the practice of novations already introduced, and the
approbation of the corruptions of the present government, with the late
places and power of church men, till they be tried in a free General
Assembly. Which was obtained that same year, and indicted at Glasgow:
and there, notwithstanding all the opposition that the King's
commissioner could make, by protestations and proclamations to dissolve
it, the six preceeding Assemblies establishing Prelacy were annulled,
the service-book, and high commission were condemned; all the bishops
were deposed, and their government declared to be abjured in that
national covenant; though many had, through the commissioners
persuasions, subscribed it in another sense without that application: as
also the five articles of Perth were there discovered to have been
inconsistent with that covenant and confession, and the civil places and
power of church men were disproved and rejected: on the other hand
presbyterial government was justified and approved, and an act was
passed for their keeping yearly General Assemblies. This was a bold
beginning, into which they were animated with more than human
resolution, against more than human opposition, hell as well as the
powers of the earth being set against them. But when the Lord gave the
call, they considered not their own deadness, nor were daunted with
discouragements, nor staggered at the promise through unbelief, but gave
glory to God, outbraving all difficulties. Which in the following year
were much increased, by the prelates and their popish partakers
rendezvousing their forces under the King's personal standard, and
menacing nothing but misery to the zealous covenanters; yet when they
found them prepared to resist, were forced to yield to a pacification,
concluding that an Assembly and Parliament should be held, for healing
all grievances of church and state.
In which Assembly at Edinburgh, the covenant is ratified and subscribed
by the Earl of Traquair commissioner, and enjoined to be subscribed by
the body of the whole land, with an explication, expressly condemning
the five articles of Perth, the government of bishops, the civil places
and power of churchmen: but the sons of Belial cannot be taken with
hands, nor bound with bonds of faith, humanity, or honour, for in the
year following, king and prelates, with their popish abettors, go to
arms again; but were fain to accommodate the matter by a new
pacification, whereby all civil and religious liberties were ratified.
And in the following year 1641, by laws, oaths, promises, subscriptions
of king and parliament, fully confirmed, the king, Charles I. being
present, and consenting to all; though in the mean time he was
treacherously encouraging the Irish murderers, who by his authority made
a massacre of many thousand innocent protestants in Ireland. But in
Scotland things went well, the kingdom of our Lord Jesus was greatly
advanced, the gospel flourished, and the glory of the Lord did shine
upon us with such a splendour, that it awaked England, and animated the
Lord's people there, then groaning under those grievances from which
Scotland was delivered, to aspire to the like reformation. For advice in
which, because though all agreed to cast off the yoke of prelacy, yet
sundry forms of church government were projected to be set up in the
room thereof, chiefly the Independent order, determining all acts of
church government, as election, ordination, and deposition of officers,
with admission, excommunication, and absolution of members, to be done
and decided by the voices of every particular congregation, without any
authoritative concurrence or interposition of any other, condemning all
imperative and decisive power of classes, &c. as a mere usurpation.
Therefore, the brethren in England wrote to the Assembly then sitting at
Edinburgh, who gave them answer,----'That they were grieved, that any of
the godly should be found not agreeing with other reformed churches, in
point of government as well as doctrine; and that it was to be feared,
where the hedge of discipline and government is different, the doctrine
and worship shall not long continue the same without change; that the
government of the church, by compound presbyteries and synods, is a help
and strength, and not a hindrance to particular congregations and
elderships, in all the parts of government; and are not an extrinsical
power set over particular churches, but the intrinsical power wherewith
Christ hath invested his officers, who may not exercise it
independently, but with subordination, unto presbyteries, &c. which as
they are representative of particular churches, conjoined together in
one under their government; so their determination, when they proceed
orderly, whether in causes common to all, or brought before them by
reference in case of aberration, is to the several congregations
authoritative, and not consultatory only. And this subordination is not
only warranted by the light of nature, but grounded upon the word of
God, and conform to the pattern of the primitive and apostolic church,
for the preservation of verity and unity, against schism, heresy and
tyranny, which is the fruit of this government wheresoever it hath
place.' So from henceforth the Assembly did incessantly urge uniformity
in reformation with their brethren in England, as the chiefest of their
desires, prayers and cares. And in the year 1643, prevailed so far, that
the English parliament did first desire, that the two nations might be
strictly united for their mutual defence, against the papists and
prelatical faction, and their adherents in both kingdoms; and not to
lay down arms, till these implacable enemies should be brought in
subjection; and instantly urge for help and assistance from Scotland.
Which, being sent, did return with an olive branch of peace, and not
without some beginnings of a reformation in England. And afterwards, a
bloody war beginning between the King and Parliament, with great success
on the King's side, whence the papists at the time got great advantage,
(witness the cessation of arms concluded in Ireland,) commissioners were
sent from both houses to Scotland, earnestly inviting to a nearer union
of the kingdoms, and desiring assistance from this nation to their
brethren in that their great distress. And this, by the good hand of
God, produced the solemn league and covenant of the three kingdoms,
first drawn up in Scotland, and approven in the Assembly at Edinburgh,
and afterward embraced in England to the terror of the popish and
prelatical party, and to the great comfort of such as were wishing and
waiting for the reformation of religion, and the recoveries of just
liberties.
The tenor whereof did import, their sincere and constant endeavours, in
their several places and callings, for preservation of the uniformity in
reformation, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government: the
extirpation of popery, prelacy, error and profanity; the preservation of
the rights and liberties of the people; and of the magistrates
authority, in defence of the true religion and liberty; the discovery
and punishment of incendiaries; the retaining of the peace and union of
the kingdoms; the mutual assistance and defence of all under the bond of
this covenant; and the performing all duties we owe to God, in the
amendment of our lives, and walking exemplarily one before another. This
is that covenant comprehending the purpose of all prior, and the pattern
of all posterior covenants, to which Christ's witnesses did always
adhere, for which the present witnesses do suffer and contend; that
covenant, which the representatives of church and state in the three
nations did solemnly subscribe and swear, for themselves and posterity,
of which the obligation, either to the duty or the punishment, continues
indispensibly on the generation; which for the moral equity of its
matter, the formality of its manner, the importance of its purpose, the
holiness of its solemn engagement, and the glory of its ends, no power
on earth can disannul, disable, or dispense; that covenant, which the
Lord did ratify from heaven, by the conversion of many thousands at
their entering under the bond of it, securing and establishing unto
them, and all the faithful, the blessings and privileges therein
express, and avouching himself to be their God, as they had avouched
themselves to be his people; that covenant, which, in all the
controversies it hath occasioned, did never receive a greater
confirmation than from the malice and opposition of its adversaries;
that covenant, which malignants do malign and deny, and sectaries scorn
and lay aside, as an almanack out of date; which hath been many ways
traduced and reproached by enemies, and yet could never be reflected on
by any serious in this land, without an honourable and fragrant
remembrance: especially that retortion of adversaries of the rigour of
its imposition upon recusants, to justify their cruelty upon its
asserters now, is to be refelled, not with confutation of its
importance, but with disdain of its impudence. For who were the
recusants; but wicked enemies to God, and church, and nation, who for
their malignancy were then to be prosecuted, not for their scrupling at
a covenant, but for their contumacious contempt of a law? This was no
violence done to their conscience; for as they had none, and could not
pretend to any, so they were never troubled for that, but for their
opposition and conspiracy against the common cause. However, it went
through at that time: and that the covenanted reformation, in a nearer
conjunction betwixt the united churches, might be promoted, the
parliament of England called an Assembly of divines at Westminster, and
desired the Assembly of Scotland to send thither their commissioners;
which accordingly nominated and elected Mr. Alexander Henderson, Mr.
Robert Douglas, Mr. Samuel Rutherford, Mr. Robert Balzie, Mr. George
Gillespie, ministers; John Earl of Cassils, John Lord Maitland, and Sir
Archibald Johnston of Waristoun, ruling elders; to propone, consult,
treat, and conclude in all such things as might conduce to the
extirpation of popery, prelacy, heresy, schism, superstition, and
idolatry; and for the settling of the so much desired union of the whole
island, in one form of church-government, one confession of faith, one
common catechism, and one directory for the worship of God. Forces were
also sent to assist the parliament of England: which were favoured with
great success in their enterprizes, till that war was ended by the total
overthrow of tyranny at that time, and all its upholders. But that
popish, prelatical, and malignant faction, being brought much under in
England, attempted (not unlike the Syrians, who thought the God of
Israel was not God of the hills and valleys both) to try the fortune of
war in Scotland, under the conduct of that treacherous and truculent
traitor Montrose, gathering an army of wicked apostates and Irish
murderers: who prevailing for a time, did punish in the justice of God,
the hypocrisy and self-seeking of such in this land, whose hearts were
not upright in his covenant; at length was defeat at Philiphaugh, in the
year 1645. Yet certain it is, that they had commission and warrant from
the King; as the Assembly that year, February 13. remonstrates it to
himself? warning him, in the name of their Master, the Lord Jesus
Christ, 'That the guilt, which cleaved to his throne, was such, as
(whatsoever flattering preachers or unfaithful counsellors, might say to
the contrary) if not timely repented, could not but involve himself and
his posterity, under the wrath of the ever-living God, for his being
guilty of the shedding of the blood of many thousand of his best
subjects, for his permitting the mass and other idolatry in his family
and dominion,' &c. At the same time also, the Assembly did zealously
incite the Parliament to a speedy course of justice, against these
incendiaries and murderers, as the only mean of cleansing the land from
that deluge of blood then current, and of appeasing the wrath of God:
and solemnly and seasonably warned all ranks to applaud the glory and
righteousness of that judgment of the sword, in the hands of these
apostates, and murderers, and to search to understand the language of
that dispensation; wherein many public sins and breaches of covenant are
pointed at, as the causes of that desolation; and the covenant itself is
there very encomiastically vindicated. 'We are so far from repenting of
it (say they) that we cannot mention it without great joy and
thankfulness to God, as that which hath drawn many blessings after it,
and unto which God hath given manifold evident testimonies: for no
sooner was the covenant begun to be taken in England, but sensibly the
condition of affairs there was changed to the better, and our forces
sent into that kingdom, in pursuance of that covenant, have been so
mercifully and manifestly assisted and blessed from heaven, that we have
what to answer the enemy that reproacheth us concerning that business,
and that which may make iniquity itself to stop her mouth; but which is
more unto us than all victories, the reformation of religion in England,
and uniformity therein between both kingdoms (a principal end of that
covenant) is so far advanced, that the government of the church by
congregational elderships, classical presbyteries, provincial and
national assemblies, is agreed upon by the Assembly of Divines at
Westminster, and voted and concluded in both houses of Parliament.'
After this the malignants in England being crushed in all their
projects, the King renders himself to the Scots in Newcastle: by whom
(because by covenant they were not obliged to defend him, but only in
defence of religion and liberty, which he had been destroying, and they
defending, because in this war he did directly oppose and oppugn these
conditions, under which they were only to defend him; and therefore they
had all along carried towards him as an enemy, as he to them; and
because, by the same covenant, they were obliged to discover, and render
to condign punishment all malignants and incendiaries, of whom he was
the chief, and to retain the peace and union of the kingdoms, which
could not be retained in maintaining their destroyer, and to assist
mutually all entred into that covenant, which he was fighting against)
he was delivered up unto the English, and kept under restraint in the
isle of Wight, until he received his just demerit, for all his
oppressions, murders, treachery, and tyranny; being condemned and
execute January 30th, in the 1648-9. Which fact, though it was protested
against, both before and after, by the Assembly of the church of
Scotland, out of zeal against the Sectarians, the executioners of that
extraordinary act of justice; yet it was more for the manner than for
the matter, and more for motives and ends of it, than for the grounds of
it, that they opposed themselves to it, and resented it. For they
acknowledged and remonstrated to himself, the truth of all these things
upon which that sentence and execution of justice was founded. And when
a wicked association, and unlawful engagement was on foot to rescue him,
they opposed it with all their might: shewing, in their answers to the
estates that year 1648, and declarations and remonstrances, the
sinfulness and destructiveness of that engagement; that it was a breach
of the commandments of God, and of all the articles of the covenant;
declaring withal, they would never consent to the King's restitution to
the exercise of his power, without previous assurance, by solemn oath,
under his hand and seal, for settling of religion according to the
covenant. By which it appears, they were not so stupidly loyal, as some
would make them. Yet indeed it cannot be past without regret, that
there was too much of this plague of the king's-evil even among good
men: which from that time forth hath so infected the heads and hearts of
this generation, that it hath almost quite extinct all loyalty to
Christ, and all zeal for religion and liberty.
Then it began to infuse and diffuse its contagion, when after the death
of Charles first, in the year 1649, they began, after all that they had
smarted for their trusting these treacherous tyrants, and after that
grace had been shewed them from the Lord their God, by breaking these
men's yokes from off their necks, and putting them again into a capacity
to act for the good of religion, their own safety, and the peace and
safety of the kingdom, to think of joining once more with the people of
these abominations, and taking into their bosom these serpents which had
formerly stung them almost to death. Hence these tears, lo the origin
and spring of our defection! There was indeed at that time a party
faithful for God, who considering the many breaches of the solemn league
and covenant, and particularly by the late engagement against England,
did so travel, that they procured the covenant to be renewed, with the
solemn acknowledgment of sins and engagement to duties, which was
universally subscribed and sworn through all the land; wherein also they
regret this tampering with malignants. And therefore the Lord did
mightily save and defend them from all their adversaries, subdued them
at Stirling, and in the north. They did also give warning concerning the
young King, 'That notwithstanding of the Lord's hand against his father,
yet he hearkens unto the counsels of these, who were authors of these
miseries to his father, by which it hath come to pass, that he hath
hitherto refused to grant the just and necessary desires of the church
and kingdom, for securing of religion and liberty: And it is much to be
feared, that these wicked counsellors, may so far prevail upon him, as
to engage him in a war, for overturning the work of God, and bearing
down all those in the three kingdoms that adhere thereto. Which if he
shall do, cannot but bring great wrath from the Lord upon himself and
throne, and must be the cause of many new and great miseries and
calamities to these lands.' And, in the same warning, by many weighty
reasons, they prove, that he is not to be admitted to the exercise of
his power, without security for religion and liberty. And when the
bringing home of the King came to be voted in the Assembly, there was
one faithful witness, Mr. Adam Kae, minister in Galloway, protested
against it: foreshewing, and foretelling, what mischief and misery he
would bring with him when he should come. These things might have had
some weight, to demur the nation from meddling with that perfidious
traitor. But all this serves only to aggravate the sin and shame of that
distraction, which hath procured all this destruction, under which the
land mourns to this day: that notwithstanding of all these convictions,
warnings; yea, and discoveries of his malignancy, treachery, and
inclination to tyranny; they sent commissioners, and concluded a treaty
with him at Breda. During which treaty, the commissions which he had
sent to that bloody villain Montrose, and his cut-throat complices, to
raise an army, and waste, and invade the country with fire and sword the
second time; were brought to the Committee of Estates, discovering what
sort of a king they were treating with. Whereupon, after serious
consulting, not only together, but with the Lord: and after many debates
what to do in such a doubtful case, wherein all was in danger, the
Estates concluded to break off the treaty, and recal their
Commissioners. To which intent, they sent an express with letters to
Breda; which, by providence, falling into the hands of Libberton, a true
libertine, and false betrayer of his trust and country, was by him,
without the knowledge of the other Commissioners, delivered unto the
King; who consulting the contents of the packet with his jesuitical and
hypocritical cabal, found it his interest to play the fox (being
disappointed at that time to play the tyger) and dissemble with God and
man. And so sending for the Commissioners, he made a flattering speech
to them, shewing, that now after serious deliberation, he was resolved
to comply with all their proposals. Whereupon the poor cheated
Commissioners dispatch the post back with letters full of praise and joy
for the satisfaction they had received. The Estates, perceiving
themselves imposed upon, consulted again what to do; and in end, being
overswayed more with respect to their own credit, (which they thought
should be impeached, if they should retract their own plenipotentiary
instructions, to conclude the treaty, upon the King's assent to their
conditions) than to their reclamant consciences, they resolved to bring
home that pest, and thereby precipitated themselves and us into
eluctable misery. Yet they thought to mend the matter, by binding him
with all cords, and putting him to all most explicit engagements, before
he should receive the imperial crown. Well, upon these terms, home he
comes, and, before he sets his foot on British ground, he takes the
covenant: and thereafter, because the commission of the General
Assembly, by the act of the West-kirk, August 13th, 1650, precluded his
admittance unto the crown, if he should refuse the then required
satisfaction, before his coronation, he emits that declaration at
Dunfermline; wherein, 'Professing and appearing in the full persuasion
and love of the truth, he repenteth (as having to do with and in the
fight of God) his father's opposition to the covenant and work of God,
and his own reluctances against the same, hoping for mercy through the
blood of Jesus Christ, and obtesting the prayers of the faithful to God
for his stedfastness. And then protesteth his truth and sincerity in
entring into the oath of God, resolving to prosecute the ends of the
covenant to his utmost, and to have with it the same common friends and
enemies, exhorting all to lay down their enmity against the cause of
God, and not to prefer man's interest to God's, which will prove an idol
of jealousy to provoke the Lord: and he himself accounteth to be but
selfish flattery.' A declaration so full of heart-professions, and high
attestations of God, that none, considering what followed, can reflect
thereon, without horror and trembling from the holy jealousy of the
Lord, either for the then deep dissimulation, or the after unparalleled
apostasy. I know it is objected by court-parasites, that the king was
then compelled to do these things. To which I shall only say, it would
have cost any of them their head at that time, to have asserted, that he
did upon deliberation and choice mock God and man, and entered into
these engagements, only with a purpose to be thereby in better capacity
to destroy what he swore to maintain, only because he could not have the
crown without this way, which, in the confession of the objectors
themselves, was only deliberate and premeditate perjury. Next, if it
should be granted he was compelled; let it be also considered, who
compelled him; and these will be found to be the deceitful courtiers.
For, let it be adverted, what Mr. Gillespie declares of the case, who
put the pen in his hand when he subscribed that declaration: he,
perceiving there was sufficient ground to jealouse his reality, and
seeing evidently that the courtiers prevailed with the king on a sudden
to offer to subscribe the declaration (when they observed that the
commissioners of church and state were resolute, and ready to go away in
a fixedness, to leave out the putting of his interest in the state of
the quarrel) and being afraid of the said consequences of it, spoke his
mind plainly to the king: 'That if he was not satisfied in his soul and
conscience, beyond all hesitation of the righteousness of the
subscription, he was so far from over-driving him to run upon that, for
which he had no light, as he obtested him, yea, he charged him in his
master's name, and in the name of these who sent him, not to subscribe
this declararation, no not for the three kingdoms.' Whereupon the king
answered,--Mr. Gillespie, Mr. Gillespie, I am satisfied, I am satisfied
with the declaration, and therefore will subscribe it. Upon which some
of the courtiers swore that Mr. Gillespie intended simply to dissuade
the king from subscribing it, that so church and state might professedly
lay aside his interest; which would have defeat their hopes to make up
themselves, as now they have done, upon the then designed ruin of the
interest of truth. Then at his coronation, we have his again reiterated
confirmations of that covenant; first, he is desired in name of the
people to accept the crown, and maintain religion according to the
national and solemn league and covenant; whereunto he gave his
apparently cordial consent (the words are in the form and order of the
coronation with the whole action.) Then next, a sermon being preached
upon 2 Kings xi. 12 and 17. the action commenceth, with his most solemn
renewing of the national and solemn league and covenant, by oath. Then,
he is presented to the people, and their willingness demanded to have
him for their king on these terms. At the same time, in the next place,
he took the coronation oath. Then on these terms he accepted the sword.
And after the crown is set upon his head, the people's obligatory oath
is proclaimed on the terms foresaid, otherwise he is not that king to
whom they swore subjection. Then being set upon the throne, he was by
the minister put in mind of his engagements, from 1 Chron. xxix. 33. And
then the nobles of the land came one by one kneeling, and lifting up
their hands between his hands, swore the same oath. These things done,
the whole action was closed with a most solid and severe exhortation
from several instances, Neh. v. 13. Jer. xxxiv. 18, 19, 20. &c.
Thereafter in the year 1651, followed the ratification of all these
preceeding treaties, transactions, and engagements, concluded and
enacted by the king, and the parliament then fully and freely conveened;
whereby the same did pass into a perpetual law. And this covenant, which
from the beginning was and is the most sure and indispensible oath of
God, became at length the very fundamental law of the kingdom, whereon
all the rights or privileges, either of king or people, are principally
bottomed and secured. This might seem security sufficient, but
considering the former discoveries and experiences they had of his
treachery, and the visible appearances (in the mean time) of his
refusals, visible reluctances, manifest refilings, open counter actings,
and continued prejudices against the covenant, and his following
unprecedented avowed perjury, every thing doth indelibly fasten upon
them the weakness at least of an overweening credulity, and upon him the
wickedness of a perfidious policy, in all these condescensions. After
this it came to pass, that zeal for the cause rightly stated was
suddenly contracted to a few, and the flame thereof extinguished in
many, and court wild-fire substitute in its place: whereby a plain
defection was violently carried on by the public resolutioners, who
relapsing into that most sinful conjunction with the people of these
abominations, so solemnly repented for and resolved against, did
notwithstanding bring in notorious malignants, into places of power and
trust, in judicatories and armies, in a more politic than pious way of
requiring of them a constrained and dissembled repentance, to the
mocking of the God of truth, and scorn of all our holy engagements.
Which defection did not only cause for a long time an incurable
division; the first of that kind, and most permanent of any that ever
was in the church of Scotland, by reason of the surcease of general
assemblies, stopped and hindered by the yoke of the sectarian
usurpation; but also was the spring and source of all our defections
since, all flowing from and fomented by that same spirit that fostered
that: and for that, since that time, the Lord hath been contending with
this church and nation, bringing us under the bondage of these malignant
enemies, whom we suffered them then to encourage and introduce. And both
at that time, and since that time, the Lord never countenanced an
expedition where that malignant interest was taken in unto the state of
that quarrel. Upon this our land was invaded by Oliver Cromwel, who
defeated our army at Dunbar, where the anger of the Lord was evidently
seen to smoke against us, for espousing that interest. And remarkable it
is, how in that very day wherein the public resolutions were concluded
in the assembly at St. Andrew's, the Lord then shed the blood of his
people at Inverkeithing; so as that the assembly, having in great haste
hurried through this approbation, were all made to run for it, and
adjourn themselves to Dundee, where they met and completed that step of
defection. And afterwards it is known, what a peculiar vengeance fell
upon that city, where this deed was done, beyond all other cities of the
nation. Next, an army being raised, according to these unhallowed
resolutions, and the Lord putting remarkable discountenance upon them in
their attemptings at home, as was manifest in their attemptings at
Torwood, &c. They march into England, and there did the Lord continue,
by his leaving our army to the sword, to preach that doctrine to the
world, Josh. vii. 10, 11, 12. ('Israel hath sinned and transgressed the
covenant--have taken the accursed thing--and dissembled also, and have
put it even amongst their own stuff, therefore the children of Israel
could not stand before their enemies, but turned their backs before
their enemies, because they were accursed: Neither will I be with you
any more, except ye destroy the accursed thing from among you.') An army
of near 30,000 was totally routed at Worcester, and the Achan, the cause
of the overthrow, was forced to hide himself in the oak, and thence to
transport himself beyond sea, where he continued a wandering fugitive
in exile, till the year 1660. In the mean time the sectarian army here
prevailed, till, after the usurper Cromwel's death, the false Monk then
general, with a combination of malignants and public resolutioners, did
machinate our misery, and effectuated it by bringing home the king to
England from his banishment: Wherein he was habituate into an implacable
hatred against the work of God. Yet, though since the king's first
reception into Scotland, our declensions were still growing, until they
produced this dreadful revolt from God, wherein the nation is now
involved; there was still a faithful remnant of ministers and
professors, zealous for the cause, keeping their integrity; who in their
remonstrances and testimonies witnessed against both their malignant
enemies, and their backsliding brethren the revolutioners, and also
against the sectarians their invaders; whose vast toleration and liberty
of conscience, which they brought in to invade our religion as they had
invaded our land, and infected it with their multifarious errors, was
particularly by the synod of Fife, and other brethren in the ministry
that joined themselves to them, testified against, and demonstrated to
be wicked and intolerable. Now to see how far the present testimony is
confirmed by the witnesses of this period, we may resume some
reflections on it.
I. They impartially carried on the testimony against prelacy, and the
popish, prelatical and malignant factions on the one hand, and the
sectarians on the other, without ever waving the testimony against
either, or at the least, winking at the one to weaken the other: both
which testimonies they thought of so great importance, that they could
not dispense with but faithfully maintain both, in their witnessings and
warnings. In that seasonable and necessary warning and declaration,
concerning present and imminent dangers, given at Edinburgh July 27.
sess. 27. they first say of the sectaries, 'That prevailing party of
sectaries in England, who have broken the covenant, and despised the
oath of God, corrupted the truth, subverted the fundamental government,
look upon us with an evil eye, as upon these who stand in the way of
their monstrous and new fangled devices in religion and government; and
though there were no cause to fear any thing from that party, but the
gangrene and infection of those many damnable and abominable errors
which have taken hold on them; yet our vicinity unto and daily commerce
with that nation, may justly make us afraid, that the Lord may give up
many in this land into a spirit of delusion to believe lies, because
they have not received the love of the truth. In that same warning they
say, We are not so to have the one of our eyes upon the sectarians, as
not to have the other upon malignants, they being an enemy more numerous
and more dangerous than the other; not only because experience hath
proven, that there is a greater aptitude and inclination in these of our
land to comply with malignants, than sectaries, in that they carry on
their wicked design, under a pretext of being for the king, but also
because there be many of them in our own bowels.' By which we may see
how impartially they opposed both; and that this cannot be condemned in
the testimonies of the present sufferers, except the assembly be
condemned. And because many now a-days have extenuating notions of those
debates, against prelacy and sectarianism, about the government of the
church, &c. and condemn these that would adhere to and suffer for the
punctilios of it, as rigid nicety: I shall, for seeing what account the
assembly had of them, cite their words in a letter to the assembly of
divines at Westiminster, dated Edinburgh, June 18, 1646. The 'smallest
(say they) of Christ's truths (if it be lawful to call any of them
small) is of greater moment than all the other businesses, that ever
have been debated since the beginning of the world to this day: but the
highest of honours and heaviest of burdens is put upon you; to declare
out of the sacred records of divine truth, what is the prerogative of
the crown and extent of the sceptre of Jesus Christ; what bounds are to
be set between him ruling in his house, and powers established by God on
earth; how and by whom his house is to be governed; and by what ways a
restraint is to be put on these who would pervert his truth and subvert
the faith of many.'
II. In the manner of maintaining this testimony, these famous fathers,
while faithful for God, gave us a perfect pattern of purity and
strictness, in opposition to all degrees of conformity and compliance
with the corruptions of the time; and laid down such rules and
constitutions, as might regulate us in our contendings about present
defections, and teach us what account to make of them, and how to carry
towards them: which if adverted unto, would evince how manifest and
manifold the declinings of many have been from the late reformation,
that yet pretend to adhere unto it, and how justifiable the aversation
and abstraction of the present reproaching suffering party is, from all
these defections and the daubings of them, because so much deviating and
declining from the attained reformation. I need not repeat how prelacy,
and all the parts and pendicles of that antichristian hierarchy, were
abjured in the national covenant, and condemned in the acts of
assemblies, and re-abjured in the solemn league and covenant, and in the
solemn acknowledgement of sins and engagement to duties, where also we
came under sacred and inviolable engagements, to endeavour the
extirpation thereof: Which doth clearly file the present countenancing
and submitting to the prelatic curates, in receiving ordinances from
them, among the grossest of defections; being altogether inconsistent
with these acts and constitutions, and covenant obligations to extirpate
them, as much as the countenancing of popish priests were inconsi
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