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Through Shot and Flame

by J. D. Kestell · English · Gutenberg #37083 · 586,810 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: Through Shot and Flame

Author: J. D. Kestell


        
Release date: August 14, 2011 [eBook #37083]

Language: English

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Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Christine P. Travers and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net





[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected, all
other inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spelling has
been maintained.]




           THROUGH SHOT
            AND FLAME

  THE ADVENTURES AND EXPERIENCES OF

          J. D. KESTELL

     CHAPLAIN TO PRESIDENT STEYN

               AND

      GENERAL CHRISTIAN DE WET




           METHUEN & CO.
       36 ESSEX STREET W.C.
             LONDON
              1903

        _Colonial Library_




  TO

  MY WIFE

  WHO WAS ONE OF THE THOUSANDS
  WHO ENDURED IN THE GREAT STRUGGLE
  FOR FREEDOM, I DEDICATE THIS BOOK

  AND

  WITH HER I COMMEMORATE HERE THE
  FIDELITY AND PATRIOTISM OF HIM WHO
  WAS MY COMRADE IN THE FIELD, AND
  WHO DIED IN THE SPRINGTIDE OF HIS
  LIFE, A PRISONER OF WAR, AT LADYSMITH,
  NATAL

  OUR SON, CHARLES KESTELL




THROUGH SHOT AND FLAME

PART I

_HOPE_




CHAPTER I

I JOIN THE HARRISMITH COMMANDO


I purpose to chronicle in the following pages my experiences of the war
between the Boers and the English. It is my object to record what I went
through on commando, and to give the reader an idea, according to my own
observation, of the struggles and sufferings of a small nation against
the overwhelming odds of an Empire--nay, against the world itself.

For was it not against the world that the little nation fought?

Think of it. Not only did England have 240,000 men in the field against
45,000 of the two South African Republics; not only did she have more
guns than the two little States, much more ammunition, a much greater
amount of supplies, a great many more horses, much more money--but she
had the world also on her side. The world looked on the strife without
putting forth a hand to help the weak against the strong: nay, it helped
the strong. The United States of North America sold horses and wheat
and meat to the mighty Empire, that was carrying on a war of
extermination against the two small States in South Africa; the
Republics of South America gave mules; Austria and Russia supplied
horses. I do not forget, when I say this, the large sympathy which the
world showed us. I should be guilty of the most heinous ingratitude if I
did not acknowledge that the world, and especially Holland, went out of
its way in liberally supplying clothing and large sums of money to our
women and children in the concentration camps, and to the prisoners of
war on the islands. But England had the advantage of a market almost
wherever she wished to buy; and she closed up every avenue through which
we might have been aided. And so the little nation stood alone, while
its great adversary was assisted from the four corners of the earth.

Now I purpose to put on record my experiences in this strife. I will do
so as well as I can. What I have to relate, however, will by no means be
a history of the war.--We shall not have a history of the war until our
children write it.--No, I am not going to write a history: I am going to
record my limited experiences. You will not find here, for instance,
anything about the events which happened at Stormberg or Magersfontein,
or about the taking of Bloemfontein or Pretoria. I was not present at
those events. Only on that of which I was an eye-witness, or on what
took place in the commando to which I belonged at the time, or what came
to my notice shortly after its occurrence--only on that will I report in
these pages.

But let me tell you before I proceed, that I accompanied the burghers
only as a minister of the Dutch Reformed Church. I was never armed. I
never took part in a fight as a soldier. I never meddled with military
matters. All that, I felt, lay outside of my province. And yet, as will
appear in what follows, I fought in the great fight. I was often in
action, and if I carried no arms, I carried a pouch of bandages. My
presence in a fight gave heart to some and eased the pain of others. I
fought, too, in another way: I encouraged the burghers in every service
I held, just as every chaplain ought to do, and admonished them to
persevere in the great fight. But I never forgot that I was a minister
of religion. Every Sunday, and whenever I had an opportunity in the
week, I conducted divine service, taking, as a rule, my text from the
Old Testament. Besides this I devoted myself to ambulance work, without,
however, ever wearing a Red Cross on my sleeve.

I need not say that I was heart and soul one with the great cause of the
Republics. Nothing lay nearer to my heart than their welfare; and when
it appeared that war was imminent, and that it would be disastrous to my
people, it weighed upon my mind like lead.

War?--Ay, war! I feared a collision with England from the moment that
Sir Alfred Milner proved at the Bloemfontein Conference that nothing
could satisfy him. I became convinced then of what I had all along
suspected, but would not believe, that the object of England was not to
see that the Uitlander should obtain his rights, but that the two
Republics should be annihilated, and that the map of South Africa
should, as Rhodes had put it, be painted red.

These suspicions of mine soon proved not to have been unfounded.

President Kruger had consented, at last, to grant the franchise to
Uitlanders, after a residence of five years in the country; and
everybody thought now that war was averted, and that there would be a
peaceful adjustment of the differences between England and the South
African Republic. But England did not want that. England wanted the
Transvaal. Contrary to the expectations of everyone, the British
Government did not accept the proposal of President Kruger, and said
that it would dictate its own terms. It was speedily seen that England
intended to do this by force of arms, for numbers of British troops had
begun to mass on the boundaries of the two Republics.

At last England got what it had been seeking--a palpable _causa belli_,
in the Ultimatum which the Transvaal Government, wearied to death, at
last issued.

Both Boers and Britishers have declared that it was a fatal mistake on
the part of the Transvaal to issue the Ultimatum. The Boers said that
President Kruger should have waited until England had begun hostilities;
and the English protested that there would have been no war, if there
had been no Ultimatum. Lord Salisbury, especially, has never wearied in
his attempt to make the world believe that England went to war with the
Republics solely because of the insult offered by the Ultimatum; and
that the two States themselves had by that act made it impossible for
the British Government to permit them to retain their independence.

But the world knows better.

The world knows that it was England, not the Republics, that began the
quarrel, when, contrary to the terms of the Convention of 1884, she
interfered with the internal affairs of the South African Republic; when
later on she would listen to no proposal of the Transvaal Government,
and when she began sending troops to the boundaries of the two States.
The world can comprehend also that the Republics could not wait until
England had completed the massing of her troops on the borders, to wake
up one morning and find themselves invaded from every side. The world,
too, knows what must be said of the blow which falls in a manner
mechanically, after unendurable provocation. And posterity, sitting in
judgment, will pass its verdict on the Ultimatum. It will say that it
was a protest against wrong and oppression. It will hear a little people
speaking through that Ultimatum to a great nation: "Thou art great and
mighty, and thou wouldst set thy foot upon my neck; but I declare here
before the whole world that Might is not Right; and I defy thee!"

I cannot enter into a discussion here of the question whether the South
African Republic wronged the Uitlanders. But if this had been the case,
was England then the knight-errant among the nations of the earth, to
rush to the succour of such as might be oppressed by the one or the
other Power?--And if she considered that this was her mission, why did
she never attempt to teach Turkey, Russia, even the United States of
America, what their duty was?

Nothing was further removed from the thoughts of England than such
disinterestedness. But she imagined that she had a chance with this
little people; and when she wished to beat the dog, she found a stick in
the grievances of the Uitlanders.

Poor Transvaal, thou wert not perfect--far from that! But thou hadst had
no time to become so. Thou hadst had no time to develop into what thou
wouldst have become in the course of years. Thy great neighbour, arrived
at maturity through centuries of imperfections, found thee a child, and,
counting it a crime in thee to be a child, made a murderous assault on
thee!

       *       *       *       *       *

The negotiations between England and the South African Republic were
still progressing when England sent troops, not only to the Transvaal,
but also the Free State borders. What else but undisguised hostility
could the Governments of the two Republics see in this action of
England? They were compelled by it to prepare themselves for any
emergency; and enjoined, in consequence, the landdrosts to instruct the
commandants of all the districts of the two States to commandeer the
burghers. This commandeering took place on 2nd of October 1899. It was
on Sunday, and many a Boer had gathered his household around him, and
was sitting with his Bible open before him, while he was conducting his
Sunday family worship, when the field-cornet, or other person sent in
his stead, came and told him that he had to appear at a certain place,
with his horse, saddle and bridle, rifle and thirty rounds of
ammunition, and rations for eight days.

The Harrismith Commando was ordered to muster on the farm--_The Oaks_;
and most of the burghers composing it arrived there next day. We
proceeded thence to Tantjesberg, and approached in the course of a few
days the boundary between the Orange Free State and Natal, on the grand
range of the Drakensberg. To this border other Free State commandos
numbering in all about 8000 men came, while a like number were sent to
the western boundary, and a small force to the Basutoland line.

The southern border of the district of Harrismith was the line which had
to be guarded, between the Orange Free State and Natal. The commandos,
therefore, which had come from other places to this boundary, had to
pass somewhere through the district of Harrismith. This happened in due
course. During the week all the commandos passed east or west of, or
through the town. The Bethlehem burghers pitched their laager on the
south-west near Binghamsberg, a precipitous mountain which Erasmus Smit,
the missionary who accompanied the Voortrekkers, called Kerkenberg
(Church Hill) in his Journal. This he did because a great cleft of a
tremendous rock at the foot of the mountain, in which the name of Piet
Retief is written in green paint, afforded ample space for conducting
divine worship. The Heilbron Commando went to Bezuidenhout's Pass, and
the Kroonstad to Tintwa. The burghers of Winburg marched past on the
east of Platberg, and pitched their camp at Van Reenen, near the line of
railway; while the men of the Harrismith and Vrede Commandos went
farther east to Botha's Pass, and formed the connection with the line of
the Transvaal forces on the west of Majuba.

It rained a great deal when these Boer forces hastened to the
Drakensberg. I remember very well how the Heilbron and Kroonstad
burghers rode through the town of Harrismith in the rain.
Notwithstanding the depressing nature of the weather, everybody was
cheerful, and all looked with boundless trust in God into the future.
The Heilbron burghers did not remain in the town, but the men of
Kroonstad waited at the church until their greatcoats and blankets,
which they hung on the railings, were dry. Meanwhile our women poured
out warm coffee for the men, and began thus to take their share in the
great strife, which had begun.

I must here make mention of the manner in which the Government took the
interests to heart of such as had been deprived of their employment
through the new state of things. It appointed a commission in every
town, whose duty it was to inquire into the condition of the needy and
to distribute flour and mealie meal, wherever they found that there was
great want. The Government also afforded facilities to the poor of
earning money. It supplied the material for shirts and trousers, to be
made for such burghers on commando as were in need, and paid a small sum
for every garment that was made. The wives of the landdrosts and
ministers were intrusted with this department. Besides this, the women
of the towns were asked to bake biscuits--the Government supplying the
flour for the commandos. It was beautiful to see how willingly the women
undertook this hard labour. Some of them baked as much as a bag of
flour in a day; and I have seen at the Harrismith Station truck loads of
biscuits ready to be carried to the forces in Natal.

This baking of biscuits was one of the first proofs of the devotion and
self-sacrifice of our women.

But I have anticipated a little.

At five o'clock on the 11th October 1899 the forty-eight hours, which
were given by the Transvaal to England to decide whether she would
withdraw her troops from the borders of the Republics, had elapsed.
England had not withdrawn her troops, and it was now clear to everyone
that she desired war. Everyone knew also now that from that hour we were
in a state of war.

It was now the interest of every chief-commandant (Hoofd-commandant) to
occupy the best positions, if possible before the English could do so.
With this in view, orders were given that all commandos should be sent
forward with the utmost speed, and take positions on the Drakensberg.
This was done, and by the 13th of October all the passes on the great
mountain range were guarded by our forces.

On the same day a meeting of Free State officers was held in the tent of
General Marthinus Prinsloo, and the question was there discussed whether
a flying column should not, without delay, proceed west of Ladysmith and
blow up the railway bridge over the Tugela at Colenso. Most of the
officers were opposed to this idea, but it was resolved instead that
portions of the commandos of Heilbron, Winburg, Kroonstad, and
Harrismith should descend into Natal that very night, under the command
of Commandant C. J. de Villiers, who was temporarily appointed General
in the place of General A. P. Cronje. This force would have to
co-operate with the Transvaal commandos and endeavour to cut off the
retreat of the English at Dundee.

I was present when the Harrismith men were ready to go. How well I
remember the command given by the brave and never-to-be-forgotten
Field-Cornet Jan Lyon--

"Four deep!"

I see him in my mind's eye now, while I write, placing himself, every
inch a soldier, at the head of his men and riding away.

After him came Field-Cornet Z. J. de Beer with the Harrismith town
burghers. They rode past in splendid form, with the Free State flag
bravely fluttering in the breeze. Something thrilled through my being
when I saw these men, all of whom I knew, ride away into the great
unknown. I knew that some of them would never tread Free State soil
again.

And it happened sooner than I thought.

Next day Field-Cornet de Beer collided with the Carbineers not far from
Bester's Station, and the first burgher of the Harrismith Commando was
killed. To the best of my knowledge he was the first victim of the war:
his name was Jonson.

The Carbineers had attacked the men of Field-Cornet de Beer on a ridge,
and bombarded them with a Maxim. Our burghers held their ground until
Field-Cornet Lyon arrived with a reinforcement and charged the
Carbineers on their right wing. The English could not resist this
onslaught and betook themselves to flight, never resting until they
arrived out of breath at Ladysmith. One of their officers, Lieutenant
Galway, was taken prisoner, and sent to Harrismith. The camp of the
Carbineers also fell into our hands, and the burghers were immensely
pleased with the little light green tents they found. These were very
portable, and went far and wide with the burghers in later stages of the
war.

After addressing the Winburg men, I had returned to Harrismith on the
morning of the 18th, and was an eye-witness of the intense excitement
of the town during the next few days, when news of battles fought in the
north of Natal arrived. We heard of the fight at Glencoe on the 20th
October, at Elandslaagte on the 21st, and at Rietfontein (Modderspruit)
on the 24th. In the first two the Transvaalers had been engaged, in the
last the Free Staters.

I was very strongly affected, and felt after the news of Rietfontein
came that I could not remain at Harrismith. I therefore decided to go to
Natal without delay and join the Harrismith Commando. On Friday the 27th
October I took leave of my wife and children, and arrived in the
afternoon at the headquarters of General Marthinus Prinsloo. He was very
kind, and provided a cart for my journey and that of Dr. Cilliers who
also wished to go into Natal. Next day I arrived at Bester's Station,
and had the opportunity of visiting the burghers who had been wounded in
the fight at Rietfontein. I was especially glad to see Mr. Jacobus de
Jager of Loskop. As he was temporarily _hors de combat_, he offered me a
horse and his own saddle for a time. I was of course very grateful and
accepted his offer with alacrity.

After breakfast, next morning, I set out with the object of finding the
Harrismith Commando, and soon came to Smith's Crossing. There I saw what
a farm looked like where looting had taken place. Some of our burghers
had destroyed everything there that was not firmly built on, or planted
in the ground. The windows were smashed, the doors torn off, and
everything that was of value or use was carried away. Presses and chests
of drawers had been broken open, furniture dashed to pieces, pillows and
mattresses cut open, and everywhere about there were lying scattered in
dreadful confusion, feathers of pillows and beds, pieces of furniture,
torn books, photographs, plates, pots, pans, even articles of female
attire.

The sight of this affected me very unfavourably, as I found it did many
others too. Several remarked that we were not fighting for booty, but
for the sacred cause of our independence. But the foreigners fighting
among us against England laughed at our scruples. Destruction of
property, they said, was a part of the war, and England would destroy
our farms worse when once she began.

None of us would believe this assertion of the foreigners then. We know
now how true it was. It is nearly three years now since I looked at the
destruction at Smith's Crossing, and what have I not seen since of the
destruction carried out by England? Everything done by the Boers is as
dust in the balance, when compared with the devastation carried out by
the British soldiers.

Now English officers, when taxed with the barbarity with which they
devastated the farms in the two Republics, have been accustomed to
retort that it was we who began the game. To this it can be replied that
the Boers destroyed the houses of those only who had fled from their
farms, and had thus shown that they were hostile to us; that even this
was not done by order of the Boer Generals, nay, was done contrary to
the express orders forbidding the destruction of farms, and that it was
never carried out so ruthlessly as it was later by the English troops.
The houses were never committed to the flames by the Boers, nor did they
blow up any farmstead with dynamite. But the steadings in the Free State
and Transvaal were destroyed by fire or dynamite by order of a British
Field-Marshal, and later of a British Commander-in-Chief. And there were
hundreds of cases where this took place over the heads of women and
children, who were immediately after the destruction exposed to the wet
weather in summer and the cold of winter. Nothing approaching such
barbarity was ever done by the Boers. If, therefore, the English were
making reprisals in burning the farms, they avenged themselves not as
Cain seven times, but as Lamech seventy times seven.

I did not have to go far from Smith's Crossing. I found the Harrismith
burghers three miles to the west of Ladysmith, near the homestead of Mr.
Gert Potgieter. They consisted of what was called a horse-commando, they
were encumbered with no convoy, and only two or three waggons (one of
them carrying ammunition) stood about. The difference between the camp
here and the great laagers on the Drakensberg, with their walls of
encircling waggons, struck me. Here there was nothing besides the little
brown canvas Free State tents, and the beautiful little green tents
taken from the Carbineers on the 18th. One would be much in want of many
things, I thought, in a horse-commando, and life in it would be in the
utmost degree repulsive, to a person especially with studious
predilections, to whom the four walls of a study were more attractive
than the wide, wide plains under the great blue vault above. I thought
so then, but the time was coming when we should not have even little
Carbineer tents.

However inhospitable a "horse-commando" appeared, the burghers were not
so. They were mostly members of my congregation, and received me with
the utmost cordiality. They gave me something to eat--just what they had
ready--_Kaboemielies_, (boiled maize). What better--what more nutritious
food could they have given me than mealies? Many a Boer poet has sung
the praises of the mealies, but the inspiration of each has failed.

The day after I arrived in the laager, the 30th October, the battle of
Nicholson's Nek was fought. It was in this fight that Christian de Wet
made his first appearance. He was then an acting Commandant, and led
about 200 men up the hill, where he captured 800 British troops. The
Transvaal burghers were also engaged that day and took 400 soldiers
prisoners, so that we captured 1200 in all. I was not present. I only
saw from a great distance our shells exploding on the battlefield, and I
can therefore give no description of what took place.

I met the Rev. P. Roux, who was subsequently appointed General, next
day. He told me that he came on the scene just when the fight was over.
He had been struck, he said, by the distress of the wounded. It was
terrible to see what they were suffering in the broiling sun. He had
also spoken to several English officers. One had said in a surly tone of
voice: "This is only a beginning." Mr. Roux had replied: "Yes, and we
are quite satisfied with it."




CHAPTER II

A NIGHT MARCH


It was decided to invest Ladysmith, and the Free State burghers were
ordered to occupy positions towards the north-west, west, and south of
the town. The Transvaalers took the opposite ridges and hills.

Why did not the Boers make an onslaught on the town after the fight at
Rietfontein--why did not they do so after Nicholson's Nek?--or failing
this, why did they besiege Ladysmith? Why did they not leave an opening
on the south for the English to retire by?

Such questions have been repeatedly put after all was past, and it was
seen what might have been done. But the people who put these questions
assume circumstances which did not exist. For instance, it was
altogether impossible in the as yet unorganised state of the commandos
of the two States to venture on a united assault on Ladysmith, after
either Rietfontein or Nicholson's Nek. And it is quite dubious whether
the English wished to retire southwards. In fact the contrary appears to
be the case, for they might have evacuated the town, if they had wished,
before the 2nd of November,--eight days after Rietfontein,--on which
date the Boers had completed the investment of the town. The British
had, in point of fact, during those eight days not only shown no signs
of any desire to leave the town, but they had made a sortie, which had
resulted in the fiasco at Nicholson's Nek on the 30th of November.

It appears thus, when everything is taken into consideration, that no
General would have acted otherwise than General Joubert did; and nobody,
indeed, did think, during the siege of Ladysmith, that it was a mistake
to be doing so. It was only later that all manner of mistakes were
discovered in the besieging of Ladysmith, and not only of Ladysmith, but
also of Mafeking and Kimberley.

_The town was besieged._ That is a fact. I have only to do with that
fact now, and I am going to relate how the Free State commandos did
their part of the work.

On the day after Nicholson's Nek, certain Free State Commandants were
told by General A. P. Cronje, who had arrived on the 24th October and
assumed his command, to march their burghers to the south of Ladysmith,
and take up positions somewhere near or on the farm, Fouries Kraal.
These burghers consisted of portions of the commandos of Harrismith,
under Commandant C. J. de Villiers; Vrede, Commandant Anthony Lombaard;
and Heilbron, Commandant L. Steenekamp. General Cronje was in command of
the whole force.

Mr. Jan Wessels of Harrismith was appointed as guide, and the force
began to move as soon as it got dark. This was my first experience of
about a hundred night marches in which I took part during the war, and I
must confess that it was one of the worst I was ever in. I learned to
know the Africander in one of his weak points--his impatience of
discipline. I saw how he rebelled against what was the legitimate
authority under which he should have submitted.--How different it became
later in the war! As I write now nearly three years have passed since
that night march, and if I compare it with the night trek, for instance,
of the 23rd of February 1902 (of which I shall give an account later),
it is well-nigh impossible to believe that the strong, obedient burgher
of 1902 is the same man as the almost unbridled one of the end of 1899.

Everything was in chaotic confusion. One would have imagined that the
burghers stood under no orders whatever, and yet orders had been issued.
They were openly disregarded. It had been ordered, for instance, that
there should be no smoking, and yet all along the route--we were going
from the rear to the van--little flashes of light could be seen of
matches, with which the men lighted their pipes. Nobody bothered his
head about the question as to whether these lights could show our
whereabouts to the enemy. Then the men had been told to proceed in
absolute silence, and yet there was not even an attempt to do so.
Besides a dreadful din which was raised by the drivers of the mules that
were inspanned in the gun-carriages, the burghers conversed quite
loudly, cracked jokes, and laughed in explosive guffaws--for all the
world as if they were on some errand which involved no danger. In my
immediate vicinity there was a young burgher of the name of Adriaan
Venter--he was nicknamed _Dapperman_ because of his gallant behaviour at
Rietfontein. Well, this young fellow never wearied of saying funny
things; and I heard him use now for the first time his favourite
expression, "Jij is laat" (you are too late). This expression was soon
adopted by everybody in the field, and was used whenever anybody had
missed what he had had in view. Dapperman kept himself and all about him
in the best of spirits from the beginning to the end of that night
march, and it never entered his mind that scouts of the enemy might be a
hundred yards from us. Nothing struck me more than the entire
thoughtlessness of the burghers.

Just after we had begun to march, the clouds lowered, and it became very
dark. We could not see one another. The jokes of Dapperman only told me
that he was still near. Then it began to rain, and the road became
slippery. We progressed more and more slowly until at length we almost
came to a standstill. This was caused through the difficulty which was
encountered in taking the cannons through Sand River. The road at the
drift had become so slippery that it was next to impossible for the
mules to stand.

And meanwhile the darkness became thicker. I wondered whether I should
be able to see my hand if I held it before my eyes. Yes I could, so what
had been said of darkness so dense that you could not see your hand
before your eyes was not applicable here. Still, it was so dark that you
could not see the man you touched next you.

How provoking our slow progress was. We went twenty yards, and then we
halted for five or ten minutes. Then off we went again, and came to a
dead stop after we had progressed not more than twenty or twenty-five
yards. What were they doing in front, we were wondering; and the answer
came: "The guns can't get on."

Thus it went on until midnight. The General saw then that he could not
proceed, and ordered us to stop. We halted just where we were on either
side of the road we were travelling along.

Did the English know anything about us? I asked myself. There was
nothing to prevent it. Not only was it so dark that English scouts could
have been moving about among us, but we had shown them where we were
with our matches, and the noise we had made had revealed the direction
of our march. What, thought I, if they sent a shower of shells on us as
soon as it became light But this did not happen. The enemy had not yet
recovered from what they had suffered at Nicholson's Nek, and a few days
would elapse before a sortie from Ladysmith was again undertaken.

The morning broke dark and damp. Clouds hung low in the sky and it
looked like rain. This was not encouraging. Nor was it encouraging when
we saw how little we had got on in the night. We were not more than two
or three miles from where we had begun. But we had to go on
now--daylight or not, whether we were seen or not.

The whole force came into motion. It was a beautiful sight to see the
commandos together. I looked back from the van. The force was riding
over a great level space. There were at least two thousand together. An
insignificant number--but for us, the troops of two poor little
republics, it was large.

The clouds did not deceive us. We had hardly begun to march when several
heavy showers fell, and the prospect of a wet day was not pleasant. But
to the relief of all the weather cleared up before nine o'clock, and the
beautiful spring day followed: one of those days of unclouded sky which
are so rousing and vivifying in South Africa. After a short morning trek
we halted for breakfast, and then continued our march.

And now it began to be interesting.

A small body of Harrismith burghers had been told off to ride some miles
in advance, while the main body came on behind. Nobody could know what
might happen behind the ridges and kopjes which we were constantly
approaching and passing. The utmost care was observed. We halted
frequently until from time to time the reconnaissance of the country in
front was satisfactorily completed. Now and then we saw living objects
in the distance, and we could not know, of course, whether they were not
scouts of the enemy; but after Marthinus Potgieter had observed the
ridge or kopje through his long telescope and declared that the figures
were Kaffir women, and after our scouts had passed without adventure,
we knew that all was well, and went on.

We arrived at the house of an English missionary about twelve o'clock,
and Commandant de Villiers turned aside to see him. The missionary
showed signs of anxiety, and seemed to fear that harm would be done to
him. Commandant de Villiers assured him that nothing would happen, if he
put a white flag on the gable of his house as a sign that he was a
non-combatant. I accompanied the Commandant, and enjoyed a cup of tea
which the good wife of the missionary gave us. While we were drinking
the tea I heard children's voices in another part of the house, and I
was affected by them. A child always touches what is most tender in me.
And here I remember that I was especially moved by the sharp contrast
between those sweet children's voices and the harsh voices which I had
heard during the last few days of men talking about nothing but the war.

We hastened forward, and had scarcely reached the main body when we saw
in the distance some of our scouts galloping back. Field-Cornet Jan Lyon
thereupon set spurs to his horse, and dashed forward with a small body
of burghers. Soon we learned that, while a portion of our scouts were
proceeding along a cutting near Onderbroek Spruit, they were fired upon
by some Irish Fusiliers, who had concealed themselves behind huge
boulders on the roadside. Isaac du Plessis was wounded in the thigh. The
other portion of our advance party had gone over the hill, west of the
road, and had fired on the Irish Fusiliers, with the result that they
were driven off.

Isaac du Plessis was my first case. I bandaged him as well as I could,
and he was sent away for proper medical treatment.

We passed by the spot where the incident had occurred, and I saw the
corpse of a soldier lying on the roadside. He had been shot by our men
from the hill. He lay on his back, and had been covered by our burghers
with grass. How well I remember the emotion that passed through me when
I saw there for the first time the corpse of a man killed in action. How
many it would be my lot to see and--bury.

Nothing further happened, until we arrived late in the afternoon at a
spot on the high ranges of hills between Colenso and Ladysmith, about
three miles east of the main road. I went with two others over the
range, and they pointed out to me the tents of the English garrison, on
the left bank of the Tugela, near the village of Colenso. The view was
grand. A vast plain lay stretched out before us, and through it the
greatest river of Natal was cutting its way, and swiftly descending to a
series of rapids and falls into precipitous abysses. We stayed and
looked upon the great scene until the fast falling shades of night
warned us to return to the laager. Soon we were wrapped in deep and
restoring sleep, for we were very tired.




CHAPTER III

BESIEGERS AND BESIEGED


Ladysmith was now completely surrounded. It was besieged on the north
and east by the Transvaal and on the west and south by the Free State
commandos.

Early on the morning after we had marched to the south--on 2nd
November--Field-Cornet Jan Lyon went with a body of men to Pieter's
Station, broke up the rails there, and took the telegraph clerk
prisoner. While he was doing this the two guns which we had brought with
us were being dragged up the range of hills between Ladysmith and
Colenso. One of them was put on the summit of a pointed hill a little
south of Platrand (Caesar's Hill),--the other on the heights north of
Colenso. I was present when Commandant de Villiers drew the latter up
the precipitous slopes. There were huge boulders, as high as the wheels
of a waggon, thickly strewn on the hillside, and over them the Krupp had
to go. A strong span of oxen was put before the gun, and one could hear
the creaking of the yokes as the oxen strained to draw the gun up, but
as it became steeper and steeper it soon appeared that even the
South-African ox had a task which it could not do. The wheels of the
gun-carriage got jammed between the boulders and remained immovable.
Then the burghers took the work in hand, and what ox-power could not
do, human muscles accomplished. Some of the men seized the yokes and the
_trektouw_,[1] and others put their shoulders to the wheel, and up flew
the gun. It was not long before the Krupp made itself heard. To the
English fort near Colenso it sent a few shells--but the garrison there
had fled.

[Footnote 1: Chain to which the yokes are attached.]

The Winburg Commando was encamped a little more to the north-east than
we were, and had an early surprise. While they were engaged in broiling
meat for breakfast there were heard in sharp succession the reports of
guns, and immediately several shells fell right in their midst. It is
needless to say that there was a confused scramble in search of cover;
but fortunately nobody was hurt. The enemy, having given an exhibition
of their gun practice, retired immediately to Ladysmith.

The next day General A. P. Cronje sent 900 men chosen from all the
commandos to take a ridge south-west of Ladysmith, not far from the
house of Mr. Willem Bester, in order to oppose the enemy, who had made a
sortie from Ladysmith in considerable numbers, on the road leading to
Colenso.

From this ridge the burghers opened a steady fire on the approaching
English, who were also subjected to a heavy and continuous bombardment.
This went on for a considerable time, and then a number of mounted
troops charged the ridge, but were repulsed. After that others rode into
a donga to the west of our positions, and leaving their horses in it,
emerged with the object of taking possession of a low reef of rock
between themselves and us. But here, too, they were unsuccessful. Our
men opened such a withering fire on them that they were obliged to
abandon their design.

At this moment about 150 of the enemy gained possession of a hill to the
south with the object of surrounding us by the east. Sixty Winburg and
Harrismith burghers seeing this, charged them; but the bullets of the
English fell so thickly on them that forty of them turned back, so that
only twenty reached the top. There, however, they found themselves in
such a terrific fire that they could do nothing, and were obliged to
seek cover behind large boulders. Such was the state of things when our
Krupp on the pointed hill sent a well-aimed shell among the English, and
at once changed matters. The shell was followed without delay by
another, and when the fourth came the enemy was compelled to retire.
Then it was our opportunity. The twenty burghers emerged from their
hiding-places and fired upon the retiring English, and the hill was
quickly cleared.

While this was going on I was with the Harrismith Commando, which was
madly galloping as a reinforcement to the fight. We had to pass a spot
where shots occasionally fell, and as we raced along there, I heard for
the first time in my life the whiz of a passing bullet. We went on, and
arrived on the hill. But all was just then over, and we could only see
the English retreating to Ladysmith. Twice or thrice yet they fired
shrapnels at us, and again I had a first experience. It was of the
sound, sharp and shrill, of a shrapnel that went over our heads. I don't
know in what other words it can be described.

What a tyranny fear is! At the foot of the hill I saw a young burgher,
utterly overpowered by it, lying behind a large stone and not daring to
raise his head.

"Are you wounded?" somebody asked him.

"No," answered the terror-stricken youth, and pressed still closer to
the stone.

I met Mr. Roux here again, and assisted him to bandage the burgher
Gibson, who had been badly wounded in the leg. Two others also were
wounded.

Nothing further happened now, and in the evening we were in our little
field tents again.

During the following three days there was an armistice in order to
enable the enemy to get their women, children, and non-combatants out of
Ladysmith into the Intombi Camp, between the town and Bulwana.

On Sunday, the 5th of November, our commando went to Pieter's Station. I
had preached early in the morning for the burghers of Vrede; and now,
after we had inspected the station, we gathered under a great camel
tree, and had a most pleasant service. Just before the service some
burghers slipped away unobserved and sped to Colenso. Arrived there,
they helped themselves to what they fancied they needed in the shops.
While they were thus engaged, an armoured train came from Chieveley, and
began to fire on them.

We were lying unconcerned in the shadow of the great camel tree, when
Commandant de Villiers got the report that some burghers were hemmed in
at Colenso. He immediately gave orders that the horses should be saddled
and rode thither, but we heard on the way that the culprits had, by the
skin of their teeth, made their escape under a shower of bullets.

When we were returning to our laager, we met Kaffirs who had fled from
Ladysmith. They drew a terrible picture of the state of the town. They
told us that there were still unburied soldiers there, and that a bad
smell pervaded the town. Women and children too had to endure great
suffering, and were obliged to hide in holes which had been scooped out
in the river's bank.

We did not know then that we had to take Kaffir reports with a grain of
salt.

Towards the 10th of November the Free State laagers lay around Ladysmith
in this order: Near the railway line to the east of Smith's Crossing was
the laager of the Kroonstad Commando. To the west of the line, General
Prinsloo had fixed his headquarters; and thence round to the south stood
in succession the laagers of the Bethlehem, Vrede, Heilbron, Harrismith,
and Winburg Commandos. Each Commandant had one or two guns. Commandant
de Villiers had charge of two. For these he built forts on the hill upon
which the 150 English were shelled in the fight of the 3rd of November.
This hill lay to the west of Mr. Bester's house.

We Harrismith burghers pitched our camp at several places, but at last
we fixed it permanently at the south-west of this hill. From the forts
on the top of the hill you can see close at hand in the direction of
Ladysmith the Neutral Kopje. Right before you in the depth you see the
house of Mr. Bester, and there on the other side of the kloof rises
Platrand, or Caesar's Hill, on which the English are making forts and
sangars. Every now and then you see a cloud of smoke from our
cannon-forts, and a Krupp sends a shell on Platrand, to which the
English with splendid aim promptly reply. From every side and every
schanz the forts of the English were bombarded. The big gun of the
Transvaalers on Bulwana, to which the British gave the name of Long Tom,
was especially active, and sent its great shells regularly every day
into the town.

And now we were living in the constant expectation that Ladysmith would
speedily fall into our hands. Our expectations were also constantly
strengthened by Kaffir reports. There was, the Kaffirs told us, very
little food in the town, and the distress was great. Week after week,
therefore, we were expecting that Ladysmith would capitulate, but week
after week Ladysmith held out.

On the 14th of November another fight took place. The English made a
sortie to the south-west of the town, and attacked a position where
there were eighty men of the Vrede Commando. They opened a heavy
cannonade on the rand and made it almost untenable for the burghers
there. Then our guns came to the rescue. The two Harrismith Krupps fired
on the rear of the enemy. Others assisted, and everything was managed so
effectively that the English had to retire precipitously. A man came to
our laager in the evening and told us that he was in the Vrede position
while it was being shelled. It had been terrible, he said. One poor
fellow, a young burgher of the name of De Jager, had been hit in four
places, while lying behind a boulder, by a shrapnel--three bullets had
struck him in the shoulders and one in the head, and he had died
immediately. Two others were slightly wounded.

Our laager had not been out of danger. A piece of a shell had fallen in
it. Afterwards this happened frequently. Bits of missiles sent from
Platrand to the cannon-forts above now and again came into our camp, to
the great amusement of those who did not happen to be in danger at the
moment. How funny it was to see the men near the spot scramble to cover
when the danger was past.

About this time the Bethlehem Commando made a large capture of cattle.
Some Coolies were taken prisoners on the occasion. Everybody naturally
besieged the prisoners to hear something about Ladysmith. The wily
Indians took in the situation at once, and told us what they knew would
be agreeable to us. They "spoke comfortably to our hearts," and depicted
the condition of the town in the most appalling colours.

Just at this time too--on the 15th of November--Commandant-General
Joubert sent, under the command of General L. Botha, 1600 Transvaalers
and 500 Free Staters to Estcourt. Some of them came into action with an
armoured train near Chieveley. From the train a vigorous fire was opened
on the Transvaalers, who replied with cannon and rifle. Some Free State
burghers were in advance and attempted to break up the railway. But as
they had no tools to do this with, they could not, and instead raised
the rails on one side and placed big stones underneath. The train then
steamed back and two trucks were derailed. Immediately, under a heavy
fire from us, the English set to work to remove the stones, and then the
engine went backwards and forwards and came with every forward motion
into collision with the trucks. It succeeded soon in removing the
impediment, and sped away with the trucks which had not been derailed.
Fifty-six troops and three civilians were taken prisoners. Among these
was Mr. Winston Churchill, who escaped later in a very clever manner
from the Model School at Pretoria, in which he was being kept confined
as a prisoner of war.

We heard of this affair with the armoured train while we were chatting
in very rainy weather in the tent of Commandant de Villiers. It was
dripping wet outside and the laager had been converted into a perfect
puddle of mud by hundreds of feet. General J. B. Wessels and Commandant
Theunissen of the Winburg Commando were there on a visit. We were
talking about the armoured train, and presently General Wessels related
that a man had been taken prisoner the day before by the Winburg
burghers. This man had been found in a Kaffir hut, and had with him a
basket of pigeons, which he had brought from Maritzburg to smuggle into
Ladysmith. But as Dapperman said, "_He was too late._"

It did rain that day! and in the evening a steady downpour set in. I
sympathised with the sentries and outposts, who had to take duty on the
top and the slopes of the hill. What a cheerless thing it was, I
thought, to sit through the livelong dripping night with no shelter, and
to gaze into the darkness.

I can give no account of the adventures of the expedition which General
Joubert sent to Estcourt, as I did not accompany it. I can only say that
the burghers composing it did not remain long south of the Tugela, and
were obliged by great numbers of troops to return to Ladysmith. General
Joubert, however, said that he had succeeded in his object of preventing
all the English troops from massing on the western borders of the Free
State.

Shortly before the expedition was sent to Estcourt, the portions of the
several commandos which had been left on the Drakensberg were ordered to
descend into Natal and join the besiegers of Ladysmith. They arrived in
due time, and brought all the waggons with them. We had after that the
convenience of a laager. Tents of every shape and size soon sprang up
everywhere between the great waggons, and nobody who was not actually on
duty needed to have any apprehension with regard to heat, or cold, or
wet. There were indeed several who had raised their voices against the
bringing down of the waggons, and had said that they would prove to be
an encumbrance, in case a hasty retreat became necessary, but the
majority of the burghers were bent upon taking it easy--even in the
war--and demanded that the waggons should be brought down.

As far as I was concerned, though I did not approve of the presence of
the waggons, it was a personal pleasure to have a large square tent with
a table in it. Writing on a table was a decided improvement to writing
on a book, or a pad, on one's knees, or on the ground.

That tent in which I wrote!--how I remember it, while I am in Cape Town
writing my book over again.

The time passed swiftly, though it dragged from moment to moment. This
was one of the first things that struck me in the war. I would wake in
the morning and feel the duty of the day lying on me, as a burden which
could not be lifted. But when the shadows of night had fallen I found
that the burden had been borne. It often seemed as if the future lay far
beyond my reach, but after an hour, a day, a month was past, the hours
seemed to be seconds, the days hours, and the months weeks.

The burghers were terribly bored in the laager? Why? They wanted
nothing. The Government provided meat, bread (in the shape of meal),
coffee, sugar, potatoes,--sometimes tobacco;--we even lived in luxury,
for our wives sent us fruit and vegetables, cake and sweets. Why, then,
did the burghers feel bored in the laager?

The reason is that the Africander is not a soldier, who can take kindly
to camp or barrack life. The Boer detests a confined life, and whenever
he is away from the open plain, and the free breezes of heaven, he is
miserable. Thus it was that every burgher now longed to be back on his
farm.

How I pitied the Commandant! He was continually besieged by burghers
asking leave to go home. They asked for leave on the slightest pretexts,
or with no pretext whatever; for they would give as a reason for leave
of absence the work which had to be done on the farms. The women looked
after that as well as, and in many cases better than, the men themselves
had done. No, in the majority of cases there was no sound excuse to
justify a request for leave. It was simply because they could not stand
the confinement of the life in a laager.

Towards the end of the third week in November, one of the heavy guns of
the Transvaal--another Long Tom--was brought into the Harrismith laager
in order to be placed on the hill where our two guns stood. What a
monster it was!

A wooden platform of thick deal beams was constructed in the fort, and
Long Tom was drawn into position during the night. On the following
morning it fired on the forts at Platrand (Caesar's Hill), and the
terrific recoil splintered the stout beams of the platform as if they
had been thin lathes. The platform had to be rebuilt and rendered
stronger.

While we were doing this, the English were not idle. They were busy
putting a heavy gun on Platrand into position; and on the following day
they sent shell after shell, which pulverised the rocks and ploughed the
ground, but which happily did no injury to Long Tom.

On Sunday, 26th November, I visited the Bethlehem laager with the
intention of holding divine service there. On arriving, I found
everything in a state of hurry and bustle. Here someone was roasting
coffee, there another was shoeing his horse, yonder a third was greasing
the axles of his waggon. The cause of all this activity was that the
commando had been ordered to the western border by the War Commission,
and that they were preparing to start.

I succeeded in my intention of addressing the burghers, and took as my
text the comforting words of St. Paul: "Be of good cheer: for I trust in
God, that it shall be even as it was told me."

A fortnight afterwards, Acting-Commandant Christian de Wet was appointed
General, and likewise ordered to the western border. His achievement at
Nicholson's Nek had fixed the attention of the War Commission on him,
and he was now called to take upon himself the rank and important duties
of a General. I had no suspicion then that Christian de Wet had begun
the career which would make him famous throughout South Africa; nay,
throughout the world!

Thus far we had busied ourselves exclusively with the enemy hemmed in at
Ladysmith; but on the 28th of November the Boers were also threatened
from the south of the Tugela. On that day a considerable number of
troops advanced from the direction of Chieveley, and opened a heavy
fire on the Boer positions north of the river, with about twelve guns.
The Boers replied, and our shells fell upon the British until they were
forced to retire.

Platrand! What enchantment hung over that hill! From the first moment
that we had come south of Ladysmith, it had been the talk of everyone
that the hill should be taken; and about a week after the investment of
the town, Commandant de Villiers had actually made a night march with
the object of making an assault on it; but General Joubert had recalled
him before he could begin the attack. Since then the cry had ever been:
"The hill must be taken!" At last, wearied of the continual nagging, the
combined War Council of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State decided
that 900 men should storm the hill during the night of the 29th-30th of
November.

Many considered the decision unwise. They were of opinion that the hill
could not be taken without great loss of life, and that it was doubtful,
after it was taken, whether it could be held. Nobody, however, opposed,
and preparations were made to set out at two o'clock on the 30th of
November.

Something, however, intervened.

At ten o'clock in the evening some Transvaal officers entered the tent
of Commandant de Villiers, and pointed out that there was no shelter for
the storming party, and that the dongas at the foot of the hill, instead
of affording shelter, would prove disadvantageous to us in case we were
forced to retire. One officer after another entered the tent until there
were fifteen together, and all were opposed to the project of storming
the place. At one o'clock they had convinced one another that Platrand
could not be taken, and took it upon themselves to disobey the orders of
the Council of War, and so far from storming Platrand at two o'clock,
everyone was sound asleep in his bed at that hour. The evil day was
postponed.

On 7th December my son Charlie, aged 15, arrived in the laager. I had
left him behind at Harrismith to go to school, but it was impossible to
keep him there, and he had come to the laager at the first opportunity,
after receiving my consent. When he had been with me but a short while
he got a Lee-Metford from his friend Jan Cilliers, which had been taken
at Dundee.

At this time it became clearer and clearer that some event or other
might with certainty be expected from the south. The British
Commander-in-Chief in Natal, General Buller, had been there for some
weeks, and had had plenty of time to prepare himself. There was no doubt
that he had been busy, for more and more troops had come from Durban,
until the camps at Chieveley had grown to amazingly large proportions.
Everyone then was expecting that something was going to happen soon.

But in the meanwhile something took place closer to us, which filled us
with shame and indignation. In the night of the 7th-8th of December a
number of English climbed Lombard's Kop, where the heavy gun of the
Transvaalers was. They approached the fort in the greatest silence, but
the picquet became aware of their approach and cried, "Werda?"

Someone answered in good Dutch, "Don't shoot. We are the Modderspruit
burghers."

This satisfied the picquet, and the next moment the enemy was in the
fort.

Our men were taken by surprise, but they fired notwithstanding, and a
few English were wounded.

The few men in the fort were now forced to yield, and retreated before
overwhelming odds. Then the British damaged Long Tom so seriously that
it could not be used again for fifteen days. They also partially
destroyed a French quick-firing gun and captured a Maxim.

That same night another party of English damaged the railway bridge at
Waschbank (near Dundee) in such a manner as to stop the running of
trains for some days.

These two exploits of the English roused a feeling of dissatisfaction in
the minds of the burghers. They considered it a dishonour to us, and
although there were rumours of treachery, the general opinion was that
it was rather the carelessness and want of vigilance on our side that
was to blame. Everyone, on the contrary, meted out unlimited praise to
the English, and said that they had done a gallant thing.

Two days after it was Sunday, and I held divine services in different
places, according to my custom. On the same day, the Free Staters
captured a Kaffir, who had brought letters, sewn under the lining of his
sleeve, out of Ladysmith.

Those letters! How thoughtlessly they were read. Who cared that they
were the utterances of the heart, even though the heart of an enemy?
Who, whilst reading them, asked of himself: "What would I desire the
enemy to do, if a letter of mine should fall into their hands?" These
letters were from soldiers and civilians, mostly from husband to wife,
or from wife to husband. They bore witness to a very miserable state of
things in Ladysmith. One woman wrote that she lacked the common
necessaries of life; another that she went barefoot. Besides private
letters there was a report announcing that the troops were reduced to
half rations, and that many of them were sick; and also that an unknown
disease had broken out amongst the cattle.

Every day something happened, and the time passed rapidly. Was it not
because there was always something to keep us busy? Yes, a thousand acts
were crowded into each day.

The heart was filled with ever-changing emotions by the various
occurrences of each day. And one's mind was not occupied by the war
only. No! One's thoughts were drawn away irresistibly by the blue
expanse overhead, and by the wondrous landscape around, stretching away
to the finest horizons on earth. We lived in God's free nature, and as
we came nearer to her great heart throbbing in the grey veld and the
blue mountain, those of us who could felt ourselves borne away by a
delicious but withal terrible Power. How glorious, too, were the
evenings! How soothing was their deep silence after the exhausting,
bustling summer's day! And then there was the breath of air from the
east, which softly fanned the cheek, and calmed and laid to rest the
turbulent passions that rent the breast.

I used to sit of an evening beneath the camel thorn-tree, under which
Commandant de Villiers had pitched his tent, and gaze into the far west.
There lay Spion Kop, tinted pink by the last rays of the setting sun.
Far beyond rose the Drakensberg mountains with their rugged, dizzy
crags, scored and scarred, already veiled in the shadows of night. What
a thrill quivered through me when I presently looked up from that dark
mass and saw the glittering gold, which had been laid for a moment on
the clouds; or when, after the sun had set, turning, I beheld in the
east the wonderful maze of colour in the sky. The soft pink merged into
almost black purple, and this again, as if in need of support, rested on
the blue black rock foundation of the earth.

I forgot in such moments that we were at war. I was deaf to the
discordant sounds of the strife--the bursting of shells, and the whiz of
bullets. It was as if I heard God speaking in the still small voice.

Can I ever forget those evenings? I am living them over again. I still
gaze into that distant west, and seem to see the Unseen in that
wonderful vision: God, the Incomprehensible, the Unsearchable. I see how
He paints every evening a new picture on the mountains and on the
clouds. But He hides Himself in His picture. It is the robe, indeed, in
which He reveals Himself, but it is only the border, as Isaiah says, the
border of His robe: only the hem of His garment, and it--FILLS THE
TEMPLE!




CHAPTER IV

GENERAL BULLER'S FIRST GREAT ATTEMPT TO BREAK THROUGH


Since the beginning of November we had heard, as I have already said,
that Sir Redvers Buller had landed at Cape Town, and that he was in
supreme command of the troops in Natal. We also knew that he was busy
preparing himself for a grand attack upon our forces around Ladysmith,
in order thus to relieve Sir George White there.

Towards the end of November General Joubert received reports every day
of how matters were proceeding south of the Tugela. It was reported to
him that large numbers of troops were continually arriving from Durban,
and were occupying immense camps at Chieveley. Now, as it was impossible
to know exactly where General Buller would try to break through, it was
necessary to place commandos up and down the Tugela, with Colenso as a
centre. This was done. Various Transvaal commandos took possession of
the ridges opposite Colenso, and others were sent to the east of the
railway across the river to Klangwane, a wooded hill a few miles east of
the village, while General A. P. Cronje with from 1500 to 2000 men
trekked about twelve miles to the west.

I will here mention the names of the Transvaal commandos that occupied
the ridges opposite Colenso, because it was by them that the attack of
General Buller was repulsed. They consisted, to begin with the most
easterly wing, of a portion of the Krugersdorp Commando; next to them
were in succession westward the burghers of Heidelberg, Boksburg,
Johannesburg, the Swazieland Police; the Ermelo burghers and the
Zoutpansberg Commando on the wing farthest west.

These men worked night and day digging trenches and throwing up
earthworks. They did not make these works on the top of the mountain
range, where one would have expected them to, but on low ridges close to
the river. The enemy would thus, in case they attacked, first bombard
the wrong places, and the troops would approach to within a very short
distance of the position, and be subjected to a severe rifle fire,
before they knew from whence they were being fired on.

The first days of December passed by, and although there was no attack,
there were, however, signs every day to show that the English were
making preparations, and all held themselves in readiness.

Two or three days before the 15th of December one of the Transvaal
gunners, an Englishman, deserted, and as there was reason to fear that
he might acquaint the enemy with the preparations that had been made to
repulse an attack, General Louis Botha changed the positions of the guns
and also made the men dig other trenches and throw up new earthworks.
These trenches were dug on the level ground between the ridges I have
mentioned above and the river. If the former trenches were made where
the enemy would not expect them, this was still the case with the new
ones which were now made, as the result proved.

On the 14th of December Commandant de Villiers rode in the direction of
Colenso to see if he could discover any new developments in the
preparations of the enemy. He came to the top of the high hill between
Colenso and the Boer laagers around Ladysmith, and saw from there that
the British troops were approaching nearer and nearer to the village. He
computed them at about 10,000. "To-morrow," he said, on his return to
the laager, "there will certainly be a battle"; and he asked me if I
wished to go to the hill on the following day, in order to see what
might take place. I answered that I would like to go. Early on the
following morning, December 15th, we heard the roar of the great naval
guns. Commandant de Villiers had not been mistaken. The battle had
commenced.

I had my horse saddled and rode to the hill with a few burghers. There
lay the tiny hamlet of Colenso about five thousand yards from where we
stood, and down below with great curves the majestic Tugela flowed
onward, calmly and placidly. But there was no calm on its banks. The
ground shook with the thunder and reverberation of the great naval guns.
Everywhere, on both sides of the river, upon Boer and Briton, the shells
burst and the shrapnels exploded. Far away on the horizon seven or eight
miles from us, a little to the west of the railway, I saw the great
camps, looking like plantations of _black-wattle_ trees, from which the
troops had marched that morning. About two miles on this side of the
camps, the batteries of British field-guns stood in an irregular
semicircle, and in front of these the whole plain, for about three miles
to the west of the railway and a mile and a half to the east of it, was
covered with troops; not in compact masses, but widely scattered.

I also saw ambulance waggons riding to and fro. When the cannons fired,
no volumes of smoke rose in the air as was the case with our Krupps, so
if one looked for smoke as a sign that a gun was fired, one would never
know that a shell had been despatched. But even in the broad glare of
the day you could constantly see a small flash, and presently a
terrific crash somewhere on our positions would proclaim that a great
naval gun had been fired. Our projectiles too were aimed at the troops
and guns down in the plain. I could continually see our shrapnels
exploding there. And the tiny shells of our Maxim-Nordenfeldts created
havoc among the troops; while thousands of little clouds of dust, like
those which rise when the first great raindrops of a thunderstorm fall
on a dusty road, showed where the Mauser bullets fell.

The scene constantly changed.

What also struck me was, that the hundreds of small objects which I saw
down there were continually appearing and disappearing. I could not at
first understand what this meant; but I soon perceived that when the
objects seemed to rise from nowhere it meant that the soldiers were
making some dash or other to a certain spot, and when they disappeared
it meant that they were forced to lie down because of a destructive hail
of bullets which was poured upon them. This was the state of affairs
when I reached the top of the hill.

I must now relate something of what had taken place up to that moment.
General Buller had ordered four brigades of troops early that morning to
make an attack on us, supported by great naval and other cannon, with
the purpose of breaking through our lines and forcing a way to
Ladysmith. The troops had hardly commenced their advance before General
Botha perceived it, and ordered that all the men's horses without
exception should be taken away from the positions. He also issued a
strict command that no one should fire a shot before he gave the signal
by the firing of a cannon from one of the ridges behind the burghers.
Our burghers lay behind their schanzes and awaited the enemy.

It was hardly daylight when they saw the English advance--covering a
breadth of nearly eight miles--the one wing about four miles west of
Colenso, and the other about three miles to the east. Presently the
British cannon opened a tremendous fire on the ridges behind the
burghers and the shrapnel burst everywhere with terrific sound. The
noise was deafening, but our men did not answer. The English advanced,
the flanks approaching nearer and nearer to the centre, and there were
some of our officers who sent word to General Botha, beseeching him to
give the order to fire. No. He let the English come nearer and nearer.
Not a Boer could they see. Nearer and nearer the troops advanced. They
became over confident. The Boers had certainly fled and left the road to
Ladysmith open.

Suddenly General Botha gave the command. The cannon thundered forth the
signal, and a fearful storm of lead fell upon the over-confident
soldiers. They had not expected it, and the shock was terrible.
Nevertheless they advanced, and continued pressing forward, only to be
mown down by the withering fire of our Mausers.

In the meanwhile they had discovered where our burghers were, and a
fierce cannonade was directed on them, which, however, wonderful to
relate, did hardly any damage.

At last the troops ceased to advance on the west wing. It was then that
I arrived on the hill. But in the centre attempts were still being made
to break through, and in endeavouring to do this, they approached so
near to the Boer positions, a little to the east of the railway line,
that they could fire on the bodyguard of General Botha and on the
Krugersdorp Commando from a distance of not more than eight hundred
yards. Our men opened a terrible rifle fire on the gunners, and in a
moment all was quiet. Not a single cannon there fired another shot.

The English perceived that they had brought twelve guns to a spot from
whence they could not get them away again. Notwithstanding this they
rushed in to save the guns. From the hill above I saw how the matter
went, and I do not think that a more heroic deed was done in the whole
war than the rush of the English to save those guns.

It was a magnificent sight!

Team after team of horses I saw galloping in the same direction. I saw
how mercilessly they were mown down by the bullets of our Mausers and
the shells of our Maxim-Nordenfeldts. I saw how they persevered in their
efforts, till at last they ceased their attempts.

I could not, at the moment, understand what it all meant, and thought
that the English were trying to take a position, whence they could rush
across the bridge, and it was only in the evening that I heard that this
splendid gallantry had been displayed in order to save the guns.

Two of the twelve guns were rescued, but the English could not get away
the rest. General Botha made this impossible when he sent men through
the river to fetch them. These men waded the stream breast high, and
took positions so near the guns that it became absolutely impossible for
the British to make any further attempts, and ten of the twelve guns
fell into our hands together with a number of soldiers who were there.

General Botha had been the soul of everything in this great battle. He
went from position to position encouraging his brave Transvaalers. Here
he would direct their fire, and there he would send reinforcements.
Everything was controlled by him.

Some days later I had a conversation with Colonel de Villebois, who had
also been present at the battle. He said to me: "General Botha is a true
General. I saw this during the battle of Colenso. If I discovered a weak
point in the Boer positions, General Botha had perceived it before me,
and was already busy strengthening it. He is a true General."

Shortly after midday all was over.

Sir Redvers Buller commanded that the troops should retire. His plan had
been a great one, his troops had fought bravely, but they had failed,
failed splendidly.

The Boers, on the other hand, had repulsed the terrible attack. But they
did not ascribe it to their own efforts; no. General Botha telegraphed
to his Government that evening: "The God of our fathers has given us a
brilliant victory."

Our loss was, incredible as it may seem, seven killed, of whom one was
drowned, and twenty wounded. There had not been more than 3000 men in
the positions from whence the British had been repulsed!

On the following day Dingaan's Day was celebrated in all the laagers
with excessive joy, as might be expected. The Africander nation
perceived a new proof of God's protecting hand in what had happened on
the previous day, and the future seemed bright.

On Monday, the 18th, I left for my home, in order to celebrate Christmas
and New Year with my family. I remained at Harrismith till the 4th of
January 1900.




CHAPTER V

PLATRAND


On Friday afternoon, the 5th of January 1900, I was back in the laager
of Commandant de Villiers once more.

In the evening I sent a letter to my wife in which _inter alia_ these
words appeared: "And now I have no time to write anything more, but, as
the post leaves to-morrow, I wish you to know as soon as possible of my
safe arrival." I wrote nothing that could cause uneasiness, and yet
there was much that would have made her anxious if I had written about
it. Would this letter be the last I should write her? I asked of myself;
for we were on the eve of attacking Platrand (Waggon Hill).

As I have said in a former chapter, it had from time to time been
insisted on that Platrand, as being the key to Ladysmith, must be taken.
This had constantly been insisted on. General Prinsloo had declared that
the hill ought to be taken, and that he could do it with 100 men.
President Steyn had also telegraphed, saying that it was desirable to
have Platrand in our possession. Not a day passed without regret being
expressed that the rand had not been taken when, on former occasions,
attempts had been partially made, and now more than ever it was thought
that this should be done. This string had been so continuously harped
upon that the combined War Councils of the Transvaal and Free State
once more decided that an attempt to gain possession of Platrand should
be made. After I had held evening service for the first time since my
return, Commandant de Villiers made known to the burghers that men from
every commando would proceed to the hill that same night.

This famous hill, named Waggon Hill by the English, lies about three
miles south of Ladysmith, between the residence of Mr. Willem Bester and
the town. It runs from east to west. The ascent is very steep and its
slopes are partially covered with mimosa. On the summit the hill is
level, and round about its crest runs a cornice, to use an architectural
term, of great rocks, which we call a "krantz" in the Africander
language.

The British forts were built immediately above this "krantz." The idea
was that about 4000 men should make the attack. It was decided that the
Free Staters should scale the rand from the west and south-west, and the
Transvaalers from the south-west and south sides.

The Free Staters were drawn from the Kroonstad, Heilbron, Harrismith and
Winburg Commandos; and the Transvaalers from the commandos of Vryheid,
Utrecht, Wakkerstroom, Standerton, and Heidelberg.

The understanding was, that, after the storming party had taken the
hill, reinforcements would come from all sides to support them, and thus
carry out the attack. At about ten o'clock we, Harrismith burghers, left
the laager, in order to climb the hill at half-past two, in accordance
with the arrangement that had been made. We soon reached the Neutral
Hill. Here we halted a while, and those who could slept till one o'clock
on Saturday morning, the 6th of January 1900.

From there the burghers proceeded on foot. It was very dark, and all was
still as death. We walked forward slowly and spoke only in whispers; and
yet our progress was not so silent but that we feared we should be
heard. In the silence of the night, the slightest rustle of tree or
shrub sounded loud in our ears, and the thud of our feet on the loose
stones seemed to me like the tramp of a troop of horses.

The enemy, thought I, would certainly become aware of our approach long
before we could even begin to climb the hill. But it seems after all
that I was mistaken, and that the sentry did not discover us until we
had approached very close. At three o'clock we reached the deep dongas
at the foot of the hill, and the foremost men passed through. In about
twenty minutes we had climbed almost two-thirds of the hill, when we
heard a beautiful voice ringing out on the morning air: "Halt! who goes
there?"

No answer came from us. We continued climbing.

A moment passed, and then the silence was broken by the crash of a
volley. Then another and another. Everywhere above in front of us the
flashes of the rifles leapt forth into the darkness, and the sharp
reports followed in such swift succession as to give the impression of
Maxims firing. All of a sudden I saw a great long jet of flame, and
instantly the thunder of a cannon broke upon the startled air, and
presently behind us I could hear the shrapnel bullets falling on the
ground.

Then many of those who had not yet begun to climb the hill turned and
fled; but others rushed upwards and rapidly approached the cornice of
rocks whence the heavy firing issued. Silence was now unnecessary; and
voices were heard everywhere encouraging the men.

Field-Cornet Lyon and Zacharias de Jager in particular were of great
assistance to the Commandant; and one constantly heard, "Come along,
burghers! come along! forward!" At half-past three we reached the reef
of rocks and boulders, and presently I heard that two burghers had
already been wounded, while another lay motionless, but it was as yet
too dark to see who it was. It soon transpired that it was Assistant
Field-Cornet Jan van Wijk.

Before long it became light, and some of the burghers charged the forts
that were just above the ledge of rocks. They overpowered the soldiers
there, and took them prisoners, but were forced to fall back to the
escarpment of rocks immediately, on account of the heavy fire directed
on them from the other forts. And now the roar of the cannons and rifles
became terrific. This was especially the case with the ceaseless rattle
of small arms. One could with difficulty distinguish separate reports.
All sounded together like one continuous roar, and awoke an echo from
the Neutral Hill that sounded like the surging of a mighty wind.

We found ourselves under a cross cannon-fire. The shells from one of our
guns flew over our heads and exploded just in front of us on the forts,
so that we were often in fear of being struck by our own shells; and the
projectiles of the English were hurled in an opposite direction on our
cannon-forts and on the burghers on Neutral Hill.

Gradually we began to see in what a terrible position we were. We found
that we were a mere handful. Of all the Free Staters who had been
ordered to scale the hill there, only about 100 Harrismith men, 50
Heilbroners, and a few of the Kroonstad Commando, had obeyed the order.
The arrangement had not been carried out. As we learned afterwards, the
Winburgers had remained behind in a ridge at the foot of the hill, and
the rest were all crowded behind Neutral Hill, while most of the
Kroonstad burghers had not even got as far as that.

Of course we did not fully know then how matters stood, and expected
that reinforcements would come later on, which was impossible while
daylight lasted, for every approach to our position was exposed to a
terrible fire from above. It set us, however, somewhat at ease to know
that there were burghers behind the Neutral Hill. They guarded our rear
and left flank, and would beat back reinforcements attacking us there.

How terrible the firing was! It never ceased for a moment, for if the
burghers did not rush out, from time to time, to assail the forts, the
English charged us. This alternate charging of each other was taking
place every now and then, and it was during these attacks that the pick
of our men fell. Whenever a sangar was attacked a destructive fire was
directed on our men, and then some gallant fellows would always remain
behind struck down. In this manner Field-Cornet Celliers of Heilbron,
and of the Harrismith Commando: Kootze Odendaal, Marthinus Potgieter,
Gert Wessels, Zacharias de Jager, Jacob de Villiers, and Piet Minny,
were killed; and Hermanus Wessels and others mortally wounded. They were
mostly hit in the head, for the English as well as the Boers were on the
watch, and whenever anyone put out his head from behind a stone or a
fort, he was immediately fired at.

It was a fearful day--a day that no one who was there will ever forget.
The heat too was unbearable. The sun shot down his pitiless rays upon
us, and the higher he rose the hotter it became. It was terrible to see
the dead lying uncovered in the scorching rays; and our poor wounded
suffered indescribable tortures from thirst.

How glad I was that I could do something for the wounded. I bandaged
those within reach. I also rendered the first help to the British
wounded; one Tommy said to me, after I had bandaged him: "I feel easier
now." And a sergeant of the Imperial Light Horse, who had discovered
that I was a minister, remarked: "You are preaching a good sermon
to-day."

How the wounded suffered from thirst! And there was nothing to give
them--only a little whisky which I had got from an English officer who
had been taken prisoner. I gave a little of that, only a few drops, to
every wounded man. Not only the wounded--all of us, suffered from
thirst. Long before midday there was not a drop of water left in our
flasks. So intolerable was the thirst, that there were burghers who went
down to the dongas below in search of water, where there was none, and
where they knew that almost certain death awaited them.

How slowly too the time dragged! "What o'clock is it?" someone asked. It
was then only ten o'clock, and it seemed as if we had been fighting more
than a day, for up to that moment the firing had continued unabated; and
the Neutral Hill still sent back to us the echo of the firing--the echo
as of a mighty soughing.

Twelve o'clock passed, one o'clock, two o'clock--and still the fire was
kept up; and still the burning rays of the sun were scorching us.
Clouds! But they threw no shadow over us. Everywhere small patches of
shade checkered the hills and valleys; but they seemed to avoid us.

But a black mass of cloud is rising in the west, and we know now that
everything will soon be wrapped in shadow. Nearer and nearer to the
zenith the clouds are rising. What is that deep rumbling in the
distance? Thunder! Nearer and nearer it sounds, and presently we hear it
overhead above the din of the musketry and the boom of the cannon. How
insignificant the crash of the cannons sounds now. It is as the crackle
of fireworks when compared with the mighty voice of God!

We got more than shadow from the clouds. At five o'clock great drops
splash on the rocks. Presently the rain fell in torrents, and I could
wash the blood of the wounded from my hands in it.

It was now, just when the rain was descending in sheets of water and the
thunder-claps were shaking the hill, that the enemy redoubled their
efforts to drive us off the ledge, and our men had to do their utmost to
repel the determined onslaught. Had they been driven down to the plain
below, every burgher fleeing for his life would have formed a target for
the enemy. The fight was now fiercer than at any time during the day. It
is fearful to hear the roar of the thunder up above, and the crash of
the rifles below. But the enemy did not succeed in driving us off. We
remained there two and a half hours longer. Meanwhile we had been able
to quench our thirsts. We had made folds in our mackintoshes in which we
caught the rain, and then sucked it up. Streams of water too dashed down
through the rocks, and we drank our fill. These streams of water came
from the forts a few yards above us, and were red in colour. Was it red
earth, or was it the blood of friend and foe that coloured the water?
Whatever the cause, we were so thirsty that nothing would have kept us
from drinking. After the English had done their utmost to drive us from
the hill, and been baffled in their attempts, they returned to their
forts, and the firing subsided for a short time. It was quieter now than
it had been during the whole day, and the burghers had time to think how
wet they had got. Those who had no overcoats were drenched to the skin,
and many who an hour before did not know where to find shelter from the
heat, could now scarcely endure the cold. A keen wind, too, blew on our
damp clothes, and strong men stood shivering in the biting breeze.

It was now asked, "Where is Field-Cornet Jan Lyon?" Commandant de
Villiers had known for more than an hour that that brave man had fallen;
but he spoke to no one about it, for fear that the burghers should be
discouraged. It could not, however, remain a secret. Soon everyone knew
what had happened, and every countenance fell.

At last the sun set, and as it was clear to Commandant de Villiers that
no reinforcements would come, and as he had already lost at least a
third of his men, killed and wounded, he saw that it was impossible to
remain there. He therefore told me that he would continue there a little
while longer and withdraw when it became dark.

This took place at half-past seven. We had been on the hill for sixteen
hours under a most severe fire, and now we retired; but we were not
driven off by the Devons with levelled bayonets as I have read in an
English book. We were not driven off the hill. We held it as long as it
was light, and when twilight fell, Commandant de Villiers considered it
useless to remain there. He stopped there till the last man had gone,
then fired some shots, not, however, at Devons advancing with fixed
bayonets, but in the air, in order to make the English think that we
were still all in our positions. We then tramped through the water, till
we reached our horses, and then rode to the laager, depressed in
spirits, for we had left very dear ones behind us.

Of the Harrismith Commando there were 15 killed and 20 wounded;
Heilbron, 4 killed and 13 wounded; Kroonstad, 3 killed and 2 wounded;
Winburg, 1 wounded. Altogether 22 killed and 36 wounded. Including the
Transvaalers, we had lost 68 killed and 135 wounded.

I can give no description of how the Transvaalers had fared, as I was
not on their side of the hill; but there was the same lack of
co-operation amongst them. Only the men of one commando had scaled the
hill, and they, too, had to retire for want of support. Where were the
4000 who had been ordered to take the hill? Shamefully and criminally
had they left their comrades in the lurch. In the highest circles, too,
there was great mismanagement. One of the Long Toms, which had to take
an important part in the battle, had three charges! Another gun, too,
should have been posted at a certain spot; but it never turned up. One
felt embittered on hearing of such disgraceful mismanagement.

The next morning dawned, and inexpressible emotion surged through me
when in a moment I lived again through the events of the preceding day.
I thought of Jan Lyon and the other brave fellows who had fallen; and
when I knew that I should see them no more, my heart became as lead
within me.

It was a beautiful morning after the storm. The sun rose in glittering
splendour over the refreshed earth; and soulless nature smiled
regardless of the grief which tore the heart. It seemed as if the heat
and the burden of the day could not be borne; but it had to be borne!

In answer to a request from Commandant de Villiers, Colonel Ian Hamilton
had sent him a few lines giving us permission to fetch our killed and
wounded.

I accompanied a party of twelve, who went for that purpose. Our dead
were brought down from the hill by soldiers and laid in a row,--nineteen
dead! We placed our dead in a waggon, and conveyed them to the laager.

The Heilbron Commando buried their own dead. Zacharias de Jager,
Marthinus Potgieter, and Jacob de Villiers were taken to Harrismith, and
there laid to rest. The other burghers, with their Field-Cornet Jan Lyon
at the head, were buried in separate graves, alongside of one another,
about a mile from the laager.

It was my sad duty to address the men. I could have wept, as I saw
others do, especially at the thought of those amongst the slain who had
been my personal friends; but I felt that I had to restrain my feelings
there. It was my duty to encourage the men and turn their minds to God.
And God helped me to accomplish this; and, however bitter the sorrow of
everyone was before those graves were filled, we returned from that
sacred spot to the laager encouraged and hopeful.




CHAPTER VI

THE FIRST OF OUR DARK DAYS


The burghers soon recovered their spirits after the affair at Platrand.
Their dejection disappeared, and gave place to an activity which showed
itself in their willingness to perform any duty laid upon them. They dug
new trenches everywhere, on the top and along the sides of the hill
occupied by us, and built new "schanzes" (breastworks). There was also
more vigilance, Commandant de Villiers sent more burghers on guard every
night, and they went willingly. Then, too, a better spirit took
possession of the men. There was a greater sense of comradeship amongst
friends than formerly; there was no brawling, and swearing was seldom
heard. It seemed, too, as if the burghers felt the need of religion
more; for a request was made, emanating from them, that prayer-meetings
should be held in the laager, in small groups, every Sunday afternoon.

Shortly after the Platrand battle, a rumour went round that it was the
intention of General Buller to break through within seventy-two hours
and relieve Ladysmith. Very little belief was attached to this
particular rumour, although we were convinced that the English intended
soon to make a new and powerful attempt to relieve their besieged
comrades. But soon there seemed to be some truth in the rumour after
all; for, from about the 10th of January, great numbers of troops were
seen moving from Frere to Springfield, a place about twelve miles west
of Colenso, on the right bank of the Tugela. We could thus surmise that
General Buller intended breaking through in that vicinity.

As I have already mentioned, General A. P. Cronje had marched up along
the Tugela with a number of Free Staters some time before. He had kept
to the north side, and was stationed not very far from Potgieter's
Drift. He now went towards the cluster of hills of which Spion Kop is
the highest peak.

These hills form a sort of a range running from north to south, on the
left bank of the Tugela, about ten miles west of Ladysmith. Standing on
the summit one sees the beautiful Tugela, monarch of Natal rivers,
majestically winding and cutting its way through the plain. South
yonder, to the left, the main road can be seen passing through the river
at Potgieter's Drift, and leading towards Ladysmith at the foot,
eastwards of Spion Kop. There is another road passing through the river
higher up at Trichaard's Drift, which to the north joins the road from
Acton Homes to Ladysmith. This road climbs the mountain two or three
miles north of Spion Kop. Now, if General Buller intended fording the
Tugela from Springfield, at either Potgieter's or Trichaard's Drift, to
go to Ladysmith, he would have to bring his troops along one or both of
these roads.

Our Generals, therefore, took up positions all along the range. General
A. P. Cronje posted his men on the hill to the north-west of Spion Kop
and guarded the road from Acton Homes. During the battle Commandant de
Villiers stationed himself on Cronje's right, to the west of the Acton
Homes road. The Vrede burghers were placed by General Cronje on his
left, south-west of the road from Potgieter's Drift. And everywhere
between the Free State positions lay the Transvaalers, who had hurried
to Spion Kop immediately the intentions of the English became evident.
Thus, for example, to mention no others, General Burger occupied
positions in the immediate vicinity of Spion Kop.

While the British were massing at Springfield, the Boers did everything
in their power to strengthen their positions. They threw up splendid
breastworks everywhere on the hill, from the south-west of the
Potgieter's Drift road, up to the north of the other road. They sought
out the best places for cannon, and constructed forts wherever
necessary.

The movements of the English were most narrowly watched. No act of
theirs escaped our notice.--Where in the world can be found better
scouting than among the Boers?--And so it was seen that the English were
placing guns on Swart Kop, a wooded hill on the south bank of the
Tugela, somewhat to the east of Potgieter's Drift.

It was now clear to all that the enemy would attempt to break through
somewhere in the mountains of Spion Kop. We did not have to wait long.
On the 16th it was seen that troops and heavy guns were being brought
through the river at Potgieter's Drift. At the same time large numbers
of troops were proceeding through Trichaard's Drift, and everybody knew
that matters would soon come to a head. And so it proved.

Early on the following morning, 17th January, the cannon--great naval
guns--began to roar from Swart Kop, and the eight days' battle of Spion
Kop had commenced.

Soon now the troops passed by the road from Trichaard's Drift through
Venterspruit and slowly commenced to climb the hills.

A number of their mounted men detached themselves from their left wing
and hurried on in the direction of Acton Homes. It was clear that they
must be stopped, and some of our men were immediately sent to oppose
them. These men came in contact with the English on the following day,
and fell into an ambush.

Believing the English to be still ahead, they found themselves attacked
in front and on their flank. They hastily took up position on a kopje
and defended themselves for a time with unparalleled gallantry. There
were some of them who wanted to hoist the white flag when they found
themselves in a fearful cross fire; but the others declared that they
would shoot the first man who did so. Field-Cornet Mentz--better known
by his _nom de plume_ of Mordecai--fought like a lion. But he received a
mortal wound and sank to the earth to rise no more. After this our men,
overpowered by superior numbers, were forced to yield. Several more had
been killed and others wounded, and the enemy took twenty-four
prisoners.

The English did not advance any farther from that point. They were
prevented from doing so by the presence of numbers of Free Staters and
Transvaalers in the road from Acton Homes to Ladysmith, but no fighting
occurred there. The other forces, those that were advancing from
Venterspruit, stormed the centre of the ranges in great numbers. They
came on in two divisions, occupied some hills opposite our positions,
and placed cannon on them.

Meanwhile the English cannon had crashed and thundered unceasingly since
the preceding morning. The entire range was subjected to a terrible
bombardment, from the Vrede positions, east of the road from Potgieter's
Drift, up to our right wing on the Acton Homes road. Shells of every
sort and size fell fast and thick on our positions. I saw the huge
projectiles of the naval guns striking the earth, and how great clouds
of dust and smoke arose whenever one of these huge shells came in
contact with the earth. The ground was torn and ploughed up when the
lyddite shells burst with a terrific crash, and their yellow smoke gave
the burghers headaches and made the water in their flasks bitter. The
bombardment was fearful. Never for eight days long was there a pause.
Clouds of smoke constantly rose from the earth, where the shells burst,
and one could continually see the hundreds of vanishing cloudlets in the
air where the shrapnels burst over the positions.

Our cannon, although greatly outnumbered, were terribly destructive. The
gunners had the inborn talent of the Boer, alike of accurate aim and of
judging distances, and to this was added the advantage of military
training received at Pretoria or at Bloemfontein. So they did not fire
at random, and their missiles always seemed to burst just where they
were intended to. Our French quick-firing and Krupp guns often
demoralised the advancing troops. Our Maxim-Nordenfeldts were the
especial aversion of the British soldiers. We heard from some who were
taken prisoners at Spion Kop that "Hell clock" was the name they gave
our Pom-pom.

I visited the battlefield just in the middle of the eight days' battle,
on Sunday, January 21, when the bombardment was at its fiercest. I found
that it had often been so intolerable that the burghers were driven out
of the earthworks and compelled to seek shelter behind the hill slopes.
But they had always returned and kept up a continuous fire on the
advancing soldiers. I found, too, that the English had as yet always
been driven back, but that their repeated attacks had not had quite a
satisfactory moral effect on the burghers. The direction of affairs was,
however, in the hands of Commandant General Louis Botha, than whom there
was no man better qualified to encourage the burghers. Just as at
Colenso, so here he rode from position to position, and whenever
burghers--as I have related--were losing heart and on the point of
giving way under the awful bombardment, he would appear as if from
nowhere and contrive to get them back into the positions by "gentle
persuasion," as he expressed it, or by other means.

A case in point happened on 21st January, while I was there. A few of
our forts near the Acton Homes road were evacuated, and the English
would certainly have taken possession of them--and thus been nearer to
the attainment of their object--had not three Transvaalers remained
there, and by firing rapidly, made such a demonstration that the British
thought that the forts were still manned, while two others went to
acquaint General Botha with the state of affairs.

It was then that General Botha once more persuaded the burghers to
return to their positions; and the English did not approach any nearer
there.

On the following day, when riding back to the laager, I was struck by
the way the burghers were pouring in from all directions as
reinforcements. I saw persons of every age going to the positions. There
were amongst them boys and middle-aged men; there were even grey-beards.
And the most remarkable thing about this was that all these men had not
been ordered to the battle. They came of their own accord. I thought of
a text in the Bible which, when separated from its context, was
applicable here, "Thy people shall be willing" (Ps. cx. 3).

Amongst them was a youth of fifteen or sixteen, who was met by
Commandant de Villiers. He was riding a chestnut pony and looked very
shabby. Poor lad!

"Oom," he said to Commandant de Villiers, "I hear they are at it up
here." He used the untranslatable word "spook."

"Yes," answered Commandant de Villiers. "And you? Where are you going
to?"

"I am going to 'spook' too," said the boy, and rode off on his lean
pony.

On the following day Commandant de Villiers met him again; but how
changed he was. Instead of his dilapidated hat, a helmet of one of the
soldiers adorned his head; and he, or rather his poor little chestnut,
groaned under the equipment of two or three soldiers. He had three
Lee-Metford rifles, several water-flasks were slung from his shoulders,
and a number of bayonets hung at his horse's side and rattled whenever
the animal moved. Besides this, he had also several of the small spades
with which the English soldiers are provided; he had got his head
through three or four cartridge belts.

"He had 'spooked' indeed!" thought Commandant de Villiers.

The attack from Venterspruit lasted for four days. It was fearful to
witness what havoc our guns wrought amongst the English--especially the
Maxim-Nordenfeldt.

But the British allowed nothing to baffle them. They were repeatedly
driven back, and one constantly saw them carrying off their dead, and
constantly they reappeared with new reinforcements. They built small
entrenchments of stone and lay firing from behind them, and the shells
exploded and our Mauser bullets rained upon these small fortifications.
But there was no sign of retreat. The number of our dead and wounded had
already reached nearly a hundred. We began to tremble as to how matters
might turn out. How long would it last, we asked when the fourth day had
passed and our burghers continued to suffer terribly under the
bombardment.

How long, we asked ourselves, would our burghers be able to hold out?

At last the shades of the night of the 23rd of January closed in upon
the horrible scene, and many anxiously questioned what the morrow would
bring forth.

The night was dark and rainy, and this did not help to dispel the
depression which prevailed; but the burghers were not discouraged;
neither the four days' attack, nor the six days of shelling, nor the
depression caused by the drizzling rain, could quench the quiet
determination and courage of our men. They entered upon the night firmly
resolved that, when the light of morning dawned, they would once more
begin their schanzes and again face the fire of the guns, and beat back
the ever-returning odds.

On the following day everything looked dark. The mountain was enveloped
in a dense mist, and for a long time the men lay behind their schanzes
waiting for what would happen when the vapours were dispelled.

After some time the weather cleared, and what was the surprise of all to
see that there were English on the summit of Spion Kop! They had climbed
the mountain under cover of the dark night. And there were some who said
that all was over with us now. The battle was lost.

But the burghers who were in the vicinity of the Kop were not of this
opinion. General Burger reported to General Botha how matters stood, and
he himself gave orders to Commandant Prinsloo of the Carolina Commando
to storm the Kop. This was carried out splendidly by Prinsloo and his
Carolina burghers, at the cost of 55 killed and wounded out of the
gallant 88. The burghers of Lydenburg and Heidelberg also took part in
the onslaught. And when General Botha soon afterwards stormed the Kop
from another direction, no one doubted but that the attack would
succeed. In the meanwhile matters had gone hard with the English on
Spion Kop. From the moment that our gunners had discovered them, they
had bombarded them fiercely. The English perceived too, when it was too
late, that they had not been able in the darkness to find the best
shelter, and that they were now insufficiently protected from our
shells. These caused such slaughter amongst them that when our
storming-party reached the top, before ten o'clock, they met with very
little opposition. The English were driven to the other side of the Kop,
and the fight was carried on at very close quarters. Boer and Briton
were often but fifty yards apart.

And now something happened about which we had heard complaints before,
but of which I will now speak for the first and last time: the abuse of
the white flag.

When the English had been some time under the withering fire, they
hoisted the white flag and held up their hands. Our burghers thereupon
ran up to them; but to their intense indignation and abhorrence, when
they approached the English they were suddenly subjected to a hot fire.

This so incensed them that when the white flag was hoisted again shortly
after, they refused to believe that no treachery was intended, and
continued firing for a while even after they saw the white flag flying.
But, convinced at last that a genuine surrender was now meant, they
ceased their fire and took 187 prisoners.

During this fierce fighting on the Kop, reinforcements were continually
being sent up from below to help the British. But these were subjected
to a merciless bombardment, at one point especially, where they were
particularly exposed. They were cut to pieces by the shells of the
quick-firing guns, and mown down by the tiny projectiles of the
Maxim-Nordenfeldt.

At the end of this long day darkness closed in, to the relief of all.
All except a small number left the top of the Kop, and spent the night
against the slopes of the hill with the intention of renewing the bitter
contest at the first signs of daylight.

The burghers rose very early the next morning. They were soon in the
positions of the former day. But why was all so still? Not an Englishman
was to be seen--not even a rifle barrel protruded over the entrenchments
of the enemy. Cautiously our men proceeded to the other side of the Kop.
The mountain was deserted!

Down below, the entire force of the enemy could be seen retiring towards
the Tugela.

The great battle of Spion Kop had been fought. The English had made a
second attempt to relieve the besieged at Ladysmith and had a second
time been beaten back.

We could not accurately estimate their loss, but hundreds of dead lay on
the battlefield.

General Buller obtained leave from General Botha to bury his dead; and
it was heartrending to see how many there were. Many of them were flung
into the long trenches that had served as breastworks, and so great was
the number that the earth did not sufficiently cover them all. Some even
remained unburied. We did not know what the exact number was, but we saw
the dead lying in heaps.

It is unnecessary for me to say here at what number the Boers estimated
the strength of the English. The reader can learn the number for himself
from British sources when he is perusing these pages.

It is sufficient to state here that their numbers far exceeded those of
our men. For we did not have more than 5000 men there at the utmost, and
of these all did not take part in the battle; at the same time our loss
was great.

On the day after the battle General Burger telegraphed: "Our loss is not
exactly known, but must amount to about 120 dead and wounded." The
number afterwards proved to be 55 killed, 170 wounded.

We had now a short period of rest, and I got the opportunity of
visiting the Rev. H. F. Schoon, minister of Ladysmith, in Intombi Camp,
in which the English had placed the non-combatants, the women, and the
sick and wounded. An arrangement had been made with Sir George White to
allow burghers, who had leave from their Commandants, to enter this camp
to see their friends.

Strange, is it not? It was impossible for such a thing to happen in the
later phases of the war. Well, I got leave from Commandant de Villiers
to go, and had the pleasure of visiting my friend and his family, and of
comforting them in their trouble. They looked pale and weak. I learnt
that they got enough to eat, but that the meat was very lean and
bad,--other rations were dealt out to them in small doles. I found Mr.
Schoon and his family were very quiet and resigned. We could not
converse as we should have wished, for a magistrate was present; but I
could hear enough to gather that the besieged were in a piteous plight.

On my way to this camp I visited the dam which the Transvaalers were
constructing across the stream of the Klip River with the intention of
inundating Ladysmith. I saw a great number of Kaffirs there filling
thousands of bags with sand, with which to make the dam, which was
already level with the surface of the water.

On the 12th of February, General Buller commenced his third attempt to
break through. On this occasion he advanced along the Potgieter's Drift
road, and tried to force his way through to the south of that road. It
was marvellous to see how rapidly the burghers got into position
everywhere to oppose the English. The Johannesburg Police suffered very
heavy losses. Their position was subjected to such severe bombardment
that they could not endure it, and were forced to evacuate it, leaving
behind their dead. The English then took possession of it, but were in
turn shelled by our guns, especially by one of the Long Toms; and they
speedily relinquished the advantage they had gained.

Here again General Buller's effort was a failure, and he retired south
of the Tugela with his whole force.

The following week I went to Harrismith to spend a week with my family,
so that I was not on commando when the English broke through at Pieter's
Heights and at last relieved Ladysmith. I can therefore say nothing of
that, to us, ill-fated battle. I can only say in passing, that the great
mistake there seems to have been that General Botha was not in command.
When he arrived on the scene at the commencement of the battle, he
strongly disapproved of no measures having been taken to prevent the
English from taking Klanwane--the wooded ridge to the east of Colenso.
"If the English once get on that hill--we have no chance," he said. And
what he had said proved true.

The English took the kop and placed their naval guns on it, and they
then had the key to Ladysmith. It was then all over with us! From
Klanwane they could direct a terrific bombardment on all the Boer
positions. And the Boers were overpowered by the overwhelming odds of
cannon as well as men.

After besieging Ladysmith for four months, the siege was given up and
our forces retired to the north.

The commandos trekked with all speed through the mud--for the weather
was rainy: the Transvaalers to the Biggarsberg and the Free Staters to
the Drakensberg.

I visited the Harrismith burghers a few days after they had pitched
their camp on the great mountain range. What thoughts passed through my
heart on thinking how different was our position four months ago when
we had descended from those towering mountains into Natal. During the
four that had elapsed we had been very successful, except during the
last month, when we began to have disaster on disaster. Cronje had
surrendered at Paardeberg. Kimberley, Ladysmith, and Mafeking had been
relieved; and just after I arrived in the laager, the report came that
Lord Roberts had occupied Bloemfontein without firing a shot. Was this
the beginning of the end? I asked myself.

Those were dark days! And yet no one was utterly cast down. "Matters
will take a turn," so everyone said; and notwithstanding all that had
happened, we looked forward hopefully.

And how much help, too, did not the men receive from their wives. Those
who obtained leave to go home for a few days, found their wives as
courageous as ever. They found, too, that their womenfolk had performed
the labour of men on the farms, while they had been in Natal. They had
seen that the fields were ploughed by the Kaffirs, and in many cases
they had themselves scattered the seed in the furrows; and now the men
would commence to reap what the women had sown, to reap so plentifully
that man and beast would live for months upon the harvest.

What noble women are the wives of the Boers! They are the very
embodiment of the love of liberty. They have ever been ready to stand by
the sides of their husbands, in the holy cause of freedom. In former
days they moulded bullets for their husbands, while these were repulsing
a fierce onslaught of Kaffirs; and now they had managed the entire
farm-work, while the men were absent, fighting for their country. And in
the future--alas! that such a future should lie before them--they will
have to suffer inexpressible sorrows, because they will choose to be the
true-hearted mothers of a free nation. Because of their steadfastness
they will have to suffer as the women of no civilised nation have ever
suffered at the hands of the soldiers of another civilised nation. They
will refuse to call back their husbands from the heroic strife; and for
that they will have to submit to humiliation and insult; for that they
will be driven from their homes like cattle; for that they will have to
yield their lives in concentration camps; they will have to see their
homes burnt, and the food taken out of the mouths of their children, and
all this because they have held their Liberty dearer than anything. We
knew not then, during those dark days on the Drakensberg, that such a
future lay before our women. But we saw enough of their indomitable
courage, to know that with such heroines for mothers, wives, sisters,
daughters--it was impossible for us to give up the struggle at the first
sign of adversity. That was a source of consolation to us in the
sorrowful days of March 1900.




PART II

_ENDURANCE_

CHAPTER I

TO NAUWPOORT


This second part of my notes, like the first, is not cast in the form of
a journal. The reason is that my diary was lost on the 6th of June 1901
at Graspan, near Reitz, where I was captured by the English and remained
in their hands for seven hours.[2] I escaped with nothing more than the
clothes on my back. When, some days after, I arrived at Fouriesburg I
began to rewrite what I could recollect, and succeeded in this better
than might have been expected. I prepared a calendar of the Sundays, and
this helped me to recall to memory, for every day of the week, almost
everything I had noted down. It became evident, however, that I could
not now write a journal, but a narrative. This, as I knew, would be less
attractive for the future historian, to whom a chronicle, however dry,
is of more importance, but it would be, in regard to form, more pleasing
to the general reader.

[Footnote 2: How I was released will be described later.]

Girding myself to the task, I discovered when I began to write that what
I was recording afresh was perfectly reliable. I succeeded better than I
expected. Entire pages appeared almost word for word. This was no doubt
due to my having written my journal over several times at Zwart Klip, in
the months of January and February 1901.

I shall now proceed to relate what I witnessed during the war subsequent
to the events which had happened when I made my last notes in Natal.

When the burghers of the Free State had to retire from Natal, a large
number of them were ordered to go as reinforcements to our forces who
were endeavouring to prevent Lord Roberts with his immense army from
penetrating farther into our country. The burghers, however, of
Harrismith, Vrede, and Heilbron, under Chief-Commandant Marthinus
Prinsloo, were to remain on the Drakensberg to guard the border. They
lay along those mountains from Oliviershoek on the west as far as De
Beer's Pass to the east. Subsequently the burghers of Heilbron were also
called away; and when General Prinsloo shortly after went away to our
commandos in the neighbourhood of Lindley and Senekal, Commandant
Hattingh of Vrede was elected Chief-Commandant.

I spent nearly the half of my time in visiting these burghers. On
Sundays I held divine service in the church at Harrismith, and on
week-days I was in one or other of the laagers on the Drakensberg.

It was very irksome for our burghers to lie there inactive, without ever
coming into contact with the enemy; for from Natal the English made no
advance.

Our men stood guard day and night, and now and then a patrol went down
the mountain; but further than this nothing was done. The spare time was
employed in building sod-stables for the horses, and making "yoke-skeys"
and handsome walking-sticks from the wood of beautiful trees which were
ruthlessly felled in the large forests which grow on the Natal side of
the Drakensberg mountains. For the rest the younger men amused
themselves with swimming, cricket, football, and quoits, and so summer
glided away into autumn, and autumn into winter.

Sad waste of energy and time, one might say, whilst the other burghers
were engaged in a life-and-death struggle in the middle of the State.
Undoubtedly so! But the order had been given: Guard the frontier! And as
in obeying this command the burghers of Vrede and Harrismith had also
the advantage of protecting their own districts, it was by no means
against their will that they thus lay inactive from month to month along
the border.

But there came a change in this condition of things when, towards the
middle of July 1900, an order was issued by the President that all the
forces on the Drakensberg mountains should proceed to Nauwpoort.[3] The
border guard immediately raised the objection that it was not advisable
to remove all the forces from the frontier, and thus leave the only two
districts in the Free State--Vrede and Harrismith--that had not yet been
devastated, open to invasion from the side of Natal, and unprotected
against Kaffir "raids," and they asked the President if he would not
change his decision in this matter. After some correspondence, the
President agreed that a small body of men should be left as a guard
along the border under Mr. Jan Meyer, who for this purpose was appointed
Acting Chief-Commandant; but at the same time gave very strict orders
that all the other burghers should without delay proceed to Nauwpoort.

[Footnote 3: This was the order. When General de Wet passed through
Slabbert's Nek, the following arrangement was decided on: General de Wet
was to proceed on the 15th to Heilbron, and General Roux the day after
to the south of the State. It was further arranged that General
Marthinus Prinsloo should remain in command of a small body of men
stationed on the Roodebergen from Commando Nek to Nauwpoort in order to
guard the grain districts. General Crowther had on the same day as
General Roux to go to Witkop and stay there until he could join General
Hattingh, under whom he was then to operate in the districts of Vrede
and Harrismith. The unfortunate spirit, however, which, immediately
after the departure of the President, arose among the officers at
Nauwpoort upset all these arrangements.]

In accordance with these orders the burghers who had since the month of
February been stationed on the Drakensberg, left their positions there
on the 16th of July 1900, and two days later, after having made some
necessary arrangements at their farms, encamped for the night near Mont
Paul, about three miles from Elands River. This force consisted of
burghers from Harrismith and Vrede, with one Armstrong and two Krupp
guns under command of Chief-Commandant Hattingh, with Mr. C. J. de
Villiers as General. Early the following morning they crossed Elands
River, and the officers held a council of war on the left bank, during a
short halt of the laager, when it was decided to requisition
slaughter-cattle and horses from the burghers remaining behind, and some
of the men were immediately sent to carry out this resolution. That
night we encamped at Klerkespruit, not far from the dwelling of the late
M. Jacobsz.

On the following day things began to take a more lively turn. The
waggons were inspanned early, and had proceeded to the farm Sebastopol,
where, about five o'clock in the afternoon, a report-rider from a
position of the Bethlehem Commando at Spits Kop came riding into our
laager with the request that reinforcements should immediately be sent
by us to Spits Kop, to oppose an English force that had marched out of
Bethlehem with the apparent intention of going to Harrismith. General de
Villiers was in the vanguard, and immediately sent notice to the
Assistant Chief-Commandant, at the same time requesting him to send the
guns forward. Hurried preparations were now made to proceed without
delay with a body of mounted men, and from time to time other despatch
riders arrived, urgently asking that there should be no delay.

At ten o'clock everything was ready, and the men rode out in the raw
winter night. We progressed slowly, for the cannon remained far behind,
and from time to time we were obliged to wait for them to come up.
Everywhere along the road grass fires could be seen, which had been lit
by the burghers to warm their feet by whilst they were waiting for the
guns to arrive. At last they halted by a hill to the west of Groendraai,
and slept there until the moon rose. We proceeded then to near
Davelsrust, and whilst the burghers were filling their kettles there,
and partaking of an early breakfast, another messenger arrived with the
same request as before. The men ate their breakfast hurriedly, and we
were soon in the saddle again marching forward with various
expectations. When we drew near to the positions of the Bethlehem men,
General de Villiers sent forward the Armstrong under Acting Commandant
Streydom (Vrede) to Field-Cornet Gideon Blignaut, who was at Spits Kop,
whilst he himself with the two Krupp guns went eastwards, against a
force of the English on the left bank of Liebenberg's Vlei, on the hills
opposite Langberg. When we approached the enemy we occasionally heard
the whistle of a bullet, with the peculiar sensation which that sound is
apt to cause. But how suddenly did that pass when the roar of our own
guns fell on our ears. The fire of our Krupps made the English, at whom
they were aimed, scatter; but our gunners had, in their turn, to seek
safety behind a ridge, when the little shells of an English
Maxim-Nordenfeldt (pom-pom) began bursting rather unpleasantly around
them, and driving terror into the artillery horses. They took up a
position at the edge of the ridge, opposite the English, not far from
the house of Mr. Nicholas Kruger, a little to the east of a small body
of Bethlehem men, and from there kept up a desultory rifle fire until
the evening.

The following day was Sunday, the 22nd of July. When we awoke it
appeared that the enemy had disappeared from the ridge, and about ten
o'clock a portion of the burghers were ordered to occupy the deserted
positions.

The men were soon there, and a desultory fire was opened from the edge
of the ridge to the north-west. After a short time the firing became
more severe. The English also brought a Maxim into play, and it seemed
as if the fight was going to be a sharper one than that on the previous
day. Nothing in the world was the matter; everything, on the contrary,
was going satisfactorily, when some officers came riding back from the
position to General de Villiers, who was directing the fight from the
positions which we had occupied the day before, and told him that the
place where the burghers were fighting was untenable. Thereupon the
General ordered that they should retire slowly. The burghers who were
fighting at the edge of the ridge heard this with much astonishment and
disapproval, as they saw no reason for drawing back; but when they
noticed that the men on their left were all riding away from their
position, they were also obliged to give way. At two o'clock we were
back in the positions of the previous day, and the burghers thronged
together at a point of vantage to gaze at the positions which had thus
been forsaken, filled with dissatisfaction at the desertion.

When they were standing there crowded together, the sound of an
approaching shell was heard. It flew just too high, fortunately, over
the heads of the throng of burghers, and burst in the kloof behind them.
Had it been a little lower it would have worked dreadful havoc. The men
dispersed quicker than they had come together, and sought shelter behind
the large boulders; and then shell upon shell kept falling till the
evening, without, however, doing any damage to man or beast. It had
been quite unnecessary to leave those positions, and it struck me as a
bad sign that the burghers were so ready to give way. That evening when
we turned in the weather was beautifully mild, but this was the
harbinger of calamity! Hardly had we lain down to rest before a
drizzling rain set in. At midnight I heard a peculiar sound, as of
something soft falling upon the blankets. It was snow! Soon it lay two
inches thick upon our blankets. After two hours the rain and the snow
ceased, but most of us were wet to the skin; and when on the following
day we dried our clothes by the fire, we could speak from experience of
having had to sleep in the open air in a snowstorm.

After breakfast General de Villiers crossed Liebenberg's Vlei to
reconnoitre the positions of the English from Langberg. On arriving
there he saw that the enemy was drawing off in the direction of Spits
Kop, whereupon he immediately returned. He then ordered the whole of our
force to march in the same direction, to support Assistant Commandant
Streydom and Field-Cornet Blignaut. He had just given this order when a
report arrived from the latter officer, stating that the enemy had
occupied Spits Kop, and asking for reinforcements.

After dark we began marching thither; we proceeded with the utmost
silence. No fire was lit along the road; smoking was forbidden. Before
daylight we were near the position held by Field-Cornet Blignaut, near
the so-called "Schurve Kopje" (rugged hillock). It was then resolved
that we should go to the hill between the homesteads of Hans and David
Naude, where we arrived shortly before sunrise. We had not long been
there before General Hattingh arrived. He ordered Commandant Truter,
with a number of burghers, to return to Liebenberg's Vlei, and to remain
there in order to oppose the enemy should they return thither. In the
afternoon we saw a large force of the English approaching along the road
that leads over Suiherbosch Plaat. This force was under the command of
General Sir H. MacDonald, and had, as we ascertained later on, come from
Retief's Nek. The enemy pitched their camp about three or four miles
from us, and immediately began to throw out scouts in our direction.

On the following day a council of war was held, and it was resolved to
station the burghers as follows:--

The Bethlehem men, under Field-Cornet Blignaut, at Liebenberg's Vlei;
the men of Vrede, under Acting Commandant Streydom, at the "Schurve
Kopje"; one Field-Cornet at the hill, where the Harrismith men were; and
the burghers of Harrismith in the nek of Nauwpoort.

On that same afternoon General de Villiers received a letter from
General Roux requesting him to hold Nauwpoort, as it was the intention
of the commandos who were on the other side to come through this Pass.
The burghers of the various commandos occupied these positions
accordingly, and I went to Nauwpoort with the Harrismith burghers.

Next morning General de Villiers expected an attack, and as it was clear
to him that the Field-Cornet at the hill between the homesteads of Hans
and David Naude would not be strong enough to stop the English, he sent
Field-Cornet Pretorius and Assistant Field-Cornet Jan Jacobsz thither
with a number of men, whilst he posted Commandant Truter on a fine ridge
on the west of the Pass near the house of Abraham Naude. He remained at
Nauwpoort with the intention of going to the hill himself later on.

We had hardly reached the hill when it became evident that the enemy had
some serious intention in mind. They began to move forward, and marched
straight for the hill with two field batteries and one lyddite gun. The
force which had taken Spits Kop began at the same time to advance with
their guns to "Schurve Kopje."

This had just happened when we saw that the men of the Vrede Commando on
the Schurve Kopje were leaving their positions. They certainly had no
chance of holding out against the great odds that were advancing on
them.

It was now clear to us that we should be in danger of being attacked on
our right, if the English who were advancing from Spits Kop should reach
the Schurve Kopje, and the prospect was not very cheering. The enemy now
began to bombard our positions. The infantry were approaching in
extended order. Nearer and nearer they advanced in front as well as on
our left.

Our guns, under Sergeant Oosthuizen, did good work, and gave the troops
who were advancing on the left a warm reception. Louder and louder
roared the English guns, and their shells burst everywhere on and beyond
the kop.

General de Villiers rode over to us at one o'clock--just as the fight
was at the fiercest. Matters then stood thus: some of the English had
already approached so near to our left wing that we were exposed to a
cross fire, and others in front were already below the rocky ledges,
under cover of which they could get to our rear; moreover, we were in
danger of being at any moment bombarded by the guns on the Schurve
Kopje, which the enemy had already taken.

For another hour the burghers held their position, and a sharp rifle
fire was maintained against the troops on our left flank, especially by
Field-Cornet Jan Jacobsz. But when at last it became evident that we
should be surrounded if we remained there any longer, the order was
given at two o'clock to leave the position. We retired to the west of
Mr. Hans Naude's house, and halted on the banks of a donga not far from
the foot of the Roodebergen.

If we had had no cannon with us, we could immediately have crossed the
dongas near the mountains and have gone to the Pass. But there were the
guns. They could travel along the waggon road only; and this was now
impossible because of the proximity of the enemy. Our plan, therefore,
was to remain where we were until it became dark, and then, under cover
of the night, to trek to Nauwpoort.

But we had not calculated the probability that the enemy would
immediately follow up the advantage they had gained. That is just what
they did.

We had not been off-saddled at the donga three-quarters of an hour
before our pickets came in to say that the English were following us up.
At all costs now we had to push on to the Pass.

Most of the burghers sprang on their horses and rode away without
troubling themselves about the guns. They had to be stopped; and General
de Villiers asked me to ride forward and try to stop them, whilst he
would drag forward the guns as best he could. I succeeded in inducing
the men to halt at another ravine, and when the guns arrived there, many
of them helped the gunners to get the ordnance across. It was an ugly
defile through which vehicles never passed, and we were obliged first to
drag across the fore portion of the gun-carriage, and then to fetch the
hinder part. This caused great delay, and meanwhile the enemy fired at
us with Maxims, though luckily their shots fell short. The one cannon
was already across, and the second one nearly saved, when the shrill
shriek of the English shrapnel was heard.

And now there was no longer any chance to stop the men. Each went his
own way. To add to our troubles, the carriage of the second gun upset
and had to be left behind. The gunners removed the breach and rode
away.

It was now a case of _Sauve qui peut_. Some took shelter behind the
large rocks, others climbed the mountain, whilst others hurried on to
the Pass; but all became conspicuous targets before the Roodebergen and
the setting sun shining upon them.

I rode towards Nauwpoort, and saw how shell upon shell was fired after
our cannon and the swiftly retreating burghers.

Once during the retreat Sergeant Oosthuizen halted, directed his gun,
and fired three rounds of shrapnel at the enemy, hitched his horses to
again and drove on.

To add to our uneasiness, we saw on approaching the Pass, that the
English were advancing on our flank, with the object of cutting us off
from the nek; but they were hotly bombarded there by the burghers of
Commandant Truter from the ridge on which he was posted, and by a Maxim
of Commandant Hasebroek, who had in the meanwhile entered the Pass. This
prevented them from attaining their object of heading us off.

When the sun set the majority of those who had retreated in the
direction of that Pass had reached Nauwpoort; likewise our rescued gun;
and from there it opened fire heavily upon the English. Then the enemy
fired some lyddite shells at long range upon us in the Pass. I have
never heard anything more awe-inspiring than when those great shells
exploded there. Awakening the thousand echoes of the precipitous rocks
on both sides of the Pass, they resounded through the narrow defiles of
the mountains like mighty thunder-claps. The shades of night fell now,
and all was still. Then the gunners, reinforced by a number of burghers,
went and fetched the abandoned gun.

And what had we to record as to our loss on the following day after
this terrible bombardment? There had been no loss at all--this was the
most marvellous of all that had happened--no loss! This is the strangest
of all--no loss of man or beast! Nobody had even been wounded!
All--officers and men, were mustered without loss before midday.




CHAPTER II

ON THE BANKS OF THE LITTLE CALEDON


The officers agreed among themselves that General Hasebroek should
remain at Nauwpoort to defend the nek, whilst the men of Harrismith were
ordered to go to the footpath near the house of Mr. Willem Bester, in
order thus to afford the commandos a chance of coming out from behind
the mountains somewhere near Oldenburg or Witzieshoek. We therefore
advanced on Friday to the south of the Roodebergen, up along the Little
Caledon. How lavishly does Nature reveal her magnificence here.
Awe-inspiring mountains rise into the air with every variety of jagged
rock, crowning the heights now tinted red by the winter grass. The
sharpest contrast of light and shadow strike the eye from the barren
masses of sandstone, and the deep, dark ravines. One feels
overpowered--everything is so colossal! It is in such a place and in
sight of such mountain views that one must feel oneself a stranger and
sojourner upon this earth of ours. Ay, a stranger, for one cannot claim
as one's possession what Nature so liberally offers.

We rode on with this grandeur all around, and arrived at the farm of
Willem Bester shortly after noon. There we off-saddled at a large
wheatstack, whilst a number of men were sent as a patrol to the top of
the mountain where the footpath crosses. I was lying on the straw with
the others, when General Roux arrived there. From him I learnt much
that surprised me, and which by no means served to cheer me. He told me
that, after the President and General De Wet had shortly before passed
through Slabbert's Nek, the English had broken through there. This had
happened in the previous week. And now the enemy had also taken
Fouriesburg. There were still burghers in position on this side of that
town, but the majority had no intention of fighting any longer.
Everything was demoralised. Moreover, nobody knew who was in command: he
or General Marthinus Prinsloo. The consequence was that there was no
cohesion. Every Commandant acted as he thought fit. Then there were very
many who were fleeing with their cattle and waggons, and it seemed as if
all those people cared about was how to save their cattle or waggons, or
even some little cart. He saw plainly, that as long as there existed
such an immense waggon-laager as that which now accompanied the
commandos, and as long also as they were encumbered with women and
children, nothing could be accomplished. Under these circumstances he
considered that, first of all, somebody should be elected who would be
acknowledged as Commander-in-Chief. He thought an armistice of six days
should be asked of the English in order to enable us to consult our
Government. He had convoked a meeting of a Council of War for this
purpose, and the officers were to assemble that same night.

We moved up somewhat nearer to the footpath and spent the night at the
foot of precipitous mountains in a beautiful kloof. Here we learned that
our waggon-laager, for the safety of which we had been uneasy, was still
at large and was encamped at Groendraai. That night the officers held a
lengthy meeting, and General Marthinus Prinsloo was elected
Chief-Commandant. His election was, however, not final, on account of
the absence of some of the officers who had still to vote. It was
further resolved, _mirabile dictu_, by 17 votes against 13, to surrender
to the English forces! But the Council of War was undoubtedly startled
by this resolution, and immediately brought it under revision, resolving
anew that they would ask the enemy for an armistice of six days for the
purpose of being enabled to consult with the Government. They further
resolved that if this were not to be acceded to by the enemy, a
commission of officers should reconnoitre the positions, and if these
were found to be untenable, they would then continue fighting in the
direction of Witzieshoek with the object of breaking through and passing
out of the mountains there. The following day we proceeded. I met the
Revs. J. J. T. Marquard, M. Heyns, and P. A. Roux, not far from the
house of Mr. W. Bester. They were in no very hopeful mood--a fact which
did not tend to cheer me, as the Rev. J. J. T. Marquard, especially, had
never been otherwise than buoyant.

I could not remain with them long, because I had to proceed with my
commando. What beautiful views of kloof, valley, and mountain presented
themselves everywhere! Sometimes an immense rock would rise
perpendicularly a thousand feet into the air, from the road along which
we were marching. Then we would cross a hill and could look down upon
the Little Caledon far below, winding its way through a ravine. How this
little stream seemed to soothe and comfort, and soften the weirdness of
the grandeur. Now it lay still and calm, caressed by lily and bulrush,
where it was for a moment held captive by a ledge of rocks stretching
from bank to bank; then again it dashed on as if impatient at being
impeded in its course by the great boulders which had fallen into its
bed from above. But it was not the rivulet,--it was the mountains that
held you spellbound and constrained you to think of nothing else.

How sharp was the contrast between the majestic calm of the eternal
mountains and the unrest of the men that swarmed below! Everyone kept
pressing on. Forward, ever forward! Whither? No one knew whither; but
everybody felt himself enclosed within the mountains, as if in the
horrid embrace of a nightmare and his only wish was to escape. To
escape! no matter whither! and then? This I asked myself, when we had
got beyond these mountains, should we then bravely march against the
enemy on the plains? Alas! I saw but few indications of it. Yet could I
blame this confused multitude? No, they were as sheep without a
shepherd. It was then, if ever, that a _man_--ONE MAN was wanted!
Unconsciously the multitude cried for a Leader, and--the Leader did not
come!

Long trains of waggons and carts, large herds of cattle and flocks of
sheep were driven on with feverish haste. Everywhere one could mark the
signs of uneasiness and fear upon the faces of those who were fleeing
there. They anxiously inquired of such persons as came from the
direction of Fouriesburg or Nauwpoort, where the English were, and
whether they might soon be expected.

What grieved me beyond measure was the sight of so many women and
children amongst those who were thus endeavouring to escape. Here one
might see mothers with babies in their arms, and little ones clinging to
their skirts, jumping over the stepping-stones of a river-ford or wading
through the water whilst the waggons were struggling across. Yonder
again there were others baking bread in ant-hills. Here again you saw
girls in scanty clothing, gathering fuel or drawing water, while there
was a short halt for the purpose of preparing a meal, and letting the
weary oxen rest and graze. Poor women, poor children! Why should they be
there?

We rode on, and about noon passed the beautiful farm "Golden Gate"
belonging to Mr. Jan van Reenen. He treated the burghers with great
kindness, and gave each one a bundle of forage for his horse.

In the afternoon we proceeded on our journey, and when the sun set we
stood upon the mountains that look down upon Oldenburg.

Many a time, when visiting as clergyman of the district the members of
my congregation there, I had gazed enrapt on the beautiful view of this
fruitful plain surrounded by a circle of lordly mountains; and now
again, in spite of melancholy thoughts, the charm of the scene entranced
me as I looked a thousand feet down. There many carts and waggons had
arrived already, and preparations were being made to pass the night on
the spot.

We descended by a steep footpath, and learnt that our waggon-laager had
not, as we had feared, fallen into the hands of the enemy. It was at
that moment still in safety, at the farm of Mrs. van der Merwe. We
off-saddled, and soon the mantle of night hid not only the grand views
of mountain and kloof, but also the sad spectacle of panic and
confusion.




CHAPTER III

THE UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER OF GENERAL PRINSLOO


Sunday, the 29th July 1900, must stand on record as the saddest day in
the history of our struggle. It was on that day that General Marthinus
Prinsloo unconditionally surrendered the whole of the forces under him
to General Hunter, notwithstanding the fact that at that moment he was
not Chief-Commandant according to law. But let me relate in due order
what I experienced.

After having held a short service for the men of Harrismith early in the
morning of that Sunday, General de Villiers and Piet Mare, member of the
Volksraad, addressed them, and General Froneman, who happened to be
present, also said a few words. We then passed through the nek to the
north of the dwelling of Mr. Salamon Raath, for the purpose of taking up
positions against the forces of the enemy under General MacDonald, with
whom we had been engaged on the other side of the Roodebergen on the
previous Thursday. Those forces had meanwhile moved round by
"Davelsrust," with the object of preventing the commandos from escaping
at Oldenburg or Witzieshoek.

General de Villiers rode to the house of Mr. Jan Raath to be present at
a meeting of officers who had still to vote for the election of a
Chief-Commandant. After they had voted, it appeared (so we learnt in
the evening) that General Roux had finally been elected
Chief-Commandant!

When General de Villiers, with his Field-Cornet, left for the meeting,
he ordered his men to occupy a high hill near the residence of Mr. Jan
Raath, and left one of the burghers in command during his absence. His
burghers thereupon rode along a ditch on the way to the position, but
before reaching it they turned off to the right and eventually halted
near the house of Assistant Field-Cornet Jan Jacobsz. Here they
slaughtered two oxen and ate and drank, preferring to avoid the enemy to
fighting him! I saw how things would go. From the ridge behind us I had
seen Platberg in the distance, at the foot of which Harrismith lies, and
pointing in the direction of their homes I remarked to someone: "Next
Sunday all these burghers will be on their farms."

A peremptory command was sent to the burghers to occupy their positions,
but they got no farther than a gully; for the enemy was already in
possession of the hill which we should have occupied in the morning, and
all we could do now was to fire shrapnel at them. At night there was
nothing left for us but to retire to the nek. We little knew then what
General Prinsloo had been doing that day.

The following day I was up early, and accompanied Mr. Frans Papenfus to
the house of A. Cilliers. There I drank a cup of coffee, and then rode
on to Mr. Salamon Raath's. On the way thither a Harrismith burgher asked
me if it was true that General Prinsloo had surrendered the whole of our
force to the English. This was the first word I heard about the matter.
I could, however, not believe that Prinsloo would do such a thing, and
laughingly replied that the report was certainly incorrect. But very
soon it became evident that what the burgher had heard was only too
true. General Marthinus Prinsloo had indeed surrendered unconditionally
to the enemy. A copy of a letter from General Hunter was handed round,
in which he gave the assurance, subject to ratification by Lord Roberts,
that no private property or personal belongings of the burghers should
be touched, and that each burgher would be provided with a horse to the
place where he had to give up his arms.

The greatest excitement prevailed. Many abused Prinsloo, and declared
that he ought to be shot. This surprised me, not only because I knew
what the resolution of the Council of War on the Friday night had been
with regard to the surrender, but also because I had been an eye-witness
of the state of despondency of the burghers and of their unwillingness
to fight. If Prinsloo should be shot, surely other officers deserved the
same fate, and many of the burghers as well. So I thought on that sad
Monday morning. Later on, however, it became plain to me that, after
all, General Prinsloo had to bear the blame. If there had been a victory
he would have claimed the honour. Now, the disgrace of the surrender
must for ever be associated with his name. Was he not Chief-Commandant,
or at least did he not act as such? And is it not the duty of a Chief to
instil courage, where such courage is on the wane, and to lead on where
no one else would advance of his own accord? The Chief, indeed, should
be the best, the most courageous, and the bravest burgher, else anyone
might take upon himself the command of an army. Ah! if ever a leader was
wanted, the perplexed multitude, shut up as they were within the
mountains behind Nauwpoort, had need of one.

Most of the burghers thought they were bound by the resolution of
General Prinsloo to submit and to lay down their arms. I thought so too.
Why did we have a Commander if, under certain circumstances, we had to
decide for ourselves without recognising him? Unfortunate are the people
that in such a case have to decide for themselves. It was my impression
that all was lost, at least as far as we who were behind Nauwpoort were
concerned. There were, however, others who instinctively judged
otherwise about the matter. The shame of surrender while there was a
chance of escape by a route running past the dwelling of Salamon Raath
seemed to be too great to them, and they declared that they would not
lay down their arms.

On the other hand, there were others who, while they did not mind the
loss of their independence so much, could simply not bear the thought of
being captured, and I heard many say: "I shall not allow myself to be
caught by an Englishman." There were also others who were already out of
the defiles, and they could not think of returning. And so it happened
that a number of burghers under Generals Kolbe and Froneman, and
Commandants Olivier, Hasebroek, Visser, van Tonder, Truter, and others,
with six guns and some Maxims, immediately moved away in the direction
of Harrismith.

In the meanwhile it was said that some persons had been seen with a
white flag on the nek to the north of Mr. Salamon Raath's house. General
de Villiers went thither, but on the way he was told that they had
disappeared.

On his return to his waggons he heard that these persons had been seen
at another place.

Two burghers whom he sent to bring them to the laager failed to find
them. Instead of returning at once, these two burghers, quite on their
own responsibility and without orders, went straight to the English
force under General MacDonald, who was then near the house of Jan Raath.
The English General received them with the distrust of one who finds men
from the army of the enemy coming into his camp without credentials;
but eventually believing their statement, that they had missed meeting
his messengers with the white flag, he sent them back with a letter to
General de Villiers informing him that General Prinsloo had surrendered
together with the whole of the Boer force. He asked General de Villiers
to abide by what General Prinsloo had done, and warned him that any
movement on his part would be regarded as an "act of war."

While this was taking place, another messenger had been sent in the
opposite direction to General Hunter, to obtain further information
regarding the surrender. This messenger was met by Commandant Visser,
who immediately sent him back with the assurance that General Prinsloo,
not being Chief-Commandant, had in this whole matter acted without
authority, that the surrender was illegal, and that no one was to
consider himself bound by it. General Fourie, who had not yet reached
the farm of Salamon Raath, also sent a despatch to the officers
requesting that their men should take up positions.

When the men of Harrismith who had not gone out with Commandant Truter
heard this, their joy was boundless, for they had been in great doubt as
to what they should do; especially after General de Villiers had said
during the course of the day that he, being included under the surrender
of General Prinsloo, was not an officer any longer, and therefore left
it to each burgher to act as he might think fit. Now, however, he again
took the command, and ordered the burghers to go into the positions.

With shouts of joy, and singing the "Volkslied," they rode out to occupy
the nek. But they got no farther than the house of Salamon Raath, for it
appeared that no one else wanted to fight any more. Meanwhile a meeting
was held by the officers present, and at that meeting there were
Field-Cornets who said that neither they nor their men would fight any
longer, declaring at the same time that the leaders, if they continued
the struggle, would be guilty of needless bloodshed.

And so the positions remained unoccupied.

This made everybody there hopeless again, and now it appeared that there
was nothing left but to remain there and surrender. General de Villiers
called his burghers together, and thanked them for the services they had
rendered to the State and for the attachment and kindness shown to his
person. I also spoke a few words and declared amongst other things, that
I could not believe that it was all over with our South African Cause,
but if it were so, then it would be owing to our unwillingness. God
would have wished to establish for us our independence, but we should
have refused to earn it.

In the course of the day General Roux had ridden in the greatest haste
to General Hunter to protest against the surrender of Prinsloo, on the
ground of its being illegal: first, because he, and not Prinsloo, was
the commanding officer; and secondly, because Prinsloo had in any case
not acted in accordance with the resolution taken by the Council of War
on Friday night. General Roux, as might have been expected, did not
return.

The only two Generals who were beyond the circle of mountains which
surround Oldenberg, and who could have proceeded onward, were Generals
P. Fourie and C. T. de Villiers. They agreed to remain where they were
for that night, not far from the house of Mr. Salamon Raath, in order to
ascertain on the following day what General Roux had been able to do;
but before dawn of the following day, General de Villiers heard that
General Fourie had gone away without saying a word about it[4] Great
was the indignation of General de Villiers. He immediately ordered his
men to inspan and saddle their horses. We hurried away, and I arrived at
Harrismith in the evening, after two of the saddest weeks of my life.
How dejected I felt. How sad was my wife. How dark the future seemed to
be.

[Footnote 4: A week later, when the two men met each other again,
General Fourie declared that he had sent someone to tell General de
Villiers that he was going forward, and that therefore the fault did not
lie with him. Speaking to General Fourie, subsequently, I learned that
the messenger was sent early in the evening; and I remember that the man
did come to us. But the message he brought was a request that General de
Villiers should act in accordance with the agreement. This person
remained behind, and it may be that he purposely delivered a wrong
message in order to induce General de Villiers and his burghers to
remain there, and thus swell the numbers of those remaining behind.]




CHAPTER IV

TO PRESIDENT STEYN AND GENERAL DE WET


I had felt very much discouraged on the farm of Mr. Salamon Raath. There
I had thought that all was lost--at any rate as far as the commandos
behind Nauwpoort were concerned. There is no doubt that the burghers
noticed it in my behaviour, and inferred it from my language.

There was indeed much to cause this melancholy state of mind: the
disposition of the burghers to retreat, the discouraging words of some
officers, the expressive silence of others; and when we heard at last
that matters had reached a climax in the unconditional surrender of
General Prinsloo, the _coup de grace_, so to speak, was given to my
hopes.

I of course attached no importance to the braggadocio of those who
loudly declared that Prinsloo ought to be shot, while they themselves
were the most unwilling to go into positions, or deserted those
positions on the bursting of the first shells there. They could not
rectify matters by boasting, nor did it give me any assurance of a
brighter future. But on the morning after I awoke at Harrismith I felt
more sanguine; and it grieved me that I, who had always spoken words of
encouragement, should have shown signs of despondency; and I felt now
that I ought to stand by those who wanted to continue the struggle, and
remain with them till the end, come what may. I recalled also what I
had written to the President not long before, namely, that it was my
intention to attach myself to those who would rally round him at the
last, if it became necessary. Now, as Olivier, Hasebroek, and others had
decided to go to the President and General de Wet in order to be
reorganised, I decided to go too. If the struggle had to be given up,
let our Government give it up.

In order to carry out this resolution, I rode away from Harrismith early
next morning, in order to proceed to Zwart Klip, the farm of General de
Villiers, and with him to accompany the commandos that had escaped, in
their search for the President and General de Wet. That morning I
reached the farm of Mr. Matheus Mare. As, however, the English did not
on that day arrive at Harrismith, I returned in the evening to spend
another night with my family. But this could not be, for I found there
were straggling bands from the commandos in town who were taking horses
out of the stables, whether they belonged to friend or enemy; and I saw
that if I wanted to make sure of a horse to ride, it would be better not
to trust to the chance of finding my horses in the stable at daybreak.
Therefore, when de Villiers and some others resolved to leave Harrismith
immediately, I determined to do the same and accompany them. So at
midnight between the 1st and 2nd of August 1900, I parted from my wife
and children, and proceeded to the farm of Mr. Stephanus Schoeman. On
the following day I obtained from Mr. Schoeman the loan of a strong pony
(on the previous day I had got an excellent horse from Mr. Adriaan
Dolebout); and we rode away.

On the way to Zwart Klip we passed the commandos, and heard that English
officers had followed the burghers with a white flag, and advised them
to surrender. These messengers were sent back with the answer that the
burghers had no intention whatever of doing any such thing. On the way I
met two of our principal men, who had hitherto been amongst the warmest
supporters of our cause, but whose names I shall not here record. They
were in no very hopeful mood, and it seemed to me that very little was
needed to induce them to go and lay down their arms.

This did not tend to cheer me; but I was encouraged somewhat when later
in the day I spoke to Jan Jacobsz, Louw Wepener, and others, and noticed
how firmly resolved they were to continue the struggle.

On the following day a meeting of Harrismith burghers was held at Molen
River bridge. At that meeting it was resolved to send the English
Generals a letter informing them that it was our opinion that, for the
reasons already stated, we regarded the action of General Marthinus
Prinsloo in surrendering himself with the whole of the force as illegal;
also that it was our firm resolve to continue the struggle. Further,
General de Villiers was enjoined to commandeer the Harrismith burghers
anew. This he did that same afternoon, and sent one "commandeer list"
with Mr. Jacob van Reenen to Field-Cornet Gert Pretorius, and another
with Piet Grabe to Assistant Field-Cornet Johannas Loots. In the evening
we heard that the enemy were at Glen Lennie on their way to Harrismith,
and that a patrol had already reached the town commonage. We then knew
that before the sun would set once more our town would be in possession
of the English. There remained, therefore, nothing for us to do but to
make the last preparations for taking our departure. Everything was made
ready that same evening, and early next morning we proceeded to join the
other commandos.

Here it must be noted that there were many in the district of
Harrismith who regarded these commandos with the greatest contempt, and
who indulged in very strong language regarding them. These commandos
were--so they said--very uncontrolled, taking everywhere what they
wanted from shops and farms.

It was further alleged that they thought of nothing but running away;
and it was argued that this was proved not only by the fact that they
had retreated from Nauwpoort, but also by their contriving to avoid the
enemy even after they had escaped from the mountains.

This was the excuse which many of the burghers of Harrismith gave for
surrendering a few days later. They were, they declared, unwilling to
accompany and act with a band of robbers; and thought it better to lay
down their arms immediately than to carry, and not fight with them.

The answer to this is not far to seek. That the commandos were
demoralised was evident; no one with his eyes open could doubt this. But
now they went to their President and Commander-in-Chief! Why? Was it not
for the sole and only purpose of getting breathing-time?--to get
reorganised? And was it not therefore the duty of everyone to join those
who were going to the Government for that purpose? Surely no burgher had
the right to turn his back upon his Government, whilst it was still in
existence, and whilst the road by which to reach it remained open.--By
not doing this they made themselves guilty of desertion.

This weighed heavily with me, and although I saw much in the burghers
that I most strongly disapproved of, and although I had myself not yet
wholly regained my former hopefulness, I could not regard the matter
from any other point of view than that, so long as the President had not
surrendered, I could not do so either, and that it was my duty to stay
with those who did not intend doing so. And thus it occurred that I
began a journey, which was to last twenty-one months, on Saturday, the
4th of August 1900.

I was one of a small company of which General de Villiers was the chief
person. He did not at that juncture enjoy a very high reputation,
because there was no lack of persons who declared that he had not acted
in good faith at Nauwpoort, and that he had been in league with the
enemy. I was convinced of the contrary, and remained in his company. I
had enjoyed his hospitality when all went well with him, and now I would
not desert him when his sky had become clouded.

We reached the commandos at Gwarri Kop, near Cornelius River, and we
learnt there that messengers from the British had again come to insist
upon our surrender.

How much trouble did the Generals to whom Prinsloo had surrendered not
take to induce us to desert! What noble work it was for warriors to do!
If the English had succeeded in this the war would have been brought to
an end, without their having the trouble of fighting any more. But what
would Lord Roberts have thought of it if our positions could have been
reversed, and if we had sent messenger upon messenger to his discouraged
and weary subordinates and soldiers to persuade them to be unfaithful to
their country and their flag? Our leaders were steadfast, and sent the
English officers back with the message, that not only had we no
intention of surrendering, but that we also did not wish to receive any
more messengers with similar proposals.

The following day, being Sunday, I held a service in the house of Mr.
David de Villiers, at Holspruit, and then rode to the commando to see if
I could be of any use there. But that faithful Free Stater, the student
MacDonald, was just busy holding service. I was greatly edified and
comforted by his interpretation of the words, "I will lift mine eyes to
the hills from whence cometh my help!"

During the week we heard from our President. His letter was in answer to
a report, despatched immediately after the Nauwpoort affair, informing
him of the state of affairs. He expressed himself deeply grieved at the
surrender, and appointed General P. Fourie as Acting Chief-Commandant.
He also mentioned that many burghers had taken up arms again, and urged
us to come to him as speedily as possible. A few days after this, Judge
Hertzog came to us. He said that he had been sent to lead us to the
President and the Chief-Commandant, and brought us the latest news from
the Transvaal.

We now travelled a long distance every night, halting during the day.
Our way of "trekking" was to begin at nightfall and to continue till
about midnight or two o'clock in the morning, and then to tie the oxen
to the yokes and hobble the horses. This "trekking" was not pleasant;
for the weather continued bitterly cold, and to remain in the saddle
almost the whole night with icy cold feet was certainly not enjoyable.
But it had to be done, and no one grumbled.

Our laager was by no means perfect, as may well be imagined. We
consisted of small numbers from almost every district of the Orange Free
State, and were not used to each other. Moreover, there were too many
officers. There were generals without commandants, and commandants with
hardly any men. Under these circumstances one can well understand that
there existed but little cohesion amongst us, and that the burghers
committed excesses of which they would not have been guilty had the
laager consisted solely of burghers from one district. It thus happened
that some wasted their ammunition by firing it away at game, and
through carelessness the veld was set on fire almost daily. This
continued until by stringent measures and heavy fines the delinquents
were deterred. One instance of a sad veld fire occurred on the 11th of
August. It began at a spot where a camp-fire had been lit, and might
have resulted in the destruction of a large portion of the laager. It
was quite calm when we rose that morning, but soon the wind began to
blow. The storm raged more and more fiercely, and somebody said that if
no order were given to put out all fires in the laager there was danger
for the veld. This had hardly been said when someone shouted, "The veld
is on fire!" Everything was now in commotion to leeward of the wind.
Tents were pulled down, and the burghers hurriedly removed their
saddles, bedding, and whatever they could, across the road to a place of
safety. Some dragged the waggons by hand out of danger, and others ran
about with sacks to extinguish the fire; but all did not assist in the
attempt to extinguish the flames--only those who were in danger--the
others looked on at the fire with colossal indifference, and went on
roasting their meat or doing whatever they were busy with, as if there
was no danger at the other end of the laager. But how great was the
danger there! Each burgher redoubled his energies and did his utmost.
All, however, would have been in vain, and a portion of the laager would
inevitably have been destroyed if there had not fortunately been a
narrow road between us and the fire. Besides, by a lucky chance there
was the hide of an ox which had been slaughtered that morning. This was
dragged across the fire, and wherever it was drawn it extinguished the
flames; and in this way the laager was saved from destruction. But it
was just as impossible to stop the conflagration as it is to stem the
strong current of a river in flood. The flames sped onward, and soon
all the veld to the east was black. Subsequently we heard of great
damage done by this fire, and that lives had even been lost. What
mischief had we not done by our unpardonable carelessness,--and we had
always taken it so much amiss when the British troops had set fire to
the veld!

The wind continued blowing all day, but died away in the evening. We
then inspanned according to custom, and "trekked" onward to the banks of
the spruit named Klip River, six miles east of Heilbron.

We now hoped to reach the laager of General de Wet shortly, as it had
been in the vicinity of this town when Judge Hertzog had left it.

The following day, being Sunday, Mr. MacDonald and I held religious
services in different parts of the laager.

We learnt in the course of the day that a considerable force of British
was barring our way. This forced us to draw back some distance. We
proceeded far into the night, and on Monday morning we were just as far
south of Heilbron as we had been east the day before. It then began to
seem doubtful if we should meet the President and General de Wet as
speedily as we had hoped, not only because the English were in our
front, but also because our scouts told us that we might expect a
British force in our rear, coming with the road from Bethlehem towards
Heilbron. Messages were, however, sent to General de Wet, and from him
also tidings were received from time to time.

On the following day, Tuesday, 14th of August, it appeared that we
should come in contact with the enemy. The force which was marching
along the road from Bethlehem to Heilbron was coming nearer and nearer,
and we came in collision with it not far from Vecht Kop of "voortrekker"
fame, where Sarel Celliers had frustrated the Matabeles in 1837 in their
attempt to take his laager.

The British trekked along between the ridges, where our men had taken up
positions, and this kop. At twelve o'clock our guns opened fire on the
enemy, which was fiercely responded to by the English cannon. Our
burghers held the positions they occupied till late in the afternoon;
but when the enemy's infantry advanced in strong force from the front,
and the burghers, who held a position on a pointed hillock to the right,
gave way, the men who fought in the centre were forced to retire. They
did this under a hail of bullets, and it is a miracle that many were not
killed. Only one was wounded there; but altogether we lost three dead
and seven wounded on that day.

We were not elated over this result, but according to what we heard a
month later, the loss of the English was greater than ours. It appeared
that the enemy's purpose was to reach Heilbron, for we were not pursued,
and after dark we proceeded in a south-westerly direction.

It now speedily became evident that we should not reach the President
for some time. Word had come that he and General de Wet had taken refuge
in the Transvaal, and that they were being pursued by an enormous force.

Our officers decided to act according to circumstances: to oppose the
enemy wherever it was practicable, or to retire whenever we were forced
to do so; but in all cases steadfastly to remain under arms. We had done
our utmost to reach our President and Chief-Commandant, and had failed.
But the short time of respite which had elapsed since the affair at
Nauwpoort had exerted a beneficial influence on all, for we were now
more and more convinced that, whether we reached the Chief of our State
or not, surrender was not to be thought of as long as our Government
existed.




CHAPTER V

WANDERING


Our trek to Heilbron had borne good fruit, not only in that it had freed
us from the baneful influence which the surrender at Nauwpoort had
caused, but we had also learned to know each other better. The
heterogeneous elements of the laager became more and more homogeneous.
It seemed quite natural that there should be one man in command. At his
bidding we trekked, and at his command we halted. By degrees we became
used to discipline, a clear proof of which was the fact that no one
fired unnecessary shots, or set the veld on fire.

From Vecht Kop we trekked in a south-westerly direction. We pursued this
course the whole week till we got near Ventersburg, keeping about
eighteen miles away from the railway line. How endless these night
marches in the depth of winter seemed. The waggons that brought up the
rear seldom reached the camping-place before two or three o'clock in the
morning. The least delay in front affected each vehicle in the rear.
When a ford was reached a halt was called to see how things looked
there, and then the whole trek behind was kept waiting, and in this
manner from two to five minutes were always lost. The next waggon then
reached the ford, and the same thing was done over again. Again the
waggons behind had to wait, with a similar loss of time. When a waggon
got stuck the delay was even longer. Then, in addition, a fearful
commotion arose. There was dreadful shouting and yelling before the
Kaffirs could convince the oxen that they had to get the waggon out by
hook or by crook.

This slow progress was inexpressibly tedious, and we resorted to all
sorts of contrivances to beguile the time. I sometimes would ride on
ahead, and then with my horse's bridle over my arm would sit or lie down
on the grass till the last waggon had passed, when I would again ride on
and wait; or else I would walk leading my horse, in order to warm my
feet. In this manner the time passed till, to my delight, I saw lights
in the distance, which proved to me that a portion of the laager had
already reached the halting-place. When at last I arrived there, a piece
of meat was half-broiled on the coals and heartily relished. How it
looked, and how much of the ashes adhered to it, could not be seen in
the dark; but this made no difference, for the long trek in the cold
winter night had sharpened our appetites.

During this week we crossed Rhenoster River, and one morning at two
o'clock we arrived at Doornkloof. Later in the day I had the pleasure of
visiting the farm of that stalwart "voortrekker," Sarel Cellier. Thirty
years before I had as a boy met him there alive and well. It was a
pleasure to me now to be able to pass a short time there with his widow.
But it struck me painfully how troublesome the burghers were to the
women on the farms. The house was constantly so full that there was no
place for everyone to sit down. They were continually going and coming,
and asking for this and that. "Has Tante (Aunt) any dried fruit for
sale?" "Do bake for me; I will give you the flour." "Auntie can make
bread or vetkoek (dampers) of it, just as you think fit." "Can't Auntie
have my clothes washed?" When I heard this I said, "My dear man, do as I
do--wash your own clothes." And yet how could I blame others for being
troublesome when I had on one occasion got a loaf of bread from that
house myself? I feel, however, that I need not plead guilty, for I very
seldom went into the houses. Sometimes, as on this occasion, I went to
see acquaintances. At other times the occupants of the house had heard
that I was in the laager and invited me into the house. But as a rule I
did not go to farms.

When we were at Doornkloof the question persistently presented itself to
me: Where in the world _are_ we going to? for we did nothing but wander
from one place to another; so at least it seemed to me. I made a note in
my diary to the following effect: "Not with levity nor irreverently do I
call to mind the first words of the hymn--Whither, pilgrims, whither go
ye?" We turn to the north and then to the south and--

"You are running away!"

Very well, we _were_ running away, if you wish. What of that? Don't we
keep the war going in this way? The English imagine they have conquered
us. This is far from being the fact. They have occupied the towns, but
they are not in possession of the country. They have annexed the
Republic, but not the people. Their troops march out in overwhelming
numbers wherever they wish, east and west, from one town to another, and
we cannot prevent them, but we remain in the field nevertheless; we are
still free. We turn to the right and to the left, and our adversary is
not able with all his cannon to prevent it. In this way we keep the war
going, and increase the expenditure day by day. In this way we worry our
adversary; and thus we hope--the weak against the strong, like the widow
and the unjust judge in the parable--to force the stronger to yield to
our importunity. In the evening we trekked as usual; late at night we
crossed the bridge over the Valsch River.

On the following day a sad duty fell to my lot. A Kaffir had for the
rape of a white girl been condemned to death by the Council of War, and
I was called upon to prepare him for death. During all my professional
duties I had never had the spiritual charge of a man condemned to death.
Although he deserved his sentence, in my opinion more even than if he
had been guilty of murder, I could only regard him in this his last hour
as a fellow-man. All sense of condemnation was effaced, only pity
remained--pity for his total helplessness. Although he acknowledged that
he deserved death, he asked me if I could do nothing to obtain his
pardon; and when I told him there was no hope, he still kept urging me
to try and move the officers to inflict some other punishment. As a
mouse in the claws of a cat struggles in vain to get free and yet
continues struggling, so he, hoping against hope, struggled against the
inexorable.

Could he not be released? At length he resigned himself. I spoke to him
of Jesus and prayed with him. After a short time he was led away to his
grave, and standing in it he laid his hand on my shoulder and repeated
the words of a prayer after me. I hurried away from the spot, but before
I reached the laager a volley announced that all was over in this world
with that human being.

The following day was Sunday. We were not far from Ventersburg. Shortly
after divine service some burghers went out against a patrol of the
enemy, cornered them in a kraal and took twenty-four of them prisoners.
Amongst them were some officers and one person who claimed to be a
doctor. As, however, he was found armed, he was held prisoner along with
the rest. We had not yet commenced our evening trek, when I received
from someone a note written by the Rev. R. H. Daneel, informing me that
my wife had gone to Maritzburg to my parents.

This was a comfort to me, for I had always been uneasy about her. I
subsequently found that the English had turned her out of the parsonage
and put her over the border. On Monday evening after sunset we again
proceeded. It was a miserably long trek. A delay occurred at a ford, and
it was half-past three in the morning before we arrived at the outspan,
which the foremost waggons had reached at twelve o'clock. Before we
could lie down to rest it was already half-past four, and the morning
star was shining on the eastern horizon. A trek or two more brought us
to Doornberg, and Commandant Hasebroek went with a number of men to
Ventersburg. He found the town empty,--that is to say, there were no
troops there,--and he levied his usual tribute on the shopkeepers of
coffee, sugar, meal, and other provisions.




CHAPTER VI

WHAT HAPPENED NEAR WINBURG AND AT LADYBRAND


When we had been at Doornberg for one day the Vrede Commando arrived and
joined us. We now became a comparatively strong force, consisting of
about 2000 men.

On the following day some men were sent from each of the commandos to
assist Commandant Hasebroek, who had since the previous day been
engaging about 150 of the English. These English had marched out of
Winburg with two Maxims, and had taken up a position at the house of Mr.
le Roux, not far from Doornberg towards the south-west.

Without being ordered, a large number of burghers left the laager on the
following day to go and join the fight; and when I with several others
arrived at the house of General Andries Cronje, I met numbers of them
returning. They said there were already too many engaged against the
English at le Roux's farm, and that they had been ordered to proceed to
the Ventersburg road to oppose a possible reinforcement from that
village, which had meanwhile been reoccupied by the enemy. As had been
suspected, a number of the enemy had in reality advanced from that
direction to help their friends, but they turned back when they saw our
men, not, however, without burning down some houses on their way. From
the east the burghers of Vrede also made their appearance, and pursued
these troops; but when the enemy began to fire shrapnel at them, they
ceased the pursuit and returned to the laager.

The English on the farm of le Roux had meanwhile been harassed by our
men during the whole day both in a poplar-grove and around the
farmhouse. We had two guns and a Maxim there, and with these they were
bombarded continually. They were also within reach of our rifles. Our
men approached the enemy in some cases to within three hundred yards,
and so it came about that on our side four were killed and seven
wounded. In the evening the matter was given up, and all our men retired
to Laaispruit. Commandant Hasebroek had treated our burghers very
kindly, and his house was not far from where the fight took place, and
there his wife had provided many with food and a cup of coffee. Every
burgher was full of praise for him.

The following day was Sunday, the 26th of August. Divine service was
held at several places; and at nightfall 800 men marched out, with the
object of taking Winburg, whilst the laager proceeded a little towards
the south.

Commandant Hasebroek sent one of his sons to guide the burghers, whilst
he marched on the town from another direction. Unfortunately these men
delayed too long at a place where they went to sleep for a while. They
arrived at their destination when it was already broad daylight. This
was the reason that the whole thing turned out a miserable failure. On
this account also the guns could not be properly posted. As was to be
foreseen, our men were expected by the English, who were in good
positions; and it frequently happened that our men were nearly
surrounded, and had to retire. Here General Olivier was captured. He
rode into a party of the enemy, and so little was he aware how matters
stood that he took them for our people.

"Hands up!" they cried.

He laughed, thinking it a joke on the part of his own men. But it was no
joke, and Commandant Olivier had to lay down his arms. Commandant van
Tender was with him, and was already disarmed, when he set spurs to his
horse and raced away. A bullet cut through his sleeve, but he escaped to
tell of the sad occurrence. The burghers returned in confusion to the
laager, followed by small numbers of the enemy. The whole affair was a
fiasco, and Winburg was not taken.

The enemy could do no more than drive our men back to the laager; but
they avenged themselves for what had taken place at le Roux's farm, by
burning down Commandant Hasebroek's house.

When we started in the afternoon clouds were rising in the west, and the
thunder rolled. No rain, however, fell, but it was a sign that the worst
of the cold weather was past and that spring had come. The sky remained
clouded, and two days later, when we approached the little Vet River, it
rained hard and continuously. The ground was soaked, and two months
later, when we came along there as a mounted commando, we could still
see the tracks our waggons now made in the mud.

During this week some waggons loaded with meal, coffee, sugar, sweets,
and brandy were captured by our men. On the banks of the little Vet
River the different articles were distributed to the men. Some
Commandants acted, with regard to the brandy, in a sensible manner;
others, not. In one instance the men drank immoderately, dipping
pannikins into buckets which had been filled with brandy. General Fourie
came upon one sad spectacle of drunkenness, and there and then poured
all the liquor on the ground.

On Friday evening we had advanced as far as Allandale. Here it was
resolved to rest a while, and a committee of officers went on ahead to
select a suitable place at the foot of Korannaberg where the several
commandos might encamp. On Saturday morning each commando went to the
spot assigned it. How pleasant it was to trek onward after the rain. The
showers had already had effect upon the veld, and the tender blades of
grass were making their appearance. Everywhere one saw signs that Nature
had once more awakened from her winter sleep, and it was delightful to
gaze on the fresh green, on the branches of the willows and the soft
pink of the peach blossoms. And irresistibly our hearts too were filled
with a strong desire that thus too, after the winter of our discontent,
the national life of our poor people might once more revive.

We were all encamped somewhat to the west of Korannaberg, and rejoiced
at the thought that we, for a time at least, would no longer have to
undertake endless night marches. But these pleasant thoughts could not
be indulged in by all. Already some burghers out of every commando had
been ordered to proceed that very evening with General Fourie to
Ladybrand, for the purpose of taking that town.

Early on the 2nd September, after having ridden the whole night, the
burghers attacked Ladybrand. The troops lying in garrison there
immediately retreated to Lelyhoek, a beautifully cultivated rocky kloof
near to the town. Without delay a heavy bombardment was opened upon the
English, and kept up through the whole of the day with the two guns
which General Fourie had taken with him. At nine o'clock General Visser
was already inside the town--being the first of our officers who entered
it, and at eleven o'clock some of our men captured horses and cattle and
stormed the enemy to within six hundred yards. Somewhat later on twelve
men advanced to within a few yards of the positions of the English; but
had to retire not only on account of the enemy's severe fire, but also
because some Krupp shells were being fired at them by our own gunners,
who mistook them for English. During the day positions on all sides were
taken up nearer to the enemy, behind the rocks above Lelyhoek, and
behind the stone walls of the gardens in the town. A continual fire was
kept up on both sides. The English also kept firing without intermission
into the town, and some of us were hit there. Amongst others, one
burgher was killed in the street near to the church. At nightfall the
enemy had been driven out of Lelyhoek, and had sought shelter amongst
the rocks a little higher up.

The same kind of fighting was kept up on Monday and Tuesday. A perpetual
sound of rifle firing filled the air, overpowered every now and then by
the roar of a Krupp shell that would make the rocks re-echo somewhere in
Lelyhoek.

I arrived on the scene on the evening of the third day, and then I
learnt that everything had to be abandoned, and that our people were
preparing to retire at eight o'clock; the enemy might be forced to
surrender within two or three days, but this could not occur before the
arrival of a reinforcement which was advancing from Newberry's Mill. It
was also feared that assistance might come from Ficksburg. I had
therefore only an hour and a half at my disposal to visit my
brother-in-law and his family. I walked quickly to the parsonage, got
some information there regarding my wife, and then left the town along
with the burghers.

Although the English garrison was not forced to surrender, our men had
taken the town, and held it for three days. Our wants also had been
provided for. As much clothing and food had been taken out of the town
as could be carried away, and although General Fourie could not return
completely victorious, he had no reason to be dissatisfied with the
result of his expedition. We had, during the three days, to lament the
loss of four killed and five wounded. What the English loss was we could
not learn.

Well satisfied, we returned to the laager; but yet there was one thing
that displeased me: it was that goods belonging to private persons had
been taken. Of course, I do not refer to what was taken by the
Government as the lawful prize of war; but to the spiders and horses
belonging to individuals taken in the town. My feeling on this matter
was so strong that I considered it my duty two days later, when a
Council of War was held, to request the officers to see to it that their
own resolutions and orders concerning this should be carried out.




CHAPTER VII

THE TREK FROM KORANNABERG TO GENERAL DE WET


We had heard from General de Wet. This was the reason for the meeting of
officers two days after the taking of Ladybrand. General de Wet had
ordered that the Harrismith Commando should proceed between Kroonstad
and Rhenoster River, and should be employed along the railway line in
interrupting the communications of the enemy, whilst the burghers of
Vrede were to go to him--but without encumbering themselves with their
waggons, and that the other commandos were to proceed farther west,
everywhere taking the towns and appointing magistrates.

On Saturday, the 8th of September, we separated. From Commandant
Hasebroek we parted at Korannaberg, whilst General Fourie hastened
forward with 100 men to interview General de Wet personally. The order
of General de Wet was not carried out by the men of Vrede and
Harrismith. They considered that they could not do away with their
waggons; but nevertheless resolved to proceed to the Chief-Commandant,
and then, when they should arrive where he was, to act according to
circumstances.

It was one of the most monotonous journeys imaginable. We were under the
command of General Hattingh as Acting Chief-Commandant, and from the 8th
to the 18th of September we did nothing but trek some distance every
evening. We never travelled so late into the night as when we were going
to Korannaberg, and, excepting that nothing occurred to afford an
agreeable variety, the life was not an unpleasant one. One can
understand that every excuse was seized for the enjoyment of some
diversity, and so it happened that a most decided breach of discipline
took place of firing shots contrary to the established rule of the
commandos. The temptation came in the shape of "wilde beests" (gnus).
One afternoon we reached a part of the country where that kind of game
still existed in considerable numbers, and the temptation was more than
some could resist. Wilde beests! those were animals about which our
fathers had so often told us, and which the majority of us had never
seen! Regardless, therefore, of the safety of the commando on the march
some of the burghers fired at the game. The reports of the rifles
frightened the horses, which had by now become frisky after the rest at
Korannaberg, and the young grass they had eaten. Some of them broke
loose, and bolted across the broad level plains, whither the owners
pursued them like madmen. How angry they were with the delinquents! But
it probably gave them some satisfaction when the officers, some days
after, punished this transgression with a fine.

Proceeding on our way, we first heard that the enemy had hemmed in
Commandant Hasebroek at Doornberg, and afterwards that he had escaped
with the loss of nearly all his waggons and his field-guns. We heard
later on that the enemy had been in strong force under General Hector
MacDonald, and that Commandant Hasebroek escaped with all his men, but
that General MacDonald had captured sixteen of his waggons at Vet River
on the 13th, and eighteen at Doornberg on the 17th of September. The
cannon, however, did not fall into the hands of the enemy. Commandant
Hasebroek concealed them in a dam so as not to have the trouble of
dragging about with him guns for which he had no ammunition. On Sunday,
the 16th of September, we were not far south-west of Senekal. From there
we trekked nearer to the town and then northwards; we crossed through
Sand River and camped at Bretsberg. On the previous day several of the
burghers had gone to the town, and many others intended doing so next
day, in order to purchase what they required. But before they could do
so, we heard that the English had entered the town from the direction of
Zuringkrans, so suddenly that no one was aware of their approach. The
men who were there escaped at the opposite end of the town just in the
nick of time, and reported to us what had occurred. The laager had now
to inspan hurriedly and trek, while a number of burghers hastened away
in the direction of the town to oppose the English should they advance.
The British fired from the forts at Senekal, and their shells burst on a
ridge along which the laager was trekking out of town.

Great was the indignation at the want of vigilance displayed by the
scouting corps in allowing the enemy to approach and take Senekal
without being noticed; but after the captain had given an explanation,
the council of war was satisfied and acquitted the corps of all blame.
The enemy did no more than hurl shells at us, and we went our way
unharmed.

On the 18th of September we had advanced to Modderfontein, where we were
just twenty-four miles from Senekal, Ventersburg, Kroonstad, and Lindley
respectively. An unpleasant surprise awaited us here. Early the
following morning we heard rifle firing and the dud--dud--dud of a
Maxim-Nordenfeldt, both directed against the scouting corps. The laager
again trekked in great haste, while the burghers went to meet the enemy.
Unfortunately the issue was not favourable as far as our losses were
concerned, for two of our men were killed and three were wounded. The
advance of the enemy was, however, stopped, and several of them were
killed, wounded, and captured.

We now proceeded on our way in peace--unmolested by the English. We
again crossed Valsch River, but this time somewhat farther up the
stream. Leaving Lindley to the east, we passed through Rhenoster River
by the same ford through which we had passed a little more than a month
before when going south. The nearer we approached to where we hoped to
meet General de Wet somewhere in the Heilbron district, the more
fervently we longed to see him. Everybody thought that the
Chief-Commandant would put everything right, and the days that
intervened before we should see him seemed to pass all too slowly. At
last (22nd September, Saturday) Vecht Kop came into view. In passing we
gazed at it with varied emotions, for we seemed to see the laager of
Sarel Celliers there, surrounded by Moselekatze's hordes. We seemed to
hear their battle-cry and their fierce assault; we witnessed their
repulse and the deliverance of the little laager. Then Vecht Kop
disappeared behind us, and other thoughts swayed us as we rode over the
positions where the fight of August 14 had taken place.

In the evening we outspanned on the farm of Petrus Schoeman and halted
for the night, expecting to hear from General de Wet every moment. The
following day was passed as usual, and at three o'clock the General rode
into the laager. At five o'clock the burghers assembled to be addressed
by the man whom all had longed so much to see since the unfortunate
affairs at Nauwpoort. The officers presented him with an address, with
which, however, he was not particularly pleased, saying that he was not
very partial to addresses.

He then spoke to the burghers in his pleasant, clear, and pithy manner.
He said that it was his firm conviction that God would help us, and
would not allow us to disappear as a nation. But this belief should not
make us careless; on the contrary, this conviction should be a spur to
every man to do his share of the work. Every man should do his duty,
which consisted in this, that each one should be prepared to sacrifice
his all on the altar of Liberty: money, goods, comfort, life! As we were
weak and our adversaries strong, the best way of fulfilling our duty
would be to keep harassing them. This we should do by making provisions
at Pretoria and Johannesburg dear, through continually interrupting
their communications. Further, the waggons should be done away
with--done away with immediately, and the burghers were to form separate
mounted commandos. He then related to us some of his experiences when he
was pursued by large British columns from Slabbert's Nek up to the bush
veld, and how matters stood in the Transvaal, and what had taken place
at the battle of Machadodorp. This address was listened to with rapt
attention, but it soon became apparent that most of the men had not
heard what they had wanted to hear.

On the following day a Council of War was held, General de Wet
presiding, and his proposition concerning the abolition of the waggons,
and of commandos acting independently, was accepted. In the afternoon
the Commandants called their men together and made known to them what
had been decided upon, at the same time commanding the burghers to free
themselves from the encumbrance of their waggons immediately; and as to
the Harrismith men--we, together with the Kroonstad burghers, were told
to employ ourselves by breaking up the railroad and to interrupt the
trains between Rhenoster and Sand River, our commanding officer was to
be General Philip R. Botha.

One could immediately perceive by the grumbling in the laager with what
dissatisfaction the commands of General de Wet had been received. It
could not be done, many declared, and the burghers of one ward of a
commando went the length of riding away immediately--not to lay down
arms to the enemy, oh no, but to procure fresh horses in their own
district, and to continue the war there. They had imagined De Wet to be
quite a different sort of man, and that he would save the cause in quite
another manner. They had thought that, like a _deus ex machina_, he
would put all things right in a wonderful--a magical way. Instead of
this we had in him a man whose motto appeared to be not "all _will_ come
right," but "all must be _made_ right." Instead of lulling us to sleep
to the tune of "Peace, Peace, live as comfortably as you can!" we had in
him a leader who demanded much work and great sacrifices from us. We had
not heard a lullaby, but a _reveille_ sounding in our ears. And this was
something so strange, after having fought for a year with no discipline
to speak of, that at first many could not bear it. There were therefore
those who were dissatisfied, and who said that these commands were
impracticable, and a few even went the length of riding away from the
laager, as I have already noted. The reason of all this is, that our
poor Africander people could never, since the days of Piet Retief,
recognise or follow a hero when he arose amongst us. But Christian de
Wet was a strong man, and what he willed came to pass. On the following
day most of the burghers packed their things, and prepared themselves to
exist in the future as mounted commandos; while a small number, with
weak and thin horses, separated from the others and formed a
laager--which was immediately dubbed by the inventive faculty of the
Africander mind, Ma'er Lager (Lean Laager). My son and I put what we
thought most necessary into a corn-bag and wallets, tied our blankets in
front of our saddles, and were ready to go with the mounted commando.
The waggons disappeared over a rise with a rumbling noise, and we rode
away in an opposite direction, the blue expanse overhead our only
covering. I must admit that I was not in a very optimistic mood.




CHAPTER VIII

OUR EXPERIENCES AS A MOUNTED COMMANDO


It was on Tuesday, 25th of September, that we commenced our work as a
mounted force. We rode on until we reached the farm where we had
listened to the address of General de Wet. The enemy almost immediately
drew our attention. On the other side of the hillock, of which I spoke
in connection with the fight on the 14th of August, and on this side of
Vecht Kop, a small English force were marching along the main road to
Heilbron.

We occupied positions on this little hill and on the ridges to the
south-west of it, whence we could see the English. After a while they
halted in a hollow, and our cannon opened fire on them. Some confusion
ensued, and several minutes elapsed before the English guns were brought
into action and began firing on our Krupps. The odds were then too
heavy, and our gunners were unable to continue the fight. They were
obliged to remove the Krupp out of danger, and before nightfall all the
positions were deserted. We halted for the night without off-saddling
our horses, on the slopes of a ridge not far from Heilbron, and went
early next morning where we expected the English to come along.

We reached a ridge, behind which the English were, but no one seemed
inclined to take possession of it, as none knew what it looked like on
the other side. General Philip Botha was not with us yet, and the
officers who were with us did not lead the men up. They remained below
merely urging them on. "Charge, you young fellows!" they cried; but as
example is better than precept, they spoke in vain. Only about
twenty-five men obeyed.

When these brave fellows gained the top, they opened fire on some
British cavalry who had nearly reached the crest of the ridge, and
forced them to retreat. They also forced the gunners of an Armstrong to
abandon it. But at a distance of eight hundred yards there was another
gun, and somewhat farther a Maxim-Nordenfeldt. There was a slight pause.
Then the English began from there to bombard our men, and the shells
fell not only on the ridge but also on the commando at the back. The
brave twenty-five had to retire from the ridge, and the commando was
scattered, retreating in confusion past the south of Heilbron, with
shrapnel bursting right and left of them. A small number of burghers
still made an effort to hold a kopje, but they were driven from it by
the shells of the Maxim-Nordenfeldt. Wherever a horseman or a burgher
was seen there the shells burst, and so the English paved their way to
Heilbron, which they entered before noon. We came to a standstill at
Klip River to the east of Heilbron. But not all the burghers stopped
there, for so discouraged were a few that they rode away to their farms.
General de Wet, who arrived on the scene after the fight, was very
indignant about this, and immediately sent some burghers to compel them
to return.

And here sat our party--there were five of us, General C. J. de
Villiers, his son Christian, Andries Pretorius, my son, and I. Our
party, I say, sat by a brook that was honoured by the name of river, and
thought of our troubles. We thought also of the demands of Nature, and
began to prepare some food. Whatever we might have to eat would be
relished, for now for the first time since we had left the waggons were
we able to boil some water. But let me here give a description of our
manner of life. It can be easily understood that we could not carry much
with us on horseback. We had, besides our blankets and some clothes, a
kettle and an iron linseed-oil drum, with a handle made of wire. This
drum had to do duty as cooking-pot. Besides this we also carried a
saucepan. We had only three pannikins between us five, and two had to
wait until two had finished. There were also a couple of little bags in
which we carried our rations of meat, meal, salt, and coffee. In the
drum the meat, and also the mealie-meal porridge, was cooked. The latter
we ate together out of the pot, scooping it up with our clasp-knives, in
the way the Kaffirs do with their wooden spoons. We afterwards saw that
spoons answered better, and so made our own wooden ones. The meat we had
to take up with our hands instead of with a fork, and we ate it from the
lid of the saucepan or from a slice of bread.

At nights there was nothing but the canopy of heaven over us. Mostly the
stars with their friendly light shone brightly on us from on high.
Sometimes large masses of clouds floated between them and us, and hid
their kindly light. Now and then all was swallowed up in utter darkness,
while the thunder roared, and we were drenched to the skin. Whatever the
weather might be we spread a skin or a blanket on the grass, with our
saddles at our heads to ward off the wind, and slept sound till next
morning. General de Villiers had a tanned ox hide with which, in
accordance with the custom which had been followed by his father, he had
provided himself, and I slept beside him on it. I was in good company.
The kindness of General de Villiers and his party I shall never forget.

So things went on from day to day and from month to month; and how
swiftly those days and mo

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