Twenty-Five Years in the Rifle Brigade
by William Surtees · English · Gutenberg #36778 · 814,136 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Twenty-Five Years in the Rifle Brigade
Author: William Surtees
Release date: July 19, 2011 [eBook #36778]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/36778
Credits: Produced by Steven Gibbs, Moti Ben-Ari and the Online
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE RIFLE BRIGADE ***
Produced by Steven Gibbs, Moti Ben-Ari and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net.
TWENTY-FIVE YEARS
IN
THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
BY THE LATE
WILLIAM SURTEES,
QUARTERMASTER.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH; AND
T. CADELL, STRAND, LONDON.
MDCCCXXXIII.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE AND COMPANY, PAUL'S WORK, CANONGATE.
TO
MAJOR-GEN. SIR ANDREW F. BARNARD,
K.C.B. and K.C.H.
AND THE OFFICERS OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE,
THESE REMAINS OF MY DECEASED BROTHER
ARE MOST RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED,
BY THEIR OBLIGED AND MOST
OBEDIENT SERVANT,
JOHN SURTEES.
PREFATORY NOTICE.
The Author of the following Narrative entered the Army in early life. He
commenced his military career in 1795, as a private soldier in the
Northumberland Militia; and in the following year he volunteered into
the Pompadours. In this regiment he first faced the enemy, during the
expedition to Holland under the Duke of York. On getting his discharge
from the Pompadours, in 1802, he again entered the service as a private
in the Rifle Brigade, to which he was attached for a period of
twenty-five years. From his steady conduct, and ardent love for his
profession, he was soon advanced from the ranks, and, after various
intermediate steps, was appointed Quartermaster; a situation which he
held as long as he continued in the corps, enjoying the respect and
esteem of his brother officers of all ranks, as is amply testified by
the letters which form the Appendix to this volume.
Though, as Quartermaster, the Author was not called by duty to join in
battle, yet he lost no opportunity of entering the scene of action, or
of placing himself in a favourable situation for observing what was
passing. It is unnecessary to enumerate the arduous services of the
Rifle Brigade from 1802 to 1815. During the whole of that period the
Author was actively engaged with his corps.
The Narrative is faithfully--indeed literally--printed from the Author's
MS. as he left it at his death. The critical reader may therefore detect
various inaccuracies which, had life been spared to the Author, would
probably have been corrected; but he will find much to approve, and,
hackneyed as Narratives of the Peninsular War have become, he will also
find much that is new. There is no embellishment in the style of the
Author's composition, but there is a quiet Defoe-like sincerity and
simplicity characteristic of his pages, and a strain of unaffected
piety, that is very pleasing; and the scenes and descriptions which he
gives, though sometimes singularly chosen, and reported quite with a
manner of his own, are on the whole portrayed with strong graphic
effect. One word, however, before closing,--our Author is never vulgar.
A severe pulmonary affection compelled him to quit his corps in 1826. He
retired to Corbridge, his native village, where he arrived on the 24th
of October in that year, and continued there, respected and beloved, and
constantly engaged in acts of benevolence, till the period of his death,
28th May, 1830.
_November 23, 1832._
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
PAGE.
Birth and Parentage--Enters the Militia--Volunteers into the
Line--Joins the army destined for Holland--The troops embark at
Deal--Land at the Helder--Laxity of discipline--March for
Schagen--Detachment under Sir Ralph Abercromby sent to surprise
Hoorne--Hoorne surrenders, 1
CHAPTER II.
The Russian Allies carry Bergen--Allow themselves to be
surprised, and the whole army forced to retire to their former
position--Skirmishing in the vicinity of Old Patten--The
Russians endeavour to force their way back to Bergen--The
Russian and British forces joined--The enemy forced to abandon
Egmont-op-Zee--Alkmaar surrenders--The troops advance to Egmont
Binnen--Skirmishing--General engagement--The Enemy
repulsed--The Forces retire to Zaand Wyck--Armistice
concluded--Return to England, 13
CHAPTER III.
Arrive in England--The Pompadours embark for Ireland--Arrive at
Kinsale--Privations in Ireland in 1800--Peace concluded--Our
Author resolves to return home, but ultimately volunteers into
the Rifle Corps or 95th--Embarks for England, and joins his
Regiment at Sussex--Is promoted, 35
CHAPTER IV.
Made Pay-sergeant--Moral Reflections--Wreck of a Dutch East
Indiaman--Reduced Officers--War with France in 1803--Encampment
at Thorncliffe under the command of General Sir John
Moore--Encampment broke up, November 1804--Embark for Germany,
October 1805--Vicissitudes at Sea--Land at Cuxhaven--March to
Bremen--Outposts established--Retrograde movements, in
consequence of the defeat of the Allied Forces at
Austerlitz--The Allied Forces evacuate Germany--Re-embarkation
of the troops--The Rifle Corps, or 95th, land at Yarmouth, 45
CHAPTER IV.*
Our Author made Quartermaster-Sergeant of the 2d battalion,
which he joins at Feversham, Kent--Expedition to
Denmark--Embark at Deal--Land at Vedbeck, Zealand--Partial
Engagements--Siege of Copenhagen--A division under Sir Arthur
Wellesley advance to Kioge--Copenhagen capitulates--Amnesty
between the Danish forces in the Island of Zealand, and the
British--The British evacuate Denmark--Embark at
Copenhagen--Arrive in the Downs--Land at Deal, 59
CHAPTER V.
Our Author marries--The Battalion to which he belongs ordered
to join the Expedition fitting out for Corunna--Movements of
the Army in Spain--Return to England, 73
CHAPTER VI.
Volunteering--Farther Promotion--Embarks for Portugal, with two
Companies of the Second Battalion--Debark at Cadiz--Advance to
the Isla--The French occupy all the adjacent Towns, except
Cadiz and Isla--Cannonading--Spanish Army--Detachment of the
Allied Army sent round by Gibraltar and Chiclana, to take the
Enemy in the rear of his works, and compel him either to fight
or abandon them--Come up with a portion of the Enemy in the
vicinity of Veger--Bravery of the British--The Enemy repulsed
with great loss, but, from the apathy and misconduct of General
La Pena, and the Spaniards under his command, the French are
allowed to retain their Works in the vicinity of Cadiz, 99
CHAPTER VII.
The 2d Battalion of the Pompadours ordered to proceed to
Portugal--Our Author visits England--Returns to Portugal, and
joins his Regiment at Rodrigo--The Army move towards
Badajos--Siege of Badajos--Badajos surrenders--Insubordination
among the Troops--Quelled by the prompt measures of Lord
Wellington, 128
CHAPTER VIII.
The Army leave Badajos on the 11th of April, and move into
quarters near the river Agueda, where they remain, till the
11th of June--Advance towards Salamanca, which, with the
exception of three Forts, the enemy had evacuated--The Forts
invested--The main bodies of both armies bivouack within a mile
and a half of each other, in the vicinity of Monte Rubio and
Morisco--The Forts of Salamanca surrender--The main body of the
Enemy retire to Tordesillas--Movements of the Army, 153
CHAPTER IX.
Preparations for the Field--Amusements in winter
quarters--Grand Review--Advance of the Army in pursuit of the
Enemy--Come up with their rearguard in the vicinity of Hornilla
de Camino--Skirmishing--Encounter with the 1st Brigade of the
Enemy, who are beaten, and forced to retreat--Our Army advance
in pursuit--An affair between the rearguard of the Enemy and
our 4th Brigade--Vittoria--General Engagement--The Enemy
defeated--Remarks, 185
CHAPTER X.
Advance in pursuit of the Enemy--Our Forces retreat, in order
to counteract Soult's movements for the succour of
Pamplona--Total defeat of Soult in the several Actions near
Pamplona--Our Forces again advance--Come up with the retreating
Enemy at the Bridge of Yanzi--The Enemy take up a position,
behind Vera--A considerable body of the Enemy attached at the
Pass of Echallar, and forced to retreat, 214
CHAPTER XI.
The Author, from a mistake, loses his Servants for a few
days--A Feast of Death--A Feast of Life--Fighting near St
Sebastian--Singular instance of Spanish Bravery--St Sebastian
is captured, but no Details given, the Author not having been
present--Attack of the Pass of Vera, 232
CHAPTER XII.
The British Army advance farther into France--Pass the
Nive--Soult's Plans baffled--Two or three battalions of the
Nassau and Frankfort regiments come over from the
French--French Politesse--Threatened Attack by the
French--Battle of the Nive--Account of the Basques, 253
CHAPTER XIII.
The Author's Battalion quartered in Aurantz on 3d January
1814--The cantonments at Aurantz broke up on the 16th February,
and the Campaign of 1814 commenced--Farther Advance into
France--Skirmishing with the Enemy--Military Manoeuvres--Battle
of Orthes--Defeat and Pursuit of the Enemy--Succession of
Attacks on them--They are driven from their Position in and
near Tarbes--Skirmishing at Tournefoile--The Enemy retire
towards Toulouse, 269
CHAPTER XIV.
The British Army cross the Garonne--Advance on
Toulouse--Prepare for the Attack--The Attack--Spaniards driven
back--Battle very hot--French completely defeated--Soult
evacuates Toulouse, and tardily adheres to the Bourbons, 295
CHAPTER XV.
Author's happy state during 1813 and 1814--Character of the
veritable French--British distributed over the
Country--Civility of the Inhabitants of Grissolles--Amusements
in quarters--The British prepare to quit France, 308
CHAPTER XVI.
Author's Battalion embark for England--Land at Plymouth--Expect
to be again ordered on Foreign Service--Order received--Embark,
with other Troops, for America--Land at Pine Island, 322
CHAPTER XVII.
Proceed to attack the Enemy, and capture one of their
picquets--Advance in search of a Bivouack--Alarmed by shots in
front--Fired on by an American schooner--Captain Hallen
severely attacked--Manoeuvres on both sides--Ruse of the
Enemy--Fighting continues--Enemy repulsed at all
points--Courage of the British--Battery brought into
play--Activity of the Enemy, 339
CHAPTER XVIII.
British Army told off into Brigades--Advance, and are hotly
received--Heroism of a young Artillery Officer--We take up a
fresh position--The Enemy work incessantly in raising an
extensive breastwork--Two Batteries erected, from which our
heavy Ship Artillery are brought to bear against it, but
without effect--The Enemy also place their Ship Guns on
Batteries--Colonel Lambert arrives with the 7th and 43d
regiments--Preparations for a grand attack on the Enemy's
lines, which entirely fails, and the British are repulsed with
great loss, 357
CHAPTER XIX.
Bravery and Success of Colonel Thornton--Negotiation for leave
to transport the Wounded across the River--Insult offered to
the British--They retreat--Our Army embark, and determine to
make an Attack upon Mobile--Proceed in the direction of Mobile
Bay--A Brigade detached to reduce Fort Boyer--The Fort
surrenders, the garrison becoming Prisoners of
War--Intelligence of a Treaty of Peace being concluded at
Ghent--Cessation of Hostilities, 378
CHAPTER XX.
Ratification of the Treaty of Peace--Exchange of Prisoners--Our
Troops Embark for England--When off the coast of Ireland,
receive Intelligence of Bonaparte's escape from Elba--The
Author and his Battalion reach the Downs, and proceed to
Thorncliffe--Embark for France--Arrive at Paris, and occupy the
Champs Elysees--Review of the Russian Guards--Russian
Discipline--British Troops reviewed--Accident to Prince
Blucher--Amusements in Paris--The Allied Forces, except the
Army of Occupation, leave Paris--The Author's Battalion embark
for England--Reach Dover, and return to Thorncliffe--He obtains
leave of absence, and visits his Family--His Battalion ordered
to Ireland--Sets out to join it, accompanied by his Wife, who
dies three days after they reach Dublin--His Battalion
reduced--Joins the first Battalion at Gosport, which is ordered
to Scotland--Arrive at Leith, and march to Glasgow--The Author
returns home in ill health--His Father dies--Joins his
Battalion again--Winters at home--His Battalion ordered to
Ireland--Joins it at Belfast--They occupy different stations
during the Whiteboy Insurrection--Six companies of his
Battalion ordered to Nova Scotia, but the Author remains with
the other four companies--He is shortly ordered to proceed to
Nova Scotia--His health declines--Returns home in consequence,
takes advantage of Lord Palmerston's Bill, and retires on full
pay, 401
APPENDIX.--TESTIMONIALS.--No. 1. From Lieutenant-Colonel
Duffy--No. 2. From Major Travers--No. 3. From Officers of the
2d Battalion--No. 4. From Lieut.-Colonel Ross, C.B.--No. 5.
From Lieut.-Col. Smith, C.B.--No. 6. From Officers of the 1st
Battalion Rifle Brigade--No. 7. From Colonel Norcott, C.B.--No.
8. From Lieut.-Col. Fullarton, C.B.--No. 9. From Lieut.-Col.
Balvaird--No. 10. From Major-General Sir A. F. Barnard,
K.C.B.--No. 11. From Major Logan--No. 12. From Lieut.-Col.
Beckwith, C.B.--No. 13. From Lieut.-General the Hon. Sir Wm.
Stewart, G.C.B.--No. 14. From Major Eeles--No. 15. From
Major-General Sir T. S. Beckwith, K.C.B., 425
TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE RIFLE BRIGADE.
CHAPTER I.
Birth and Parentage--Enters the Militia--Volunteers into the
Line--Joins the Army destined for Holland--The Troops embark at
Deal--Land at the Helder--Laxity of discipline--March for
Schagen--Detachment under Sir Ralph Abercromby sent to surprise
Hoorne--Hoorne surrenders.
I was born on the 4th of August, 1781, in the village of Corbridge, in
the county of Northumberland; of parents who may be said to have been
among the middle classes, my father being a tradesman. They gave me such
an education as was customary with people of their station in life; viz.
reading, writing, and arithmetic. My mother having sprung from a pious
race, was the first to implant in my mind any sense of religion; indeed,
it is to the spiritual seed sown in my heart by her during my youth,
that I am indebted, under God, for having been brought, many years
afterwards, to consider my ways, and to turn to Him. Nevertheless, being
naturally of a sensual and wicked disposition, I, as might be expected,
spent a dissolute youth, which often caused great pain and uneasiness to
my good and pious mother. But I did not continue long under the paternal
roof; for, having from my infancy a great predilection for a military
life, I embraced almost the first opportunity that offered, after I
became sufficiently grown, to enter into the militia of my native
county. I enlisted on the 15th of November, 1798, being then little more
than seventeen years of age. I entered this service with the
determination that, should I not like a soldier's life, I would then,
after remaining a few years in it, return home; but, if I did like it,
to volunteer into the line, and make that my occupation for life. It
will readily be believed that this undutiful step affected deeply my
excellent parents; for though my father was not _then_ a religious man,
he had a heart susceptible of the tenderest feelings; and I really
believe that no parents ever felt more deeply the combined emotions of
tender regret at my leaving them so young, and for such a purpose, and
at the disgrace which my wayward conduct had, as they imagined, brought
upon myself. But though evil in itself, God overruled it for good to me,
and, I trust, to them also. I would here remark that the life of a
soldier was by no means considered in my native village, at that time,
as at all creditable; and when I sometimes in my boyhood used to exhibit
symptoms of a military inclination, I was often taunted with the then
opprobrious expression, "Ay, thou likes the smell of poother,"
intimating thereby that I was likely to disgrace myself by going for a
soldier.
I left my family in much grief in the beginning of 1799, and marched
with several other recruits to join my regiment at Chelmsford in Essex,
where we arrived in about a month, and where I began my military career.
I always liked a soldier's life, consequently I did not suffer from many
of those parts of it which are so unpleasant to those of a contrary
disposition; and, as I took pleasure in it, I of course made more
progress in acquiring a knowledge of my duty than some others who set
out with me. I was early placed in the first squad, an honour which I
considered no trifling one in those days,--but none of us finished our
drill; for, in July of the same year, an order was issued, permitting
such men as chose to extend their services, to volunteer into the line,
in order to recruit the army then destined for Holland. We had
previously marched from Chelmsford to Colchester, a distance of
twenty-one miles, which march was to me, I think, the severest I ever
underwent; for being young, and totally unaccustomed to any thing like
it, the weight of the musket, bayonet, accoutrements, and knapsack,
appeared, towards the latter end of the march, to be almost intolerable;
but I kept up, although excessively tired. This will show how necessary
it is at all times to accustom troops, destined for service, to move in
such order as they will be expected to do when they take the field--for,
if unaccustomed to the carriage of the knapsack, and to frequent marches
with it for exercise, they will be utterly unable to perform any
movement against, or in the face of an enemy, with that celerity
necessary to ensure success. I volunteered, with several of my comrades,
into the 56th regiment, or Pompadours, so called from their facings
being Madame Pompadour's favourite colour, and we set off (carried in
waggons to accelerate our movements) for Canterbury, which we reached in
two days and one night, having travelled without making a halt; and
there we joined the skeleton of our regiment, just then returned from
the West Indies, where twice, during the war, it had been nearly
exterminated by disease.
In a few days after our arrival, a selection was made throughout the
volunteers for fit subjects for the light company, when, fortunately,
both myself and William Sutherland (who had been in the same company
with me in the militia, and who, from our names and size being so nearly
similar, had always stood next me in the ranks) were chosen for this,
in my mind, honourable service. I felt not a little proud at my
advancement, as I considered it, (and as I believe the generality of
soldiers consider it,) to be made a light-bob.
The regiment had not at this time either arms, appointments, or
clothing; but, being in a few days sent off to Barham Downs, where the
army for Holland was assembled and encamped, we soon after were supplied
with the necessary equipment, and commenced without delay to drill and
get the men in readiness for embarkation. At this time the flank
companies of all those regiments destined for Holland were separated
from their battalions, and formed into what are termed flank battalions.
That in which my company was placed consisted of eleven light companies,
the command of which was given to Lieut.-Col. Sharpe, of the 9th
regiment, an experienced and gallant veteran, who had commanded a
similar battalion in the eastern district, under the Earl of Chatham.
The grenadier battalion was composed of an equal number of grenadier
companies, and belonged to the same regiments to which ours belonged.
Before our arrival on Barham Downs, the first division of the
expedition, under Sir Ralph Abercromby, had sailed; and we soon after
were called out to fire a _feu de joie_ for their capture of the Dutch
fleet, and their having effected a landing and gained a victory near the
Helder. Nothing could be more brilliant than our display upon this
occasion appeared to me--we were nearly 20,000 strong, I imagine, and,
being formed in one extensive line, the firing of the _feu de joie_
produced a fine effect. To my non-military readers, perhaps, it will be
necessary to explain what is termed a _feu de joie_. The usual mode is,
when formed in line, for the fire to commence by signal with the right
file of the whole, and each of those on their left take it up rapidly
in succession, so that, to a looker-on, it has the appearance of a
wild-fire running along the line; but on this occasion we heightened the
effect, by beginning with the right of the front rank only, and when it
had passed along by the front, the left-hand man of the rear rank took
it up, and so it passed along by the rear to the right again. It
appeared to me, at that time, certainly the finest sight I had ever
witnessed. Every heart present was elated with joy, and beat high to be
led on to share in those glorious achievements which we were then
celebrating; but, alas! we were then ignorant that we were as unfit at
that time to suffer the toils and privations of a campaign, as if we had
never seen a soldier; we were all young, and inexperienced in the
highest degree, and our discipline, as might be naturally expected, was
far from good; for, being an army hastily collected from every regiment
of militia in the kingdom, the officers of course neither had that
knowledge of the characters of their men, which is so essential, nor had
the latter that confidence in their officers, which only a service
together for some length of time can engender, and which is absolutely
necessary to secure an unreserved and active obedience to their
commands. But the period of our embarkation fast approached; previously
to which, we were reviewed by his Royal Highness the Duke of York, (who
was destined to command us,) accompanied by several others of the Royal
Family, and by General Sir Charles Grey, my countryman. I believe they
all expressed themselves highly satisfied with our appearance and
movements, and hoped that we would shortly add fresh laurels to those
already gained by our forerunners.
As it was expected to be a service of only a short duration, it was
determined that the men should embark in what is called "light marching"
or "service order," that is, with only about half the usual complement
of necessaries, consequently every soldier had to leave a considerable
portion of his things behind him; and, in order to deposit them safely,
empty casks were procured for each company, into which every man was
ordered to stow his extra things, after being properly packed and
labelled with his name, &c. This rather grieved me, for I had brought
with me from home as good a kit (as the soldiers term it) as any in the
army. My dear mother had prepared me shirts fine enough for any officer,
and abundance of them, but of those thus left I never saw one
afterwards. During our stay in this camp, I never enjoyed better health
or greater lightness of spirits, forgetful or heedless of the deep and
lasting anguish which my late rash step must naturally inflict upon the
hearts of my tender and affectionate parents; but I was no doubt
stimulated to this thoughtless forgetfulness of them, by witnessing the
animating scenes around me, where all was bustle and high anticipation
of more glorious doings.
We marched from this camp to Deal, where we embarked in transports
already prepared to receive us. As soon as we arrived we were instantly
put on board, but never shall I forget the effect which the sight of the
sea, and such a number of ships of various sizes and descriptions, had
upon me; for before this I had never been near the sea, although I had
marched from the north to the south of England. But, to add to all the
strange things which then met my view, we were instantly on marching
down put into a large boat that lay high upon the beach; which, when
filled with troops, they run down into the sea with astonishing
rapidity, turning my stomach, as we entered the water, completely
topsy-turvy. The effect of all this can better be conceived than
described; we were immediately rowed off to, and put on board our
transport, which happened to be a brig called the Zephyr of Shields.
Here also every thing was quite new to me; but all was met and performed
with the highest spirits, so far as sea-sickness permitted. We remained
on board two or three days before the fleet was ready for sea; but at
length we sailed with a favourable breeze, and in two or three days more
we made the coast of Holland, and soon afterwards came to anchor within
the Texel. Every thing being ready for landing, and the Helder being in
our possession, we disembarked there on the 15th of September, 1799,
having been just one week on board. We were formed on landing near the
town, and waited till some others had disembarked, before we moved off.
Among those regiments which landed, I remember the 35th was one. This
regiment, after coming on shore, was drawn up close to us; they had not
been long landed before the men began with their knives to cut off each
other's hair, which then was worn in the shape of a club; this was done
without any orders from their officers, and appeared to me, I confess,
such a breach of discipline, as I could not have anticipated; for though
on the whole it was an improvement, as later usage has shown, yet I
apprehend for a body of soldiers, without any permission from higher
authority, to take upon them to break through the long-established
custom of the service, was such an utter renunciation of all obedience
to authority, as directly to threaten with destruction the best
interests of the army to which they belonged; however, at such a time it
would perhaps have been attended with still worse consequences to have
made an example of the offenders, although, had stricter discipline been
enforced from the outset, I feel assured the army in general would have
benefited by it.
Towards evening, we moved forward through the town of Helder, and
proceeded on our route towards Schagen, and halted for the night on the
road, and where such as could find houses, of which there were a few
straggling ones in the neighbourhood, got into them. I awoke in the
night, and still fancied myself on board ship; for the wind and rain
were beating violently against the little hovel into which a few of us
had crept, and I imagined it was the dashing of the sea against the bow
of the vessel. Indeed so strong was this imagination, that when I got
up, I literally could not stand steady, not having been long enough on
board, to acquire what is termed my "sea legs;" that is, I had not
learned the art of standing steady when the vessel heeled; and, strange
as it may appear to a person who has never been at sea, I believe most
landsmen have the same feeling for some short time after being put on
shore. We had each man been supplied with a blanket while in camp on
Barham Downs, but had no proper or uniform mode of carrying them; we had
no great-coats, but made use of the blanket sometimes as a substitute in
the morning, when we turned out to proceed on our march. We certainly
made a strange appearance. Some had their blankets thrown around them,
others had them twisted up like a horse collar, and tied over their
shoulders in the manner of a plaid; while some had them stuffed into,
and others tied on to the top of their knapsack; in short, we appeared
like any thing but _regular_ troops. We moved forward as soon as we were
formed, and early in the day reached Schagen-bruck, where his Royal
Highness stood to inspect us as we marched past. Near this place we fell
in with some of the Russian regiments, they having landed nearly at the
same time, and of which nation there were, I believe, about 20,000
troops expected to join our army. But if we appeared irregular and
grotesque, I know not well how to describe them; their riflemen were
shod with boots very much resembling those of our fishermen, coming up
considerably higher than the knee; thus rendering them, I should
imagine, incapable of celerity of movement, one of the chief requisites
in a rifle corps; they also wore large cocked hats and long green coats.
Their grenadiers were dressed more apropos, having high sugar-loaf
shaped caps, mounted with a great deal of brass, and projecting forward
at the top, with long coats, and gaiters reaching above the knee. Their
regular infantry were nearly similar to the grenadiers, only they wore
cocked hats instead of caps. The regiment which we saw on this occasion
had with it, I should think, full half as many followers as soldiers,
some of whom carried immensely large copper kettles; others the
provisions, and others the officers' baggage; in short, these were the
scullions, the cooks, and, as it were, the beasts of burden of the
regiment; but this was a bad system, for it increased by one half the
number of mouths to fill, and must have been attended with the worst
consequences when provisions were scarce. The officers, I remember,
carried what was formerly used in our service, a long sort of pole, with
a head like a halberd, and called, I believe, a "spontoon." This, on
passing a general at a review, the officer twists and twirls around his
head, precisely as a drum-major in our service does his cane. When we
had passed his Royal Highness at the bridge, we moved forward to the
town of Schagen, and took up our quarters in the church. I thought this
extremely odd, as I had been accustomed to view so sacred an edifice
with more reverence than to suppose they would quarter soldiers in it;
but we were stowed in it as thick as we could well be, and made the best
of our quarters; some taking the chancel, others the vestry, and some
the body of the church; nay, some even took up their lodging in the
reading-desk and pulpit. We could contrive to make out the Lord's prayer
in Dutch, but could not well proceed further, although there is much
similarity between that language and the English of my native county.
Here, for the first time, we learnt that our brigade was what was called
the _reserve_, and commanded by Colonel M'Donald of the 55th regiment;
but on this occasion and in Egypt, the reserve was not what is generally
understood by that term, for in both places it was composed of some of
the best troops in the expedition, and was generally first called into
action. On this occasion, the reserve consisted of the 23d Welsh
fusileers, the 55th regiment, the grenadier battalion before mentioned,
and our light battalion.
We remained here till the 18th, when towards evening we were ordered
under arms, having been previously supplied with provisions; and, after
every preliminary was adjusted, we set forward on our march towards the
city of Hoorne, situated on the Zuyder Zee. Of our destination, the men,
of course, were totally ignorant, but no doubt the officers knew. It
turned out that about 8000 troops had been appointed for this service,
the execution of which was intrusted to that gallant old veteran, and
hitherto successful general, Sir Ralph Abercromby. The intention was to
make a rapid and extensive flank movement during the night, and surprise
and capture the said city, while his Royal Highness was to attack the
enemy in front. We moved off as it became dark, but such was the state
of the roads that it became the most trying and distressing march that I
believe ever troops undertook; the roads were literally knee deep in mud
in most places, while every now and then they were rendered nearly
impassable, both by the enemy having broken down the bridges over the
innumerable canals and dikes which intersect this country, and these
canals in many places having overflowed their banks. None but those who
have experienced this or something similar, can form an idea of the
fatigue attending a night march in such a country, where the column is
large. We marched, I think, in sections of about eight file, that is,
with eight men abreast in the front rank, and the like number in the
rear rank covering them. Conceive, then, your arriving at an obstacle
which the darkness of the night multiplies a hundred-fold. Not more than
one man will attempt to pass this obstacle at the same time, and he has
to grope his way; consequently all the other fifteen men must stand
still, or nearly so, till he is over, before they each move on in turn.
Multiply this by the 300 sections behind, and you will have a halt for
the rear of probably an hour or more; standing all this while nearly up
to the knees in mire; or, what is worse, as each regiment has
accomplished the task of getting over, this of course causes the others
in the rear to be drawing up towards it by degrees, so that probably you
are compelled to stand (or, if you choose, you may lie down in the mud)
for a quarter of an hour, or more perhaps; and then move on again for
the space of a few hundred yards, and then another halt; so that could
you lie down to enjoy a little rest, the constant cry of "forward"
resounding in your ears, just as you begin to close your eyes, renders
it the most tiresome and trying situation that I know of. It is true,
the head of the column does not suffer in an equal proportion with those
in the rear, or a night march in an enemy's country would be a dangerous
operation.
During this march, I remember, when the road was extremely deep, some
one on the right of my section called out that there was an excellent
path a little beyond him; when one poor fellow moved in that direction,
but had not made many steps, till souse he went into a deep canal.
Whether the man who called out had been actually deceived by the smooth
surface of the water, which appeared in the dark like a nice level
road; or whether he did it through mischief, I know not, but the poor
simpleton who followed his advice paid dearly for his curiosity, being
with some difficulty extricated from his uncomfortable situation. I may
observe that these canals or dikes skirt both sides of every road in
this part of Holland, and are even made use of as fences for the fields,
there not being any hedges or walls that I remember to have seen.
About break of day we reached the city, which at once surrendered; but
just before daylight, I became so excessively weary that I could not
continue in the ranks any longer; indeed men had been dropping out for
some hours before, so that, I suppose, when the head of the column
reached Hoorne, one half the number had fallen out; for it was beyond
the powers of human nature to sustain such excessive fatigue. I, with
two or three others, got behind a house that stood by the roadside, and
laid ourselves down on a paved footpath which led from the back-door.
Never in my life did I experience a greater luxury than this appeared to
be, where something hard, and that would keep me out of the deep and
filthy mire, could be found to rest upon.
I laid me down and slept as soundly as ever I did in my life for about
an hour, which quite refreshed me. We then got up and set off with all
despatch to overtake the column, which we came up with and joined just
as they halted after reaching the city. None of the troops entered the
place, I believe; but my battalion being towards the rear of the column,
was at a considerable distance from it. All now lay down to rest, and
such as had houses near them occupied them; but those who had not, chose
the driest parts of the canal bank or road, and all were soon buried in
profound sleep, excepting those who were placed on guard.
CHAPTER II.
The Russian Allies carry Bergen--Allow themselves to be
surprised, and the whole Army forced to retire to their former
position--Skirmishing in the vicinity of Old Patten--The
Russians endeavour to force their way back to Bergen--The
Russian and British Forces joined--The Enemy forced to abandon
Egmont-op-Zee--Alkmaar surrenders--The Troops advance to Egmont
Binnen--Skirmishing--General Engagement--The Enemy
repulsed--The Forces retire to Zaand Wyck--Armistice
concluded--Return to England.
From daylight we had heard a heavy and constant cannonade towards our
right and rear. His Royal Highness, with the remainder of the army, as
was before intimated, had moved forward and attacked the main body of
the enemy; but as I did not witness this action, I forbear to relate
what I heard concerning it, further than this, that the Russians who
attacked the enemy posted in the neighbourhood of Bergen, having by some
mismanagement allowed themselves to be surprised after having carried
that village, the whole army had been obliged to retire to their former
position. In consequence of this failure, I believe, we were ordered
towards evening to fall in, and (what appeared annoying in the extreme)
to retrace our weary footsteps by the same dirty road by which we had
advanced. Nearly the same fatigue and misery were endured as in our
advance; but the column did not keep so much together as before, the men
falling out by hundreds, so that the stoppages were not quite so great.
We did not return to Schagen after our retreat, but were cantoned in
some villages in front of that town; and a few days afterwards we were
moved to the right of Schagen, through Schagen-bruck, to a farm hamlet
called Zaand Wyck.
Here we remained till the 1st of October; but I should not omit to
mention, that we had, during the intervening period, several marches,
all of which were made by night, and in which similar sufferings and
fatigue were endured as in the march to Hoorne. This, it may probably be
remembered, was one of the wettest autumns almost upon record; and in
these marches we generally had the full benefit of the torrents which
fell in this naturally wet country. I have actually seen the water
running out at the bottom of the men's trowsers like that from the
gutter which carries the rain from the roof of a house. When we had not
a night march, we invariably had to be at our alarm post an hour before
daybreak,--and that being about four miles distant from our quarter at
this time, we never had what may be called a full night's rest.
Military men will know that the custom of being at the alarm post before
daybreak is almost universal; for, that being the usual time of attack,
it behoves those who are apprehensive of a visit from the enemy to be on
the look-out, and to be prepared to receive them when they come--here
they remain, till, as the vulgar phrase goes, "You can see a white horse
a mile off," that is, till it is clear daylight, and they have
ascertained that no enemy is in the neighbourhood; after which, if all
be quiet, they retire to their quarters. Our accommodations at Zaand
Wyck may be said to have been good, for our officers had a farm-house to
live in, and we had a good dry barn and other outhouses to lie down in;
and in which I enjoyed some comfortable nights' lodgings. But on the 1st
of October, in the afternoon, we were ordered to fall in, it having
been previously intimated to us that we might probably have a brush with
the enemy.
We were, of course, all life and glee on receiving the information, and
the usual quantity of provisions having been issued, and every other
preparation made in the night, we moved off by the same road by which we
had usually advanced to our alarm post. This we passed, and then entered
a most unpleasant country to march through; it being nearer the enemy,
of course all bridges and other communications had been destroyed. As we
moved on, a little after daylight we were overtaken by the 11th light
dragoons, on which we were ordered to open to the right and left to let
them pass us. They seemed in high spirits, and some of them cried out,
as they passed us, "Go on, my lads, lather them well, and we'll come up
and shave them."
Sir Walter Scott mentions this saying as made use of by some of the
cavalry at Waterloo, as if it were at that time new; but I can assure
him it is as old as 1799, if not much older, for I certainly heard it
used on this occasion, and I know not but it may have been said long
before. The cavalry inclined, after passing us, to their left, while we
kept down towards the sea; and soon after, on ascending a small
eminence, we got a view of the village of Old Patten, where we
discovered about 10,000 or 12,000 of our army drawn up near the
sea-beach. We passed them, and moved forward in the direction of a high
range of sand-hills, which commenced about a mile beyond the village,
and which overlooked all the plain below. Here the enemy was posted, and
I was told that they began as soon as we were within reach to cannonade
us; but from the heads of the men in front, I could not perceive any
appearance of such cannonade, nor do I believe that any of their shot
reached us. A little farther on, however, we met a Russian yager, or
rifleman, coming back and holding out his hand, which had been wounded,
and from which the blood was flowing pretty copiously.
This was the first blood that I had ever seen as drawn in hostile
conflict, and it certainly produced a somewhat strange effect upon me;
it showed plainly that we were in the immediate vicinity of that enemy
we had so often talked about, and whom we hoped to conquer; that now the
time had arrived which would infallibly prove what every man, boaster or
not, was made of; and that it might happen that it was my lot to fall.
Having reflected (rather confusedly I own) on the passing scene before
me, and offered up an occasional prayer to Him who alone can cover the
head in the day of battle, we now approached the bottom of this sandy
eminence, when my company was ordered to unfix bayonets, (for we had
previously primed and loaded,) and dash on at double quick time till we
came in contact with the enemy. No time was left for reflection now, the
immediate duty we had to perform occupied all our attention fully; we
soon got into a smart fire from the enemy's riflemen, which we found was
the only description of troops, except a few artillery, that we had to
contend with, their main bodies of heavy infantry being on the right and
left of this sandy range, which in some places was about a mile in
breadth, in others more or less.
After the fight had fairly commenced, we kept but little order, owing
partly to the want of discipline and experience in our people, and
partly to the nature of the ground, which was rugged and uneven in the
extreme, being one continued range of sand-hills, with hollows more or
less deep between them; and partly it may be attributed to the ardour of
our young men, who pressed on perhaps too rapidly. We continued to
advance, and never once made a retrograde movement, the enemy regularly
retiring from height to height on our approach; but they had greatly
the advantage over us in point of shooting, their balls doing much more
execution than ours; indeed it cannot be wondered at, for they were all
riflemen, trained to fire with precision, and armed with a weapon which
seldom fails its object if truly pointed; while we were (what shall I
say) totally ignorant of that most essential part of a soldier's duty.
They consequently suffered little from our fire; but we could not
believe this, and tried to persuade ourselves they had either buried
their dead in the sand before we came up to them, or carried them off as
they retreated; but experience has since taught me to know that we then
must have done them little harm.
About the middle of the day, as I and a young man of the name of Thomas
Bambrough (a countryman of my own, and who had volunteered with me,)
were moving on in company, in passing through one of the valleys to an
opposite height, we were assailed by a little volley from a group of the
enemy which we discovered on a hill in front of us; one of which shots
took effect in poor Bambrough's thigh just about the ham; he instantly
fell, and roared out most piteously; I laid down my musket and
endeavoured to hoist him on my back, in order to take him out of the
fire, which they now poured in without intermission; but in this I
failed, for he was so completely disabled by the wound, as to be
rendered totally helpless, and it was so extremely painful that he could
not bear the least movement.
I felt constrained to leave him, although I did so with reluctance,
telling him that I would push on to the height we had first in view, to
which I then perceived some more of our men had advanced, and would
drive the enemy from their position; of course all this was not
literally told him, but something to that effect was said; and I found
that the moment I left him they ceased to fire on him; and, as I
promised, we did drive off the enemy. Shortly after, some of our own
people came up to where poor Bambrough lay, and carried him off to the
rear; he was sent to an hospital, where he soon after died, they not
being able, I understand, to extract the ball. Soon after this, there
were some tremendous volleys of musketry heard on our left, apparently
down in the plain below us. I, with one or two others, now inclined a
little towards the left, in order to have a peep at the troops there, so
hotly opposed to each other, in doing which, we still kept our line in
front of the enemy's skirmishers.
We found it was the Russian army endeavouring to force their way towards
the village of Bergen, the scene of their former disaster; but they were
most distressingly retarded by the innumerable canals or ditches, by
which the country was so intersected, and which were generally
impassable by fording. On some occasions I could perceive, when they had
found an entrance into an enclosure, and had fought their way to the
farther side of it, they were obliged to retrace their steps, and get
out by the same way by which they had entered, the enemy all this while
pouring into them a close and destructive fire. This appeared to me to
be most trying to their patience, and very disheartening; but they bore
it with great steadiness.
Meantime, our own heavy troops were advancing on the right by the
sea-beach, where was a plain of sand, of perhaps from 100 to 200 yards
in breadth; the sand-hills between the two wings, as I said before,
being swept by us, assisted by a small corps of Russian riflemen. We
moved on till we got a little in advance of the Russian army, (which,
from the obstacles they had to contend with, did not make very rapid
progress,) and immediately over the village of Bergen, which stood on
the plain, close under the sand-hills. Here, the enemy being in
possession of considerable field-works, plied us pretty plenteously
with shells from their howitzers, (their guns they could not elevate
sufficiently to reach us,) but from which we suffered very little; for
our people being much extended, and the sand being deep, the bursting of
the shells was attended with very little mischief. Indeed, for a long
time, I did not know what they were; for, having several times heard a
loud explosion pretty near, I actually looked round to see the gun,
which I imagined had fired, but could perceive nothing but a cloud of
smoke rising from the spot, and the small bushes and herbs about it on
fire. I thought it strange, and it was not till it was several times
repeated, that we discovered what it really was, for my comrades were
equally ignorant with myself.
At length, towards the close of the afternoon, a loud and heavy fire of
musketry broke out on our right, which continued for a considerable
time, and then ceased. This was our heavy infantry, who had advanced by
the sea-shore, and who had now approached the village of Egmont-op-Zee,
where the enemy made a most determined stand, but at last were driven
back with great slaughter, and our people took possession of the town.
From this place the battle derives its name. A little after dark, the
enemy abandoned Bergen also, so that we ceased any longer to be annoyed
by their shells, which they continued to throw while they held
possession of the place. But a short while before they retired, one was
thrown, which pitched just close over my company, (for we had then been
collected, and were formed in close order immediately above the town,)
and where Colonel Sharpe and another officer were walking; it lay for a
second or two hissing and burning, and might be expected every moment to
explode. Their road lay close past it; the veteran however took no
notice of it, but continued his walk and conversation the same as if
nothing had occurred, and without going an inch out of his way. It
burst with a tremendous report, but fortunately without doing either of
them the least injury. I confess I thought it rather _too brave_; for it
appeared to me that he might have walked a little farther from it, or
stopped for a moment or two without any imputation on his courage; but
people do not all see things exactly alike.
Our loss in this action was but trifling, considering the extent of the
operations. We had in my company only about fourteen or fifteen men
killed and wounded; among the latter were my two countrymen, Bambrough,
as before noticed, and Sutherland. One man of our company, I was told,
in charging a fieldpiece, was struck down by the wind of the ball, and
which, although it did not touch him, brought blood from his mouth,
nose, and ears; he never after thoroughly recovered the effects of it. I
do not remember ever to have felt more fatigued than I did after this
day's work. We had marched before commencing the action, I should think,
twelve miles or more. We had been kept upon the run the greater part of
the day, and had fought over nearly as much more ground, through loose
sand, sometimes nearly up to the middle of the leg, and over ground so
extremely uneven, that a few miles of leisurely walking on such, would
be more than I should be able to accomplish now; and we had been nearly
all the day deprived of every sort of liquid, for our canteens were soon
emptied of what little they contained in the morning, and having myself
fired nearly 150 rounds of ammunition, the powder of which, in biting
off the ends of the cartridges, had nearly choked me. What would I not
have given for a good drink? I felt completely exhausted, and laid me
down with the others with great good-will on the top of one of the
sand-hills. But the night proved extremely wet, so that every one of us
was very soon as completely soaked as if he had been dragged through a
river; and, to crown my misfortunes, I was without a blanket. Here I
must confess my folly, that others similarly situated may profit by my
experience. Soon after the commencement of the action a rumour was
spread along the line of skirmishers, that the Duke, seeing the very
arduous duty we had to perform, had said, "Never mind, my lads, if your
knapsacks are any encumbrance to you, and impede your running, throw
them off, and I will take care you shall be furnished with others." No
sooner did this silly report reach my ears, than I, with many others,
equally simple, believed it, without taking time to consider that if
even it were true, a knapsack and a blanket, (for they were together,)
to be useful should be at hand when wanted. But, simpleton like, away
went knapsack and blanket, and I felt greatly relieved in getting rid of
such a burden, and now pushed on after the enemy with increased vigour,
trying at the same time to persuade myself the report was true; although
I own I occasionally had my doubts on the subject. But night came on, as
I have said, and such a one as I have seldom seen for wet, and then I
plainly perceived that I had played the young soldier.
An officer of ours of the name of Lacy, who had formerly been the
captain of the Northumberland light company, and who volunteered with
us, offered any man half a guinea for the use of a blanket for that
night only, but without being able to obtain one: this will give some
idea of the kind of night it was. I had nothing for it, but just to put
the cock of my musket between my knees, to keep it as dry as possible,
and lay myself down as I was. I endeavoured to get as close as I could
to one who had a blanket, and lay down with my head at his feet, which
he had covered up very comfortably with his blanket. The rain pelted so
heavily and so incessantly on my face, that I ventured after a while to
pull a little corner of this man's blanket just to cover my cheek from
the pitiless storm, and in this situation snatched a comfortable nap;
but he awakening in the night, and finding that I had made free with the
corner of his blanket, rudely pulled it from off my face, and rolled it
round his feet again.
I was fain to lie still and let it pelt away, and even in this exposed
situation I got some sleep, so completely were the powers of nature
exhausted by fatigue. At length morning arose and showed us to
ourselves, and such a group of sweeps we had seldom seen. Our clothing
was literally all filth and dirt; our arms the colour of our coats with
rust; and our faces as black as if we had come out of a coal-pit. In
biting off the ends of the cartridges, there are generally a few grains
of powder left sticking on the lips and about the mouth; these,
accumulated as they must have been by the great quantity of ammunition
each of us had fired, and with the profuse perspiration we were in
during the heat of the day, added to the wet which fell upon us during
the night, had caused the powder to run all over our faces; so that in
the morning we cut the most ludicrous figure imaginable. However we
immediately set about getting our arms again in trim, for though the
enemy had left us masters of the field of action, they were not far
distant from us. We soon got our firelocks again in fighting order; that
is, they would go off, though the brightness, on which a clean soldier
piques himself, was gone past recovery at this time. I now felt rather
sore from firing my piece so often; the recoil against my shoulder and
breast had blackened them, and rendered them rather painful, and the
middle finger of my right hand was completely blackened and swoln from
the same cause.
At this time it was reported that a sad accident had occurred in our
battalion; a soldier of one of our companies, in cleaning his musket,
had by some awkwardness allowed it to go off, and an officer being
immediately in front of where he was standing, the ball had taken effect
upon him, and killed him on the spot.
After getting ourselves brushed up a little, the whole battalion was
brought together, and moved to the right into the town of Egmont-op-Zee,
where the guards and some other regiments had been since the evening
before, after beating the enemy out of it, as I before mentioned. We
remained here for that day, during which Alkmaar surrendered, and then
advanced to the village of Egmont Binnen, or Egmont-op-Hoof, I am not
certain which it is called, a few miles in front, and close by the sea.
I omitted to mention, that our fight of the 2d took place over the
ground from which Lord Duncan's victory derived its name, _i. e._
Camperdown. This headland, I fancy, we must have passed during that
day's operations--But to return. We remained in Egmont Binnen till the
morning of the 6th, when my battalion was ordered to fall in and march
towards the outposts, a few miles in front, in order, as we understood,
to relieve our grenadier battalion, which had been out since the day
before. We advanced by the sea-shore, but had not gone far before we saw
and heard unequivocal signs that we should have something more than
outpost duty to perform; the fact is, the enemy was rapidly advancing,
their force in front having been greatly augmented by reinforcements;
but when about two miles from the village, we met a soldier of the 11th
light dragoons bringing in a French officer, whom he had taken prisoner.
He belonged to the chasseurs-a-cheval, a sort of mounted light troops,
who can act either as infantry or cavalry, as occasion may require. When
we met them, and while they stood talking for a moment, I could not help
thinking it would have made a fine subject for a painting; for the
officer was most superbly dressed in dark green, with a richly
embroidered pouch-belt over his shoulder, and with a deep cut across his
cheek, from which the blood was streaming over an extremely handsome
face; indeed he was altogether a most interesting figure, and,
contrasted with the rough features and haughty bearing of the proud
trooper who had taken him, produced a fine effect. The fellow gave his
horse a slap over the flank with the flat of his sword, and set off with
his prisoner, crying out, that there were plenty more of them to take,
and that he would soon return and bring in another.
As we advanced, we could plainly perceive the enemy in front,
skirmishing with our grenadiers, and we also saw that they possessed a
pretty strong body of cavalry--a species of troops we had not
encountered on the 2d. We could distinctly perceive the cavalry wading
into the sea as far as their horses could go, in order, as we imagined,
to see past the point of a projecting sand-hill, which obstructed their
view of the beach beyond it; but when they perceived that the force
which was advancing against them was not great, they attacked our
grenadiers with increased vivacity, and we soon after came in contact
with them, for they were advancing with as great rapidity as if no force
was in front to oppose them.
We soon perceived that they were nearly four times our numbers, and were
obliged to adopt such a _ruse de guerre_ as is frequently practised by
the weaker party, but which had no effect, I am sorry to say, on this
occasion,--that is, while one part of our force was skirmishing, the
remainder got behind sand-hills a little in rear, and letting the men's
heads just show over their tops, as if standing in columns of
battalions, tried to induce the enemy to believe that each separate body
which appeared was of that force; but no, Johnny (as the soldiers
sometimes call the French) was not so easily gulled, for they had
previously ascertained pretty accurately the strength of our force in
front of them, by the operation of the cavalry before mentioned. They
therefore pressed on us with the most desperate fury, and in
overwhelming numbers.
We maintained the action as well as our limited means permitted, and for
a while kept tolerable order; but as the fight became hotter, and the
disparity of force more apparent, I regret to say, our young troops fell
into considerable disorder and confusion. This giving the enemy greater
confidence, of course he availed himself of it, and attacked us with
redoubled impetuosity; and, I lament to say, our dismayed and
disheartened young soldiers fell from one degree of confusion to
another, till at length all order seemed entirely lost amongst us; and
what was at first a rather regular retreat, became at last a disorderly
flight; for wherever an attempt was made to check the ardour of the
enemy, the immense inequality of force they possessed soon completely
overthrew the few that stood; and many were the brave fellows, both
officers and men, who fell in this unequal contest, without their having
the slightest chance of successfully opposing our impetuous foe.
The flight now became more like a race than any thing else, and I
imagine they drove us not less than three or four miles without giving
us time to breathe; but when we had reached within about a mile of the
village we had left in the morning, we perceived some regiments
advancing to our succour; among them was the 23d, which advanced in
line, and showed so good and steady a front as quite delighted us. We
could also perceive to our left, that the Russians had become engaged
with the force in front of them, and were holding it at bay; indeed by
this time the action had extended considerably into the country, and
some others of the British troops, I understand, were soon engaged.
On the coming up of the reinforcement, the 23d in particular, our
straggling and broken troops, which had been so wofully beaten, now
united, and again advanced upon the enemy; and when the 23d had given
them a volley or two, the French gave way and retreated with as great
precipitation as they had advanced. In short the tables were turned upon
them, and the pursuit of them now was equally rapid with our retreat
before them a short while previously; and before the action ceased, we
had driven them considerably beyond where we encountered them in the
morning. Night scarcely put an end to the action, for the firing
continued long after dark, each party being directed by the fire from
the arms of their opponents; the unwillingness to desist on our part, I
attribute to a desire of revenge for the disgrace they had inflicted on
us in the morning. Towards the evening it came on exceedingly wet.
Nothing could surpass the steadiness and fine appearance of the 23d, on
entering into action; but they were all old soldiers, while our two
battalions were composed altogether, I may say, of volunteers from the
militia, who had as little idea of service in the field, as if newly
taken from the plough. I would just remark here, that from what I have
witnessed upon different occasions, I should never be inclined to put
very much confidence in raw troops of whatever nation, or of what stuff
soever they may be composed, for it is certain, that without being at
all deficient in point of courage, they have not that confidence in
their own powers which soldiers who are inured to service possess; and
if hastily or hotly set upon, while without the aid and example of
others more experienced than themselves, it is many chances to one I
think that they will give way. So it was on this occasion. Nothing could
exceed the materials of which these two battalions were composed, had
they had the advantage of a little more experience; and no troops could
fight better than they did, after gaining the support and countenance of
the old regiments which were sent to reinforce them.
But I confess with shame, we showed a great want of nerve in the early
part of the day, although to any troops the occasion must have been one
of severe trial. When the retreat had degenerated into a flight, and
every one seemed intent only on making the best of his way to the rear,
I, with some others who were among the hills, imagined we could get on
faster if we took to the sea-beach, which, although it also was composed
of deep sand, yet was level, and could not be so very fatiguing as
climbing the innumerable hills over which we had to retreat. Away we
accordingly set for the beach; but we had forgotten to calculate that if
the beach would facilitate our retreat, it also would the enemy's
advance. This we soon discovered, for we had scarcely descended from the
hills when we found ourselves almost surrounded by the enemy; and it was
not without the utmost exertion in our power that we were enabled to
effect our escape, the balls flying thicker about us during our short
stay here than they had done all the day before. My haversack was a
great encumbrance to me on this occasion, for, having lost my knapsack
as before related, I was obliged to stuff every thing I possessed into
this inconvenient bag; which, hanging so low as to knock against my
thighs, greatly impeded my progress to the rear, and had nigh got me
lodged in a French prison.
A girl, who had followed a grenadier belonging to my regiment when he
volunteered out of the militia, accompanied her protector during the
whole of this day's operations, and shared equally with him every danger
and fatigue to which he was exposed, and no argument could prevail upon
her to leave him till the whole business was over, and till the
battalion to which her sweetheart belonged was sent to the rear at
night. I am not certain whether it was his Royal Highness's intention to
have fought this day, or whether the action was brought on fortuitously;
but certainly, although we began the fight under very unfavourable
circumstances, and things looked rather awkward at one part of the day,
no army ever got a more complete drubbing than the French did before the
business terminated. I have since learnt that the action became general
along the whole line towards the close of the day. Thus ended the last
affair between the British and French troops during that unfortunate
expedition.
The next day we fell back upon Egmont Binnen, leaving sufficiently
strong outposts to occupy the ground we had taken, and this day I was
fortunate enough to pick up the shell of an artilleryman's knapsack who
had been killed in one of the late fights; but for necessaries I was
totally destitute, and began soon after to feel the effects of my folly
in throwing away my own. A little before midnight of the evening of the
7th, we were again ordered under arms with all dispatch and without
noise, and had no doubt it was for the purpose of advancing as before,
so as to reach the enemy's line by daylight next morning. How great then
was our surprise and disappointment, when we turned our faces towards
the rear, and filed out of the village by the road leading towards our
old quarters! We moved on in silence till we reached Egmont-op-Zee,
where the flashes from a large coal fire erected by way of lighthouse,
shed a melancholy gleam over our columns as we passed beneath the hill
on which it was erected. Here also by the sea lay innumerable dead
bodies, both of men and horses, together with broken tumbrils and other
sad emblems of the devastation which a few days previously had been made
on this very ground; for here it was that the heat and principal part of
the action of the 2d took place, when the heavy columns of the opposing
armies came in contact with each other. It would not be easy to describe
our feelings as we moved sadly and silently along, knowing, as we now
did, that we were for ever abandoning all the advantages that we had
hitherto gained, after so much toil, privations, and loss as we had
suffered; but it was useless to repine. Our leaders must know better
than we could possibly do, what state the army was in, and what
likelihood remained of effecting the object for which we came into the
country; our duty therefore was to obey, without questioning the
propriety of our present movement, however unpleasant it might be to our
feelings.
We passed by Old Patten, near to which the action of the 2d commenced,
and finally returned to our old quarters at Zaand Wyck, which we reached
some time next day, and where I found my comrade Sutherland, who had
been here for some days; his wound, which was through the shoulder, not
having disabled him from making his way thus far. He had some mutton
already cooked, of which I partook with great relish, for I needed
refreshment much; and after taking a swig out of his canteen, I laid me
down and slept most soundly, rejoiced and thankful that I had so
comfortable a home to return to.
We remained in this quarter only a day or two, and then our brigade was
removed towards the left of the line, which, as well as I remember,
rested upon Kolhorn. My battalion occupied the village of Basingohorn,
to which we had retired on a former occasion; I mean on our retreat from
Hoorne. This was one of the villages farthest in advance, consequently
it became an outpost. A night or two passed quietly, but on the second
or third night, a firing commenced from the advanced sentries all along
the line. Whether the enemy had merely been making a reconnoissance, or
whether they had intended to advance in force, and our discovering them
altered their plan, I know not, but think the former the more probable;
but be as it may, it had the effect of turning out our whole line of
outposts, which, as might be expected, prepared to give them the best
reception we were able. I remember on this occasion putting in two balls
when we were ordered to load, as I was determined not to spare them, for
I (with all my comrades I believe) felt sore at having been obliged to
yield up all the advantages we had gained, to an enemy which we
certainly did not consider as having fairly won them from us in action,
but who were more indebted to the severity of the weather, producing
such disastrous consequences on our young army, than to their prowess in
the field. They retired, however, without giving us an opportunity of
welcoming them in the manner we intended. A few days after this, on the
19th October, it came to my turn to be one of the advanced sentries.
About break of day, while musing of many things, of home with all its
comforts, and contrasting it with my then rather uncomfortable
situation, I was suddenly aroused from my reverie by the beating of
drums and sounding of trumpets and music, &c., all along the French
line. I could not conjecture the cause of all this, for although it is
customary to sound and beat the reveille at this hour, yet never having
heard the French do so before, I concluded something more than ordinary
had occurred to cause them to do so on this occasion, and I need hardly
inform my reader that I kept a good look-out, in order that they should
not catch us napping. In a short while, however, the mystery was cleared
up; for an officer of ours came round all the advanced sentries to tell
us, that, as an armistice had been concluded, we were not any longer to
prevent the country-people from passing and repassing, as we had
formerly had orders to do. I imagine the festive noises which I heard
arose from this circumstance having taken place, for I believe the
French were tired enough of the business, although they had now become
in some measure the assailants; or else the cessation of hostilities
allowed them to resume their wonted custom of beating the reveille in
the morning.
Seeing we had failed in our attempt to wrest the country from the
French, and that no hope now remained of our ever being in a condition
to effect it, the prospect of returning home once more became a pleasing
consideration, and I fully gave way to it. My comrades also now began to
turn their thoughts homeward, and cheerfulness once more beamed on
countenances which for some days past had been rather gloomy. But by
this time the dysentery had made sad ravages among our young and
inexperienced soldiery, for on a day soon after this, we could in my
company muster on parade only eighteen men out of one hundred, of which
it was composed at the outset. This inefficiency was caused principally
by disease, although we had certainly lost a fair proportion in the
field. It was therefore well that our removal to a more favourable soil
was about speedily to take place; and wisely had his Royal Highness
acted in agreeing to evacuate a country, the climate of which had been
so extremely prejudicial to his army. About this time also, I began to
have my personal trials and sufferings; for now I began to feel the full
effect of my folly on the 2d inst., in throwing away my knapsack, for I
had not a change of any description, and the consequence may be easily
conjectured. Filth and vermin now began to add poignancy to my other
sufferings, but I bore up against them all as well as I was able; and I
have reason to thank God, that the strength of a good constitution
enabled me to continue my duty without yielding for one day to the
accumulated effects of these disagreeables. Soon after this also, the
good people of England, commiserating our uncomfortable situation, sent
out presents of flannel shirts and shoes, which arrived most
opportunely. I was not fortunate enough to obtain one of the former
necessary articles, but my sergeant kindly put me down for a pair of
shoes, of which I stood in great need, and now beg to return my best
thanks to the kind friends who sent them, although at the time we
expected we should have to pay for them. In a short while after this,
the grenadiers and light battalions were broken up, and each company
returned and joined its own proper regiment. We joined ours (the 56th)
at a weeshaus (or poorhouse), situated on the great canal which connects
this part of Holland with Alkmaer, and not far from Schagen-bruck. Here
we were occupied for a few days in putting things in the best order we
could, previous to our embarkation.
About the 3d November we marched for the Helder, from whence we went on
board. On our way down, one of my comrades, who was not over scrupulous
in expressing his sentiments, was railing bitterly against the
mismanagement (as he imagined) of the expedition, and saying, "he hoped
the next time we came to that country, should we ever come again, that
we would leave it under more favourable circumstances." General Manners
(to whose brigade we now belonged) was riding close behind, unknown to
this complainer, and overheard every word he said. When the soldier had
finished, the General most good-naturedly rode up to him, and began to
argue the matter with him. "Why," says he, "although we are leaving the
country, it is not from the enemy having compelled us to do so from his
superior bravery or success in the field, for we have fought only five
actions since landing, and in four of these we have been the conquerors;
it is owing solely to the great sickness and consequent inefficiency of
the army that we have been compelled to this measure." I could not but
admire the affability and kindness of the General, and was fully
satisfied myself, and so were all who heard him, of, I believe, the
justness of the remarks he made. We reached the Helder the same day,
where we remained doing duty till the 10th November, on which we
embarked on board his Majesty's ship Romney, of fifty guns, commanded by
Captain Lawford, (afterwards by Sir Home Popham.) She was only a small
vessel of her class, and yet our whole regiment was put on board her; we
indeed were not very strong, but she was crowded beyond measure, for
many, nay, most of the troops had not literally lying room, each company
having barely the space between two guns, which, I should think, is not
more than twelve feet at the utmost, and even here the sailors, whether
with or without orders I know not, slung their hammocks over us. I
particularly remember this being the case, for I had the second night,
by way of securing room to stretch myself, lain down between decks early
in the evening, and had had some little repose, when a sailor, whose
hammock was slung right over me, and while standing and making it, put
his foot right on my cheek, and stood there till he had finished. I know
not whether he knew that it was a human head he was treading on, but I
judged it best to be as quiet as possible; preferring the pain of
bearing his weight on my head, rather than, by moving or crying out, to
incur the risk of his foot slipping, and peeling the skin off my face.
The voyage was fortunately short, for in seven days we landed at
Yarmouth, glad and rejoiced that this unpleasant and ill-fated
expedition was terminated. I know not whether my reader is old enough to
remember the autumn of which I have been speaking, but to me it appeared
one of the wettest and most uncomfortable that I ever remember; and it
was here, while exposed to its effects, that were laid, most probably,
the seeds of that severe pulmonic affection from which I have since
suffered so much.
CHAPTER III.
Arrive in England--The Pompadours embark for Ireland--Arrive at
Kinsale--Privations in Ireland in 1800--Peace concluded--Our
Author resolves to return home, but ultimately volunteers into
the Rifle Corps or 95th--Embarks for England, and joins his
Regiment at Sussex--Is promoted.
We landed at Yarmouth on the 17th November, and the next day marched to
Norwich, where we remained a few days, and where we found the people
remarkably kind and attentive to our comforts; and, indeed, we now cut a
most sorry figure, being literally nothing but rags and dirt; it was
certainly a sad tax on the good landlords on whom we were billeted, to
be compelled to find us lodgings, for we never left the beds unoccupied
by some of the uncomfortable companions of our travels when we arose in
the morning. I here began to find myself very unwell, for though I had
borne up against sickness in the field, I could not now receive my food
without feeling the most afflicting nausea, my stomach being completely
out of order; and it was no wonder, for we had been compelled for
several weeks past to drink the brackish water of the ditches of
Holland, no springs (that ever I saw) being there to be found, and the
little water in their wells, when we arrived in the country, being
speedily exhausted. We had also been deprived of salt nearly all the
time of our sojourn in that country, one of the greatest privations that
I know of. Through the nursing of my kind landlady, however, I gradually
regained my appetite, and with it my health, for which I have reason to
be truly thankful to Him who has ever dealt so mercifully with me.
In a few days we left Norwich on our route to Chelmsford, and on our way
passed through Bury St Edmunds, where my late regiment, the
Northumberland militia, was quartered; they vied with each other in
showing us kind attentions, but our miserable appearance put the
soldiers of this regiment sadly out of love with the regular service.
We did not remain at Chelmsford long, but marched again for Horsham in
Sussex, on which occasion I for the first time had a view of the
metropolis, as we passed through it, by way of Whitechapel and London
Bridge, &c. At Horsham we were quartered during the remainder of this
winter. About the 10th or 12th of February 1800, we marched for
Portsmouth, where we embarked for Ireland on the 14th. On this occasion
the regiment was put on board two first-rate frigates; the Endymion was
that on which the left wing went on board, but I do not recollect the
name of the other. An agreement was entered into between the two
captains, I understood, to sail for fifty guineas, they both being
considered fast vessels; our destination was Cork; they were to start
together, and the first there of course to be the winner.
We sailed with a favourable breeze, and got on most delightfully,
having, soon after sailing, parted from our antagonist, and passing, if
I recollect right, inside the Isles of Scilly, we in a few days drew
near our destined port. But on the 19th, as we were pushing on with all
our might, having every stitch of sail set, a squall came on so
suddenly, that, before she could be stripped of her superfluous
clothing, she was actually running bows under water, the sea entering
the bow-ports, and making its way along between decks, like to wash
every thing away before it. At this time the log was hove, and we were
going at the (I believe) unparalleled rate of fifteen knots an hour. But
unfortunately for our captain, the vessel was completely driven out of
her course, and towards evening we entered the harbour of Kinsale, thus
losing the fifty guineas, although we were no doubt the better sailer.
This was the first gale I had experienced, and I did not relish it; but
when we entered the harbour, where the water was quite smooth, the
sensation I felt was most delightful, after having been buffeted most
violently by the sea without. The next day we landed, and were billeted
in Kinsale, and here I had the first view of Irishmen and Irish manners.
I need not attempt to describe them; for could I, so many have done it
before me, that the subject is almost exhausted. In a day or two after
landing, we marched to Cork, where the right wing had been landed, and
with which we of course formed a junction.
We remained in Ireland from this time till the peace of 1802 was
concluded, and were quartered successively in the towns of Cork,
Kilkenny, Clonmel, Fermoy, and Kinsale; but as there was nothing which
could interest a reader that occurred to me during this period, I shall
pass it over in silence, save mentioning the following:--In the year
1800, it is well known the utmost distress was experienced by the poor
of both countries, a scarcity, the effects of the wet harvest of 1799,
having grievously afflicted all the British dominions. But in Ireland,
the sufferings of the poor were great, beyond the conception of an
Englishman who has not witnessed them, and many hundreds of them, I
believe, actually perished of want.
But my tale relates more immediately to my own sufferings and those of
my comrades; for we had then but what was termed a "black shilling a
day," that is twelve pence Irish, an English or white shilling, or Hog,
going in that country for thirteen pence; we had not then any beer money
either, but had solely this black shilling to subsist on. Meat at this
time was no less than 10d. per lb., of which each man received half a
pound; bread was 5d. per lb., of which we also got half a pound. This
half pound of bread, and half pound of meat, and that not of the best,
was all we had to live on, and do our duty, which was not always of the
easiest description. The remainder of our shilling was taken to furnish
necessaries, washing, pipeclay, &c., for I do not remember that we ever
laid in any sort of vegetables for the pot. Potatoes were out of the
question, for they were no less than three shillings a stone of fourteen
pounds.
Although we did not absolutely suffer want, the reader will perceive
that we were but sparely dieted; the consequence was, innumerable
robberies of potato fields, and gardens, &c., in the neighbourhood of
our quarters; and many were the men that got punished for this crime,
but it could not be put a stop to, for hunger is not easily borne.
Indeed, on one occasion, I myself was seduced, by the persuasion of my
comrades and by the cravings of hunger, into the commission of this
crime. I remember well I was on what was termed the Commissariat guard,
a short distance from the town of Fermoy, when my companions, thinking
it a favourable opportunity for procuring something to eat, prevailed
upon me to accompany them to a garden near the bridge, into which we
entered, and each of us returned loaded with a fine cabbage, and which
afforded us an excellent meal after our relief from guard. It is
impossible to justify such an act, but the reader will be convinced, I
trust, that sheer hunger alone urged me to the perpetration of this
crime. Others, I have no doubt, were equally ill off, who did not resort
to such disgraceful means of satisfying their hunger, but bore it with
patient resignation. I believe that such was the case, and take shame to
myself for yielding either to the calls of nature or the solicitations
of my companions, some others of whom were not so scrupulous. During
this distressing season I sold a watch which had formerly been my
father's, and with which I felt extremely loath to part. I also received
a little money from home, all, or nearly all, of which was expended in
procuring food.
The hedges and fields, &c. in the vicinity, were ransacked in all
directions, for the purpose of procuring bramble-berries, nettles, &c.
&c.; in short, for any thing that was eatable. Such was our situation
during several months, while under the command of Lieut.-Col. Skinner,
who, although an excellent officer, had little idea of disposing of a
soldier's pay to the best advantage; but latterly we were commanded by
Major Keating, who, making the comfort of the soldiers under his command
his continual study and delight, soon adopted a system which secured to
us plenty in comparison of our former state. He left off the meat and
bread save occasionally, and procured for us plenty of oatmeal and milk,
by which means our wasted bodies began shortly after to resume quite
another appearance.
We were quartered at Lap's Island, in Cork, when the news arrived of
peace having been concluded; and as the bulk of the regiment had
volunteered from the militia for five years, or during the war, measures
were taken for discharging all those who did not re-enlist either into
their own or other regiments. My mind was fully made up to return home;
for although, as I said before, I never repented of having entered the
regular service, yet I knew that the anxiety of my dear parents for my
return was so great, that I had settled it fully in my own mind to leave
the army.
Another reason operated with me partly in forming this resolution--I had
persuaded myself that I ought to have been promoted--for I judged myself
fully capable of conducting the duties of a non-commissioned officer,
and I flattered myself my conduct had been generally unexceptionable;
but I was disappointed, for the great numbers in my company, who were
judged both more deserving and better qualified, and withal
better-looking soldiers, put it out of the question for me to look
forward to promotion.
I was in this state when an officer and a party of the Rifle corps
arrived at Cork, to receive such of the men of the different regiments
then about to be discharged, as chose to volunteer, for this novel, and,
as some thought, dangerous service. I cannot account for the impulse
with which I was urged on, from the moment I had seen one of the men, to
enter this corps. Something strange seemed to push me on, contrary to
the full determination to return home, which had possessed me an hour
before. I will not attempt to account for it, but such was the fact. I
immediately, with some others of my regiment, gave in my name as a
volunteer for the Rifle corps, and was in consequence in a day or two
sworn into that corps, in which I have ever considered it an honour to
serve, and which I have reason to thank a kind and overruling Providence
I ever entered.
No news of course could be so afflictive to my dear parents, as to hear
of the last rash and irretrievable step which I had taken. It had
wellnigh broken their hearts, for they fully calculated on my returning
home, as I had written to that effect. Judge then of their surprise and
sorrow, when they learnt that I had entered, what was deemed by some, a
condemned corps, and that for life--and that the West Indies would no
doubt soon be my grave.
On my leaving the 56th, the officers of my company expressed their
regret that I should quit the regiment, and told me, that although the
mode hitherto pursued of keeping all the best-looking men in the light
company had kept many from obtaining promotion, who otherwise would have
been made non-commissioned officers, yet that mode was no longer to be
adhered to, and that I might shortly expect to be promoted into another
company, if I would consent to remain. I thanked them, and told them I
had made up my mind, on which they each gave me a certificate as to
character, &c., recommending me to the officers of my new corps, and
which were of service to me afterwards.
The sergeant who had been sent to receive us, at once became my stanch
friend, and employed me, as the party was now become pretty strong, to
act as a non-commissioned officer. Every thing went on quite smoothly,
and I felt happy in my new corps, and in my new employment.
We marched soon after to Waterford, and thence to Passage, and there
embarked for the Isle of Wight, and without encountering any remarkable
event arrived at Cowes on the 27th June, 1802; here we remained a day or
two, and then marched for the regiment in Sussex. We found them at East
Bourne, although Blatchington was their quarter, but they had been sent
out of it on account of the assizes or election, I do not remember
which.
We immediately commenced our light drill, in which I took great delight;
but most of all I liked the shooting at the target. As recruits, we were
first drilled at what is termed the horse, _i. e._ a machine to assist
young riflemen in taking aim. At this I pleased my commanding-officer so
much the first time I tried, that he ordered me to the front, and told
me to load, and fire at the target. I did, and made a pretty good shot,
hitting pretty near the bull's eye; on which he made me load again and
fire, and hitting that also, he made me go on till I had fired ten
rounds, all of which hit the target, and two of which had struck the
bull's eye. The distance indeed was only fifty yards, but for a recruit,
that is, a person unaccustomed to rifle-shooting, he called it a
wonderful exhibition, and in consequence he gave me sixpence out of his
pocket, and ordered me home. I thought the reward quite inadequate, so
natural is it for us to overrate our own deservings.
This officer (Major Wade) was one of the best shots himself that I have
almost ever seen. I have known him, and a soldier of the name of
Smeaton, hold the target for each other at the distance of 150 yards,
while the other fired at it, so steady and so accurate was both their
shooting.
I continued to maintain my character as a good shot, which in a rifle
corps is a great recommendation, and proceeded in acquiring a knowledge
of my other duties with such steadiness as obtained the approbation of
my officers. We soon after marched to Chatham--and while there, several
non-commissioned officers being employed on the recruiting service, I
was employed in doing the duty of one, having been appointed what is
termed a "chosen man."
I must record the manner of my appointment. An acting-sergeant was doing
the duty of pay-sergeant of our company, but he took it into his head to
go all wrong, spending the money intrusted to him for the payment of the
men. He of course was deprived of the situation; and on this occasion it
was, that the officer commanding the company came to me one day, and
said to me, "Surtees, I shall be _forced_ to make you a chosen man." I
thanked him, but could not help reflecting on the strange mode of
expressing himself which he had adopted. The fact is, I believe, without
thinking about the opinion I must form of the compliment he was paying
me, he had been indeed forced to it, for he had no one to pay the
company besides; and as I was not yet dismissed from the drill, it was
an unprecedented measure. But he need not have told the _whole_ truth on
this occasion, for I should have been no worse a non-commissioned
officer, had he been more complimentary; but he was a _plain_ man, and
not much given to compliment.
On our march hither, some of the men broke into the plate chest of the
officers' mess, while the baggage stopped in Maidstone; one man was
discovered, and tried for it, and sentenced to receive 800 lashes, all
of which he took at one standing, and that without evincing much
suffering; this was the most I ever saw inflicted at one time.
We marched again from Chatham in September, and on the 2d of October
arrived at Thorncliffe. While here, my parents interested Mr Beaumont,
M.P. for my native county, to solicit my discharge from the Honourable
Colonel Stewart, my then commanding-officer, they paying the regulated
sum to the government. The colonel sent for me, and talked with me on
the subject, and argued most forcibly in favour of my remaining in the
regiment, saying he had intended to promote me the first vacancy; and
that he had no doubt whatever of seeing me one day an officer. I own my
views were not so sanguine; but his reasoning prevailed, and I consented
to remain. Soon after, an opportunity offering, I was appointed corporal
on the 24th of the same month.
Here again I had disappointed my beloved and tender parents, for it was
not without considerable trouble and difficulty they obtained the
interference of Mr Beaumont, and now I had again thrown cold water on
all their endeavours to obtain my discharge. I fear I have much to
answer for, as respects my conduct towards them. May God forgive me!
CHAPTER IV.
Made Pay-sergeant--Moral Reflections--Wreck of a Dutch East
Indiaman--Reduced Officers--War with France in 1803--Encampment
at Thorncliffe under the command of General Sir John
Moore--Encampment broke up, November, 1804--Embark for Germany,
October, 1805--Vicissitudes at Sea--Land at Cuxhaven--March to
Bremen--Outposts established--Retrograde movements, in
consequence of the defeat of the Allied Forces at
Austerlitz--The Allied Forces evacuate Germany--Re-embarkation
of the troops--The Rifle Corps, or 95th, land at Yarmouth.
Having given satisfaction as a corporal, I was shortly after appointed
acting-sergeant; and in that capacity also, having pleased my officers,
I was, on a vacancy occurring on the 19th of February following,
appointed sergeant, and given the payment of a company. My head was
almost turned by such rapid promotion, and I began in earnest to
contemplate the possibility of my colonel's predictions being one day
verified. Kind Providence watched over me, however, and kept me from
being too much elated, and of committing myself as I otherwise might
have done. Indeed I many times did commit things which, if strictly
searched into, would have brought censure upon me, and lowered the high
opinion that both myself and others entertained of me; but nothing that
openly violated the law by which I was then governed (although many of
God's laws I daily transgressed) was done by me.
I was at this time, although careful to secure the good opinion of my
officers, little solicitous to please Him who had alone lavished all
this bounty upon me. Indeed I believe I was as ungodly at this time as
I ever remember to have been, and yet He caused me to prosper. Oh! how I
ought to feel shame and confusion of face at the recollection of such
abused goodness and mercy! May He pardon me for Christ's sake!
A short while before my appointment as sergeant, a most melancholy
occurrence took place in the neighbourhood of our cantonment. A large
Dutch East Indiaman, outward bound to Batavia, and full of troops, in
passing down channel, mistook, I understand, the light at Dungeness for
one on the French coast, and in consequence stood in towards Dymchurch
wall instead of keeping out to sea. As might be expected, she was not
long in striking on the wall, running with her bow quite close under the
road, and in an instant, almost, went to pieces; and although numbers of
people were early at the spot, and some, I believe, at the very moment
she struck, they could render the unfortunate sufferers no effectual
aid, although only a few yards distant from them. Out of about 800
persons on board, only seven men were saved. Many poor fellows, I
understand, attempted to swim on shore, some on planks, and others
without any aid; but such was the tremendous swell, and the general
destruction of the ship so rapid, that only those seven before mentioned
succeeded; and they not without being all more or less injured by pieces
of the wreck. An admiral, I understood, was on board, and perished;
several beautiful females were afterwards cast ashore among the dead,
the wives or daughters, no doubt, of some on board; they were for the
most part nearly naked, so that it is conjectured they had been in bed.
As might be expected, the allurement to plunder so valuable a wreck was
not resisted by the natives of this part of the coast, but Colonel
Stewart humanely placed strong bodies of the regiment at different
points where the wreck had drifted, to secure as much of the property as
he could for the Dutch government, and also to collect and bring in the
numerous dead bodies which floated along the shore; all of which he had
decently interred in the churchyard at Thorncliffe, and had the poor
wounded survivors taken into hospital, where every care was taken of
them. Indeed nothing could exceed the unremitting attention which he
paid both to the dead and living on this most melancholy occasion, and
for which he received, as he well merited, the thanks of the Dutch
government.
About this period we had several individuals serving in the corps as
soldiers, who had been officers in the army during the late war, but
who, from different causes, had been reduced to the necessity of
enlisting as private soldiers. The first that I remember was a person of
the name of Conway Welch, who, I understood, had been an officer, and I
think the Adjutant of the Surrey Rangers. He got on to the rank of
Corporal, but, being excessively wild, I believe he never attained a
higher rank. I do not remember what became of him.
The second was called Hughes; he was, I believe, when he enlisted,
actually in the receipt of half-pay as a lieutenant of the line. He was
a person of good conduct, and was soon promoted to the rank of corporal,
and the colonel took him for his own private clerk, or secretary, as he
was denominated; but he did not remain long in this situation, for he
was shortly after called upon full pay of his rank in the army. I
believe his case was a singular one.
The third unfortunate individual was of the name of Tait. He had been a
captain in the Caithness Legion, but reduced when the regiment was
broken up at the peace. He conducted himself extremely well for some
time after he came into the regiment, and got on so far as to become
pay-sergeant of a company. But in this situation, having considerable
sums at his command, he became involved through his dissipation, and
being unable to extricate himself from his difficulties, he adopted the
fatal resolution of committing suicide, and accordingly, when quartered
at Woodbridge, he one day retired to his room, loaded his rifle, and
blew out his brains.
The story of the fourth individual is a scarcely less melancholy one.
His name was M'Laughlan. I had known him while serving in my late
regiment, as he had been an officer in the light company of the 35th
regiment, and stood next in the light battalion to the company to which
I belonged. He, shortly before our embarkation for Holland, got
involved, through a gambling transaction I heard, and was in consequence
obliged to dispose of his commission, which, it would appear from this,
he had originally purchased. But interest was made in his behalf, and he
was permitted to accompany his regiment to Holland in the capacity of a
volunteer, and he accordingly assumed the firelock and bayonet in place
of his former weapon, the sword. He was fortunate enough to obtain
another commission before the return of the troops to England, but how
he became deprived of that I have been unable to learn. But about the
latter end of 1803, he enlisted as a private in my corps. His conduct
here was far from good, and he consequently never rose higher, for he
was continually in scrapes from his dissipated habits; and becoming
tired of the restraint laid upon him by the strict discipline which our
excellent commanding-officer enforced, he one day made an attempt to
desert and join the French at Boulogne, and was picked up by one of our
cruisers in endeavouring to cross the channel in an open boat. He was
brought back handcuffed, and lodged in the guard-house one day when I
happened to be sergeant commanding the guard.
As I looked on him, I could not help reflecting on the strange
vicissitudes which attend some men in their passage through life. Here
was a person whom I had known only a few years before while encamped on
Barham Downs, a gay and handsome young officer, moving in the circle of
men of gallantry and honour; and now behold him a wretched culprit,
stretched on the wooden guard-bed, manacled like a felon. In contrasting
his miserable situation with my own so much happier lot, what ample
cause had I for gratitude to that kind and indulgent Providence, which
had preserved me from those excesses, which entailed so much misery on
others. He was shortly after tried by a general court-martial, and
transported as a felon for life. I understand a sister of his was at
Thorncliffe at the time of his trial, &c., the wife of a brevet
lieutenant-colonel in the 4th regiment. What must she have felt!
It will be recollected that, in 1803, war again broke out between this
country and France, as my preceding story had intimated. The army was
consequently augmented again, and my corps, till now called the "Rifle
Corps," was made the 95th. This year a camp was formed on Thorncliffe,
under the command of that able general and excellent man Sir John Moore.
This was termed by some the "Vanguard of England," for here it was that
the then threatened invasion of this country by Bonaparte must most
likely have taken place, it being immediately opposite to the grand camp
then forming at Boulogne. Daily rencontres took place between our
cruisers and his far-famed flotilla; and on one occasion, the belief
that he was sending forth his invincible host was so great, that our
camp was struck, the troops turned out, and received each man his sixty
rounds of ammunition; the waggons and carts were all put in immediate
requisition, and the inhabitants were flying in all directions. But to
our disappointment, I will not say whether disagreeable or otherwise, it
all ended in smoke; it happened to have been some of his flotilla making
a movement along the coast, which had been set on by our cruisers and
pretty roughly handled.
We remained in this camp till the 24th of November, I think, having
occasionally before this period had our tents blown from over our heads
by the autumnal gales. The next year a more formidable camp was formed
on the same ground, the force having been augmented by a second line,
composed of regiments of militia. This year also, like the last, passed
over without witnessing the long-threatened invasion of Old England,
although Bonaparte, in the pride of his heart and the vanity of his
mind, had begun to erect a monument near Boulogne, to commemorate that
glorious achievement. My regiment, on the breaking up of the camp,
marched into Hythe Barracks, where we remained till the month of April,
1805.
In the spring of this year another volunteering from the militia into
regiments of the line was ordered, on which occasion I was selected by
my commanding-officer, Lieut.-Colonel Beckwith, to accompany Lieutenant
Evans, of the regiment, down to my native county, to receive such men of
the militia regiments there as chose to enter the 95th. On this occasion
we were very successful, having obtained between seventy and eighty men
from the different regiments in the north. It was on this occasion that
I had the first opportunity, since I became a soldier, of visiting my
native village, and my greatly-distressed parents and family. I need not
describe the meeting that took place between us, on my first seeing
them--it will be better conceived than told;--suffice it to say, joy
and sorrow were strangely mingled together--joy to see me once more safe
and sound--but sorrow that the line of life I had adopted should so
soon, so very soon, call upon me to part from them again. In fact, I
could only remain with them three days, at the end of which, I had
orders to join my party at Morpeth.
With this respectable batch of volunteers we marched, and joined the
regiment at Canterbury, whither it had been removed during our absence,
and, on our arrival, received the thanks of our commanding-officer for
our exertions. Here, and at this time, a second battalion to the 95th
was formed, the sergeant-majorship of which I was in hopes of obtaining;
but in this I was disappointed, for a sergeant, who was both much older
than me, and had much stronger claims than I could pretend to, was
selected for the situation; and although he did not turn out so well
afterwards as was expected, yet these circumstances ought to have
satisfied me at the time that no injustice was done me by bestowing it
upon him. But such was my folly, and the over-high opinion I entertained
of my own merits, that I could not quietly acquiesce in this most just
arrangement; and foolishly imagining myself ill-used, the chagrin of
which drove me to the adoption of one of the worst expedients possible,
I immediately took to drinking and to the neglect of my proper duties,
thinking, like an ass as I was, that I should thus revenge myself for my
supposed ill-usage, forgetting that it was only on myself that this
revenge could ultimately fall. However, the same good Providence which
has mercifully and so continually watched over me, stepped in to my aid
in this my most dangerous situation; for one day my captain, who had
always been my friend, sent for me, and urged upon me the folly and the
baseness of my present conduct, and the unhappy consequences to myself
that were likely to result from persisting in a course so absurd and
blame-worthy. This, with my own reasoning on the subject, brought me at
length to a better disposition of mind, and induced me once more to
resume my duties with cheerfulness and alacrity.
I have mentioned this circumstance, because I believe I was nearer at
this time to falling into my original nothingness, than I ever have
been, either before or since; and I have no doubt that many an excellent
non-commissioned officer and soldier have been involved in the like
error, who have not been so fortunate as I was in escaping its
consequences.
From Canterbury we marched to Brabourn Lees Barracks, in the same
county, where we remained till some time in October, when we were called
upon to embark for Lower Germany. During our stay at Brabourn Lees, a
circumstance occurred which called forth an exhibition of as great
magnanimity, on the part of Colonel Beckwith, as I almost ever remember
to have witnessed: We had received about 200 Irish volunteers, who were
wild and ungovernable in the extreme; a party of these, in strolling
about one day, had fallen in with Mrs Beckwith, with her maid and child,
taking a walk along the Ashford road. Not knowing, I imagine, who the
lady and her maid were, they set on and assaulted them in the most
violent and outrageous manner, proceeding to such lengths as perhaps
delicacy forbids to mention. It was, I believe, discovered who they
were. Accordingly, the next day, the Colonel formed the battalion into a
square, and proceeded to relate the circumstance to the regiment; "But,"
says he, "although I know who the ruffians are, I will not proceed any
farther in the business, because it was _my own wife_ that they
attacked; but, had it been the wife of the meanest soldier in the
regiment, I solemnly declare I would have given you every lash which a
court-martial might have sentenced you." Such a trait of generous
forbearance is not often met with; but by this, and similar instances of
liberal feeling, he completely gained the heart of every soldier in the
battalion, a thing not always attainable by very excellent
commanding-officers.
About the latter end of October, 1805, we marched to Ramsgate, and there
embarked, as before noticed, for Germany. It was my lot, on this
occasion, to be put on board a small and ill-shaped collier brig, called
the Jane of Shields, but the master I have forgot. She was a most
miserable sailer, making on a wind almost as much lee as head-way, and
in every respect ill adapted for the transport service. We had not been
many days at sea before we lost the fleet, and in our endeavours to find
it again were at one time on the coast of Jutland. All this time we had
been beating against a contrary wind; but while here, the wind became
favourable, and we appeared to have nothing to do but to bear away for
the mouth of the Elbe, which river it was our destination to enter; but
unfortunately, by some mismanagement, we fell quite away to leeward of
it, and got entangled between the mainland and the Island of Wangeroog,
not far from the mouth of Jade River, instead of the Elbe.
While in this uncomfortable situation, it came on to blow a tremendous
gale, which rendered our position not only most unpleasant, but
extremely perilous, for we were embayed, and the wind blowing on a lee
shore, and the vessel became almost unmanageable, her bad sailing
becoming distressingly more apparent the more she was put on her mettle.
In the midst of the confusion attendant on such circumstances, the
master (with what intention I know not, whether to drown dull care, or
to fortify him against his exposure to the watery element) went down
below, and swallowed the best part of a bottle of brandy. In doing
which, his corner cupboard, with all its contents, came rattling down
about his ears. He would fain have had me to pledge him, but I begged to
be excused. The consequence was, he became quite drunk at the time when
all his abilities as a seaman were likely to be called into operation;
but he probably saw things clearest after having his eye wet.
My commanding-officer now became quite alarmed for the safety of the
troops, seeing the master had incapacitated himself, as he conceived,
for the management of the vessel; and, after a consultation among our
officers, an attempt was made to deprive him of the command, and intrust
it to the mate, who had in this case, in order to save as many of the
troops as possible, determined on running the vessel high and dry, as he
termed it, on the sandy beach, near the Jade River.
At this proposal, however, the master stormed and blasphemed like a
madman, swearing there was neither soldier nor sailor on board the ship
but himself. He went so far, and became so outrageous, that our
commanding-officer talked of hanging him up at the yard-arm; but it
being a ticklish thing to take the command of a ship from the person
legally authorized to exercise it, the major did not enforce the wishes
of the officers. The poor mate sat down on the companion and cried like
a child, partly owing to the abuse the captain gave him, and partly, I
imagine, from the hopelessness of our situation. The captain, in his
refusal to yield up the command, told the major he had been several
times wrecked, and had been, I know not how many times, exposed for a
considerable length of time in the water; and that he was not afraid to
encounter it again. This, however, was but poor consolation to landsmen,
who had not been accustomed to such duckings.
A desperate case requires a desperate remedy--so our captain
thought--for he instantly clapped on the vessel the square mainsail,
which every moment threatened to carry away the mast, and in which case,
nothing could have prevented our destruction; however, Providence so
ordered it, that she bore it through the gale, and he, after putting her
on the outward tack, continued to stand from the land till he imagined
he had completely weathered Wangeroog; but at midnight, when he ordered
to put about the ship, had it not been for the cabin-boy providentially
seeing close to leeward of us the light of Wangeroog, we should
instantly have been upon the rocks. This will show either what a bad
sailer the vessel was, or how far the master had miscalculated the
distance; for he imagined himself by this time to be quite clear of all
the land, and considerably out to sea. He continued, after this
providential escape, to stand on the same tack, and just cleared the
island; and in the morning, the wind having somewhat abated, and shifted
a little in our favour, we were enabled, soon after, to lay our course.
We arrived in the Elbe, and landed at Cuxhaven on the 18th of November,
1805, the day on which our fleet there was celebrating the victory of
Trafalgar--clouded indeed it was by the death of the hero who fell while
achieving it--yet glorious to the nation to which that fleet belonged.
We, immediately after landing, marched for Dorum, a village twelve or
fourteen miles distant, and from thence by Osterholtz and Bremer Lehe to
the city of Bremen. On our arrival there, (my battalion forming the
advanced guard,) we found the gates were shut against us; a Prussian
garrison was in the town, the commandant of which seemingly did not
know how to act, whether to admit us as allies, or not, the policy of
his government at that time being so extremely ambiguous. Colonel
Beckwith, who commanded the advance, was not however easily to be
deterred from executing his orders, and he hesitated not to tell them,
that if they did not choose to admit us peaceably, force should be
resorted to to gain an entrance. This had the desired effect, for the
gate was soon after thrown open, and we were received by the authorities
of the town, and by the inhabitants in general, with the warmest
expressions of friendship and cordial attachment; the Prussian officers,
all the while looking on, apparently not over-well pleased with the
conduct of their hosts; they were soon afterwards, however, withdrawn
from the territory, and we then remained sole occupiers of this part of
the country.
Our army assembled in this city in considerable force, when it becoming
necessary to establish outposts in advance, my battalion was sent out
first to the town of Delmenhorst, and subsequently a part of it to the
city of Oldenburg, and the remainder to the town of Wildishausen; to
this latter place two companies were detached, under the command of
Major Travers, and to which he appointed me to act as sergeant-major. We
did not remain long in this situation, but were again recalled from
Wildishausen to Delmenhorst, and afterwards sent to join the other
companies at Oldenburg.
Here we staid some time, during which we experienced the most unbounded
hospitality and kindness from the whole of the inhabitants, but more
particularly from the Duke. He actually did not know how sufficiently to
express his friendly disposition towards our officers in general,--his
kindness also extended to the soldiers,--for when we afterwards
received an order to retrograde again to Delmenhorst, he sent forward to
the half-way house refreshments of every description, for both officers
and men; and the night before we left this hospitable city, he gave a
splendid ball in honour of the officers of our corps, to which, of
course, every inhabitant of a suitable rank was invited. Nay, I heard,
and have no reason to doubt the correctness of the report, that he wrote
to the burgomaster of Bremen, to which city we again retired, to
endeavour, if possible, to have us quartered in his immediate
neighbourhood, in the best part of the town, for that not only the
officers, but the soldiers of the corps, were perfect gentlemen; indeed,
the conduct of the battalion at this time, under its kind and excellent
commanding-officer, was such as to entitle it to the highest praise. Our
retreat on this occasion, I understood, was rendered necessary, in
consequence of the defeat of the allied forces at Austerlitz, and of the
fatal termination by that sanguinary action of the campaign in that part
of Germany.
Although I am no prophet, I predicted at this period what the result
would be to the King of Prussia, whose hesitating and equivocal conduct
kept him aloof from taking an active part, when his co-operation might
have been of the utmost advantage to the general cause. It required no
second sight to perceive, that when Bonaparte could clear his hands of
his present antagonists, he would not hesitate for a moment to turn his
arms against a monarch on whom he could not cordially rely, and whose
dominions offered such a strong temptation to an ambitious and aspiring
mind like his.
We continued to occupy Bremen till towards the beginning of February
1806, when the whole army gradually drew down towards our place of
embarkation, for the purpose of evacuating the country, our stay now
having been rendered useless by the unsuccessful and unfortunate turn
which the allied affairs had taken. My battalion covered the retreat of
the army; but as great numbers of the German Legion, which formed part
of the British force in this country, were deserting and returning to
their homes, we were sent away into the interior to endeavour to
intercept such of them as might pass by the villages we occupied, and
restore them to the army. We took some, but not many; and soon after we
also retired, and went on board at Cuxhaven, and again returned to
England, landing at Yarmouth on the 19th of the same month.
During the whole of my military career, I never witnessed so cordial an
attachment to the British name and character, as was manifested during
this service, by the good people among whom we had been residing.
Nothing was too good for us--and nothing was left undone by them to
render us comfortable and happy. It is true they have their vices like
other people; but barring one or two peculiar to continental nations, I
believe them to be, generally speaking, as moral as any people among
whom it has been my lot to sojourn. But, oh! with what shame and sorrow
do I look back on the part I acted at this period--how profligate and
abandoned was my conduct at the very time that a kind and gracious
Providence was showering its choicest blessings upon me! but, alas, I
paid no regard to the remonstrances of conscience, which I endeavoured
and succeeded in drowning in debauchery and intemperance.
CHAPTER IV.*
Our Author made Quartermaster-Sergeant of the 2d battalion,
which he joins at Feversham, Kent--Expedition to
Denmark--Embark at Deal--Land at Vedbeck, Zealand--Partial
Engagements--Siege of Copenhagen--A Division under Sir Arthur
Wellesley advance to Kioge--Copenhagen capitulates--Amnesty
between the Danish Forces in the Island of Zealand, and the
British--The British evacuate Denmark--Embark at
Copenhagen--Arrive in the Downs--Land at Deal.
We landed, as I before stated, at Yarmouth, and proceeded by way of
Lowestoft to Woodbridge, in Suffolk, in the barracks of which my
battalion was quartered. Here also was the 23d regiment, that which I
had seen act so nobly in Holland: and as it was determined by its
commanding-officer to give the regiment some idea of light movements, I
was selected for the purpose of instructing their non-commissioned
officers. But I did not long continue to instruct them, for in the May
following, an offer was made me by Colonel Beckwith of the situation of
sergeant-major in the Cornwall Miners, a regiment of militia, with the
prospect, he told me, of shortly becoming adjutant. This, however, after
due consideration, I declined accepting--preferring to remain in a
regiment and service which I liked so well, and in which I hoped one day
to rise to something higher than my present situation. I believe my
conduct on this occasion was approved, for not long after, it was
intimated to me, that the offer I had refused, had been made to the
quartermaster-sergeant of our second battalion, and that he had, after
some hesitation, accepted it, thus leaving his situation open for me.
Accordingly, I departed for the purpose of joining that battalion, and
entering on my new duties.
I joined it at Feversham, in Kent. My means increasing, the sinfulness
of my course of life was increased in proportion. It is true, I
generally performed my various military duties to the satisfaction of my
superiors; but could not at all times please my present
commanding-officer, against whose wish and inclination I had been
appointed to my present situation; he naturally wishing to have a person
of his own selection. Soon after this, an expedition being ordered for
South America, of which three companies of my present battalion were to
form a part, I waited on him, and requested him to permit me to
accompany them in the capacity of acting quartermaster. He said no; but
if I chose to resign my present situation, and go as a sergeant, he
would permit me. This I of course declined, as it would have been paying
a bad compliment indeed to my benefactor, Colonel Beckwith, thus to give
up for nothing what he had been at pains to procure for me.
This, and some other little things which occurred about the same time,
proved to me that I was no favourite with my new lieutenant-colonel, and
that it behoved me to be very guarded in my conduct. We were, after
this, removed to Brabourn Lees again, and remained there, without any
occurrence arising, till we were summoned to take part in the expedition
fitting out for Denmark.
We accordingly repaired to Deal, where we embarked on the 26th of July,
1807, and shortly after sailed for our destination. We arrived in the
Sound about the 10th of August, where the whole fleet was assembled; one
of the largest I had yet seen. On the 16th, every thing having been
previously got ready, we landed at the village of Vedbeck, in the island
of Zealand, about ten or twelve miles below Copenhagen. It was a most
beautiful and glorious sight to witness the debarkation of the first
division, or advanced guard, to which my battalion belonged. The most
perfect arrangements had been made by Sir Home Popham, who superintended
the landing of the troops; and nothing could exceed the beauty and
regularity in which the different divisions of boats approached the
shore, covered by some small brigs and bombs, which had orders to clear
the beach by grape shot, of any enemy that might appear. Some light
artillery also landed with us, prepared for immediate action, for it was
not known but the Danes might attempt to oppose our landing, they having
rejected every overture on the part of our commanders for the delivery
of their fleet.
After landing, mine and the first battalion of my regiment were sent
forward in the direction of Copenhagen; and on this occasion, I for the
first time saw the illustrious General, who has since made the world
resound with his exploits. He commanded us, who formed the advance, and
directed our two battalions during the operations of the day. But we met
with no force of the enemy, save a small patrol of cavalry, which passed
in front of us, and then retired towards the city; this showed that they
were observing our movements. We halted for the night at a village
called, I think, Lingbye, on the great road from Copenhagen towards
Elsineur. We rested on our arms all night, and early in the morning
moved forward on the Copenhagen road, and about mid-day took up
cantonments within a long gun-shot of the city, and began to invest the
place. All was quiet till about three o'clock in the afternoon, when a
general cry of turn out, set the whole of our people in motion. A
considerable body of the enemy were advancing from the town, and by this
time had attacked the advanced picquets on our left, towards the
sea-shore; but instant succour being sent, they maintained their ground.
The force opposed to the enemy was but small, consisting of two
companies of the 4th regiment, four of the 23d, and four of my
battalion, with two light fieldpieces; in all not more than 1000 men,
while the Danes were near 3000. Nevertheless, the moment the armies came
in contact, they instantly gave way, leaving a considerable number of
killed and wounded behind them, and retreated into the town.
On this occasion, I attached myself to my commanding-officer, who, with
the surgeon, and some others of the staff, advanced with one of the guns
on the great road, having some of our companies on each flank. He gave
me his glass to take care of, with which I soon after busied myself in
watching the motions of the enemy. I discovered at a short distance to
our left and front, a considerable body of troops, dressed in long red
coats, which I knew could not be British, for that description of dress
had long been laid aside by us; I accordingly began, pointing them out
as an excellent mark for the artillery, which was then with us; but I
had scarcely spoken, when an officer present, cried out, after looking,
did I wish the artillery to fire on our own people? The colonel also
made some severe and reproachful remarks, telling me, if I would fight,
to go and take a rifle. I said nothing; but he had scarcely finished his
harangue, when a round shot came directly from this body of supposed
British troops, which nigh carried away one of the legs of the first
officer who spoke.
The enemy were soon repulsed, and the troops retired again to their
former cantonments. After their troops retreated, a body of their
gun-boats advanced against some of our small craft which happened to be
rather close in shore, but their attack occasioned little injury, the
distance being considerable.
The next morning the enemy opened a heavy and rather destructive fire of
artillery upon our outposts, by which we lost an officer of artillery
and several men; their fire was chiefly directed against what was called
the windmill battery, which was our farthest advance at this time.
On the 19th, my battalion was moved farther to the right, and nearer the
town; there was constant firing between the advanced posts of the two
armies, and this continued for several days, during which the investment
of the city was proceeding with, and batteries, &c. marked out for the
purpose of bombarding it. All kinds of ordnance stores were at the same
time disembarked, and sent off to the army with the utmost dispatch. In
short, nothing could exceed the vigour with which the siege was now
prosecuted, after the final rejection of pacific overtures by the Danish
general.
On the 24th, we were ordered under arms at two o'clock in the morning,
and immediately advanced, driving in the enemy's outposts, with the view
of carrying our works nearer the town. In this movement we experienced
considerable opposition and suffered some loss, from their guns on the
town walls, and from musketry from the windows.
We this day established two strong and well advanced batteries, and at
night set fire to a windmill in their possession, which obstructed our
view of some of their works. During the whole of the 25th, there was a
constant fire both of artillery and fire-arms, by which one of the light
battalions of the German Legion suffered rather severely. My battalion
relieved them at the outposts a little before dark, and was fortunate
enough not to lose a man, where they had lost considerable numbers.
On the 26th, a corps or division of the army was assembled, and placed
under the immediate orders of Sir Arthur Wellesley. It consisted of the
following regiments, viz. 43d, 52d, 92d, 95th, and 6th Battalion King's
German Legion, with six squadrons of German cavalry, and some artillery,
and was destined to advance against a body of the enemy composed
principally of militia, which had been for some time past collecting in
the neighbourhood of Kioge.
At three o'clock P.M., we started from the neighbourhood of Copenhagen,
the troops making their way through the country to the left of the great
road to Roskild. I had charge of the baggage, which was carried on light
German waggons, the bodies of which are formed chiefly of wicker-work,
and are so light and easy of draught that the natives travel in them in
the same manner nearly of our coaches--they going sometimes at a
considerable rate.
I found it impracticable to continue in the same direction the troops
had gone, for they presently left all traces of a road, and struck right
across the country--and as I knew I should be expected to have the
baggage with them that night if possible, I determined to run all
hazards, and proceed along the great high-road in hopes of afterwards
being enabled to find them out--accordingly I moved forward, and
presently passed the outposts of the German cavalry stationed in the
direction of Roskild; the men, I doubt not, wondering at my temerity in
pushing on with a few baggage waggons, where they were all on the alert
with swords drawn, and with carbines and pistols loaded. I own it was a
hazardous undertaking, for a very small party of the enemy would easily
have captured both me and my baggage; but I knew my commanding-officer
to be such a person as to pay little attention to excuses of any kind
when he wished a thing to be done, and withal he loved his comforts, and
would not have been easily pacified had he been deprived of them.
Fortunately, after advancing for some miles beyond the outposts of our
army before mentioned, I fell in with a road branching off towards the
left, apparently in the very direction the troops had taken.
Till I reached this point, I had advanced with considerable caution, and
slowly; determined, if any enemy should appear in front, to endeavour to
effect a retreat. But now, having left the great road, and taken that
which I judged would bring me to the neighbourhood of those I was
seeking, I accordingly ordered all my guards to mount, and set off at a
brisk trot, keeping a good look-out to my right flank, for fear of
surprise, and fortunately fell in with the division at the very moment
it was entering the road by which I had come. I received great credit
for my generalship, and was complimented by the officers of my corps,
they being the only people in the division, I believe, who had the
comfort of their baggage that night. The name of the village where we
halted is Caughstrup.
The next day we continued to advance in the direction of Kioge, and in
the afternoon we reached a village which I forget the name of, and where
evident traces appeared of the enemy having shortly left it; indeed, we
found two or three stragglers in the village, who were of course made
prisoners. We halted outside the village for the night.
A short while before we reached this village, I saw a body of troops
dressed in red, marching on our right flank, at right angles to the road
by which we were advancing, and which I instantly concluded must be a
part of the enemy's force, as we had no troops in that direction. But
remembering the rebuke I received on the 17th for interfering with
concerns that did not belong to me, I shut my mouth in silence, and did
not, I believe, mention the matter. It is evident it was a part of the
enemy's force, for the General's information led him to take that very
same direction the next day; and that being towards Roskild, we set out
and reached that city in the afternoon, but found the enemy had again
given us the slip, and doubled back to nearly the same place from whence
we had started.
The next morning about three o'clock we left Roskild, and took the road
for Kioge, near which it was now ascertained the enemy had come to a
resolution to make a stand. I forgot to mention that previous to this
our force had been divided and formed into two brigades; the 52d, 92d,
our 1st battalion, and some cavalry and artillery, remaining under the
command of Sir Arthur; while the 43d, the 6th German Legion, and our
five companies, with the remainder of the cavalry, were put under the
command of Baron Linsengen, one of the generals of the German Legion.
Sir Arthur's people had not been with us for a day or two back, but
where I do not exactly know. But this morning it was arranged that his
brigade was to march directly upon Kioge and attack it in front, while
we fetched a circuit behind, and came upon a part of their force
stationed in a forest or wood behind the town--and thus cut off their
retreat. But the poor creatures were unable to stand above a round or
two, and almost immediately broke and fled in all directions.
As we approached the wood we were destined to attack, the appearance was
certainly rather formidable; for from the immense cloud of dust they
raised in performing their movements, we calculated on meeting with a
considerable body of troops; and indeed, just as we approached the wood,
our cavalry laid hold of an officer of their horse, dressed partly in
uniform and partly as a civilian. From him we obtained information that
they had in the field 12,000 men; 5000 of which were armed with pikes,
1000 cavalry, and the remainder consisted of artillery and infantry. He
must, I think, have overrated their numbers, or surely they might have
made some sort of a stand against 5500 men, the strength of our
division.
On Sir Arthur attacking them in the town of Kioge, they stood, as before
said, only for a round or two, and fled, many of them coming in contact
afterwards with our brigade; but from the extent of (and intricate roads
through) the wood, very few of them were made prisoners; till towards
evening, when a company of my battalion, with some of the German
cavalry, overtook a considerable body in the village of Herfolge,
apparently the rearguard of the enemy. In this village they made a
stand, getting into the churchyard, which afforded an excellent
position, it being considerably higher than any other part of the
village. Here also they soon began to waver, and after a few shots from
our people, they all laid down their arms and became prisoners of war.
Their numbers were 1550 men, with 56 officers, and Major-General Oxholm,
the second in command of this part of the Danish army. A considerable
quantity of artillery, small arms, baggage, and provisions, &c., with
two stands of colours, fell into the hands of the captors on this
occasion. These poor creatures were instantly sent off as prisoners, and
put on board our ships at Copenhagen; many of them apparently quite glad
that they had done with fighting. Great numbers of them had nothing
better by way of shoeing than wooden clogs--a very inconvenient kind I
should imagine for a rapid retreat.
The loss of the British during this day's operations was, as might be
expected, quite trifling. I had this day followed the ill-natured
advice of my commanding-officer on a former occasion, and had taken a
rifle, but had little opportunity of using it, not having fired more
than eight or ten shots. My battalion halted in the village of Herfolge
for the night, and the next morning moved forward towards the town of
Kingsted, that being the direction in which the broken fragments of the
Danish army had retired.
Our two battalions had been employed all the day of the 29th, after the
first onset, in scouring the woods from Kioge to Herfolge. We continued
this service on the 30th also, and took numbers of poor creatures who
had been engaged in yesterday's operations, but who had not yet been
able totally to divest themselves of their military habiliments,
although apparently anxious to do so. We reached Kingsted on the 31st,
and finding that the only regular part of the late army had retired into
one of the islands in the Great Belt, and that the militia portion had
totally disbanded itself, we halted here till the fall of Copenhagen,
which took place on the 7th of September. But to prevent surprise from
any lurking parties of the enemy, which might still have kept together,
and to deprive them of the means of injuring us, strong detachments were
sent out to scour the country, and to bring in all the military arms
they could discover. A party of this description, consisting of 100
cavalry, and 100 of my battalion mounted on light waggons, traversed the
country for a considerable distance, and returned after having
discovered and taken possession of ten pieces of ordnance of small
calibre, and forty rifles belonging to the Kallundburg rifle company,
with several muskets. They also gained correct information respecting
the regular troops that had been lately opposed to us, and found they
had retired into the islands of Falstar and Meon.
On the capitulation of Copenhagen, terms of amity and peace were
entered into between the Danish forces in the island of Zealand and the
British; but these did not extend to the islands before mentioned, nor
to the other parts of his Danish Majesty's dominions; consequently, we
still remained at war with such of his forces as were not included in
the capitulation; and he might at any time have collected an army, had
he been able, and attacked us without any infringement of those terms.
It behoved our generals, therefore, to watch against any attempt of this
nature; and accordingly strong outposts were established all along the
Belt, composed principally of the men of our two battalions. The 1st
battalion occupied Kallundburg, Slagelse, Korsoer, and Skielskiore;
whilst the following towns and ports were occupied by my battalion, viz.
Mestyed, Lundbye, Wordingburg and Prestoe; thus forming a complete chain
of posts around the west and south coasts of the island. We remained so
posted till the 15th of October, by which time the greater part of the
naval stores taken in the dockyard having been taken on board, and the
period fast approaching for our evacuation of the country, we began to
retire towards Copenhagen, which we reached on the 17th, and immediately
embarked on board the Princess Caroline, a Danish seventy-four which had
been surrendered with the others of that fleet, and which are mentioned
below.[1]
We remained in the roads till the 20th, when the fleet dropped down
towards the Sound; and on the 21st the whole passed the Castle of
Elsineur, with a favourable and pleasant breeze, the British ensign
waving proudly from the lofty masts of their late gallant fleet; it must
have been an extremely galling sight for them (the Danes) to witness,
and I dare say they did not pray for many benedictions on our heads; I
pitied them from the bottom of my heart. On taking leave of this
country, I could not help remarking on the great similarity between its
inhabitants and the Germans about Bremen--kind-hearted, hospitable, and
inoffensive in the highest degree; and although suffering at that time
so severely from the policy of our country, they were high in our
praises as individuals and as a nation. I have great cause to speak well
of those innocent and worthy people, for I have seldom experienced more
kindness and attention than was shown me by them whenever circumstances
rendered such kindness and attention suitable, particularly at Nestyde,
where I met a young man who had formerly been in the West Indies, where
he had learnt to speak a little English, (for of Danish I could not
understand a word.) He introduced me to one worthy man, who had been an
officer, and fought in the famous action of Kioge above narrated. Poor
fellow, he felt heartily ashamed of the sorry attempt they had made to
act the part of an army, and I daresay would gladly have blotted from
his memory for ever the recollection of the ridiculous part they had
acted. I was not aware of this circumstance at first, and when it was
brought upon the tapis in the course of conversation, (my young friend
being interpreter,) I unluckily said, that "any man armed with a
bludgeon only, could easily beat three such soldiers."
I felt quite ashamed of myself afterwards, when I discovered that he,
poor man, had made one in that memorable action; but he took it all in
good part, apparently conscious of the justness of my remark. Indeed, I
was partly led on to use such expressions by the young fellow condemning
so bitterly their conduct, and which I afterwards would have given
something to have unsaid. He, however, bore no resentment, and kindly
took me home and introduced me to his wife, and requested me to salute
her with a kiss. I hesitated, thinking that I could not have understood
him right, and feeling awkward in such a situation; but my young friend
assured me it was the custom there to do so, on which I of course
complied. They are, in my opinion, an extremely moral race of people, no
vices that I know of being practised by them, save occasionally a little
drunkenness by some few individuals. I heartily wish them well.
We sailed, as I said before, on the 21st of October, and had fine
weather till we arrived in Yarmouth Roads. We passed one Sunday on our
voyage home, at a certain hour of which our pious naval commander (Lord
Gambier) made signal for the whole fleet to lay to, and have divine
service, that is, in such ships as there were chaplains on board of.
This caused the irreligious and profligate part of our people on board
the Princess Caroline to blaspheme and storm at a terrible rate, for
being so long detained when the wind was so fair.
It happened, when we arrived in the Roads at Yarmouth, or near there, I
think it was on the Galloper Sand, that a tremendous gale began to blow,
which baffled all exertions to withstand it. We cast out the anchors,
but without effect, for we ran away with them both, and in the endeavour
to vere out cable, or rather by the rapidity with which it was dragged
out of the ship by the force of the wind, our bits caught fire, which
with considerable difficulty were got extinguished after great
exertions. During the gale, I understand a sailor was blown off the
foreyard; and nearly at the same moment a woman, one of our corporals'
wives, fell down the hatches into the hold, and broke her back, of
which, indeed, she afterwards recovered, but never after regained her
upright posture.
Those scoffing gentlemen before mentioned, attributed the whole of our
misfortunes to the delay occasioned by the divine service before
adverted to, and were not sparing of invective against the individual
who caused its performance, forgetful, it would seem, that _He_, whom
that commander invoked on that day, holds the winds in His hand, and can
at pleasure let them loose upon an ungodly fleet, whether for correction
or judgment, at what time, and in what manner, best pleases him. I doubt
not the excellent commander alluded to has been a blessing to many. May
he long continue to ornament the exalted station he fills! We weighed
again after the storm abated, and proceeded round to the Downs, and the
next day, the 16th of November, landed at Deal, and from thence marched
to our old quarters at Hythe Barracks.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] List of Ships and Vessels captured at Copenhagen, 7th September,
1807.
Guns.
Christian the Seventh, 98
Neptune, 84
Waldemer, 84
Princess Sophia Fredrica, 84
Justice, 74
Heir Apparent Frederick, 74
Crown Prince Frederick, 74
Frien, 74
Oden, 74
Three Crowns, 74
Shield, 74
Crown Princess Maria, 74
Denmark, 74
Norway, 74
Princess Caroline, 74
Conqueror, 64
Norge, 74
Dalmakin, 64
Pirle, 44
Wory Wife, 44
Liberty, 44
Iris, 44
Rotar, 44
Denry, 44
Mayed, 36
Triton, 28
Fredrington, 28
Kline Belt, 28
St Thomas, 22
Tylto, 24
Elbe, 20
Eydeman, 20
Gluckstadt, 20
Sarp, 18
Glowman, 18
Nid Elvin, 18
Dolphin, 18
Marcur, 18
Cousier, 14
Flying Fish, 14
Total, 40
Together with eleven gun boats, with two guns each in the bow, and
fourteen do with one gun in the bow and one astern.
CHAPTER V.
Our Author marries--The Battalion to which he belongs ordered to
join the Expedition fitting out for Corunna--Movements of the
Army in Spain--Return to England.
Some little time after our return from the Baltic, I obtained a short
leave of absence, for the purpose of visiting my parents, and the other
members of my family; and, during my stay in my native village,
contracted a marriage with a young woman whom I had known from my
boyhood, she having been one of my earliest schoolfellows. I cannot say
that I enjoyed in the marriage state that happiness which I expected
from it, partly owing to the frequent and long separations which my
calling rendered unavoidable, and partly from other causes which have no
connexion with my narrative. I believe, during the eight years which my
wife lived after our union, I spent more than six of these in absence
from her.
At the expiration of my leave, we set off to join the regiment, which
still remained at Hythe, where we remained till the beginning of
September following, when my battalion having again been ordered for
foreign service in the expedition fitting out for Corunna, it became
indispensable that my poor wife should return to Northumberland, and
remain under the protection of her parents, till my return, should it
please God to spare me. This, no doubt, was a severe trial to us both,
but particularly to her, who had such a journey to undertake, alone and
unprotected, and she at the time far advanced in pregnancy; but, however
distressing, it must be undertaken, and I unfortunately could not be
spared from the regiment, for our orders were to proceed immediately to
Ramsgate, for embarkation.
We parted, after I had accompanied her as far as I was able, and seeing
her safely stowed in the coach. It may be supposed that a new-married
pair, under such circumstances, would part with heavy and afflicted
hearts.
My battalion embarked at Ramsgate on the 10th of September. On this
occasion, I was very fortunate in getting on board an excellent
transport, called the Nautilus, of Shields, commanded by Captain Watson
(my wife's maiden name), and the steward, a native of the Hermitage, a
place within four miles of my home. Of course, we were mutually glad to
meet each other, and often talked over old Northumbrian stories, which
recalled delightful recollections of our younger years. The fleet in
which we sailed rendezvoused at Falmouth, whence we took our departure,
and arrived at Corunna on the 26th of October.
On our passage, when we made Cape Ortegal, a pilot-boat came off, in
which were the first Spaniards I remember to have seen; certainly, they
did not prepossess me greatly in favour of their countrymen, but they
are now so well known in England, that a description of those I here
saw, would be only to repeat what has been so often and so much better
told by others. We landed at Corunna, as before said, on the 26th, and a
day or two after, proceeded up the country, halting for the first night
at Betanzos. Our force consisted of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, in
all, about 10,000 men, and was commanded by General Sir David Baird,
and intended to co-operate, or form a junction, with that under Sir John
Moore, then in Portugal, and who was then advancing into Spain.
My battalion, and some companies of the first battalion of my regiment,
formed the advanced guard, a situation which I consider the most
enviable of any in the army--for here all is untried, and, as it were,
unbroken ground; every thing is fresh, and although attended sometimes
with a little more danger of being cut off while separated from the main
body, yet possessing so many countervailing advantages, that I hesitate
not to say it is the most desirable post of any in an army.
At Betanzos, we began to experience the great defectiveness of our
commissariat department, at this period of our history; for the
gentleman sent forward to provide our two battalions with food, was so
utterly unacquainted with his business, that he was actually afraid to
make an attempt to issue provisions. Although bread had been baked by
order of the Spanish authorities, he not understanding, as he said, the
Spanish weights and measures, durst not issue any thing without his own,
which were behind; but it was evident the troops could not remain
without provisions. We were here, as in most of the towns we afterwards
passed through, lodged in convents, the officers generally either being
quartered on the inhabitants of the town, or lodged by the monks in
their cells. On these occasions the men occupied only the corridors,
into which straw was generally put by the authorities of the place, the
men lying as close as pigs in a sty, which indeed was necessary to keep
each other warm; but these lodgings were not to be complained of, as
clean straw, and shelter overhead in that country, are no contemptible
quarters.
We moved forward by fair and easy stages, by way of Lugo, Villa Franca,
Cacabelos, and Astorga; this latter place we reached on the 19th
November, but during the march, we had experienced considerable
difficulty in obtaining supplies both of provisions and the means of
transport. This is a considerable town, containing probably about 5000
inhabitants. Both it and Lugo are surrounded by old Moorish walls, which
may formerly have been considered strong, but which, according to the
present mode of warfare, would offer but a feeble resistance to a
besieging army. It contains a number of convents, both in the town and
suburbs, and, of course, a proportionate number of idle monks, &c. Here,
as in many towns in Spain, they have a curious mode of keeping out of
their houses unwelcome visiters; for the doors being all made remarkably
strong, and kept constantly shut, you cannot enter till the inmates have
first reconnoitred you through an aperture above the door, made for the
purpose; and it is not till they are satisfied who you are, and with
your business, that they will open the door, which they generally do by
a cord communicating with the latch from their peep-hole above.
Here we were pretty plentifully supplied with provisions, and rested for
some days, my battalion having been pushed forward to a village called
Zalada, about a league in front of the town. After having been refreshed
by a few days' rest, my battalion was again pushed forward, and occupied
the town of Labeneza, about four leagues in front of Astorga, while the
main body of the army assembled in and around that town; but we had not
remained more than a few days in Labeneza, before a report arrived of
the enemy being in our front, and advancing in force; and we were
consequently recalled to Zalada, in order to form a junction with our
main body. Not long after this, about the latter end of November,
orders were received from Sir John Moore, for our division to retreat
and fall back upon Corunna. This measure, I understand, was rendered
necessary, in consequence of the Spanish armies having been completely
beaten and dispersed, so that nothing remained to oppose an overwhelming
French force, which it was ascertained had entered Spain, but the few
British troops comprising the armies under Sir John Moore, and ours.
We accordingly set to the right-about, and fell back as far as
Cacabelos, the main body occupying Villa Franca and its neighbourhood.
This movement was not by any means liked by any of us; for, independent
of its being so uncongenial to the spirit of Britons to turn their backs
upon an enemy, we felt disappointed at what we saw and heard of the
celebrated Spanish patriots. We had been given to understand that the
whole nation was up in arms against the French, and that we should have
been received, on entering their country, as liberators, and treated as
brethren, but in both these points we were miserably disappointed; for,
instead of a hearty welcome on our arrival, we could with great
difficulty obtain leave to land, and still more to obtain the necessary
supplies of carriages and provisions to enable us to come forward; and
with regard to the patriotism of the people, whatever might have been
their good-will to act in defence of their beloved country and
Ferdinand, they appeared as little likely as any people I had ever seen,
to effect any thing against such an enemy as the French. In fact, those
of them who formed their armies, at least of those straggling parties we
so often met, could be called nothing better than mere rabble--no
organization, no subordination, but every one evidently pursued that
plan which seemed right in his own eyes.
While we remained at Cacabelos, (a place famous for good wine,) many
were the schemes adopted by some of our bibbers, to obtain a sufficient
quantum of this excellent beverage. I understand they occasionally
borrowed each other's clothes; that is, a 43d man would borrow a
rifleman's green jacket, and _vice versa_, and go and steal, or in some
other illegal mode obtain, a camp-kettle full or two; and when the owner
came to point out the person who had robbed him, of course he could not
be found.
We had not remained above a day or two in our new quarters, before an
express arrived from Sir John Moore, with orders for us to advance again
immediately; and which, notwithstanding we had little or no prospect of
assistance and co-operation from the Patriots, was cheerfully complied
with. We retraced our former steps, passing through Astorga and
Labeneza, and reached Benevente on the 15th December.
Our cavalry, consisting of the 7th, 10th, and 15th hussars, under Lord
Paget, had by this time come up from Corunna, and had been pushed
forward to join Sir John Moore's force; they fell in with a party of the
French cavalry at the town of Rueda, not far from Tordesillas, and of
which they either killed, or took prisoners, nearly the whole; in fact,
through the whole of this service, nothing could exceed the gallantry
and intrepid conduct of our cavalry under his lordship. At this town, as
well as at Astorga and Villa Franca, depots of provisions began to be
formed soon after our arrival.
On the 17th December, we again advanced from Benevente, in order to form
a junction with Sir John Moore's army, and passing through Valderas,
Majorga, and Sahagun, we reached the convent of Trianon, about a league
in front of the latter place. On the 20th, here the two forces were
united, and a fresh distribution into brigades took place. Ours, under
Brigadier-general Crawford, was termed the Light Brigade, and consisted
of the 1st battalion 43d, 2d battalion 52d, and the 2d battalion of my
regiment.
The whole army was assembled in this neighbourhood, and consisted of
about 26,000 men, the whole _now_ under the command of Sir John Moore.
Previous to our arrival at Sahagun, Lord Paget, with a part of the 10th
and 15th hussars, discovered that a considerable body of the enemy's
cavalry occupied that town. He therefore detached the 10th by a
circuitous road, while he with the 15th approached it by the more direct
one. They were, however, discovered by the French before reaching the
town, which gave the enemy time to turn out and form to receive the
attack. His lordship, when a favourable opportunity offered, charged the
French, who were greatly superior in numbers, and completely overthrew
them, taking two colonels, eleven other officers, and about 150 men.
On the evening of the 23d, the whole army was put in motion, with an
intention, it was said, of attacking Marshal Soult, who, with a corps of
about 16 or 18,000 men, was posted behind the River Carrion, his
head-quarters being at Saldanha. The Spanish General Romana, was to take
a part in this movement; his small and sadly inefficient force had
approached the left of our army, or rather we had drawn towards his
position, and he was, I believe, perfectly willing to lend all the
assistance in his power, in the contemplated attack; but our General, I
fancy, did not calculate upon any material help, from a force so greatly
out of order as his was said to be. Soon after dark, the troops fell in;
and as it was understood an attack was going to be made on the enemy,
every pulse beat high, in expectation of soon congratulating each other
on a victory. All was life and animation; and the necessary
preparations, by the light of our blazing fires, for such an event as a
battle, after the many long and harassing marches we had had, gave an
interesting appearance to the scene.
When all was ready, the troops moved forward. It was a cold and bitter
night, and there were some small brooks on the road. An officer of my
battalion, who was not very well, when he came to one of those, instead
of marching straight through, as it appears had been ordered, went a
little way round by the bridge, although not off the road. A certain
general officer, who happened to be there at the time, observed it, and
getting into a great rage at the officer leaving his section, made him
turn back, and march through and through repeatedly, by way of
punishment. Such a mode of treating an officer, certainly appeared
rather harsh; but this general piqued himself on his being able to make
his brigade better marchers than any other troops in the army; and in
this he certainly succeeded, although it was not without frequent
exhibitions, such as the above. Our people had not gone far, however,
till they were countermanded, and returned back to our convent. I rather
think the main body of the army had not moved out of their cantonments;
but ours being the advanced brigade, it was necessary we should move
before the others.
It appears Sir John Moore, just before he intended to set out, had
received information, not only of Soult having been greatly reinforced,
but that several strong corps of the French army were marching directly
upon us, by which, should he delay only a few days, we should be
completely surrounded, and cut off from a retreat. This was most
distressing information, for never was an army more eager to come in
contact with the enemy than ours was at this moment, and never was there
a fairer prospect of success, had things remained as they were; but now,
instead of honour and glory being acquired, by showing the French what
British troops could do in the field, it was evident nothing remained
but to commence a retrograde movement, the worst and most unpleasant, in
a British soldier's view, of any other.
Winter had now completely set in; the face of the country being covered
with deep snow, the weather was unusually severe. Our prospect,
therefore, was by no means a pleasant one. To commence a retreat in
front of a greatly superior force, and with the probability that other
French armies might be before us, and intercept our retreat upon the
sea, which was distant from us nearly 250 miles, with the country in our
rear being already exhausted of every thing that could contribute to our
support, and with such excessively bad weather to perform the retreat
in, rendered it, I may say, as unpleasant a situation as troops could
well be placed in. Added to which, our commissariat was by no means so
efficient in those days as they have latterly become; and our troops in
general being young, and unaccustomed to privation, it was but too
obvious, that should the retreat continue long, many would be the
disasters attending it. On Christmas day, our brigade, as the rear of
the infantry, commenced its uncomfortable retreat, and continued
marching till late at night, when we reached a convent near Majorga. The
next day, although we started early, we only reached the village of St
Miguel about midnight.
Here I had considerable difficulty with the baggage. I had had charge of
it all day, my guard being composed of officers' servants, &c., who, the
moment they got into the village, set off to their masters, and left me
alone with the mules, the troops having, by the time I got in, all lain
down to sleep. Several of the muleteers had been pressed into the
service against their wills, and of course would have made their escape
whenever an opportunity offered. I was therefore compelled to drive them
all into the churchyard, and watch them myself, till luckily, after
waiting in this situation a considerable time, without daring to go to
sleep after the fatigues of such a day, some men happened to wander in
that direction in search of meat, by whom I sent to our quartermaster to
request he would send a guard, which he did soon after, and I had the
happiness to be allowed to throw myself down and take some rest.
This day Lord Paget had another brush with the French cavalry, who,
being apprized of our retreat, had advanced to Majorga. He attacked them
with that gallantry which shone so conspicuously in the cavalry during
the whole of this service, and completely overthrew them, killing and
wounding many, and taking a number prisoners; in this affair the 10th
hussars were engaged, and behaved nobly. The next day we reached Castro
Gonzales, and Castro Pipa. At the latter village, my battalion halted
for the night and the next day. These two villages command the passage
over the river Eslar, they being about equidistant from the bridge, and
something more than a mile apart on high ground over the river, which
runs about a league in front of Benevente. Here we were obliged to
remain during the time mentioned, in order that the heavy divisions of
the army might get sufficiently forward before we moved.
I had still the charge of the baggage, and not knowing where my
battalion was to be quartered for the night, I had crossed the Eslar to
the Benevente side, till I learnt long after dark that Castro Pipa was
its quarters. I consequently turned back and recrossed the river, and
just as I reached the end of the bridge, I heard a shot immediately in
my front. The 43d regiment guarded the bridge. It turned out to be a
patrol of the enemy's cavalry who had come close to the top of the
slope leading down to the bridge, and where a double sentry of the 43d
was posted. By some accident these two men were not loaded; the French
dragoons were consequently permitted to come close up to them without
their being able to give any alarm. One of them, however, run his
bayonet into one of the Frenchmen's horses, and retreated, but the other
was not only cut down with the sabre, but had a pistol fired at him,
which was the report I had just heard. I saw the wounded man, who was
severely hurt, but whether he survived or not I know not.
When I reached Castro Pipa, my commanding-officer would scarcely credit
the report I gave him, conceiving it impossible the French could be such
near neighbours. I was a good deal chagrined at his suspecting my
veracity, but he had never been what I may call a friendly
commanding-officer to me, as the story of the rifle at Copenhagen will
prove; indeed, as I had been put into the situation I held contrary to
his wish, it was hardly to be expected that he would show himself very
friendly. During the night, however, our quarters were beat up, not
indeed by the enemy, but by our brigadier, who was not sparing of his
censure for our want of alertness in turning out. Indeed, we neither had
so good a look-out as we ought to have kept, nor did we get under arms
with that promptitude which was desirable, and from the cause before
assigned; that is, that our commandant did not believe the enemy was so
near.
I own I was not sorry that the General paid us such a visit, as it not
only put us more upon our guard, a thing so indispensably necessary in
the presence of an enemy, but it gave me some satisfaction for the
dishonour put upon me by disbelieving my information.
The enemy did not disturb us during the remainder of the night, and
next morning the brigade was assembled on the height above, and in front
of the bridge; considerable bodies of the enemy's cavalry appearing in
the plain before us. Some skirmishing between our people and the enemy
took place, but nothing of any importance occurred. Our brigade was left
in this position to cover the working party who were preparing to blow
up the bridge, at which they worked all day; during the night our people
were withdrawn from the farther side, and the explosion soon after took
place, but the destruction of the bridge was by no means so effectual as
was wished and expected. When we turned out in the morning to move
towards the bridge, I (still having charge of my battalion's baggage)
discovered that a vast quantity of excellent biscuit was stored up in an
empty house in the village, which, no doubt, had been baked for the
purpose of supplying the magazine at Benevente; and as our people had
been but very indifferently supplied with bread since we commenced the
retreat, I determined to load a bullock-cart with it, and try to get it
to a place of safety, where I hoped to be able to issue it to them.
I accordingly took a cart and two bullocks, there being plenty in the
village, and apparently without owners, for the inhabitants had mostly
either abandoned the place on the appearance of the French, or had hid
themselves. I loaded the cart, but still I wanted a person to drive it;
and although I used both promises and threats, I could not prevail upon
any person to go with me. I therefore mounted the cart myself, and using
my sword by way of a goad, I entered the river at a place which looked
like a ford, and had the good fortune to reach the other side in safety.
I mention this to show that so much importance need not have been
attached to the destruction of the bridge, as both here, and near Castro
Gonzales, the river was perfectly fordable, for near the latter place
the French cavalry forded it on the following morning.
I now made my way to Benevente, where I remained during the day of the
28th; and at night, as before hinted, the troops which had been guarding
the bridge arrived, leaving cavalry piquets on the plain between the
town and the river. The next morning our people left Benevente, and as I
was a little behind them with the baggage, on my reaching a height in
rear of the town, I observed in the plain in front a considerable body
of the enemy's cavalry, who had, as before stated, crossed the river
near Castro Gonzales, and were advancing towards the town, opposed,
though feebly at first, by the few of our cavalry left there on piquet;
but the cavalry regiments which were in town quickly turning out to
their support, they were at length completely able to oppose, and
finally overthrow them.
During the time I remained here, I saw our brave dragoons make three
most gallant and successful charges against superior numbers of the
enemy, completely breaking and dispersing the different bodies against
which the charges were made. The enemy appeared to be drawn up in
different lines, the front one of which was that always charged; and I
observed, that as our people advanced upon them, they were always
received with a fire either from the carbines or pistols of the enemy,
but this never appeared in the least to check the ardour of the charge,
for in a minute or two after I observed the French troops retired in
confusion, and formed behind the other lines. At length they were
completely driven back to the ford by which they had crossed; and in a
charge now made upon them, General le Febvre, with about seventy men,
fell into our people's hands. These troops were a part of Bonaparte's
Imperial Guard, and the flower of his army, being fine-looking men,
dressed in dark-green long coats, with high bear-skin caps, and
mustaches, which gave them a formidable appearance. It was said that
Bonaparte was looking on at this affair, and witnessed the defeat of his
hitherto invincible Old Guard; it is certain that he slept the night
before at Villalpando, a place only four leagues distant from the field.
I now set off and overtook the baggage and the bullock cart, not having
had an opportunity of issuing the biscuit; but before I had proceeded
above a few miles, the bullocks knocked up, and notwithstanding every
exertion I found it impossible to get them any farther. Thus was I
reluctantly compelled to abandon a cart-load of excellent biscuit, after
having had so much trouble with it, at the time when I knew it was
greatly needed by my hungry fellow soldiers, and to whom it would have
been a most welcome offering. On this day's march, a most lamentable
number of stragglers were overtaken by us, we being in rear of all the
infantry; they had either fallen out from excessive fatigue, or from
having (as in too many instances) drunk too much; indeed, the
destruction of the magazine of provisions at the place we had left,
enabled too many of them to obtain by one means or other considerable
quantities of spirits, and which, of course, rendered them incapable of
marching. This was a long and wearisome day's journey of nearly thirty
miles; we did not reach Labeneza till late at night, where a
considerable quantity of ammunition was obliged to be destroyed, the
animals failing which drew it.
The next day we reached our old quarters at Zalada, a league in front of
Astorga, where we halted for the night, the remainder of the brigade
going into the town. It was to this village, it may be remembered, that
we were sent on our first advance, and subsequently after our first
retreat from Labeneza; but besides these movements from the village and
back again, during the time we remained in it, we almost every morning
had orders to pack up and move a short distance out of the place. This
was done no doubt to accustom us to a ready turning out, as till this
period our baggage had been transported on bullock-carts; but now we had
mules, and it was necessary to accustom those whose duty it was, to load
the mules with dispatch. But on every occasion of this kind, the
inhabitants always imagined we were actually going to leave them, and
the moment we were clean gone, as they thought, they set to work and
rung the church bell with all their might. This was either to testify
their regret at losing our company, or to evince their gratitude to
Heaven for having got rid of such a band of heretics, by which their
most pure and holy dwellings had been defiled; it was laughable to see
the long faces they put on when we, so contrary to their hopes and
expectations, always returned to our wretched and uncomfortable
quarters.
During the whole of the time we remained in this village, I, as a
staff-sergeant, could find no better lodgings than a dirty open shed;
the reader will therefore judge how ill the privates must have been off.
Our fellows began about this time to pick up little bits of Spanish, and
would often exercise their ability to converse in the native tongue, by
telling the inhabitants that we were certainly going to "_marcha
manana_", that is, to march to-morrow, so that it became quite a
by-word, which annoyed our hosts not a little. If I mistake not, the
Padre of this village was a great knave, and did not scruple to help
himself to such things as he had a mind for, belonging to our officers,
whenever a fit opportunity presented itself. The next day, the 31st, we
moved into Astorga, where we halted for an hour or two, till the
destruction of the magazine there was completed, although nothing but
rum remained; and here I witnessed such a brutal and swinish eagerness
for drink as was quite disgusting. The rum casks were ordered to be
staved, and to let the contents run out on the street, that they might
not fall into the hands of the enemy: thus the rum which had cost so
much trouble in bringing up all the way from Corunna was about to be
lost for ever; a thing most heart-rending to the numerous soldiers
looking on, who loved it so dearly. However, they were determined not to
lose all, for when the heads of the casks were knocked in, and their
contents permitted to run in streams down the gutters, some of those
brutes deliberately took off their greasy caps, and laving up the rum
and the mud together, drank, or rather ate, the swinish mixture. What
noble soldiers would our country produce, were not that detestable vice
of drunkenness so common among us; but to it how many have I seen
deliberately sacrifice their own and country's honour, nay their very
life itself, rather than forego the beastly gratification!
All this morning we had been told to keep a sharp look-out on the Leon
side of Astorga, for the enemy was every moment expected to make his
appearance from that quarter; however, we were not disturbed during the
short time we remained. We here fell in with a considerable body of
Romana's army, apparently all confusion, and destitute of every thing.
We understood that they were not to be marched in the same line we were
taking, but that it had been concerted between the two generals that our
route should be kept free; however, here, and for several days
afterwards, we suffered greatly from their contiguity.
We continued our march from Astorga the same day, and reached at night
the village of Foncevadon, about twenty miles distant. Here we pigged
in as well as we were able, there being only five or six houses; but as
we had a few tents with us, we managed not amiss. Till now our brigade
had formed the rear of the infantry, there being some cavalry in rear of
us; but it was now determined that ours and the Light German Brigade
under Brigadier-general Charles Alten, should strike off from the great
road, and take the route for Orense and Vigo. This was done, I
understand, with a view to secure a passage across the Minho at the
former place, should Sir John, with the main army, be compelled to
retreat in that direction, and probably with the view also of drawing
off a part of the enemy's overwhelming force from the pursuit of that
body, and to induce them to follow us into the mountains.
Notwithstanding this, they continued to pursue Sir John on the great
road, whilst they left us free altogether.
I beg to notice here, that both Mr Gifford and Mr Moore (Sir John's
brother), have fallen into a trifling error respecting the period of our
separation from the main body, they both making us be detached before
our arrival at Astorga, whereas it was not till we had passed a day's
march beyond it that we were sent off. The thing is of no consequence,
only it is as well to be correct.
The next day, the 1st of January 1809, we marched by a most difficult
road through the mountains, to Ponferrada, situated about a league to
the left of the great road to Corunna, on which the main army was
retreating. When we got in, our commissary immediately made a
requisition to the Alcalde of the town, to provide bread for the two
brigades, as we began to be in most fearful want. He promised to set the
bakers to work immediately, and in a few hours, he said, the bread would
be ready. We called on him repeatedly, without obtaining any, he still
alleging it was not yet quite ready, and putting us off from time to
time, till midnight, when the patience of our commissary being fairly
worn out, he yielded to the anger so naturally inspired by such
shuffling conduct, and used some strong language to the Alcalde.
Whereupon, we discovered at once that he had been only amusing us with
promises he did not intend to fulfil; and told the commissary that he
did not fear any of his threats, for that, as Romana's army had now also
entered the town, he had no doubt they would protect him, and revenge
any insult offered to him. The commissary had indeed talked about
hanging him for his double-dealing, and leaving the troops utterly
starving; but if he could have got any bread ready, it is most natural
to suppose he would prefer letting his own countrymen have it; this,
however, as might be expected, had a most pernicious effect upon our
suffering soldiers, for when provisions could not be procured in the
regular and ordinary mode, it is evident they would take them wherever
they were to be found--for hunger is not easily borne, accompanied by
incessant fatigue. In the morning, when we turned out to continue our
march towards Orense, we heard a heavy firing towards our right and
front, and this proved to be an attack made by the enemy's light troops
upon our first battalion, who, with some cavalry, had been left in
Cacabelos as a rearguard. Our first battalion gained great credit for
their conduct on this occasion. The force of the enemy greatly exceeded
ours, yet our people drove them back with great loss, killing General
Colbert, who commanded the advance. This was done by a noted pickle of
the name of Tom Plunkett, who, fearless of all danger to himself, got
sufficiently nigh to make sure of his mark, and shot him, which, with
the fire of the others, caused great havoc in the enemy's ranks, and set
them flying to the rear much faster than they advanced. Our situation
was thus, in a manner, in rear of the enemy's advance guard, yet they
did not turn in our direction. Cacabelos was distant from us only about
a league.
Our road this day lay over high and almost inaccessible mountains,
deeply covered with snow. On the top of one of these, as our General was
passing the column, a cry was passed from the rear to open out to allow
him to pass, the road being very narrow. One of our men, as the General
came near, happened to say, loud enough for him to hear, that "he had
more need to give us some bread," or words to that effect, which so
exasperated the General, that he instantly halted the whole brigade,
ordered the man to be tried by a drum-head court-martial, and flogged
him on the spot. It was a severe, but perhaps necessary discipline, in
order to check in the bud the seeds of murmuring and insubordination,
although I own it appeared harsh.
Our march was a long and toilsome one indeed, and did not terminate till
about ten at night, when we reached St Domingo-Flores, where nothing
could be procured but a very small quantity of black bread, the village
being quite small. Tired with the journey, we felt rather inclined to
sleep than eat; and, wet and dirty as we were, we laid ourselves down
till dawn, when we commenced another such day's march, and reached at
night the village of La Rua. During these two days, want and fatigue had
compelled many to fall out, some of whom, no doubt, perished in the snow
on the bleak mountains, over which our road, or rather path, had lain;
others fell into the hands of the enemy, and some few rejoined us after
having obtained some little refreshment from the natives.
It would but be a repetition of the privations and fatigues we
underwent, to notice all that befell us on our way thence to Orense,
which place we reached on the 7th of January, having previously pushed
on, by double forced marches, a few hundred men, to take possession of
the bridge over the Minho at this place. Here we remained a day, and
obtained provisions, then much needed by us all, for the men had been
literally starving for several days past. We had time and opportunity
here also to strip and change our linen, that is, those who had a
change; the others washed the shirt they took off, sitting without one
till it was dry. Indeed, by this time we were in a most miserable
plight; our shoes, of course, were nearly all worn out, and many
travelling barefoot; and our clothes, as might be expected, were ragged
and filthy in the extreme; indeed they could not be otherwise, for I
suppose none of us had put any thing off since we commenced the retreat.
This day's rest, however, refreshed us greatly, and enabled us to
perform the remainder of our toilsome journey with more comfort; indeed,
since we had secured the passage of the Minho, and thus prevented the
enemy from getting in before us, our minds were more at ease, for strong
apprehensions were entertained that the French would have detached a
corps from their main body to seize this pass, and thus cut off our
retreat to Vigo. A part of Romana's army entered Orense before we left
it, worse, if possible, in point of appearance than ourselves; but they,
in their best days, are more like an armed mob than regularly organized
soldiers.
It is a pity that Romana did not adopt the plan pointed out to him by
Sir John Moore, either to retire into the Asturias with his army
unbroken, or hang upon the flanks of the enemy as he passed through the
mountains; and which he could have done with ease and safety, for these
fellows could live where regular troops would starve, and there was no
doubt but the peasantry would have assisted their countrymen with all
their means. This would have in some measure retarded the too rapid
progress of the French, and probably been the means of saving to our
country one of its bravest and most skilful generals.
Some of our men who had been compelled to stop behind from fatigue and
starvation, rejoined us here, having generally been assisted by the
peasantry, who gave them food, and helped them forward.
On the 9th, in the morning, we left Orense, crossing the Minho to the
north side of that river, and continued our march to the town of
Ribadavia, situated at the junction of the rivers Avia and Minho, both
of which, from the melting of the snow, and the immense quantities of
rain that had fallen, were greatly swollen. So much so, that when I
approached the town with the baggage, (the troops having gone on
before,) and which I did not reach till near midnight, I found the road
completely overflowed with water; and being without a guide, I could not
of course in the night be certain where the road lay, the whole bank of
the river being completely under water. We were in consequence obliged
to climb the mountains to our left, and proceed in the best manner we
were able with the loaded mules; but so precipitous were they in one
place, that a load of ammunition slid off the mule's back, and the casks
rolled rapidly down the hill towards the river. I durst not venture to
leave them, although my chance of finding them in such a situation
appeared small indeed; however, we halted the remainder of the mules,
while a few of us set off down the steep in the direction we had seen
them go, and after a long and anxious groping in every hollow of the
rocky mountain, succeeded in recovering them; but the powder in them,
and indeed nearly all the ammunition we had, was rendered completely
useless, from the constant heavy rain that had fallen. I am almost
astonished that no accident happened to either man or beast in this
perilous journey, for our feet literally "stumbled upon the dark
mountains," without either guide or path, and where the ground was most
uneven and dangerous. We however at length reached our destination, wet
and weary enough, and, just as we entered the town, were informed that
the corridor of one of the convents where two of our companies were
sleeping, had just fallen to the ground with a tremendous crash, and
that several men had had their limbs broken by the fall; I do not
remember that any were killed. It being so late, I could not procure any
kind of quarter, so I was fain to sit down by the side of a fire kindled
in the yard of this convent for the remainder of the night.
We next morning resumed our journey, and in three days more from this
place we reached Vigo. On this last day's march we had a pretty high
eminence to ascend at some distance from the town, from which the view
of the town, the shipping, and the sea, broke all at once upon us. It
was a most delightful prospect, and it was highly amusing to observe the
joy which seemed to animate the woe-worn countenances of our ragged and
dirty soldiers. Fellows without a shoe or a stocking, and who before
were shuffling along with sore and lacerated feet like so many lame
ducks, now made an attempt to dance for joy; laughter and mirth, and the
joke, now succeeded to the gloomy silence with which they had in general
prosecuted their wearisome journey for several days past, as the
friendly element before them promised shortly to put a period to long
and toilsome wanderings. Indeed, although I am a bad sailor, and suffer
always severely when at sea, I do not remember ever to have witnessed a
sight which inspired me with greater pleasure than the shipping and the
sea did on this occasion.
The fleet of transports for the army under Sir John Moore, was just
clearing the bay as we came in sight, but we observed that a sufficient
number remained at Vigo to transport us to our native land, a place we
sorely longed for, as we had often contrasted the happiness and security
and comfort of our friends at home, with the poverty and misery we had
lately witnessed in the country we were leaving; and this no doubt
increased our anxiety for the change. We marched into Vigo, and were
soon after put on board the vessels destined to receive us. It was my
fortune to be sent on board the Alfred, 74, with two of our companies; a
great number of men were still behind, for even the few last days'
marches had deprived us of many who till then had braved the toils and
privations of the journey, but who now had fairly sunk under exhaustion.
The Commodore, therefore, remained as long in the bay as it was safe,
sending the stragglers as they arrived on board the different ships; but
within a few days after our arrival, the enemy entered the town, which
of course precluded all hope of more escaping. We consequently weighed
and stood out towards the outer bay, where we again came to anchor.
A Russian ship-of-war was in a small harbour in this bay, which it was
intended to board and cut out. As we were then, I believe, on rather bad
terms with that nation, never did I witness such alacrity and delight as
our tars on board the Alfred manifested when buckling on their cutlasses
for the occasion, and I feel certain that if confidence in themselves
would tend to insure the victory, no men had a better chance of
succeeding; but from some cause or other with which I am unacquainted,
the enterprise was abandoned.
On the 21st January we weighed and stood out to sea; but a gale coming
on we were obliged to come to anchor again under the shelter of the
Isle of Bagona. We did not get to sea till the 24th, but on the 25th we
spoke a frigate going out to Lisbon with General Dyatt on board, who
informed us of the fatal business at Corunna. Indeed the people on board
this ship had, from vague reports, greatly magnified our loss on that
occasion, telling us that the whole army had been nearly cut to pieces,
and that very few indeed had been able to effect their escape. We each,
of course, mourned for his particular friends, not doubting but they had
fallen among the rest. I think it was the same night on which we saw
this ship, a fatal accident had very nigh taken place. Our captain was
the Commodore, and the captain of the Hindostan store-ship had charge of
the rear of the fleet; his place was consequently always behind all the
other vessels. Some time after dark, however, our look-out people gave
notice of a large vessel on our starboard quarter. We shortened sail and
let her come up pretty close to us, and made the private signal, but no
answer was returned. At length, when near enough, we hailed her, but
still no answer. An order was now given to stand to quarters and prepare
for action, not doubting she was an enemy which had got among the fleet.
The guns were accordingly run out, the matches lit, and every thing
prepared for action. She appeared a large ship, but of what force they
could not guess. Again she was hailed, and again she disregarded it. Our
first lieutenant was now fully convinced she was an enemy, and pleaded
hard with the captain to give the word fire, but the captain said he
would hail her once more, and if she did not answer he would fire.
Providentially they heard us this time, and answered it was the
Hindostan. What they had been about I know not, for we were quite near
each other; and had she received our broadside, as was the intention had
she not then answered, it is most probable she would have gone down; at
all events the consequences must have been awful, for she had the whole
of the 43d regiment on board, besides her own crew. Our captain
certainly censured him in no very mild terms for leaving his station in
the rear, and getting to the very head of the fleet. She was a very
lofty ship, and carried forty-four guns I believe, and had not less than
1000 men on board, many of whom must have suffered had we fired upon
her.
A few days after this we encountered a most tremendous gale, and came in
sight of the English coast, somewhere near the Lizard or the Start; but
our master not knowing exactly where he was, we stood off again towards
the French coast.
The next day the gale was if possible more severe, and the ship rolled
so much that they were afraid her guns would break loose from their
lashings, in consequence of which large spikes were driven in behind the
wheels of each gun-carriage to prevent such an accident. In this
situation, I know not whether I did not almost wish myself on the snowy
mountains of Galicia again, rather than where I was, so miserable a
sailor am I, and so much do I suffer from sea-sickness.
The fleet was by this time completely scattered, every one making the
best shift he could for himself; some got into Plymouth, some reached
Portsmouth, and some, I believe, foundered in the gale, among which, if
I mistake not, was a brig, on board of which my two companies had been
first embarked, but were subsequently removed to the Alfred, and some of
the German Legion, I think, put on board her.
At length we made the Isle of Wight, and subsequently Spithead, which we
reached on the 31st, and the next day landed once more on the happy
shore of our native Britain. Thankful indeed I ought to have been for
the ever watchful care of an indulgent and kind Providence, who had
brought me safely through the toils and sufferings under which so many
more robust and hardy than myself had sunk; but, alas! I had then no
sense of the gratitude due for such unmerited favours, and instead of
rendering thanks to Him who had thus preserved me, I entered, with all
the eagerness of a person devoid of reason and religion, into every vice
and sensuality that presented itself. I here learnt with sorrow the
great loss which my friends in the first battalion had sustained, but
glad nevertheless that it was not to the extent we apprehended, and that
none of my particular friends had fallen.
We left Portsmouth, and returned to our old quarters at Hythe, in Kent,
passing again on the road my native county militia at Battle, in Sussex,
as I did at Bury, on my return from Holland; and truly our appearance on
this occasion was, if possible, more deplorable than on the former.
However, our tattered and worn-out habiliments had the effect of
inspiring some of my countrymen in that regiment with a desire of
sharing in the glory, as they termed it, of suffering so much in the
defence of our beloved country; and they accordingly made up their minds
to volunteer into our corps the first opportunity that offered, and
which they put in execution that same year, as will be told hereafter.
We took up our abode in the comfortable barracks at Hythe, and
immediately set about putting every thing in order, and truly much was
wanting to fit us again for duty as soldiers.
CHAPTER VI.
Volunteering--Farther Promotion--Embarks for Portugal, with two
Companies of the Second Battalion--Debark at Cadiz--Advance to the
Isla--The French occupy all the adjacent Towns, except Cadiz and the
Isla--Cannonading--Spanish Army--Detachment of the Allied Army sent
Around by Gibraltar and Chiclana, to take the Enemy in the rear of
his works, and compel him either to fight or abandon them--Come up
with a portion of the Enemy in the vicinity of Veger--Bravery of the
British--The Enemy repulsed with great Loss, but, from the apathy
and misconduct of General La Pena, and the Spaniards under his
command, the French are allowed to retain their Works in the
vicinity of Cadiz.
In April of this year, an order was issued to allow the militia
regiments to volunteer, for the purpose of filling up the regiments of
the line; and I was sent by Colonel Beckwith (our two battalions being
then both at Hythe) to receive those who chose to volunteer from the
Northumberland militia before-mentioned, which had now been removed to
Ipswich. Lieutenant Beckwith had the charge of our party, but proceeded
_incog._ to Ipswich, the general orders not permitting officers of the
line to be seen in the quarters of the militia. On our arrival at
Ipswich, I had the pleasure of obtaining the names of thirty fine young
fellows, among whom the patriots formerly mentioned of course were
included. Several other militia regiments in this district also gave
volunteers to us, so that in three days, from the commencement of the
volunteering, we obtained upwards of 1100 men; and had we not, by an
order from the Horse-Guards, been precluded from taking any more, I
doubt not we should have obtained several hundreds besides, for our
regiment alone had near eighty names down for us, who were not allowed
to enter from the above cause. Indeed the Commander-in-Chief, Sir David
Dundas, (afterwards our Colonel,) appeared quite astonished, and not
well pleased, that we had run away with so many men when others wanted
them so much. He was obliged, however, to grant us a 3d battalion, as we
had so many more men than were required to fill up the 1st and 2d; and
our respected Colonel, Major-general Coote Manningham, dying about this
time of the fatigue he had undergone in Spain, Sir David took us to
himself, and became our Colonel-in-Chief, giving the command of the 3d
battalion to my respected (and now lamented) friend and benefactor,
Major-general the Honourable William Stewart. The Lieutenant-colonelcy
was given to Major Norman M'Leod, our senior Major, and only two or
three other steps were given to the officers of the regiment, although
it was alone owing to their exertions in obtaining men, and to the high
character the regiment had acquired, that such numbers had volunteered
into it.
It becomes not me to censure or criticise the measures of government,
but I cannot help thinking that more favour was certainly due to the
corps as a body. For myself, I ought and must speak with gratitude, not
of them, but of that kind Providence which has favoured me so far, so
very far, beyond my deserts, for, on the 8th of June following, I was
appointed Quartermaster of the 3d battalion.
Our 1st battalion was again sent out to join the army in Portugal, while
mine was sent to Brabournlees to equip and drill our new levies. Every
exertion was made to this effect, and the battalion was soon completed
and rendered fit for service. Here my wife joined me again, the child to
which she gave birth in my absence having died when six weeks old. This
was the only child she ever had, and it was perhaps a providential
dispensation, for she was extremely delicate, and by no means a healthy
person, and it is not unlikely her offspring might have inherited her
disease, that is, an affection of the chest. We had only lived a few
months together, till another call for service separated us again.
In June 1810, we received orders to send out to Cadiz two companies of
my battalion, together with the commanding-officer and staff, three
others having been already sent thither in the spring. The melancholy
business of parting with my wife was again to be gone through; but on
this occasion I was favoured by being permitted to accompany her to
London, where, parting from her with a heavy heart, I took my place for
Chichester, at which place my detachment would be quartered next day, on
their way to Portsmouth. I omitted to mention, that Lieutenant-colonel
Barnard of the 1st or Royals, had exchanged with Lieutenant-colonel
M'Leod some time previous, and he consequently was now going out as my
commanding-officer. We embarked at Portsmouth on the 11th July, on board
the Mercury frigate, armed _en flute_, and commanded by Captain Tancock.
We had a favourable passage, and landed at Cadiz on the 29th of that
month. This city, it may be remembered, was besieged at this time by a
French army under Marshal Victor; consequently, when we arrived, we were
amused by seeing immense shells flying from one party to the other, but
without doing any serious injury to either, the distance being too great
to produce any effect of moment. As we came in sight of Cadiz, the view
was most enchanting, for the city appeared as if composed of lofty and
elegant snow-white buildings, apparently rising from the bosom of the
ocean, for the land on which it is built cannot be seen at a distance;
added to which, the numerous and beautiful towns about the bay, and a
little beyond it, rendered it a most delightful scene. On the right was
Cadiz, with its lofty lighthouse, and its strong sea-walls rising out of
the water; on the left was Rota, an apparently neat little town. Farther
up the bay, on the same side, was Port St Mary's, and beyond that
Porto Real, both considerable towns. In the centre rises the Isla de
Leon, now called St Ferdinand; beyond that Chiclana, composed of the
elegant country residences of the more wealthy Cadiz merchants; and, in
the distance, towering on the mountains behind, the dazzling white town
of Medina Sidonia shining in the sun; indeed altogether imagination can
scarcely picture to itself a more interesting _coup-d'oeil_, the scene
being closed by the lofty snow-clad mountains of Ronda. We landed at
Cadiz, and remained for the night in the barracks situated in the
barrier, on the land-side of the town, and which is remarkably strong,
the fortifications being composed of solid masonry, and the barracks all
bomb-proof. I suffered dreadfully from the myriads of fleas which preyed
upon me during the night, and was glad when morning appeared.
We marched next day to the Isla, (be it observed the town is called by
that name as well as the island on which it and Cadiz are situated,)
distant from Cadiz about seven miles; the island is of a most singular
form, being about ten miles broad at the end next the continent, from
which it is separated by the river Santi Petri; immediately below the
town of Isla it begins to narrow very rapidly, forming from thence to
Cadiz nothing more than a narrow sand-bank, in some places not more
than a hundred yards across, and on which a causeway has been built to
connect the two places. We took up our abode in the Isla, where the
Spanish government, such as it was, at this time resided; and here I
witnessed the first opening of the Spanish Cortes in 1810, which was
attended with all the pomp and show of a truly Roman Catholic people.
_Te Deums_ and other pompous and brilliant ceremonies marked the event;
indeed, here we had an opportunity of seeing a great number of the
grandees of the Spanish nation, for, as I said before, the government
had retired to this place from Madrid, and most of the courtiers and
others attached to the government had assembled here, together with the
deputies from the different provinces; altogether the scenes we
witnessed here were sometimes very imposing.
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