The Pullman boycott
by W. F. Burns · English · Gutenberg #36004 · 372,093 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Pullman boycott
A complete history of the great R. R. strike
Author: W. F. Burns
Release date: May 1, 2011 [eBook #36004]
Most recently updated: January 7, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/36004
Credits: Produced by Barbara Kosker, Odessa Paige Turner and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PULLMAN BOYCOTT ***
Produced by Barbara Kosker, Odessa Paige Turner and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net
(This book was produced from scanned images of public
domain material from the Google Print project.)
The Pullman Boycott
A Complete History
of
The Great R. R. Strike.
BY W. F. BURNS.
1894:
THE McGILL PRINTING CO.
ST. PAUL.
COPYRIGHTED 1894
by
W. F. BURNS.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER. PAGE.
I--The American Railway Union, 7
II--The Boycott, 15
III--First Day of the Strike, 26
IV--An Appeal from Debs, 32
V--The Federal Government Sides with the
Managers, 40
VI--Troops at Blue Island, 51
VII--A Protest from Gov. Altgeld, 55
VIII--Incendiarism and Bloodshed, 66
IX--Slaughter of Citizens, 81
X--Business Men's Protest, 92
XI--Indictment of President Debs, 100
XII--A Protest by the Peoples Party, 108
XIII--An Offer of Settlement, 115
XIV--Debs in Jail, 124
XV--Blacklisting Begins, 139
XVI--Trial of Debs, 147
XVII--A Convention of the American Railway Union
Called to Take Action on the Strike, 159
XVIII--The Strike Lost, 167
XIX--The Commission, 176
XX--Altgeld Investigates Pullman, 288
XXI--Conclusion, 310
INTRODUCTORY.
In presenting this work to the public, I beg leave to say that I lay no
claim whatever to literary ability, and will ask the reader to kindly
overlook the crudeness of this my first effort.
My line of work since boyhood has been confined principally to railway
service; in short I am a switchman, and in that branch of the service,
have been frequently confronted with the differences that arise between
the management of the various railroad corporations and their employees.
While I disclaim any credit for ability as a writer, by years of
experience and careful study of the condition of affairs as they have in
the past and do in the present exist, I profess to be able to fairly
present the facts of the Pullman strike. This strike was a matter of
unusual interest to me, not alone because my individual interests were
involved, but because the independence of every man in America who earns
his bread by the sweat of his brow, was in the balance.
The right to organize for mutual protection was questioned, nay more,
the right to be heard, a right granted to the greatest criminal in any
part of the civilized world, was refused by the power representing the
capital of this country. This power fortified by the Federal troops, by
the mandate of the Federal courts, instigated by the chief executive,
the president of the United States, the account of this strike as
presented to the public by the Associated Press, was George M. Pullman's
and the General Managers' side of the question, distorted and colored to
suit their purposes.
My aim in presenting this book, is to disabuse the minds of the people
as far as possible, from the misleading statements given out by the
General Managers' Association through their mouth piece, the Associated
Press.
To this end I have carefully collected facts from the best and most
reliable sources, aside from what personal knowledge I had of this
strike.
I obtained information from telegrams received in our Central Committee
rooms, from all parts of the country, also from committees appointed to
investigate the authenticity of reports received from different parts of
the country where the strike extended.
The general accounts I quote largely from the "Chicago Times," a paper
whose honorable and manly stand throughout that great struggle, gained
for it a world wide reputation for honesty and fairness.
The accounts herein contained are truths pure and simple, and upon these
truths I base the merits of this book.
Very respectfully,
W. F. BURNS.
CHAPTER I.
THE AMERICAN RAILWAY UNION.
In order to give a clear conception of the greatest strike in the
history of railroad organizations, it will be necessary to go back to
the birth of the American Railway Union.
This organization was instituted on the 17th day of August, 1893, in the
city of Chicago, and owes its existence to its present leader Eugene V.
Debs.
Mr. Debs' connection with the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen dates
back to the early seventies, and be the credit due to that organization
for introducing to the laboring people of America, a leader who stands
absolutely without a peer in the labor world to-day, possessed of the
collective traits of some of the greatest men of the past.
I know no better description of Debs than that of Wm. C. Pomeroy in the
Eight Hour Herald, as follows: "I am sitting on the stage of a great
meeting of people, my eyes are closed in dreamy reverie, I hear a voice
whose resonant tones are familiar to my ears, the voice, the words bear
me in imagination back to the days of Rome, and Caius Gracchus is
proclaiming the coming liberty of the people. The words of flaming
eloquence suddenly change into the rugged tones of Cola di Rienzi,
crying: 'Arouse, ye Romans; arouse, ye slaves.' The words are sweet to
the ears, and stir my soul to extacy. Soft, I am no longer in the
Eternal City, but wander among the hills and dales of Judea, and the
voice has changed again. This time 'tis the compassionate tones of Him
of Galilee, beseeching to 'love ye one another,' now swift changing in
its mellifluous harmony, I hear Pandora whisper 'the dawn approaches,
take heart of hope,' and Prometheus answers with the echoed groans of
the suffering, sighing souls. The air is now filled with stirring
martial music, and above its changing cadences pours forth in passionate
appeal the stentor voice of Peter, the Hermit, raising in the bosom of
men, the lethargic love of duty. Aye; on the German hilltops, pulpited
he speaks, and Hermanic in deep-toned thunder hurdles back, 'I come.'
Now there is a silence for a space, and the changing draperies of
imagination disclose a newer scene. I am in the meeting of the Virginian
Burgesses, and the voice has taken on the tones of Patrick Henry. It
says: 'Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,' and, 'he who would be
free himself must strike the blow.' Now 'tis Thomas Jefferson giving
utterance to, 'we hold these truths to be self evident that all men are
born free and equal.' And lo! even as the soft tones of the 'chosen son'
die into the distance, the voice of Andrew Jackson hurls forth the edict
'each man and every man in this country, by the eternal, must and shall
be free.'
"The echoing ages take up the dictum and it becomes mingled with the
tones of him who at Gettysburg spoke the immortal flaming words: 'This
nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and the government
of the people, by the people and for the people, shall not perish from
the earth.' Scarce had the utterance of the martyr ceased to fill the
air when Lowell softly says:
"'He's true to God, who's true to men, whenever wrong is done.
To the humblest and the weakest of all the beholding sun;
That wrong is also done to us, and they are slaves most base,
Whose love of right is for themselves, and not for all the race.'
"My brain is puzzled. How comes it, I ask myself, that these heroes dead
and gone are near me here to-day?
"What power permits them to quit their abiding places within the crusty
bosom of mother earth, and visiting again the haunts of mortal man, pour
forth their immortal utterances? My rummaging mind takes on a newer
consciousness. Reverie lifts her leaden hand from off my brow, my eyes
open and gaze upon a vast multitude of people--men, women and children.
Men are standing on the seats and hurling their hats in the air; women
are weeping in joy and waving handkerchiefs, all, all shout in clamorous
accord. Their eyes are riveted upon the stage, and upon a man who is
gracefully bowing acknowledgement to the thunders of applause. I am near
him, I gaze in his face. 'Tis the face of Eugene V. Debs."
To my mind the above beautiful comparisons are not overdrawn.
In 1874 he was admitted to the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and in
1877 his brother members of the local lodge, recognizing his superior
ability, sent him to the Indianapolis convention to represent them. The
next year he was a delegate to the Buffalo convention. Here he was
chosen associate editor of the Locomotive Firemen's Magazine, and three
years later he was elected editor, and assumed full control.
In September, 1880, he was elected Grand Secretary and Treasurer in
Chicago, and to prove the confidence placed in him by this organization,
he was unanimously elected to that office for thirteen consecutive years
without a dissenting vote, and at the last convention, held in San
Francisco, he was again nominated after making a speech, courteously but
firmly declining, and was finally forced to refuse the nomination before
his declinature would be accepted.
When Mr. Debs assumed control of this office, the Brotherhood was on the
verge of disruption.
From this condition he, by his untiring devotion and wonderful executive
abilities, elevated the Brotherhood to one of the most powerful
organizations of the age, and thus it was through the instrumentality of
the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen he was brought before the
laboring people. Some few years ago he saw that class organization would
not be successful, owing to the petty jealousy existing between the
different orders, and that in every instance where one organization had
a grievance with a railroad corporation, the management would use one or
all the others to crush the one having the grievance.
In order to remedy this, he promulgated a plan of federation whereby all
the different organizations, engineers, firemen, conductors, trainmen
and switchmen would stand as a unit in case of a grievance.
This federation was accomplished, but owing to the treachery of some of
the chiefs, proved unsatisfactory and was finally dissolved.
But this did not discourage Mr. Debs, on the contrary, it made him more
determined than ever to save the employes from the grinding power of
railroad corporations, and to that end he instituted the American
Railway Union, embracing all classes in the railway service from the
trackmen to the engineers. This infant organization that so recently
became such a power, was by no means the offspring of a premature
conception. President Debs deliberated long and well, carefully
considering all the points, and conscientiously weighing the advantages
and disadvantages that would arise from the formation of such a union,
before taking active steps to organize.
He finally decided that in the American Railway Union were the only true
principles of organization, and in conjunction with a few of his
associates, men true as steel, such men as Howard, Rodgers, Burns and,
Kelliher, this union was founded.
The first strike that was authorized by the American Railway Union was
that on the Great Northern Railway Line, against a sweeping reduction in
wages in all departments on that system.
This strike commenced on April 13, and after a stubborn fight of
eighteen days (where one of the shrewdest and ablest railroad presidents
in the United States was met in his every stronghold and defeated by the
grandest labor leader in the world, the matchless Debs) the strike was
settled, and victory perched on the banner of the American Railway
Union.
Then it was that the true principles of this organization were
recognized by railroad employes, and applications for charters came
pouring in from all parts of the country.
CHAPTER II.
THE BOYCOTT.
The American Railway Union is in every sense an American Institution,
whose aims and objects as previously stated are to protect and shield
its members from the grinding power of railroad corporations. Its motto
is unity: "One for all and all for one."
The Pullman employes were admitted to this organization and consequently
entitled to the protection guaranteed to all members, therefore when
they walked out, after every honorable means to avert a strike was
exhausted, the American Railway Union was in duty bound to sustain them.
The strike was ordered on the 11th day of May, after an all night
session by a committee of forty-six members representing every
department in the Pullman works. When the word was given four thousand
employes responded to the call, and this proved to be the beginning of
the most gigantic strike in the history of organized labor.
The wrongs of the Pullman people were not generally known to the public,
the cruel and inhuman treatment they were subjected to, was kept
strictly from the public ears.
They were reduced to a condition of slavery beneath that of the black
slave of the South prior to the civil war, for while the black slave was
clothed, housed and fed, the white slave of Pullman was forced to work
for wages entirely inadequate to furnish a sufficient amount of food to
keep body and soul together. In this condition, on the verge of
starvation, with all hope of justice from the hands of George M. Pullman
gone, they revolted. Whether the grievance of these men was a just one,
or their resistance to further encroachments on their rights was right
or wrong, after reading the report of the committee appointed to
investigate and report to the American Railway Union Annual Convention,
at that time in session in the city of Chicago, it will be for the
reader to decide.
The report, as condensed, in one of the Chicago daily papers, copied and
commented on by the St. Paul Branch of the American Railway Union, was
as follows:
After showing by way of contrast, that $30,000,000 worth of Pullman
stock paid its holders 9-1/2 per cent in dividends last year, the report
goes statistically into a comparison of wages in the past year, with the
wages received by the Pullman employees when the strike was inaugurated.
A fair example of the general reduction is given in a comparison in the
price of labor involved in the construction of a freight car in 1888 and
1893.
Lot 1526. Oct. 1888. Nov. 1893.
Car carpenter $13.00 $7.00
Truck builder .90 .60
Truck labor .31 .09
Hanging brakes 1.20 .65
Delivering, forging
and casting 1.05 .35
Delivering lumber .88 .21
Framing .40 .12
------ -----
Total $17.74 $9.02
Other comparisons in the same department show that the wages of men
employed in building freight cars, have been reduced 49, 57-1/2 and 47
per cent on contract work since 1888 and 89, and a long list of figures
from the account of men in the upholstering department, show that cuts
have been made in the prices paid for piece work during the last twelve
months ranging from 33-1/3 to 50 per cent. The painters, according to
the figures given, have been cut 20 per cent since 1893 and were
receiving, when the strike went into effect, only 23 cents per hour,
while the union men employed by the boss painters in Chicago were all
busy under the scale, whereby they are paid 35 cents per hour until June
15th, and 32-1/2 cents during the summer months.
The machinists, sheet iron and tin workers, foundrymen and blacksmiths
had all been reduced from 30 to 50 per cent during the last year, and
even heavier reductions, according to the report, have been made in
other departments. Although wages had been previously reduced, the
greatest cut went into effect last fall in the higher grades of labor.
The reduction then made was from 80 to 20 per cent and in the lower
grades 30 per cent. For example, the price paid for the decorating
finish on the outside of a Pullman sleeper before the reduction, was
$40.00, and now it is $18.00.
By working hard for ten hours a decorator may earn $1.90.
This sweeping reduction included all classes, and the laborers were
compelled to work for from 70 cents to $1.00 per day, all this in the
face of the fact that when a reduction was made three years ago, the men
were told that as long as the shops stood there would never be another
cut in the wages of those who worked upon the Pullman sleepers.
A committee of girls, from those who were barely keeping body and soul
together by working piece work for $2.50 and $3.00 per week, asked the
foreman for an increase to enable them to live, and his answer was: If
you cannot live upon the pay you are getting, go out and hustle for
more. Why should we wonder that houses of prostitution find no
difficulty in procuring inmates?
Think of young women having to board and clothe themselves, and in many
instances supporting an invalid mother or young brothers and sisters on
such meager wages.
The cold blooded avarice of the Pullman company is not even satisfied in
requiring its employes to work for starvation wages, for in what he
exacts from his tenant employes he is even more grasping.
That model town of Pullman is owned by the Pullman company and
everything about it is made to pay toll to this grasping monopoly.
All employes must rent their houses from this slave driving corporation.
There is now in the city of St. Paul a gentleman who formerly worked in
Pullman, and growing tired of paying so much rent for such poor
accommodations, moved to the adjoining hamlet, and rented a better house
for $8.00 per month. He was at once informed that if he wished to retain
his situation he would have to move back, and he did so. The house was
of the average kind and was called a cottage, consisting of two rooms
down stairs, each 10 x 14 feet, and three rooms up stairs, one of which,
the front room, was 10 x 12 and the two rear rooms each 8 x 10 feet,
lighted front and back, with no bath room or other convenience, and the
whole, a part of a solid row or block. For this abode there was exacted
a monthly rental of $17.00 although the cost would not exceed $1,000. A
four room flat rents for $14.50 per month, and if you should want one of
these cheap cottages with inside blinds for the front window, you must
pay 50 cents per month for that much style. Some tenants have paid 50
cents per month for this luxury for more than thirteen years, which is
pretty good interest on the cost of those blinds.
About 100 acres of land is covered with dwellings and the rent derived
is about $500,000 annually, which is over 8 per cent per annum on the
investment.
In many of these houses families are crowded into attics in order to
reduce expenses to enable them to procure the necessaries of life.
Recently a new church was erected in Pullman, known as the Green church
and parsonage, for which is demanded a monthly rental of $60.00 and for
a good sized audience room, and two smaller ones attached Mr. Pullman
charges the Methodist Episcopal society $500 per year. These rents must
be paid in advance and are deducted from the wages of the men, and
notwithstanding that the wages have been reduced no reductions have as
yet been made in the rent.
The manner in which these men have been bled in the matter of rent, is
fully equaled in the manner in which money for water and gas has been
extorted from them. When the town was built a contract was made with
the Village of Hyde Park, to furnish water at the rate of four cents per
thousand gallons, and incredible as it may appear, this water was
furnished to the Pullman tenants at ten cents per thousand gallons. In
other words he charged $3,000 per month for the water which cost him but
$1,200. This represents an annual profit on this one item of $21,000.
Could cold blooded heartless avarice go further? Yes; in the matter of
gas which was manufactured and furnished to the people by the Pullman
company itself, and although the cost is but 33 cents per thousand cubic
feet, the tenants pay $2.25 per thousand while the same gas is furnished
the residents of Hyde Park for 75 cents per thousand.
This adds from three to four dollars per month to living expenses in the
average house at Pullman.
Another source of income which is wrung from the unfortunate victim is
for heat, for which the company charges for six months in the year
$10.80 per month.
It might be well to state also, that no person is allowed to keep a
horse, unless the animal is kept at the company stables for which $3.00
per week is charged.
Such were the conditions of affairs discovered by the investigating
committee in this model town, nor was this all. Miss Curtis, a delegate
to the convention representing a ladies' lodge of the American Railway
Union at Pullman, and whose father died in September, '93, was obliged
to work fourteen hours per day in order to earn fifty cents at the same
work for which she received prior to the first reduction $2.25 per day,
and not satisfied with reducing her wages to this starvation point, the
company insisted on the payment of a debt of $60.00 contracted during
her father's illness. This is but a sample of the devilish cruelties
perpetrated on the employes by the Pullman Company to satisfy their
hellish greed for gold.
This corporation cannot plead poverty for thus treating its employes, as
its capital stock is $30,000,000 and carries an enormous surplus of
$18,000,000 which is termed a reserve fund. Mr. Pullman's personal
wealth is estimated at about $25,000,000. Quarterly dividends of not
less than two per cent have been paid regularly on the capital stock,
and the stockholders receive every three months $600,000 as their share
of the earnings. It is to enable them to pay this immense sum every
three months, that the wages of its employes have been reduced. Can it
be wondered that the American Railway Union took the matter in hand and
declared a boycott on Pullman cars. When the report was received every
brother present was deeply moved, and it was the unanimous sentiment of
the convention to declare a boycott, but before taking action, apprised
the various local unions of the state of affairs then existing, and
received the sanction of the local bodies. They then decided that if the
Pullman Company would not submit the difficulty to arbitration on or
before the 26th day of June, to cut off the Pullman cars and refuse to
handle them until the matter was settled. This action was taken June 22,
and decided action held off until June 26, in hope that committees
appointed to wait on Mr. Pullman would be successful in gaining some
concessions whereby a peaceable settlement could be arrived at before
resorting to the boycott, and, although several committees were sent to
the management and every honorable means resorted to in order to bring
about an amicable settlement, it was of no avail and there was nothing
for the American Railway Union to do but enforce the boycott.
CHAPTER III.
FIRST DAY OF THE STRIKE.
The 26th day of June was awaited with more than ordinary interest by the
people of Chicago on account of the proposed boycott.
The first train to leave Chicago handling Pullman cars was the Chicago
and Erie Buffalo Express, and hundreds of men gathered to witness the
departure at 2:55 P. M.
It started out on time with several Pullmans attached and several
Pinkerton detectives on board. This was owing to the fact that it had
been made up before the time set for the boycott to go into effect, but
drawbars had been chained together and fastened with padlocks as a
safeguard against cutting out the Pullman cars. Everyone was anxious to
see if the engineer would pull it out. All doubt was soon set at rest
however, as the engine backed onto the train and started out on time as
usual. The crowd then waited to see if the next train, the Limited
Express, on the Grand Trunk, due to leave at 3:10 P. M., would
meet with the same success, and after seeing this train also pull out on
time, the crowd dispersed.
The trains on the Monon Route, Santa Fe, and Eastern Illinois also
departed with their accustomed regularity and without interference, and
at 6.00 o'clock, as every train was running on time, Mr. Pullman and the
railway officials were quite jubilant at what they considered a complete
failure of the American Railway Union to perform the task it had
undertaken. But inside of three hours they were doomed to
disappointment, for at that time not a wheel was turning on the Illinois
Central with the exception of express trains that had been started
before the strike was ordered.
The strikers might have stopped the Diamond Special which leaves at 9:00
P. M., but through consideration for the passengers who had
already purchased berth tickets, and adhering strictly to the
instructions of their leaders to do nothing to discommode the travelers
who in all probability were not acquainted with the existing state of
affairs, this train was allowed to proceed. The strike that paralyzed
the traffic of the entire country was started in this manner. Early in
the afternoon a committee of five switchmen, employed on the Illinois
Central, made their appearance at the headquarters of the American
Railway Union in the Ashland block, to learn authoritatively the nature
and purpose of the order issued requiring them to refuse to switch the
cars of the Pullman Company, as the instructions received by them
through Organizer Meyers of the union, were not sufficiently definite,
so they claimed, to warrant their resisting the railroad company, and
forfeiting their positions by such action. The switchmen, they said were
willing to help the Pullman strikers, but they wished to know to a
certainty what was expected of them. The directors of the union
immediately held a conference with the delegates the result of which was
an order to strike if the company insisted on them switching the Pullman
cars. Those who were not members of the American Railway Union were
guaranteed equal protection if they joined the strike, and the result
was a complete tie up of the Illinois Central R. R.
The Chicago Times, in an article next morning, said that for rapidity of
conception and execution this strike which probably involves five
thousand men, beats anything of the kind on record, and in the same
article says: the efforts to sidetrack the cars of the Pullman company
yesterday was carried on with strict conformity to law and order.
With the exception of a crowd attracted out of a curiosity to see what
might happen, there was nothing unusual about the depot, there was no
boisterous talking, no threats were made, and the few squads of police
officers sent there to preserve order, had nothing to do.
Train No. 7, due to leave at 9 o'clock, hauling two Pullman coaches
filled with passengers, did not leave on time there being a delay of 30
minutes before it finally pulled out of the depot. After running within
one hundred yards of Grand Crossing it stopped, there being a crowd of
about five thousand people at this point of whom there was not to exceed
one hundred and twenty-five railroad men. The engineer refused to start,
and although Supt. Collins expostulated with him it was of no avail, and
any further attempt to move the train was abandoned for the time being.
At 11:30 P. M. tower man Cable, who controls the switches at
Forty-third street, left his post, and two south-bound suburban trains
were whistling for the switches. They were soon joined by three
north-bound trains, a freight train, Michigan Central Fast Mail, and
Illinois Central Limited, and all were tied up until one o'clock in the
morning when the superintendent of terminals threw the switches. The
Chicago Great Western, Baltimore & Ohio, Chicago and Northern Pacific
and Wisconsin Central were next to fall in line and refuse to handle
Pullman cars.
President Debs, after reviewing the situation, asked the men as
individuals to consider the problem involved, saying, that if the
Pullman Company was right, then the strikers must be wrong, but if you
feel assured that those men are only striking to gain that which is
every man's right--living wages, then we ask your moral support. There
is but one hope for the laborer. Labor must stand by labor. The
corporations have now forced a fight upon us by combining to help the
Pullman company; they have forced us to combine and use the only weapon
which the workingman possesses, the strike and the boycott. The
railroads have never done anything for labor that the latter should
hesitate to use these weapons.
It is a battle between allied monopoly against the rights of working
people, it is a matter of broad humanity. I want to see the switchmen,
the car inspectors and other employes wait upon the officials in a manly
way, and refuse to handle these boycotted cars.
I want to appeal only to your reason, and not to influence your passion,
but I ask you to take a manly stand in the aid of men, women and
children who have been ground down by the iron heel of the oppressor.
I would rather be a manly pauper than an unmanly millionaire.
I ask every man, as an individual to think for himself and to do what he
thinks to be right.
President Debs appealed to the men to commit no acts of violence but act
in strict accordance with the law.
The strike had now reached St. Paul, Omaha, Denver, Trinidad, Cal.;
Raton, N. M.; Cincinnati, St. Louis and Duluth, and no intimidation, no
threats, no violence of any kind whatever was resorted to. When the men
were asked to handle the Pullman cars, they simply stepped down and
out.
CHAPTER IV.
AN APPEAL FROM DEBS.
As the light of dawn proclaimed the birth of a new day so the events
that this day would bring forth was the all absorbing thought and theme
of a great number of the American people.
All were anxious to learn the situation, whether interested in the
boycott or otherwise, as by this time the whole western part of the
United States had begun to feel the heavy hand of the American Railway
Union boycott, and every railroad from the Missouri to the Pacific
coast, from Manitoba to Mexico, and all centers of importance in the
West, Southwest and Northwest were tied up, because the American Railway
Union men, in the cause of humanity and right, would not operate them
with Pullman sleepers attached, and the railroad managers, in the cause
of oppression, would not allow them to run otherwise.
Thirteen roads centering in Chicago were now completely tied up, the
Santa Fe, Chicago & Northern Pacific, Southern Pacific, Chicago &
Western Indiana, Pan Handle, Monon Route, Chicago & Grand Trunk, Chicago
& Erie, Illinois Central, Baltimore & Ohio, Chicago & Great Western,
Wisconsin Central and Cincinnati Southern, and the General Managers had
begun to realize the futility of carrying on the fight, and if they had
not received encouragement and aid from outside sources, would have in
all probability ended the strike at once by dropping the Pullman cars.
As a prominent railroad man said when asked about the strike situation:
"It is my opinion that the railroads will drop the fight just as soon as
the American Railway Union can demonstrate the fact that Pullman cars
can not be hauled without a long and expensive fight with their own
employes. I know that this view of the case was taken by some of the
managers at a meeting to-day, and Mr. Pullman will be notified that he
must make a settlement with his men at once, otherwise the effected
roads will drop his cars and resume business."
The Union now felt confident of success. President Debs said: "We are
sure to win as our cause is just, there will be no disturbances as the
men have orders that there must be no rioting and no interference
whatever with the roads, other than to refuse to assist to operate them.
"Whatever the officials can do for themselves with the few men at their
command let them do; we propose to be fair and square in this fight, and
if within my power to prevent, not one spike belonging to any road will
be damaged."
And thus the second day of the great strike came to an end.
June 28th added nine more roads to those already tied up.
The Chicago & Northwestern; Chicago & Alton; Union Pacific; Denver & Rio
Grande; Chicago & Eastern Illinois; Pittsburg, Ft. Wayne & Chicago;
Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul; Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, and the
Stock Yard Terminals, making in all twenty-two roads out and twenty
thousand men on strike in the city of Chicago, and not one act of
violence committed that could be charged to a striker.
The Mobile & Ohio at this time succumbed to the boycott and sidetracked
its Pullman cars promising not to haul them again until the strike was
settled. This rail road is a large corporation, and its surrender to
the American Railway Union was considered a great victory, and the
directors at once ordered the boycott raised as far as this line was
concerned.
Minneapolis and St. Paul was now beginning to feel the effect of the
boycott.
The Northern Pacific was the first in the fight, and the same plan of
action outlined at Chicago was followed at these points when the time
came to make up passenger trains. The switchmen refused to couple on the
Pullman's and were discharged.
The mediation committee at once took up the matter with the manager,
asking him to re-instate the discharged men, which he refused to do, and
as a result the entire system from the Pacific coast to Minneapolis and
St. Paul was called out.
This plan was adopted and carried out on all the rail roads entering the
Twin cities.
The boycott was no longer a fight in the interest of the Pullman
employes alone but had resolved itself into a gigantic contest between
organized labor on the one side, and organized capital on the other, and
although up to this time there had been no violence, no loud
demonstrations, no threats of any kind, the Illinois Central demanded
troops to protect their property, and the militia was ordered out. On
the Pan Handle the Cincinnati Express had the cars of Mr. Pullman
detached, and the officials cried "riot" and asked from Sheriff Gilbert
of Chicago a posse to protect the U. S. mail. This was furnished, and
although the mail cars were not molested in any way, the officials
refused to allow the mail to go forward without the Pullman sleepers
attached.
Seven more railroads had now come under the ban of the boycott making in
all twenty-nine at the close of the fourth day.
On June 29th President Debs issued the following appeal to railway
employes of the country.
"The struggle with the Pullman company has developed into a contest
between the producing classes and the money power of the country.
"This is what Lincoln predicted at the close of the civil war, and it
was this reflection that gave the great emancipator his gloomiest
forebodings. We stand upon the ground that the workingmen are entitled
to a just proportion of the proceeds of their labor. This the Pullman
company denied them. Reductions have been made from time to time until
the employes earned barely sufficient wages to live, not enough to
prevent them from sinking deeper and deeper into Pullman's debt, thereby
mortgaging their bodies and souls, as well as their children's, to that
heartless corporation.
"Up to this point the fight was between the American Railway Union and
the Pullman company. The American Railway Union resolved that its
members would refuse to handle Pullman cars and equipment. Then the
railway corporations through the General Manager's association, came to
the rescue, and in a series of whereases declared to the world that they
would go into partnership with Pullman, so to speak, and stand by him in
his devilish work of starving his employes to death. The American
Railway Union accepted his gauge of war, and thus the contest is now on
between the railway corporations arrayed solidly on the one hand, and
the labor forces upon the other. Every railroad employe of the country
should take his stand against the corporations in this fight, for if it
should be lost corporations will have despotic sway and all employes
will be reduced to a condition scarcely removed above chattel slavery;
but the fight will not be lost. The great principle of American manhood
and independence is involved. Corporate power, drunk with its own
excesses, has presumed too far upon the forbearance of the American
people, and, notwithstanding a subsidized press (to which there are many
notable and noble exceptions), public sympathy is with the striking
employes, who are merely contending for the right of their fellow
toilers to receive living wages for their work.
"I appeal to strikers everywhere to refrain from any act of violence.
Let there be no interference with the affairs of the companies involved
and above all let there be no act of depredation. A man who will destroy
property or violate law is an enemy, not a friend to the cause of labor.
The great public is with us and we need only to maintain a dignified,
honest, straight forward policy to achieve victory. Let it be understood
that this strike is not ordered by myself nor by any other individual;
nor is the strike inaugurated anywhere except by consent and authority
from a majority of the employes themselves.
"Neither is this a fight simply of the American Railway Union. The
question of organization ought not be raised, but every man who
believes in organized railroad labor should take his stand on the side
of labor, and its battles for his rights and those of his fellowmen. I
have faith in the great body of railroad employes of the country and am
confident they will maintain an unbroken front in spite of any
opposition that may be brought to bear against them.
"I am perfectly confident of success. We cannot fail.
E. V. DEBS."
CHAPTER V.
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT SIDES WITH THE MANAGERS.
The fifth day of the great strike showed no cessation of hostilities,
the entire Northwestern and Southwestern portion of the United States
was practically at a standstill. Every road entering Chicago was
partially, if not completely tied up, and the General Managers
Association, under the leadership of John M. Egan was at sea.
They now realized that they had taken a contract that it would be
difficult to fulfill, and without the co-operation of some greater power
they would be defeated. A lack of confidence in their ability to subdue
the strikers and compel them to work, was well illustrated in a meeting
between Sir George Pullman and Vice-President Harahan of the Illinois
Central. W. M. Daley, of New Orleans, was the only witness to the
meeting and his presence undoubtedly saved Sir George from a masterly
drubbing at the hands of Mr. Harahan. Mr. Pullman entered the office of
Vice-President Harahan, and in the course of time his conversation
turned to the strike and its effect on the Illinois Central.
This was the opening round.
It aroused all the ire in the portly form of Mr. Harahan, and with
blazing eyes he turned on Sir George.
"You are not fit to govern men," he said; "instead of visiting your own
works, you have a number of superintendents who furnish you with
reports, and when they are colored to suit you take them as facts, and a
result is business is embargoed, poverty stalks all over your grounds,
you are alone responsible for the present condition of affairs on the
railroads. Why don't you go among your employes and see things for
yourself? If you did there would be no such trouble." Then followed a
number of epithets such as thick head, incompetent, over-rated, and the
official shook his fist under the stubby nose of Sir George in a very
threatening manner. Mr. Pullman tried to speak, but the Vice-President
broke in on him again. "You think you have a contract with this road
that you can rub it in on us, but you can't, never will we submit to
it, the railroads are losing $250,000 a day owing to your obstinacy. You
are unfit to act as president of any company, and if you were to visit
your much boasted town to-day, the chances are that you would be dealt
with severely. Why, you are nothing but a figure head, you are not the
actual president of the company, for if you were you would know
something about it. You know nothing in regard to the actual state of
affairs." It did not take long for the story to reach the different
railroad centers about the city.
It came to the knowledge of the American Railway Union that J. M. Egan
and Manager St. John of the Rock Island road had employed two thousand
men in Canada to fill the places of the strikers, and steps were taken
immediately to stop their importation, but with what success it was
impossible to determine.
All this time the strike was spreading and the membership of the
American Railway Union was increasing rapidly. The sensational reports
of rioting and bloodshed in various yards proved upon investigation to
be false, and beyond doubt circulated by the General Managers and
eagerly seized by the subsidized press to win the sympathy of the
public in the interest of the corporations.
The police when questioned positively denied the stories saying there
were no grounds for the reports.
Marching orders were received at the headquarters of the Missouri U. S.
troops, for the 15th infantry and though it was not known at the time
the orders were received from Washington, it was soon learned that they
were to go to Chicago and assist the General Managers to run their
trains.
At this time occurred the tie-up at Minnesota Transfer, which was the
most complete and effectual blockade of any in the strike district. The
Minnesota Transfer represents nine different roads. The Chicago,
Milwaukee & St. Paul; Chicago, St. Paul, Minneapolis & Omaha; Great
Northern; Northern Pacific; Minneapolis & St. Louis; Chicago Great
Western; Wisconsin Central; Chicago, Burlington & Northern and Belt Line
Ry.
All freight through the Twin Cities handled by these roads, is
interchanged at this point. It is situated midway between St. Paul and
Minneapolis and employes from three hundred to five hundred men
according to the volume of business. This is a freight yard exclusively,
and therefore had nothing to do with the handling of Pullman equipment.
But this little technicality did not prevent this body of men from
coming to the assistance of their brothers, and as each road was brought
under the ban of the boycott they refused to handle cars or in any way
assist them to operate their line.
On the night of the 1st day of July, the Milwaukee road now under
boycott brought in five cars of beer for delivery to the Great Northern.
The men including the yardmaster refused to deliver the cars, and were
sent home. A meeting was called for the night of July 2nd, and a
committee appointed to wait upon the superintendent, Mr. D. M. Sullivan,
and ascertain if the men were discharged. Mr. Sullivan answered in the
affirmative, and an unanimous vote to strike was then taken, over three
hundred men, the entire force with three exceptions quit work, and not a
wheel was turned except by the superintendent himself, for ten days.
The general Managers now got in their fine work by utilizing the
government. A Washington special to the Chicago Times says:
Our wretched administration is in the hands of the railroads, there is
no doubt about it, Cleveland, Lamont, Olney and Bissel are at the beck
and call of the corporations, from the White House down it has been
determined to put forth every effort even to Gatling guns, to employ
every arm of the government even to its Supreme Judges to destroy this
strike and the laboring people concerned in it. The case is decided
against the strikers in advance, the wired words of the General Managers
are accepted as settled facts; what they ask for they will get, what
they suggest will be adopted. The workingmen are to be ground beneath
the heel of the military, and if necessary, to force them into
submission they are to be sabered, bayoneted, shot down or taken
prisoners or whatever is deemed sternly necessary to compel them to
submit to such terms as their moneycrat owner sees fit to impose.
This is a railway administration. So promptly loyal has Cleveland proven
himself to be that it is to be believed that should the companies desire
it, they could have the Executive Mansion for a round house and the
White House grounds for switching purposes.
The managers wired Olney to name Edwin Walker, who is attorney for the
Milwaukee road as special solicitor for the government, to take measures
against the strikers as they had no confidence in Milchrist.
He seemed weak, his term was soon to expire and he seemed inclined to
avoid harsh measures ablest with the men. They wanted Walker, he was the
corporation attorney in the country; he had been cradled by, and grown
up at the knee of corporations; he was their body and soul in the life
and death struggle with their employes.
They urged Olney to clothe Walker with the special United States
authority to better protect them and overthrow the strike. By thus
making the railway attorney Walker solicitor for the United States, the
control of government power could be placed in the hands of the
corporations to wield against the men. Walker was appointed by Olney and
placed in control over Milchrist in the affairs of the strike. Mr.
Walker was known personally by Olney, and Olney is at the present time
one of the counsels of the Santa Fe and Chicago, Burlington and Quincy,
and said to be a director of the latter road. He has been for years
intimate with Mr. Walker, who, by the way, is a hot favorite of Fuller
of the supreme bench. There was, therefore a dozen good reasons for this
selection, which addressed themselves to Mr. Olney, who is in this not
as a cabinet officer, but as a friend and director of railway
corporations, and he therefore precipitately granted the request of the
general managers. Bissel, also a railroad director, shows Olney's
anxiety to come to the back of the roads. (The truth of the above
correspondence could not be denied.) In this way the entire available
force of troops at Ft. Sheridan, including infantry, cavalry and
artillery was ordered out by the President of the United States to
assist the railroad managers against the people. Such was the attitude
of this government "of the people, by the people, and for the people"
against the people. The railway managers having now secured the federal
troops, proceeds to issue injunctions restraining the strikers from
using the power of persuasion on those men still in the service, to
induce them to quit. This order drawn up by Judges Wood and Grosscup was
a lengthy one, and peculiarly in harmony with the corporation interest.
The Chicago Times, in an editorial says: In this Federal injunction,
which is in the main eminently just and equally unnecessary, appears a
claim in which certain persons named, and all other persons whatsoever
are ordered to refrain from compelling or inducing, or attempting to
compel or induce, by threats, intimidation, force or violence any of the
employes of any of the said railroads, to refuse or fail to perform any
of their duties, as employes of said railroads, in connection with the
interstate business or commerce of such railroads, or the transportation
of passenger or property between or among the states; or from compelling
or inducing or attempting to compel or induce by threats, intimidation,
persuasion, force or violence, any of the employes of any of said
railroads, who are employed by said railroads and engaged in its
service, in the conduct of interstate business or in the operation of
any of its trains carrying mail of the United States or doing interstate
business or transportation of passengers or freight, between and among
the states, to leave the service of such railroad. The Times
emphatically does not believe that any court whatever has a right to
order men to refrain from attempting by persuasion to induce others to
leave the employment they are engaged in. There is a natural law that in
the end will prevail over the formal law built up by lawyers and courts.
If as Judge Gary says, the law is common sense, this injunction will not
stand, for common sense will certainly pronounce an orderly and
respectful request to a railroad employee to give up his position and
join the organized strikers, no crime. It is idle to plead that a
discreet and just court will only enforce this injunction against actual
law breakers, for there is in it an opportunity for injustice and
oppression which makes it wholly bad. The injunction is becoming a
menace to liberty, it is a weapon ever ready for the capitalist, and
there should be more careful federal legislation limiting its use.
Certainly if the restraining order of Judges Wood and Grosscup be good
law there is no sense in maintaining organized labor. Childlike trust in
the benevolence and fairness of the employer must be the workingman's
future policy if this injunction be made a precedent.
In the meantime the General Manager's association and the subsidized
press were endeavoring to impress the public with the belief that the
strikers were a lot of disorderly and riotous law breakers of the worst
description. To show how much truth there was in these tales, I will
give the statement of Capt. J. Hartnett as made after dispersing a mob.
He said: There wasn't a railroad man in the whole outfit, but a lot of
bums who thought they would have a lot of sport at the expense of the
railroads. But we soon gave them a hustling, and I want to say this for
the strikers, and by that I mean the real railroad men, they are orderly
here and as quiet as possible, I have had no disturbance in any district
that can be traced to railroad men. It is well known that on occasions
like these every loafer turns loose and takes advantage of the strike to
start a row, but the genuine railroad men are too sensible to cause any
disturbance.
This was true also of all other cities engaged in the strike.
CHAPTER VI.
TROOPS AT BLUE ISLAND.
The Fourth of July dawned upon a scene that would start the blood of the
signers of the Declaration of Independence leaping in flames of fire
through their veins, if they could but reappear upon this land in the
vigorous manhood of their youth; those heroes whose blood baptized the
battlefields of Yorktown and Bunker Hill for the glorious cause of
liberty and equal rights; and behold the spectacle of this day, they
would think that they had fought, bled and died in vain, that victory
after all was but defeat.
Military despotism reigned supreme. The great masses of the liberty
loving people who were wont to celebrate this National holiday of
Independence in a manner befitting the occasion, began to think. Their
thoughts took them back to the days of English tyranny, and they ask
themselves, must this fight be fought again? The thoughts were
contagious, and when the American people began to think, their thoughts
are dangerous. The battle must and will be fought again, but not with
the weapons of '76, but with the weapon the old man can wield as well as
the young; the ballot.
Wholesale arrests followed the arrival of the federal troops at Blue
Island, free speech was eliminated, any man who passed along, who had
the appearance of striker or sympathizer was promptly arrested, and that
too without a warrant. The remark "that fellow is a scab," was
sufficient to send a man to the guard house. A fireman was asked by his
landlord, "where have you been lately?" That was enough, he was placed
with other shackled prisoners in the guard house, but was released later
on. In the morning there was a parade, but the old time patriotism was
noticeably wanting, a fireman arrested for refusing to go to work,
having a depressing effect. Patriotic speeches were prominent by their
absence, and people began to wonder what day was being celebrated.
The bloodcurdling lawlessness and rioting by the strikers at Blue
Island, as depicted by the corporation press; when simmered down to
facts proved to be as false as other similar reports sent out by the
plutocratic press. The so-called rioting amounted to nothing more or
less than expression of thought, and I believe if the General Managers,
corporation courts, Cleveland & Co., could conceive and put into
execution some plan whereby they could put a restraining order on the
minds of the striker and deny him the right to think, it would be done.
The gist of the rioting as I said before was simply expression of
thought. A man as he watched a train pass by remarked: "There are d----d
few Pullmans anyway." He was promptly arrested. Another remarked that
some fellow was a scab, and was also taken in. This and other like
remarks were samples of the Blue Island rioting at Chicago.
Upon the arrival of the federal troops, the General Managers Association
shifted the responsibility from their own shoulders to those of Uncle
Sam, and the eager willingness that the representatives of the people
exhibited to assist Sir Duke Pullman and the railroad corporation to
subjugate and reduce the working people to a condition of serfdom, was
sufficient evidence that the managers knew what they were about. They
felt secure in the knowledge that their interest would be well taken
care of by the administration, and sought the much needed rest that
these weary sessions of plotting and scheming had earned for them.
CHAPTER VII.
A PROTEST FROM GOV. ALTGELD.
It was plain to be seen that the presence of U. S. troops in Chicago had
a bad effect. The people felt disposed to resent this uncalled for
interference of the President. His unwarranted and illegal action in
sending federal troops into the state of Illinois uncalled for by the
civil authorities (waiving all question of courtesy), was a reflection
on the efficiency of the civil authorities to maintain order, and a
direct insult to the intelligence and loyalty to the citizens of the
state. The governor protested against this high-handed proceeding, and
in no mild terms insisted that he was amply able and willing to preserve
order if called upon to do so.
He assured the President that it was not troops the railroads needed but
men to run their trains, and this was the exact truth, as the strikers
were not interfering with the running of trains but refused to run them,
and the companies could not operate their roads without the aid of the
men who left the service.
But they needed a shield to hide their helplessness, and this they found
in the federal troops, therefore it requires but little reasoning to
understand the bad effect on the people, made by the presence of United
States troops, equipped for war in time of peace. This ill feeling,
mingled with curiosity produced excitement. Excitement invited the
presence of the tough and lawless element, which was exactly what the
railroad magnates were striving for, as the strikers had no intention of
interfering with their trains, and they knew that it was necessary to
incite rioting in order to have an excuse for not operating their roads.
Their devilish schemes succeeded only too well. A mob composed of the
tough and hoodlum element congregated at the Rock Island yards and from
Nineteenth to Fortieth Street, overturned box cars and destroyed
everything that came in their way. The mob increased until not less than
ten thousand people participated in the work of destruction, but be it
said to the credit of the _impartial_ press of that city, they announced
that no strikers had taken part in the lawlessness. Mayor Hopkins, who
went in person to the scene, said that from what he had heard, and what
he could see for himself, that no railroad men were implicated in the
depredations, and business men whose veracity could not be questioned
corroborated his statement.
This occurrence was much to be feared by the strikers, as it was not the
first time that such means had been employed to turn public sentiment
from the side of the workingmen.
Realizing this the men did their utmost to prevent it, and by threats
and entreaties tried to persuade the mob to desist from the work of
destruction, but were successful only for a short time. One of the
strikers remarked to an officer at the time: "By Heavens! this won't do,
there is not a striker in that crowd; this is done to injure us, and
those fellows are not trying to stop it," meaning the troops.
The strike had now reached Toledo, Cleveland and Buffalo, and was
rapidly spreading east, the entire country was in a whirlpool of
excitement, and the strikers were jubilant. The general managers with
the combined forces of the federal troops, state militia, and Cleveland
and his cabinet could not operate the roads. One simple word from the
general managers to Pullman would have been more effective in starting
the trains than all the armies and courts in the United States or all
the scabs from Canada, but rather than speak that one word,
"arbitration," they would bankrupt every system of railroads in the
country.
On July 5, President Cleveland received by wire the following protest
from Gov. Altgeld of Illinois:
"Dear Sir:--I am advised that you have ordered federal troops to go into
service in the state of Illinois. Surely the facts have not been
correctly presented to you in this case or you would not have taken this
step, for it is entirely unnecessary and as it seems to me
unjustifiable. Waiving all question of courtesy I will say that the
state of Illinois is not only able to take care of itself, but it stands
ready to-day to furnish the federal government any assistance it may
need elsewhere.
"Our military force is ample and consists of as good soldiers as can be
found in the country. They have been ordered promptly, whenever and
wherever they were needed. We have stationed in Chicago alone three
regiments of infantry, one battery and one troop of cavalry, and no
better soldiers can be found. They have been ready every moment to go
on duty and have been and are now eager to go into service.
"But they have not been ordered out because nobody in Cook county,
whether official or private citizen, asked to have their assistance or
even intimated in any way that their assistance was desired or
necessary.
"So far as I have been advised the local officials have been able to
handle the situation, but if any assistance were needed the state stood
ready to furnish 100 men for every one man required, and stood ready to
do so at a moment's notice. Notwithstanding these facts the federal
government has been applied to by men who had political and selfish
motives for wanting to ignore the state government.
"We have just gone through a long coal strike more extensive here than
in any other state because our soft coal fields are larger than that of
any other state. We have now had ten days of the railroad strike, and we
have promptly furnished military aid wherever the local officials needed
it. In two instances the United States marshall for the southern
district of Illinois applied for assistance to enable him to enforce the
processes of the United States court and troops were promptly furnished
him, and he was assisted in every way he desired. The law has been
thoroughly executed and every man guilty of violating it during the
strike has been brought to justice.
"If the marshall of the northern district of Illinois or the authorities
of Cook county needed military assistance they had but to ask for it in
order to get it from the state.
"At present some of our railroads are paralyzed, not by reason of
obstruction but because they cannot get men to operate their trains. For
some reason they are anxious to keep this fact from the public and for
this purpose are making an outcry about obstructions in order to avert
attention. Now, I will cite to you two examples which illustrate the
situation: Some days ago I was advised that the business of one of our
railroads was obstructed at two railroad centers, that there was a
condition bordering on anarchy there--and I was asked to furnish
protection so as to enable the employees of the road to operate the
trains. Troops were promptly ordered to both points. Then it transpired
that the company had not sufficient men on its line to operate one
train. All the old hands were orderly but refused to go. The company
had large shops in which worked a number of men who did not belong to
the railway union and who could run an engine. They were appealed to to
run the train but flatly refused to do so. We were obliged to hunt up
soldiers who could run an engine and operate a train.
"Again two days ago appeals which were almost frantic came from
officials of another road stating that at an important point on their
line trains were forcibly obstructed and that there was a reign of
anarchy at that place and they asked for protection so that they could
move their trains. Troops were put on the ground in a few hours' time,
when the officer in command telegraphed me that there was no trouble and
had been none at that point, but the road seemed to have no men to run
the trains and the sheriff wired that he did not need troops, but would
himself move every train if the company would only furnish an engineer.
The result was that the troops were there over twelve hours before a
single train was moved although there was no attempt at interference by
anyone. It is true that in several instances a road made an effort to
work a few green men and a crowd standing around insulted them and
tried to drive them away, and in a few other instances they cut off
Pullman sleepers from trains. But all these troubles were local in
character and could easily be handled by the state authorities. Illinois
has more railroad men than any state in the Union, but as a rule they
are orderly and well behaved. This is shown by the fact that so very
little actual violence has been committed. Only a very small per cent of
these men have been guilty of any infractions of the law. The newspaper
accounts have in many cases been pure fabrications and in others wild
exaggerations.
"I have gone thus into details to show that it is not soldiers that the
railroads need so much as it is men to operate trains, and that the
conditions do not exist here which bring the cause within the federal
statutes, a statute that was passed in 1881, and was in reality a war
measure. This statute authorizes the use of federal troops in a state
where ever it is impracticable to enforce the laws of the United States
within such states by the ordinary judicial proceedings. Such a
condition does not exist in the state of Illinois. There have been a
few local disturbances but nothing that seriously interfered with the
administration of justice or that could not easily be controlled by the
local or state authorities for the federal troops can do nothing that
the state troops cannot do.
"I repeat that you have been imposed upon in this matter, but even if by
a forced construction it were held that the condition here came within
the letter of the statute, then I submit that local self government is a
fundamental principle of our constitution. Each community shall govern
itself so long as it can and is ready and able to enforce the law, and
it is in harmony with this fundamental principle that the statute
authorizing the president to send troops into states must be construed.
Especially is this so in matters relating to the exercise of the police
power and the preservation of law and order. To absolutely ignore a
local government in matters of this kind, when the local government is
ready to furnish assistance needed and is amply able to enforce the law,
not only insults the people of this state by imputing to them an
inability to govern themselves or an unwillingness to enforce the law,
but is in violation of a basic principle of our institutions.
"The question of federal supremacy is in no way involved; no one
disputes it for a moment but under our constitution federal supremacy
and local self government must go hand in hand and to ignore the latter
is to do violence to the constitution.
"As governor of the state of Illinois I protest against this and ask the
immediate withdrawal of the federal troops from active duty in this
state.
"Should the situation at any time get so serious that we cannot control
it with the state troops we will promptly and freely ask for federal
assistance, but until such time I protest with all due deference against
this uncalled for reflection upon our people and again ask the immediate
withdrawal of the troops. I have the honor to be,
Yours respectfully
JOHN P. ALTGELD,
Governor of Illinois."
To the above communication President Cleveland answered as follows:
"To the Hon. John P. Altgeld, governor of Illinois. Federal troops were
sent to Chicago in strict accordance with the constitutions and laws of
the United States upon the demand of the post office department that
obstructions of the mails should be removed, and upon the
representations of the judicial officers of the United States that
process of law federal courts could not be executed through the ordinary
means, and upon abundant proof that conspiracies existed against
commerce between the states. To meet these conditions, which are clearly
within the province of federal authority, the presence of federal troops
in Chicago was deemed not only proper but necessary, and there has been
no intention of thereby interfering with the plain duty of the local
authorities to preserve the peace of the city.
GROVER CLEVELAND."
CHAPTER VIII.
INCENDIARISM AND BLOODSHED.
The 6th day of July was one long to be remembered, as the first act of
incendiarism was committed. A conflagration was started along the tracks
of the Pan Handle, Baltimore & Ohio; Chicago & Northern Pacific, and
Belt Line R. R., which terminated in the burning of whole trains of
cars, switch houses and tool-houses belonging to these companies. A
splendid tower house belonging to the Pan Handle was saved through the
supreme efforts of the strikers, who tore away the burning sidewalks
which connected the tool-house with the tower-house. This fine structure
was recently built and cost the company $40,000. Upon the authority of
the city police and firemen, I can state that the fires were started by
a crowd of young hoodlums and toughs living in the vicinity, and the
strikers were in no way responsible for them.
There was only a small crowd of these young toughs around the yards,
they scattered in different directions and simultaneously fire broke out
in different places. One boy was seen to set fire to a bunch of waste,
and throw it into the empty cars as he ran, and the dry woodwork was
soon a mass of flames. Between eight hundred and sixteen hundred cars
were destroyed by this conflagration and the loss aggregated over
$200,000, besides three men killed outright and seven wounded.
The peaceable and law abiding city of Chicago was feeling the effects of
a reign of terror. Innocent men, women and children were being shot down
or bayoneted by the tools of railroad corporations in a most cold
blooded and heartless manner. According to the statements of eye
witnesses some young fellows under the age of sixteen years, and
therefore not strikers, threw stones at the soldiers who at once began
to shoot indiscriminately into a crowd composed of men, women and
children who had no connection whatever with the affair, then with fixed
bayonets charged upon the people, and those who were unfortunate enough
to be caught were severely dealt with. One old man, a Pole, who was
standing in his own door yard, and seeing the people run took fright
and started into his house, was pursued by a soldier who saw him run and
stabbed in the back. The old man fell shrieking to the ground, begging
for mercy, when the brutal fiend plunged the bayonet twice more into the
helpless form and left him in a dying condition.
One young lady was shot while standing on the roof of her own house, and
fell a corpse in her brother's arm.
Still another victim was a man who was shot while standing in the
doorway of his home and a rioter by the name of Burke was shot and
killed in the charge.
In an editorial the Chicago Times says: "Let us examine the net results
of the activity of the troops on Saturday; results of which the amateur
soldier Brigadier General Wheeler remarked: "I am glad that the troops
made a stand and that blood was shed." There is some conflict in the
reports of the day's carnage, but the salient facts seem to be these:
"Three persons in all were shot dead, one of these, an eighteen year old
girl, was standing on a distant house top watching the fray, when a
bullet pierced her heart. Of course she was not a striker nor was her
continued life a menace to American institutions.
"John Burke, identified by the police as a professional crook, was
another victim and his presence in the mob adds evidence to the claim of
the Times that the rioting was the work of chronic toughs and criminals
and not of workingmen. Joseph Warzouski, the third to fall before a
military bullet, was sitting smoking before his house door when wantonly
shot down by a regular. He was not a striker, and not within one hundred
yards of railroad property when murdered.
"Of the wounded five were women, one of whom looses an arm and another a
leg. Six were boys under nineteen years of age, and one was a baby.
"The points which these facts demonstrate, is that the rioting is not
the work of members of the American Railway Union, or in fact of
workingmen of any organization, but the acts of toughs and pluguglies
and boisterous boys, with whom this city like other large cities,
abound. Though the crowd looks large and dangerous, the actual number of
combatants is comparatively small, and the clubs of the police instead
of the bullets and bayonets of the soldiers, would have been the proper
weapons to use. Then Chicago would not have been disgraced by shedding
the blood of women and children and taking innocent lives."
On July 6, Mr. Debs issued the following clear and succinct statement of
the causes and status of the present condition of affairs:
"To the public:--So many misleading reports have been given currency in
reference to the great railroad strike now in progress that I am
prompted, in the interest of justice and fair play, to give the public
an honest, impartial statement of the issues involved and the facts as
they actually exist. My purpose in this is to have the great American
public--the plain people--in every avenue of life conversant with the
situation as it really is, that they who constitute the highest tribunal
we know, may pass judgment upon our acts, condemn us if we are wrong,
and uphold us if we are right.
"First of all let it be said that the Pullman employes who struck May
6th, last, did so entirely of their own accord."
"Their action in so doing was spontaneous and unanimous. They simply
revolted against a series of deep-seated wrongs of long standing, and no
power could stay them. It has been charged, and the charge has been
widely accepted, that they were induced to strike by their "leaders" and
labor agitators; that if left alone they would have remained at work.
The charge is wholly untrue.
"The fact is that the officers of the American Railway Union used all
their influence to pacify the employes and advised them repeatedly not
to strike, but to bear patiently their grievances until a peaceable
settlement could be effected. To the truth of this statement the
employes themselves will bear willing testimony.
"But the grievances of the employes, men and women, had become so
aggravated, so galling, that patience deserted them, and they abandoned
their employment rather than to submit longer to conditions against
which their very souls revolted. Whether they were right or not, let
only those judge who comprehend the conditions under which these
faithful employes toiled and groaned. Let us avoid sentiment. The bare
facts will suffice, and they are haggard enough to excite the sympathy
of every good citizen, rich or poor, employer or employed.
"The Pullman company, be it understood owns the town of Pullman, owns
the houses, the homes of employes, controls the light and water, and
other necessaries of life, and wages are so adjusted to living expenses
that in a large majority of cases the employes are barely able to
support their families. Proof overwhelming can be furnished. One
instance will suffice. At the time they struck the employes were in
arrears to the Pullman company $70,000 for rent alone. Wages had been
repeatedly reduced but rent and other expenses had remained the same.
"At this rate it would be a question of a short time only until the
employes would have been hopelessly involved in debt, mortgaged soul and
body to the Pullman company.
"The employes from the beginning, have been willing to arbitrate their
differences with the company. That is their position to-day. The company
arrogantly declares that there is nothing to arbitrate. If this be true
why not allow a board of fair and impartial arbitrators to determine the
fact?
"At this point we appeal to the public as to whether the position of the
employes is entitled to the sanction of the public conscience. If the
employes were to assume the position of the Pullman company and
defiantly declare they had nothing to arbitrate, and arbitrarily demand
unconditional surrender as the only basis of settlement they would
merit the condemnation of the public and it would certainly and swiftly
fall upon them with crushing severity. Committee after committee waited
upon the officials of the Pullman company with the vain hope of
effecting a settlement. They were willing to make concessions, to
compromise in the interest of peace. All their advances were repelled.
"The company was, and is, unyielding as adamant. Finally, June 12th, the
delegates of the American Railway Union, representing 425 local unions
of railway employes located on the principal lines of American railways,
met in convention at Chicago. The Pullman trouble had been discussed at
their local meetings. Many of the delegates came instructed. The
grievances of the Pullman employes were taken under consideration, and
two separate committees were sent to the officials.
"Not the slightest satisfaction could be obtained. As a last resort the
delegates by a unanimous vote determined that unless the Pullman company
would agree to do justice to their employes within five days, the
members of the order would refuse to haul Pullman cars. This action be
it remembered, was not taken until the strike had been on six weeks, and
every conceivable effort to obtain redress had failed because of the
obstinacy of the company.
"Up to this time the trouble had been confined to the Pullman company
and its employes. How, then, did the strike extend to the railways? Let
the answer be given in accordance with the facts. The day before the
order of the delegates declining to haul Pullman cars, went into effect,
the General Managers' association, representing the principal Western
railways, met and passed a series of resolutions, declaring in substance
that they would uphold the Pullman company in its fight upon the
employes, that they would haul Pullman cars and that they would stand
together in crushing out the American Railway Union. The resolutions in
question were published in the city papers and can be referred to in
substantiation of this averment. It will thus be seen that the railway
companies virtually joined forces with the Pullman company, went into
partnership with them so to speak, to reduce and defeat their half
starved employes. In this way the trouble was extended from line to
line, and from system to system until a crisis has been reached. The
business of the country is demoralized to an extent that defies
exaggeration.
"To say that the situation is alarming is entirely within the bounds of
prudent statement. Every good citizen must view the outlook with grave
concern.
"Something should, something must be done. The American people are a
peace-loving people--they want neither anarchy or revolution. They have
faith in their institutions, they believe in law and order, they believe
in good government, but they also believe in fair play. Once aroused
they will not tolerate arbitrary and dictatorial defiance, even on the
part of an alliance of rich and powerful corporations.
"What can be done to dispel the apprehension that now prevails, and
restore peace and confidence? The American Railway Union on whose
authority and in whose behalf this statement is made, stands ready, has
from the beginning stood ready, to do anything in its power, provided it
is honorable to end this trouble.
"This, briefly stated, is the position the organization occupies. It
simply insists that the Pullman Company shall meet its employes and do
them justice. We guarantee that the latter will accept any reasonable
proposition.
"The company may act through its officials or otherwise, and the
employes through their chosen representatives. Let them agree as far as
they can, and where they fail to agree, let the points in dispute be
subjected to arbitration. The question of the recognition of the
American Railway Union or any other organization is waived. We do not
ask, nor have we ever asked for a recognition as an organization. We
care nothing about that, and so far as we are concerned it has no part
in the controversy. Let the officials deal with the employes without
reference to organizations. Let the spirit of conciliation, mutual
concession, and compromise animate and govern both sides, and there will
be no trouble in reaching a settlement that will be satisfactory to all
concerned.
"This done let the railway companies agree to restore all their employes
to their situations without prejudice and the trouble will be ended. The
crisis will thus be averted, traffic will resume and peace will reign.
The railways are not required to recognize the American Railway Union.
This has never been asked nor is it asked now.
"If there are those who discover in this statement a 'weakening' on the
part of the employes, as has been so often charged when an exposition of
the true attitude of our order was attempted, we have only to say that
they are welcome to such solace as such a perverted conclusion affords
them. We have been deliberately and maliciously misrepresented, but we
have borne it all with an unwavering faith that the truth will finally
and powerfully prevail. We firmly believe our cause is just, and while
we hold that belief, we will not recede. If we are wrong we are ready to
be convinced. We are open to reason and to conviction, but we will not
be cowed or intimidated. Were we to sacrifice the multiplied thousands
of wageworkers who have committed their interests to our hands and yield
to the pressure of corporate power, we would be totally unworthy of
American citizenship.
"It may be asked what sense is there in sympathetic strikes. Let the
corporations answer.
"When one is assailed all go to the rescue. They stand together; they
support each other with men, money and equipments. Labor, in unifying
its forces, simply follows their example. The corporations established
a precedent. If the proceeding is vicious and indefensible let them
first abolish it.
"In this contest labor will stand by labor. Other organizations of
workingmen have themselves felt the oppressive hand of corporate
capital. They will not be called out, but will go out. And the spectacle
of Mr. Pullman, fanned by the breezes of the seashore while his employes
are starving, is not calculated to prevent their fellow wageworkers from
going to their rescue by their only means at their command.
"A few words in reference to myself, although ordinarily I pay no
attention to misrepresentation or vituperation, may not be out of place,
not because of myself personally, but on account of the cause I have the
honor to in part represent, which may suffer if silence is maintained
while it is assailed with falsehood and malignant detraction. I shirk no
responsibility, neither do I want credit to which I am not entitled.
This strike was not 'ordered' by myself nor by any other individual. I
have never 'ordered' nor 'called' anybody out. Under the rules of the
American Railway Union members can only strike when a majority of the
members so decide.
"The votes of the delegates in this instance was unanimous, and where
ever men have struck they did so of their own accord. I have simply
served the notice after the men themselves had determined to go out.
"This is the extent of my authority and I have never exceeded it. My
alleged authority to 'call' or 'order' out has been made the pretext on
which to assail me with every slander that malignity could conceive. So
far as I am personally concerned, detraction cannot harm me, nor does it
matter if it could. I do not amount to more than the humblest member of
our order--perhaps not as much. Fate or fortune has assigned me a duty,
and, no matter how trying the ordeal or severe the penalties I propose
to perform it. The reflection that an honest man has nothing to fear
sustains and comforts me in every hour of trial.
"In closing let me repeat that we stand ready to do our part toward
averting the impending crisis. We have no false pride to stand in the
way of a statement. We do not want official recognition. All we ask is
fair play for the men who have chosen us to represent them.
"If the corporations refuse to yield and stubbornly maintain that there
is 'nothing to arbitrate,' the responsibility of what may ensue will be
upon their heads, and they cannot escape its penalties.
EUGENE V. DEBS."
CHAPTER IX.
SLAUGHTER OF CITIZENS.
The situation at Hammond, Ind., would compare favorably with Chicago in
so far as the wanton shooting of innocent citizens was concerned. The
town had become infested with a gang of toughs from Chicago, who
overturned a number of box cars and blocked the passage of trains. About
noon of July 8th, the U. S. troops arrived, and their appearance
attracted large crowds of citizens on the streets, in the vicinity of
the railroad tracks. The troops who were ensconced in passenger cars
were being hauled up and down the track, when a gang of toughs attempted
to overturn a Pullman coach. The soldiers, who could easily have left
the coaches and placed the lawbreakers under arrest opened fire, but
strange to say these sharpshooters, under instructions to shoot to kill,
did not wound even one of the lawless rioters. Not so, however, with the
citizens who were walking along the street and had no connection
whatever with the mob. Charles Fleischer, who lived near with his wife
and five children, walked down the street in search of his little son,
when without a moment's warning he fell to the ground a corpse pierced
with a law and order bullet. This man had no connection whatever with
the riot nor even with the strike.
Miss Flemming, of Chicago, who was visiting friends in Hammond was on
the street when the shooting occurred and was seriously injured by a
shot in the knee. Wm. Campbell, Victor Dizuttner and an unknown man were
also shot and seriously injured by the regulars without the slightest
provocation.
These people had no connection with the rioters, were citizens of
Hammond, and not on railroad property.
Bullets crashed through frame walls, and I was told by a man whose head
was grazed by a bullet while in his room, that nothing short of a
miracle saved many persons from being shot down in their own dwellings.
Mayor Reily whose anger knew no bounds, after the killing rushed to the
telegraph office and wired Governor Matthews, asking if martial law had
been proclaimed. I should like to know, he said, by what authority the
U. S. troops come to our city and shoot down our citizens without the
slightest warning.
Immediately after the fatal occurrence, A. Shields and Dr. F. E. Bell,
representing the citizens of Hammond, wired Governor Matthews the
following message: "Federal troops shooting down citizens promiscuously
and without provocation. Cannot something be done to protect citizens?
Act quickly."
The governor replied that he had sent troops to restore order, enforce
law, and protect lives of law abiding citizens. Lawlessness and rioting
must be suppressed. Citizens obeying law had nothing to fear.
Was ever military despotism more thoroughly demonstrated? What further
proof was necessary than the reply of the chief executive of the state,
to the citizens, that they were at the mercy of, and subject to the
arrogant brutality of military despotism? The governor in his reply
said: "Citizens obeying law have nothing to fear, that lawlessness must
be suppressed." According to that we can only arrive at one conclusion;
that the persons overturning cars and destroying property were obeying
the law, as they were not shot down nor were they arrested, but on the
other hand peaceable citizens who were in no way connected with the
rioting, were shot and maimed by the troops.
The people were beginning to regard the law with suspicion, they no
longer felt that sense of security, the implicit confidence, they were
wont to place in the constitution. The law of to-day, if the interests
of the railroad corporations so required, would be reversed to-morrow.
Under those circumstances could it be wondered that the people were
beginning to lose the respect that had been accorded the law, and to
which it was entitled? Could it be wondered that they became restless
and exhibited signs of revolting against such damnable brutality, and
the indignities to which they were subjected under the guise of the law?
Cleveland was now beginning to fear, that in his eagerness to assist the
railroads in crushing the strikers he had overreached himself and the
wanton murder of citizens, he feared, might have a damaging effect on
his future political plans. His uneasiness was quite apparent, while on
the other hand his co-conspirator, Olney, was in a happy state of mind.
He claimed to be able with the anti-trust bill, to break up every labor
union in America.
The general managers, finding out that the city would not be held
responsible for the loss of and damage to railroad property, were now in
favor of removing the troops from the city of Chicago--but knowing the
effect of such action after making an appeal for their assistance--did
not ask for their removal.
The situation throughout the country had not materially changed, and the
prospects for a final victory for the strikers looked very favorably.
General Miles circulated a story that ninety per cent of the citizens of
Chicago were in sympathy with the Pullman company and the railroads.
The railway managers took advantage of this report and spread and
distorted it in order to discourage the strikers.
Now for facts: The trades unions of Chicago alone represent 750,000
people, adding to this the membership of the railway unions you have a
total of 900,000 or ninety per cent of the citizens, who were in direct
sympathy with the strikers. And it was not confined to members of
Unions alone; such men as Bishop Fallaws, Rev. Dr. Henson, Prof. E. W.
Bennis, Rev. G. P. Brushingham, Rev. W. H. Carvardine, Mayor Hopkins and
hosts of other men prominent in the affairs of the city endorsed the men
and denounced the railroad corporations.
Resolutions by the score were passed by business men, by the
Typographical Unions and other organizations endorsing the American
Railway Union, and denouncing Pullman and the railroads, also condemning
the action of Grover Cleveland in upholding the corporations against the
workingmen.
Resolutions were passed requesting all sympathizers to wear a white
ribbon, the badge adopted by the American Railway Union, and the sea of
white ribbons to be seen in Chicago would not bear out the statement of
Gen. Miles.
The labor unions now signified their willingness to strike in support of
the movement if called upon by the American Railway Union.
Grover Cleveland at this time issued a proclamation which--to all
intents and purposes--declared martial law in the city of Chicago. This
was what Gen. Miles desired, as it virtually gave him full power to
rule with despotic sway over the citizens and civil authorities.
The following protest was wired the President of the United States by
President Debs, of the American Railway Union and Grand Master Sovereign
of the Knights of Labor.
"To the Hon. Grover Cleveland, President of the United States, Executive
Mansion, Washington, D. C.
"Dear Sir:--Through a long period of depression, enforced idleness and
low wages, resulting in wide spread poverty, and in many cases actual
starvation, the working people have been patient, patriotic and law
abiding, and not until the iron heel of corporate tyranny was applied
with the intention to subjugate the working people to the will of
arrogant monopolies, did they make any effort to stay their oppressors.
"The Pullman strike was not declared until the employes of the Pullman
company were driven to the verge of starvation, their entreaties spurned
with contempt, and their grievances denied a hearing. No refusal to
handle Pullman cars was declared by any railway employe until all
propositions looking towards arbitration and conciliation were rejected
by the Pullman company. Notwithstanding the truths set forth above were
known to the public and the national authorities, you have seen fit
under guise of protecting the mails and federal property to invoke the
services of the United States army, whose very presence is used to
coerce and intimidate peaceable working people into a humiliating
obedience to the will of their oppressors.
"By your acts, insofar as you have supplanted civil and state
authorities with the federal military power, the spirit of unrest and
distrust has so far been augmented that a deep seated conviction is fast
becoming prevalent that this government is soon to become a military
despotism. The transmission of the United States mails is not
interrupted by the striking employes of any railway company, but by the
railway companies themselves, who refused to haul the mail on trains to
which Pullman cars were not attached. If it is a criminal interference
with the United States mails for the employes of a railway company to
detach from a mail train a Pullman palace car, contrary to the will of
the company then it holds true that it is the same criminal interference
whenever a Pullman palace car is detached from a mail train in
accordance with the will of a railroad company while said mail train is
in transit. The line of criminality in such a case should not be drawn
at the willingness or unwillingness of railway employes, but at the act
itself, and inasmuch as it has been the common practice of railway
corporations to attach and detach from mail trains Pullman palace cars
at will while said trains are in transit and carrying the mails of the
United States, it would seem an act of discrimination against the
employes of the railway corporations to declare such acts unlawful
interference with the transmission of the mails when done by employes
with or without the consent of their employers.
"In view of these facts we look upon the far-fetched decision of
Attorney General Olney, the sweeping un-American injunctions against
railway employes, and the movements of the regular army as employing the
powers of the general government for the support and protection of the
railway corporations in their determination to degrade and oppress their
employes.
"The present railway strike was precipitated by the uneasy desire of the
railway corporations to destroy the organizations of their employes and
make the working people more subservient to the will of their
employers; and as all students of government agree that free
institutions depend for their perpetuity upon the freedom and prosperity
of the common people, it would seem more in consonance with the spirit
of democratic government if federal authority was exercised in deference
of the rights of the toiling masses to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. But on the contrary there is not an instance on record where
in any conflict between corporations and the people the strong arm of
the military power has been employed to protect the working people and
the industrial masses from the ravage and persecution of corporate
greed. But the measure of character has been in the line of declaring
the corporations always good and in the right, and the working people
always bad and in the wrong.
"Now, sir, we pledge to you the power of our respective organizations,
individually and collectively, for the maintenance of peace and good
order and the preservation of life and property, and will aid in the
arrest and punishment of all violators of the civil and criminal laws of
the state or nation. In the present contest between labor and railway
corporations we shall use every peaceable and honorable means at our
command consistent with the law and our constitutional rights, to secure
for the working people just compensation for labor done and respectable
consideration in accordance with the inherent rights of all men and the
spirit of republican government. In doing so we appeal to all the
liberty loving people of the nation to aid and support us in this most
just and righteous cause.
By EUGENE V. DEBS,
President.
"Order of Knights of Labor,
By J. R. SOVEREIGN,
Grand Master Workman."
CHAPTER X.
BUSINESS MEN'S PROTEST.
The town of Danville, Ill., was now visited by martial law with the
result that two women were killed and two men fatally wounded. A
non-union brakeman fired three shots into a crowd that was jeering him,
whereupon some one in the crowd returned the fire hitting him in the
neck. The militia then opened fire, killing a Mrs. Glennon who was
standing in her own yard and Miss James seated at the organ in her own
house. This was the effect of federal troops in Danville, and so it was
in every town and city where Grover's minions were stationed. The
damnable outrages perpetrated on the people of the commonweal by the
federal troops under the guise of law and order was goading the citizens
to a state of open rebellion. The business men of Chicago fearing a
general outbreak determined on sending a committee to the Pullman
company with a view to reaching a settlement whereby this dire calamity
would be averted. A committee was formed composed of representative
business men, members of the city council, and members of the various
trades of the city. The committee met with no success.
Mr. Wickes, who represented the Pullman company, informed them that the
company had nothing to arbitrate and wished to see no committee. The
proposition they wished to submit to Mr. Wickes as the representative of
the Pullman company was this: That Mr. Pullman had said there was
nothing to arbitrate while the men contended that there was. Let the
Pullman company appoint two men and the circuit court two men. Let these
four select a fifth, if necessary, to determine if there was anything to
arbitrate and in case there was, that would take care of itself later.
If not, the strike would end just as soon as the decision was reached.
Surely this proposition was fair and manly but speaking for the Pullman
company Mr. Wickes flatly refused to entertain it for an instant.
Alderman McGillen, who acted as spokesman, then made an eloquent plea
for the Pullman company to take steps, which he considered would go far
toward settling the strike. He said: "Mr. Wickes we received a request
from the trades-unions--their representatives who are now here you have
already met--to see if some means to settle this strike peaceably could
not be found.
"It has been demonstrated that your company had no subject for
arbitration, that the request of the employes for arbitration could not
be acceded to?"
Mr. Wickes: "Yes, sir."
Ald. McGillen: "We are here to suggest that it might be possible to
obviate all differences between the company and the men--strikers,
ex-employes, or whatever you wish to call them. We would suggest a
committee to ascertain whether there is any matter needing arbitration
as you are a quasi public."
Mr. Wickes, interrupting: "Do you come as representatives of the city
instructed by the mayor? We have nothing to arbitrate, the Pullman
company cannot recede from its position."
Ald. O'Brien: "There must be some trouble?"
Mr. Wickes: "Our men made complaint, we promised to investigate, but
before we had time to do so they struck."
Ald. O'Brien: "But that will not settle the matter."
Mr. Wickes: "Unfortunately not."
Ald. McGillen: "We suggest that this committee be made up of
representative men, the best men in Chicago, men who occupy positions of
honor."
Here attorney John S. Runnell appeared and was closeted with Mr. Wickes
for a quarter of an hour.
On his return to the room Mr. Wickes said that neither the Pullman
company or the railway manager's association created the situation of
to-day. When our men went out we told them that we could not do the work
at the scale of wages we were paying. We had contracts to fill then,
some of them we let out and some we retained. No men can arbitrate this,
you, as business men would let no man say how that business should be
conducted.
Ald. McGillen then said: "You require protection from us. You call on
the police, on the county, on the state, and on the nation for
protection. Your only valued assets are the patents which the nation
gives you in recognition of the genius which built the Pullman car.
Remove that asset and you are ruined. You utterly ignore our request. It
is not dishonorable men we ask to investigate your affairs. Think of the
sickness, starvation, want, disaster and bloodshed which is coming if
the strike assumes larger proportions. The climax is fast approaching
and who will be to blame. I am here for the common weal, and I hope and
beg of you not to refuse."
Mr. Wickes: "There is a principle involved. Every business should have
the right to dictate to its own labor, we will brook no interference,
national, state, county or municipal."
Ald. McGillen: "Compulsory arbitration is not a law but it will be if
this strike does not stop."
Mr. Wickes: "We have nothing to arbitrate."
Ald. Warreinner: "We are not asking for arbitration, we want a committee
appointed to see if there is need of it. Will you consent to that?"
Mr. Wickes: "No."
Ald. McGillen: "In the name of humanity let me beseech you to reconsider
your negation."
Mr. Wickes: "Gentlemen, the Pullman company has nothing to arbitrate, we
want to see no committee, the Pullman company cannot recede from its
position. This is final."
When the committee met again at 4:30 to make its final report, it was
completely discouraged. Mr. Elderkin stated the proposition that had
been made to the Pullman company and its direct refusal. The alderman
begged the labor representatives not to strike and cause widespread
suffering.
The general manager's and Pullman's position was so clearly defined that
it would be impossible for the public to fail to see it in any but its
true light.
The companies were losing millions of dollars but the general managers
had determined if necessary to bankrupt every system in the United
States in order to crush labor organizations out of existence. The
Pullman matter was something of the past, with them they were after the
labor organizations, and they were after them with a vengeance.
The government was backing them. The attorney general of the United
states,--a corporation attorney as well,--had pledged himself to disrupt
every labor organization in the country. President Cleveland, another
railroad attorney, had encouraged and abetted them to the same end.
With the subsidized press, the bankers unions, the moneycrat
manufacturers and the federal courts arrayed against them, what in the
name of justice could they expect?
Surely the martyred president and savior of mankind, the immortal
Lincoln, must have anticipated the present deplorable condition when in
his message to the second session of the thirty-seventh congress,--to be
found in the appendix to the Congressional Globe of the thirty-seventh
congress, second section, page 4--when he said: "Monarchy itself is
sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position I could scarcely be justified were I to omit
raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It
is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in
favor of popular institutions, but there is one point with its
connections not so hackneyed as most others to which I ask a brief
attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with,
if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed that
labor is available only in connection with capital, that nobody labors
unless somebody else owning capital somehow by the use of it induces him
to labor. * * * Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is
only the fruit of labor and could never have existed if labor had not
first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves much the
higher consideration. * * * No men living are more worthy to be trusted
than those who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch
aught which they have not earned. Let them beware of surrendering a
political power which they already possess and which, if surrendered,
will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all of
liberty shall be lost."
CHAPTER XI.
INDICTMENT OF PRESIDENT DEBS.
The railroad managers and federal courts were leaving no stone unturned
to secure the indictment and incarceration of Eugene V. Debs. If
successful, it was their intention to dispose of all the officers and
directors of the American Railway Union in the same manner.
Attorney General Olney, acting for the railroads, was hatching a scheme
to incarcerate the officers of the union and refuse them bail. Attorneys
Walker and Milchrist were ready to prove that Debs ordered the boycott,
that he conspired against the lives and liberty of the people, that he
conspired to overthrow the government, in short, they were ready to
prove anything that would further the ends of the corporations which
they represented.
These diabolical plotters never doubted for one instant that the
officers of the American Railway Union were innocent of the charges
preferred against them. They knew very well that they (the officers)
had no authority to order a boycott or strike, and that it was ordered
by a majority vote of the men employed on each system. They also knew
that from the inauguration of the strike, not one word or act of Eugene
V. Debs could be construed into an offense and make him amenable to the
law.
That he counseled moderation and appealed to the men to refrain from
acts of violence from the start, was a well known fact. This was very
clear to them, but the powerful magnetism of his presence in restraining
the men from acts of violence would also have a tendency to keep their
ranks firm and intact. This was also known to them and they must devise
some scheme to shackle him or get him out of the way. With consummate
skill they proceeded with the avowed effort to accomplish this end.
At 3:00 P. M., July 10, the special grand jury summoned by
Judges Wood and Grosscup set the machinery of federal law in motion, and
after one hour and seven minutes--most of which time was occupied in
waiting for advice from the Western Union Telegraph Co., in New York, to
its manager in Chicago--returned indictments against E. V. Debs, G. W.
Howard, L. W. Rogers and Sylvester Kelliher. No sooner were the four
officers of the American Railway Union indicted than they were arrested
and the private papers as well as the documents of the union were
seized.
The four men were admitted to bail and the joint bond of $10,000 was
signed by J. W. Fitzgerald and Wm. Skakel.
The special grand jurors selected by the court for the express purpose
of indicting the officers of the American Railway Union were well
chosen. An elaborate charge from his honor, the judge, a pretense of
examining a lone witness, just a farcical formality, and Debs, Howard,
Rogers and Kelliher were indicted. These men were virtually indicted
before the grand jury went into session. This is a fact that defies
contradiction, Z. E. Holbrook, one of the jurors, was a man who two
years ago went to Homestead, Pa., at the request of H. C. Frick, manager
of the Carnegie Company, and after obtaining a supply of alleged facts
from Mr. Frick, returned to Chicago and made a speech before the Sunset
Club, in which he charged the Homestead strikers with being
conspirators, anarchists and murderers, and he denounced and abused in
no measured terms all labor unions and sympathizers. So bitterly did he
attack labor that he was roundly hissed by members of his own club.
The city directory sets him down as a capitalist, and he is known
throughout the city as a bitter enemy to labor unions. Such is the
character of one of the men who was chosen to indict Eugene V. Debs. Was
ever court of justice so utterly debauched?
What has become of our boasted liberty? Are we freemen? No! in the
burning words of Rienzi, the Roman, we are slaves, the bright sun rises
to its course and sets on a race of slaves. Slaves, not such as
conqueror led to crimson glory and undying fame, but base, ignoble
slaves, slaves to a horde of petty tyrants, feudal despots.
The same conditions that emanated these immortal utterances from the
ancient Roman is absolutely the condition of the working people of
America to-day.
The federal courts had now accomplished a master stroke; they had
indicted the president of the American Railway Union for conspiracy.
When the wires flashed the news to the various local unions throughout
the country, the excitement was intense. The illegal proceeding was
condemned by every good citizen, regardless of vocation or station in
life. Millions of men in every branch of labor threatened to strike, but
were held in check by the assurance of their leaders that all would be
well in the end.
Mr. Debs, fearing the bad effect his arrest would have on the working
people, sent out the following appeal for order:
"To all striking employes and sympathizers:
"In view of the serious phases which the strike has assumed, I deem it
my duty to again admonish you to not only refrain from acts of violence
but to aid in every way in your power to maintain law and order. We have
everything to lose and nothing to gain by participating, even by our
presence in demonstrative gatherings. Almost universal unrest prevails.
Men are excitable and inflammable. The distance from anger to vengeance
is not great. Every precaution against still further aggravating
conditions should be taken. In this supreme hour let workingmen show
themselves to be orderly and law abiding by freely co-operating with the
authorities in suppressing turbulence and preserving the peace. Our
position is secure and the people are with us. We have made every
effort that reason and justice could suggest to obtain redress for our
grievances.
"Our advances have been repelled. The responsibility for the grave
situation that confronts the country is not with us. The indications now
are that the stoppage of work will become general. This in itself will
be a calamity, but if order be maintained it may yet prove to be a
blessing to the country. I appeal to every workingman to entirely keep
away from places where trouble would be likely to occur. What, under
normal conditions, would probably be a peaceable gathering may now
become a demonstrative mob. All good citizens deprecate the loss of life
and the destruction of property. Grave as these complications are, our
civilization is far enough advanced to find and apply a remedy without
resort to violence. We are merely contending for justice for our fellow
workingmen, who have been reduced to want by a power that now defies
public opinion. Strong in the faith that our position is correct, that
our grievances are just, we can afford to await the final verdict, with
patience. The great public may be slow to act, but in the fullness of
time it will act. Then the wrong, wherever found will be rebuked and
cloven down, and the right will be enthroned. However serious the
situation may become, let it not be intensified by lawlessness or
violence.
Eugene V. Debs."
If there is anything tending to conspiracy, any anarchistic sentiment in
the above appeal then it is certain that Debs was guilty as indicted,
but if there is not, then the railroad managers and federal court were
guilty of a greater conspiracy and should be dealt with accordingly. In
all the appeals, instructions or advice given verbally or otherwise by
E. V. Debs, not a solitary one was of a more inflammatory nature than
this, and yet this man was accused of this serious crime.
The Chicago Times in an editorial on the indictment of Debs says in
part: "We can perhaps leave to the lawyers who are so eager to indict
Mr. Debs, determination of the legal position of this rebel Wickes,
declaring that his tottering corporation will brook no interference
national, state, county, or municipal. The times has learned many things
of late showing the power of corporations over the national government
but we still cling to the belief that Uncle Sam is bigger than Duke
George, and if either the national, state, county or municipal
government determines to interfere with the affairs of the Pullman
corporation, Mr. Wickes will have to brook it or take refuge in Canada
with his titled chiefs, embezzlers, boodlers, forgers and other harpies
of society, who from time to time have fled thither."
CHAPTER XII.
A PROTEST BY THE PEOPLES PARTY.
The newsboys of Chicago now decided to join the boycott by dropping the
papers unfavorable to the American Railway Union, and after a noisy
session in which parliamentary rules were freely discussed, and several
amusing antics were indulged in, they voted to boycott the Tribune,
Herald, Mail, Inter-Ocean, Post and Journal. When the Times was
mentioned, they yelled themselves hoarse, and declared that it was the
only paper they would sell. Hill, the circulator of the Post, caused the
arrest of five of the little fellows and they were locked up.
L. W. Rogers, editor of the Railway Times, the official organ of the
American Railway Union finally succeeded in getting the attention of the
boys and informed them that the union could not accept any sacrifice
from the newsboys of Chicago. He assured them that the men were strong
enough to do their own boycotting and requested them to continue the
sale of the papers. He said: "We do not want to take one red cent out
of your earnings, if things were as they should be, you lads would be at
school in the day time and in comfortable homes at night instead of
selling papers on the street."
At the conclusion of Mr. Rogers' remarks they all sped away to the Times
office, where cheer after cheer was given for the peoples paper.
Notwithstanding the remarks of Mr. Rogers, the Times, Record, Dispatch
and News were the only papers to be had on the streets.
The Knights of Labor and Trades Unions as well as business men's unions
were holding meetings all over the country, denouncing the action of
Cleveland and the courts and endorsing the American Railway Union in its
manly fight for rights. The strike situation had not changed to any
great extent with the exception of passenger service. Passenger trains
were beginning to run with more regularity, but the freight business was
to all practical purposes dead. The men whom the companies had succeeded
in getting so far to fill the places of strikers were green men,
entirely unused to that kind of work, and incompetent men who had
previously been discharged for drunkenness and other causes. The yard
service was a failure, and as an illustration--to show the kind of men
the different roads had secured to make up trains--I was passing a
certain yard and stopped to watch a switching crew, and carefully noted
how they performed their work. An engine with one car backed up to
couple unto some cars on a lumber track. Two of the would-be switchmen
with a long stick were holding up the link, one men on either side of
the coupling, but just as the link was about to enter the drawbar one of
them jumped away, at the same time stumbling over a pile of lumber, and
the way that fellow scrambled about in his frantic endeavor to get out
of the way, would lead a person to believe he had fallen upon a hornet's
nest.
After several such attempts they finally succeeded in making the
coupling. This is the kind of men with which the company proposed to
fill the places of the strikers.
The Grand Trunk engineers, who up to this time had refused to work with
other than brotherhood firemen decided to work with scabs, and their
decision was hailed with delight by the officials. They said that the
strike was now settled and they could run their trains without
difficulty.
The engineers and firemen on the Chicago & Alton road also decided to
stand by the company. The firemen, switchmen and other employes of the
Grand Trunk called a meeting, and after denouncing the action of the
engineers, voted to stand by the American Railway Union to the end.
One amusing incident that occurred about this time, was the refusal of
the Washington National Guards to ride on a train that was run by scabs.
The entire company of sixty men refused to ride on a Northern Pacific
train for this reason, and they were promptly placed under arrest, put
into box cars and taken to Sprague.
General Master Workman Sovereign had at this time an order drawn up for
a general walk out of members of the Knights of Labor, but it was
withdrawn after a consultation with other labor leaders. Many comments
were made by newspapers throughout the country on this order, of which a
copy was furnished the papers under the impression that it would go into
effect at once.
People who had remained passive up to this time were now aroused to the
gravity of the situation. The pending crisis was near at hand, and a
general uprising of the laboring people to assert their rights was
imminent. The tyrannical and dogged persistency of plutocratic capital
to dominate over the laboring classes with utter disregard for their
constitutional rights, was nothing more or less than an open declaration
of despotic supremacy, and the outcome was looked forward to with the
gravest apprehension.
The following communication addressed to the chairman of the National
Committee of the Peoples Party was sent to Washington, D. C.
"To the Hon. H. E. Taubeneck, chairman National Committee, Peoples
Party:
"Through the gloom of civil war the enemies of human liberty laid the
foundation upon which the giant monopolies of to-day have been built. On
public lands, with public funds they built the railroads which they now
use to plunder the producers of this nation, and with the wealth and
power thus obtained they now usurp the power and functions of government
to reduce the people of this country to a condition of serfdom. The
workmen in the cities, the miners in their isolated communities, and
the railroad men throughout the land have risen in manful protest
against a threatened military government of the railroads and their
associate monopolies.
"In this hour of need the duty of the Peoples Party is clear and plain.
"Quick as the lightning's flash will bear the message, must go forth
that the Peoples Party recognize the gravity of the situation, and by
common impulse aligns itself to the side of the toiler in the shop and
mine, and on the railroads; their battle is our battle, because it is a
struggle for liberty and the right to exist--a peaceable contest on the
part of toil against the combined armies of greed and force.
"The farmer knows the means best calculated to help his brother in this
conflict. The railroads intend to run their trains under military guard
and expect American citizen to patronize public means of traffic,
operated under military despotism. The Peoples Party of Cook county, in
common with organized labor demand immediate arbitration, and urges
immediate action on the part of our national committee to the end that
all organizations in sympathy with labor be united in common cause
against a common enemy.
"Signed: T. O'Brien, Chairman,
I. H. Hawley, Sec'y.
H. S. Taylor,
Henry Vincent,
John Bagley,
D. M. Fielwiler,
John Schwartz,
C. G. Dixon,
J. P. Grimes,
Committee."
CHAPTER XIII.
AN OFFER OF SETTLEMENT.
Senator Pfeffer, of Kansas, arraigned congress for its defence of
monopolies, and its stand against the people. Senator Kyle, of Dakota,
also charged congress with being in collusion with the railroads, but
Senator Davis, of Minnesota, on the other hand, denounced Debs and the
strikers. He said the strike grew from a strike to a boycott, from
boycott to riot, from riot to insurrection, that the acts, if committed
on the high seas, would be piracy and punishable by death. He spoke of
the injustice being done the farmers of the United States, and how they
were effected by the strike in Chicago. He urged that it was time some
action should be taken to put down the rising tide of anarchy. He held
that a nuisance should be abated and that Debs was a nuisance.
Senator Gordon, of Georgia, and Senator Daniels, of Virginia, followed
in the same kind of demagoguery as Davis.
A great meeting was held in Dubuque, and prominent among the speakers
was County Attorney Mathews who insisted on obedience to law, but
denounced Judge Grosscup for issuing an injunction which denied the
constitutional right of free speech and trial by Jury.
Mayor Hopkins, of Chicago, Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, Michigan, and
Erskine M. Phelps conferred with Mr. Wickes, and Mrs. Brown and Runnell
of the Pullman Company at the request of some fifty mayors, representing
about one-third of the population of the United States--and urged
arbitration as a means of settling the strike. The efforts of these
gentlemen were in vain. The imperious Pullman company through its
representative, though not saying so in as many words, intimated that
the company would not establish a precedent whereby workmen could
interfere in its business. Mayor Pingree, of Detroit, corresponded with
almost every mayor of the larger cities of the United States, and
received answers favorable to arbitration from all with one exception,
that of Mayor Gilroy, of New York City, whose answer to the telegram of
Mayor Pingree was an emphatic no.
The wildest excitement now prevailed at Sacramento. The United States
troops commanded by Col. Graham and consisting of infantry, cavalry,
artillery, and gatling and Hotchkiss guns, presented a most war like
aspect. The strikers on learning of this movement on the part of the
government armed themselves, and it was feared that a desperate conflict
would take place.
The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers in this district called upon
Supt. Filmore of the Southern Pacific and stated that they were ready to
resume work at once. This weakened the cause of the strikers to some
extent and caused a smile of satisfaction on the faces of the railroad
managers.
After much persuasion due to the untiring efforts of Congressman McGann,
President Cleveland consented to appoint a committee of three to
investigate the strike, under section 6 of the arbitration act, prepared
some years ago under the eyes of Powderly, McGuire and Hays of the
Knights of Labor, offered by Representative Quail, of St. Louis, and
made a law on Oct. 1, 1888. This determination on the part of Cleveland
was received with satisfaction throughout the country. This was just
what the American Railway Union wanted. This was what the Trades and
Labor Unions of the United States had appealed for, and what the
business men and city representatives had so long demanded, begged and
entreated of the Pullman company, but without avail.
It looked at this time as if an investigation would be forced on Duke
Pullman, and the people were looking forward to a speedy settlement of
the trouble. The American Railway Union, having no fear of the final
decision of the investigating committee, and viewing the vast amount of
destruction of property, loss of life and extreme hardship to which the
people were subjected on account of the strike--decided to take the
necessary steps to call off the strike, they drew up the following
proposition which was given to Mr. Hopkins, mayor of Chicago, to present
to the general managers.
"To the Railway Managers:
"Gentlemen:--The existing trouble growing out of the Pullman strike
having assumed continental proportions, and there being no indications
of relief from the wide spread business demoralization and distress,
incident thereto, the railway employes, through the board of directors
of the American Railway Union respectfully make the following
proposition as a basis of settlement:
"They agree to return to work in a body at once, provided they shall be
restored to their former positions without prejudice, except in cases,
if any there be, where they have been convicted of crime. This
proposition looking to an immediate settlement of the existing strike on
all lines of railway is inspired by a purpose to subserve public good.
The strike, small and comparatively unimportant in its inception, has
extended in every direction until now it involves or threatens not only
every public interest, but the peace, security and prosperity of our
common country. The contest has waged fiercely, it has extended far
beyond the limits of interest originally involved, and has laid hold of
a vast number of industries and enterprises in nowise responsible for
the difference and disagreements that led to the trouble.
"Factory, mill, mine and shop have been silenced. Widespread
demoralization has sway. The interests of multiplied thousands of people
are suffering, and the common welfare is seriously menaced, The public
peace and tranquility are imperiled, and grave apprehension for the
future prevails. This being true, and the statement will not be
controverted, we conceive it to be our duty as citizens and as men, to
make extraordinary efforts to end the existing strife and approaching
calamities whose shadows are even now upon us. If ended now, the
contest, however serious in some respects, will not have been in vain.
"Sacrifices have been made, but they will have their compensations.
Indeed, if lessons shall be taught by experience, the troubles now so
widely deplored will prove a blessing of inestimable value in the years
to come. The difference that led up to the present complications need
not now be discussed, every consideration of duty and patriotism demands
that a remedy for existing troubles be found and applied. The employes
purpose to do their part by meeting their employers half way. Let it be
stated that they do not impose any condition of settlement except that
they be returned to their former positions; they do not ask recognition
of their organization or any organization.
"Believing this proposition to be fair, reasonable and just it is
respectfully submitted with the belief that its acceptance will result
in the prompt resumption of traffic, the revival of industry, and the
restoration of peace and order.
"Respectfully,
E. V. DEBS, Pres.
G. W. HOWARD, V. Pres.
S. KELLIHER, Secy.
American Railway Union."
The proposition was rejected and spurned by the General Managers
Association.
Is there a man so utterly lost to the sense of justice, that would
conscientiously dispute the manly fairness of this communication?
The object of the general managers was too apparent, their position was
clearly defined. Their determination to wipe out of existence all
railroad organizations was as fixed and unmovable as the Rock of
Gibraltar and why should they recede from their position?
The federal courts and federal government (owned and controlled by the
corporations) decided that the constitutional rights of free speech and
trial by jury, equal rights to all and special privileges to none, was a
farce. In their narrow money-loving minds there could be no rights for
honest labor, and determined there should be no rights for a
workingman. After this decision of the general managers the American
Railway Union could do nothing but fight out the battle to the bitter
end.
Eugene V. Debs,--representing a body of honest toilers with no other
motive than to obtain for them living wages, his heart overflowing with
generous impulses and humane kindness, his noble nature revolting
against the tyrannical oppression of his fellow man by the soulless
corporations, a man who loves his country with patriotic devotion,--for
these reasons and no other, was indicted and arrested on the charge of
criminal conspiracy, while John M. Egan--representing the General
Managers Association, a giant monopoly and powerful money grasping
trust, built on the people's land and with the people's money, a
combination foreign to American institutions, usurping the functions of
the government with avowed intent and purpose to take away the rights of
organization from the working man and reduce him to a condition of
absolute slavery,--was allowed to continue his nefarious work without
interruption. Surely this partial, one-sided distribution of justice,
openly and defiantly administered, deserves the severest condemnation of
every loyal American citizen.
The Pullman boycott had now ceased to be the point at issue in the
strike. It was now the life or death of railroad organizations.
CHAPTER XIV.
DEBS IN JAIL.
The strike situation still looked very bright for the men.
At St. Paul and Minneapolis the business of the railroads, with the
exception of the Soo Line, St. Paul & Duluth and the Great Northern, was
practically at a standstill.
On the St. Paul & Duluth the men as a whole refused to strike, a few
firemen and switchmen left their positions at the call but did not
seriously affect the operation of trains. This was also true of the Soo
Line. The Great Northern so far was not implicated as they used no
Pullman cars and positively refused boycotted freight, that is, freight
offered by railroads whose employes were on a strike. The Minnesota
Transfer, which was the key to the coast lines, was completely blocked,
and this condition was duplicated in almost every railroad center
throughout the country.
Encouraging telegrams were being received from all points contradicting
the reports circulated by a subsidized press that everything was running
as usual. So far the men in the Twin Cities were conducting themselves
in such an orderly manner that even the press could not rake up one
charge against them. They strictly adhered to the advice of President
Debs to keep out of saloons and away from railroad property. The only
action taken by the strikers was to induce other men by moral persuasion
not to take their places and assist the managers to operate the roads.
For this Charles J. Luth was foully murdered by one Leonard, chief clerk
in the office of James McCabe, superintendent of the C., St. P., M. & O.
Ry.
On the evening of July 14, Leonard, in company with Bert Nash, also an
employe of the same railroad, brought a lot of non-union men to a
boarding place in St. Paul, known as the Minnesota Home. Luth followed
them into the house and requested the proprietress of the Home not to
board them as they were in the city to take the place of strikers, and
while explaining the situation, became involved in an altercation with
Nash. Leonard interfered and was told by Luth that he was little better
than a scab, whereupon Leonard drew a revolver and fired five times, all
of the shots taking effect in the body of Luth. Two of the shots were
fired after Luth had fallen to the floor.
These facts were given by an eye witness who afterwards took the
revolver from Leonard.
This dastardly, cold blooded murder worked the strikers into a frenzy of
excitement, and had it not been for a herculean effort on the part of
older and cooler heads, a lynching would surely have occurred.
This foul deed was absolutely unwarranted as Luth was unarmed and alone,
and if he had harmed or threatened to harm any one, an officer could
have been called and he would have been promptly arrested.
Luth left a wife and two small children to mourn his loss and grieve
over his tragic end.
The funeral procession that followed the remains to the grave headed by
the Knights of Pythias and Foresters, was the largest ever seen in St.
Paul.
President Debs felt confident of victory. Addressing a meeting at Ulrich
Hall, he said:
"We have just finished reading 160 telegrams in not one of which there
is any sign of weakening." He dwelled on the action of the general
managers refusing to entertain the proposition made to them, and the
necessity of the men remaining loyal to one another. "The law seems to
be against us as it is read by some, but if the law makes it a crime to
advise you men against the encroachments of capital, by all the Gods
united I will rot in jail." Referring to the attitude of other railroad
organizations, he said: "Men in such positions as myself and Mr. Howard
cannot afford to be on good terms with general managers. If we are we
cannot be your friends. It is true, however, that certain officers of
certain other organizations ride on annual passes and spend months on
fishing excursions at the expense of the railroad managers, but it comes
out of your wages in the end."
Members of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers present, informed the
officers of the American Railway Union that Chief Arthur had issued
orders for men to work with scabs, and that he was supplying scabs to
take the places of men on strike. In other words, he was running an
employment agency for the benefit of the railroads.
The general managers' defeat on the fifth day of the strike was beyond
all question of a doubt. They had summoned to their support the federal
government with the result previously mentioned, but the government aid
was not sufficient to operate their roads. They must have a number of
the old men to educate and aid the scabs in the performance of their
duties. At this critical time the services of their faithful allies were
badly wanted. In this, their time of need they knew that those men who
had feted, dined and wined at their expense would prove faithful to them
and traitors to the orders they represented.
The damnable spirit of treachery that evoked Benedict Arnold to betray
his country predominated in the hearts of these double-dyed scoundrels.
They were not only ready and willing but feverishly anxious to assist
the corporations to enslave the men that they were oath-bound as well as
duty bound to protect. Grand Chief Arthur, representing the engineers,
who had grown old in the service of the corporations, and whose wealth
was estimated at half a million dollars, in direct violation of the
constitution of his order, ordered his men to work with scab firemen.
Not only this, he ordered all those who were on strike to return at once
to their engines and in case of their refusal he would supply men to
take their places. This was also true of Grand Chief Sargent of the
Firemen and Wilkinson of the Trainmen. Clark of the Conductors, and
Barrett of the Switchmen advised their men to return to work as they had
no grievance. But only a part of these men would be taken back by the
companies, and what under the sun did these chiefs intend to do with the
others? Positively nothing. But the result was exactly what they
intended it should be, and the men were applying to the companies--in
lots of ten and twenty in the different cities--for their positions.
The dark deeds of treachery were now rife in many places especially in
the Twin Cities. At this point the blockade, which was on since the
strike began, and which was the key to the situation in the Northwest
was raised.
The Great Northern was the only line in operation to the coast, and
under instructions from J. J. Hill, the president, refused to accept
any freight from roads included in the boycott. The men were instructed
to decline even to throw a switch or assist in any manner any road on
strike, as the Great Northern company did not wish to be drawn into the
difficulty. In fact the men on this line were, almost to a man, members
of the American Railway Union, and could not even if asked to do any act
that might prove a detriment to their brothers. At this time there
happened to be sixty car loads of twine in St. Paul, a greater portion
of which was at Minnesota Transfer. This freight was consigned to points
on the Great Northern Line and a committee headed by Harry Gray,
chairman of the general board of mediation of the American Railway Union
on that system, appeared at the rooms of the central strike committee
and asked permission to switch out the twine, giving as an excuse that
the farmers were in need of it.
This permission the committee was loth to grant as any move toward
raising this blockade in the Twin Cities might prove detrimental to
their cause, and further action on the matter was deferred until it
would be submitted to the different unions interested.
That night at a meeting held at Plummer Post Hall in Minneapolis, the
American Railway Union headquarters, a committee of farmers, from the
peoples' party convention in session there at that time, were admitted.
When appraised of the nature of the trouble they stated that they had
contracts with the twine companies to deliver their twine and on failure
to do so the farmers would suffer no loss. They further stated that the
farmers would bind their grain by hand before they would ask the men to
do anything detrimental to the success of the strike. This settled it as
far as the twine was concerned. However, the next day, the officials of
the Great Northern took an engine and switched the twine out themselves
without any objection being made by the men who stood by while the work
was being done.
This was the beginning only.
The next move was a positive assurance of treachery.
The Burlington road had about thirty cars of water pipe for the Great
Northern, and this same man Gray again waited on the central committee
for permission to move the freight, saying, that he had the assurance of
the company that no more concessions would be asked. His request was
promptly refused. Later a committee of switchmen called on the central
committee for instructions and were told not to move the freight under
any conditions.
They left apparently satisfied, but nevertheless the cars were moved; no
one seemed to know how but it became apparent to the strikers that a
traitor was in their ranks, and took immediate steps to ferret him out,
and have the embargo once more placed on business at this point.
Gray of St. Paul, and Foster of St. Cloud, were openly accused of being
the traitors to the cause, although others were thought to be
implicated. Charges were preferred against Gray in the Union, but
nothing ever came of it. Every conceivable means was used to again cause
a blockade at this point but to no avail.
The switchmen promised to refuse to handle boycotted freight if the road
would support them in case of discharge, which they well knew was
inevitable. It would be simply a sacrifice to strike in the yards of St.
Paul and Minneapolis without the support of the whole system, although
after a canvas of the road, when it was found that the majority of the
men voted against a strike, the switchmen of these cities sent word
that they were ready to ask for their time and quit the service of the
company if the Union so desired. This proposition the strikers would not
accept, not caring to sacrifice a few loyal switchmen whose places could
be easily filled if the rest of the employes remained at work.
This result was wired to Chicago, and Director Goodwin was sent out to
see what could be done. His efforts were fruitless. The road was again
canvassed with the same result, and Goodwin returning to Chicago, Mr.
Burns, another director of the Union, was sent to take his place, but
with no better success.
They positively refused to strike. The traitors with the price of their
treachery in their pockets had been there first and accomplished their
purpose.
The damnable traitors responsible for the raising of the blockade were
also responsible for the suffering and untold misery of the noble men
whose sympathetic hearts went out to their brothers in Pullman, and who
without money were obliged to leave their homes (in many cases only
partly paid for) and seek employment elsewhere in order to provide for
their families.
The switchmen in the employ of the Milwaukee road at Minneapolis,
now--fearing that the treachery of the men on the Great Northern Line
would lose the strike in the Northwest--applied for their positions, and
all who were wanted were taken back. The men who were employed by the
Omaha Railway at East St. Paul, took the same course, but all others
declared their intention of standing out until the American Railway
Union called off the strike.
Disasters seemed to follow one another in rapid succession at this time.
In many places the weak-kneed men were applying for work and circulating
false stories to induce others to do the same. The news went flashing
over the wires that Debs, Howard, Rogers and Kelliher were in jail. But
this news did not have the depressing effect on the men that was
expected, in fact it only caused a feeling of indignation and the
strikers were now more determined than ever to stand up for their rights
and fight out the battle with renewed energy.
In making this statement I do not refer to the poltroons who were
continually raising the cry: We are lost, but I refer to the noble men
who spoke from their manly hearts, and with words of no uncertain sound
declared their intention to go down to defeat if need be with those
grand, noble, generous hearted men, who signified their willingness to
rot in jail, or even mount the scaffold in defence of the just and
righteous cause they had wrapped their lives in.
Could it be charged that they were actuated by selfish motives in the
cause in which they had enlisted? No! A thousand times no! If Eugene V.
Debs could be induced to turn his magnificent executive abilities over
to the railroads instead of the poor enslaved workingmen, these
corporations would place him upon the highest pinnacle of plutocratic
fame, and no one can dispute George W. Howard's title to being a
workingman's friend, for by his actions on more than one occasion he has
proven himself to be a friend indeed, and actions speak louder than
words.
Yes; the four officers of the American Railway Union were in jail.
United States Attorney Milchrist appeared before Judge Seaman in the
United States district court on the morning of July 17, and on behalf of
the government filed information presented by George R. Peck, who
represented the general managers and receivers of the Santa Fe system.
In response to the prayer of the district attorney, Judge Seaman issued
writs of attachment for the appearance of Debs, Howard, Rogers and
Kelliher, directing them to be present at the afternoon session of the
court and show causes why they should not be punished for contempt in
continuing to disregard the injunction of the court. W. W. Erwin, of St.
Paul, W. A. Shoemaker and S. S. Gregory, of Chicago, were retained to
defend the men on behalf of the American Railway Union. The voluminous
information made up of telegrams, copies of injunctions, etc., was read
by Attorney Milchrist, after which the court ruled that two separate
attachments be issued and separate records be kept.
Mr. Gregory stated that he failed to see why the government should
interfere to protect property rights of railroads, and this called forth
a retort from Mr. Walker that Uncle Sam was seeking to protect only the
interstate commerce and the mails and not the railroad property.
The information embodied almost everything pertaining to the strike, and
over an hour was consumed in its reading. Telegrams sent out to strike
leaders by President Debs were submitted but contained no startling
facts.
One of these addressed to H. E. Sarion, Garrett, Ind., read as follows:
"Have all classes of employes withdrawn from service at once." Another
to Charles Fink, Oakland, Cal., says: "Commit no violence." Mr. Debs'
communication to the railway managers suggesting a settlement of the
strike was incorporated in the information as was also the question of
Chicago public health in the matter of removing dead animals from the
city. Several newspaper interviews and a copy of the original injunction
issued by Judges Wood and Grosscup was also contained therein, and after
Peck of the Santa Fe had sought to bolster up the information with an
argument, Mr. Gregory urged that the defendants had not been charged
with violence, and declared that it was his belief that the testimony
should be taken by a master. Mr. Walker opposed this in favor of a
hearing in open court and was sustained. This led up to a long legal
wrangle participated in by both sides, and a fiery speech by Mr. Irwin
of the defence, in which he denied the jurisdiction of the court, and
hinted at monarchy and dictatorial methods. Mr. Walker pressed his
motion that the defendants be placed under bonds to appear before the
court and Judge Seaman fixed the bail in each case at $3,000. Mr. Debs,
declining a score of offers from prominent men to furnish the necessary
security, decided to go to jail. In reply to a question Mr. Debs said:
"This is the first time in my life that I have been incarcerated in a
jail, but with us it is a matter of principle. We have had many offers
of bail but have refused them all. The poor striker if arrested would be
thrown into jail and we are certainly no better than he, we will eat
regularly, prison fare, and expect to be treated as any other prisoners
would be."
Their trial was set for the following Monday.
CHAPTER XV.
BLACKLISTING BEGINS.
The strike situation was now in the balance. The managers and their
faithful allies the press, had given it out that the strike was off. One
fact that could not be denied, was that P. M. Arthur, of the General
Managers Association,--though still representing the engineers--was
doing great work for the companies, as the engineers were returning to
work pretty generally throughout the country. Sargent of the firemen was
also playing his cards well, but not meeting with the same success as
the "grand old chief." Wilkinson of the trainmen was sending out his
orders and ultimatums, thick and fast and his men were now fast
returning to their old positions.
It was now a question of whether the men would prove loyal to themselves
and their best interests, or loyal to the companies who were putting
forth their best efforts to trample them to earth, and it is a painful
fact that many of them were so blinded to their own interests,--through
their craven cowardice--that they returned to work, and, to what will be
in the near future beyond a question of a doubt, longer hours, less
wages, and the complete annihilation of all semblance of rights.
The strike was fast resolving itself into a switchmen's fight against
the railroads. The yards were in the worst imaginable shape, and the
engines were sadly in need of repairs. Shopmen, freight handlers,
trackmen, and car-repairers were still out. Office men were now back at
work with the exception of a few. The majority of the strikers were
still loyal to the cause and the American Railway Union was sure of
winning. The Knights of Labor did not respond to the call of Grand
Master Workman Sovereign as generally as was expected, and the
Federation of Labor had decided not to strike at present, perhaps this
may be accounted for by the reports given out by the general managers
that the strike was off and trains running as usual.
The United States troops in the pay of the government were still doing
service for the railroad corporations.
Authenticated reports--given out by the striking committees--from
different parts of the country would not seem to bear out the statements
of the general managers.
These committees had reports in regards to the operation of the roads,
as complete as the officials of the roads themselves. They were
thoroughly posted on the number of cars moved each day by each company,
the number and character of switch crews at work and the number of
strikers who had gone back to work. In short, everything that had a
bearing on the result. This was part of the duties imposed upon them and
they were faithfully carried out.
Thirteen Pan Handle switchmen brought to Chicago from Pittsburg through
misrepresentation, when informed of the true state of affairs, refused
to go to work, and demanded transportation back to Pittsburg. They were
given orders for the necessary transportation, but on presentation the
companies refused to honor them. This was also true in the case of half
a dozen men brought in by the Ft. Wayne road.
The scabs on the Chicago & Eastern Illinois, through ignorance and
incompetency burned up five engines and wrecked as many more. One
splendid new engine was blown up twenty miles from Terre Haute, while
en route to Chicago. Yard service was of the worst possible kind.
The Illinois Central was doing no freight business to speak of, in fact
the condition of this road was still worse than the Chicago & Eastern
Illinois.
The Northwestern shops at Fortieth street, employing over 2300 men, were
idle, only about twelve men signifying their willingness to work. The
Galena division of this road, while making quite a bluff at handling
freight, was not accomplishing very much, as it took them two days to
unload a stock train.
The Milwaukee road was doing better, having at work fifteen engines days
and fourteen nights, but being manned mostly by green and incompetent
men, were not making great headway. In all some 350 cars were gotten out
and about 300 received in one day which is very small business for this
line.
The Wabash had only one engine at work nights, and this was guarded by a
company of troops and about twenty deputy police. They succeeded in
breaking down two posts, one at Polk street and another at Taylor street
station, causing a damage of some $300 which was all accomplished in
one night. The Chicago and Blue Island were now working two engines
(this company generally worked ten), manned by scabs, one of whom was a
nigger.
A committee man from the Grand Trunk reported that only three men had
returned to work.
He said a personal friend of mine, a business man from Valparaiso, and
whom I know, is in touch with the Grand Trunk, informed me that a Grand
Trunk official had said in his presence that his company could not do
business unless they made some kind of a settlement with the switchmen.
Through John Downey and Miles Barrett, of the Switchmen's Mutual Aid
Association, a meeting of switchmen was called in a hall at Eden to
induce the switchmen to return to work. This meeting was "packed" in
order to secure a majority vote in favor of returning but the scheme did
not work.
All the officials on the Pan Handle admitted that they could do nothing
without the assistance of the old men. They had a few "stake" men whom
they were paying $5.00 per day, but not enough to do any business.
At Union Stock Yards all switchmen and assistant yard masters were out,
and at the yard of the Street Stable Car Co. out of 300 men only three
were at work.
All men at the Burton Stock Car Co., the Canada Cattle Car Co. and the
American Life Stock Co.'s yards were out, and refused to work under
police protection. At Armour's car shops only nine men returned out of
sixty who went on strike, and at Swifts only five out of forty-two. The
yard trackmen were all out, as were also the Illinois Central switchmen
and the Rock Island machinists and boiler makers.
This was the condition of the strike in Chicago and the same existed in
all parts of the strike district. Messages were received from many
points saying that only those men who were subservient to the orders of
their chiefs had returned to work, and from some points came the news
that the strike had gained strength owing to the arrest of President
Debs.
The enemies of the American Railway Union had now began a systematic
course--as dark and devilish as it was designing--of poisoning the
public mind against Debs, who was, so to speak, a gagged prisoner and
unable to defend himself.
Such reports as: Mrs. Highenbotham was dying in Montana and Mr.
Highenbotham appealed to Mr. Debs to allow her to be brought home by
special train and see her friends, and Mr. Debs' brutal answer that not
a wheel would turn.
Whole columns of such falsehoods were published and circulated broadcast
throughout the land, but not one word was written of the generous acts
of this noble hearted man. When he was seen to pause in the most trying
moment of his life to listen to the tale of distress and suffering
related by a poor widow woman, and going down into his pocket, hand her
a five dollar bill, all he had with him, this great and just public
press was silent.
Then the blacklisting of ex-employes began, the Missouri Pacific taking
the initiatory step. The following certificate given to a yard clerk
will speak for itself.
"This is to certify that ---- has been employed in the capacity of yard
clerk of the Missouri Pacific system from April, 1893 to June, 1894, at
which time it was necessary to lay him off on account of a strike in the
yards. He applied for work on July 18th, but in the meantime it was
learned that he was a member of the American Railway Union and was in
sympathy with the strike movement, so we could not re-employ him. His
work and conduct up to the time of the strike was perfectly
satisfactory.
J. S. JONES,
Terminal Supt."
CHAPTER XVI.
TRIAL OF DEBS.
On the 23d day of July, the day set for the trial of the officers of the
American Railway Union,--Debs, Howard, Rodgers and Kelliher were on hand
to answer to the charge of contempt.
The court room was densely packed, when Judges Wood of Indianapolis and
Grosscup of Chicago entered and Judge Wood raised a serious objection to
the crowded condition, saying that only those finding seats should be
allowed to remain,--lawyers, and possibly reporters.
After signing and swearing to the answers, the defendants filed in at
11:40 and Judge Wood asked if the Santa Fe road was represented.
Attorney Miller stepped forward and was asked if both proceedings could
not be heard at the same time. Judge Wood favored this to save time, and
it was finally agreed that if the Santa Fe cases be heard later the
government testimony on this bearing be admitted. Attorney Gregory
thereupon submitted the answers to the information filed before Judge
Seaman in the contempt proceedings, and suggested that the trial for
which the defendants had given bail be immediate and have precedence
over the contempt proceedings. Judge Woods said that the court could
decide upon a motion for delay, much more intelligently could they have
the government information and the answers filed by the defendants.
Attorney Milchrist then read the court the information.
As Attorney Gregory had previously moved that the information be
dismissed and the defendants discharged on their sworn answers, Attorney
Erwin followed by reading the answers.
At the conclusion of the reading he said that the defendants had made
and filed a motion to quash, holding that the information was not
sufficient. They now asked that the defendants be discharged, and also
that the district attorney and government counsel to elect whether they
should proceed under the indictment or under the contempt cases. No man
could be tried twice for the same offense. Judge Wood said that the
counsel for the government could proceed with either case. Attorney
Walker elected to go ahead with the contempt proceedings.
Attorney Gregory in the opening made an eloquent appeal for a trial by
jury instead of a criminal proceeding in a contempt case, as he held the
present proceeding to be. He cited a number of authorities in support of
his position. He argued that it was the rule that there could be no
appeal from the decision of a federal court in a contempt case, and that
consequently, where the question of a crime was involved, a sentence
from the court would practically be a conviction on the original
criminal charge without a trial by jury which is guaranteed by the
constitution.
Mr. Gregory then took up the question of the motion to dismiss the bill
on the grounds that the information did not set out in specific forms
any violation of the specifications in the injunction granted by the
United States court.
He held that the men had a right to combine, choose leaders to advise,
and quit work if they wished to do so and persuade others to quit work,
that the injunctions did not prohibit them from doing so. Judge Wood
asked if he considered that the defendants had a right to ask men to
tumble goods out of cars that were ready for transportation. Mr. Gregory
replied that he did not consider that they had any such right, and
claimed that there was nowhere in the information a distinct allegation
that the defendants had counseled violence or infractions of the orders
in the injunction. While he was willing to admit that violence had been
done during the present strike, nothing was charged in the information
that the violence was due to the acts of the defendants.
Attorney Walker for the government followed. He held that the defendants
had no right to go into other states and persuade men to quit work for
the purpose of paralyzing railroads, and that the issuance of these
orders was a willful and vicious violation of the order of the court.
Mr. Walker said the telegrams were the strongest evidence in the hands
of the state to show that this had been done. He spoke for three
quarters of an hour and directed his remarks more to the general charge
against the defendants for violation of the injunction, than to the
legal points raised by Mr. Gregory.
It will be remembered that the answers filed by the attorneys for the
defense, was a complete denial of the charges.
After hearing all the arguments, Judges Wood and Grosscup decided that
the contempt proceedings against Mr. Debs and the others, were in the
nature of proceedings in equity, and therefore the defendants could not
be discharged on their denial of the charges under oath.
Mr. Walker gave as an excuse for wanting the case heard at once, that
the defendants were liable to continue calling out the men unless they
were restrained from so doing by the court.
"Then," said Mr. Gregory, "you wish the court to practically call the
strike off."
Mr. Walker smiled and said that such an order would suit him all right.
Judge Wood then added that it was within the bounds of the injunction
called, for him to insist that the strike be declared off.
Attorney Greeting, reviewing the information, raised the insufficiency
of the allegations, he also raised the question of the bearing of the
statutes under which the defendants were enjoined.
The following are the sections of acts under which the United States
courts issued injunctions restraining the American Railway Union, its
officers or agents, from interfering in any way with the interstate
traffic on railroads.
"SECTION 1. Every contract combination in the form of trust or
otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce among the
several states or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to be
illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or engage in any
such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor,
and on conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine not exceeding
$5,000 or by imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both; said
punishments at the discretion of the court.
"SECTION 2. Any person who shall monopolize or attempt to
monopolize or combine or conspire with any other person or persons to
monopolize, any part of the trade or commerce among the several states
or foreign powers shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor and upon
conviction thereof shall be punished etc.
"SECTION 3. Every contract combination in form of trust or
otherwise or conspiracy in restraint of commerce or trade in any
territory of the United States or of the District of Columbia, or in
restraint of trade or commerce between any such territory and another,
or between any such territory or territories and any state or states or
the District of Columbia or with foreign nations, or between the
District of Columbia and any other state or states or foreign nations,
is hereby declared illegal Every person who shall make any such
contract or engage in any such combination or conspiracy shall be
declared guilty of a misdemeanor and punished as in the case of Sections
1 and 2.
"SECTION 8. The word person or persons wherever used shall be
deemed to include corporations and associations existing under, or
authorized by, the laws of either the United States, the laws of any of
the territories, the laws of any state or the laws of any foreign
country."
"This law was never intended to cover the case of these defendants,"
said Mr. Greeting. "It is clearly directed at the trusts and
combinations which conspire to rob such people as the defendants. It
seems to me that the district attorney would have been acting more
within the spirit of the law if he had charged the railroads and the
Pullman Palace Car Co., with conspiracy to monopolize interstate
commerce, as it is a well known fact that the railroads have contracted
with Pullman to haul none but his cars."
A sickly smile spread over the features of the railroad attorneys
present. It was evident that the words of Mr. Greeting sunk deeper than
some of them would care to acknowledge.
District Attorney Milchrist argued that the court had perfect
jurisdiction in these cases, he held that the government derived revenue
from postal service and interstate commerce. It had suffered in a
pecuniary way hence the bill of information filed had a proper place in
court.
In regard to the information and answers, Mr. Milchrist said: "Either
the counsel for the government deserved to be disbarred for willful
misconduct for filing it, or the defendants in their sworn answer
embodying a sweeping denial of the charge in the information had been
guilty of rank perjury."
Attorney Erwin then proceeded, prefacing his remarks with the statement
that this was a court of equity. When these defendants denied under oath
before the court, the allegations made in the bill, equity shut its
doors. There was a remedy at law. The men could be punished for perjury
in swearing falsely in their answers. No court of equity could hear such
a case. Mr. Erwin held that the information was filed in equity and that
the answer filed by the defendants was final and the remedy then was at
law in a charge of perjury.
"Is it any indication of the power of a court," interrupted Judge Wood,
"to hold a man convicted on a charge of perjury?"
Attorney Erwin said that the perjury charge could purge the defendants
in the case of contempt.
"You say in your answer," said Judge Wood, "that the defendants deny
ordering strikes because it was not in their power to do so. Is it not
enough to deny that you ordered the men out without going further and
denying that you advised them in this matter."
"We say," answered Mr. Erwin "that every strike was voted on by a
majority of the American Railway Union men upon each road upon which
there had been a strike. The defendants deny the power to order or
coerce the members of the American Railway Union."
When questioned as to the answers denying the telegrams Mr. Erwin said
the denials were sweeping. They had covered every point and purged
themselves of any desire to disregard the orders of the court and the
proceedings should be dismissed. He said: "Had Special Counsel Walker
who set before the grand jury made his charges more specific, and not
sought to prejudice the minds of the court by holding his averments for
the attachment proceedings, and making them in vague and declamatory
charges."
Judge Wood said if the defendants had asked for more specific charges he
thought the court would have granted it.
Attorney Erwin here remarked that they would prefer to make a motion to
quash, which Judge Wood announced could not be done in this case unless
the bill was wholly defective.
Mr. Erwin said that Attorney Walker had drawn the bill up hastily, and
it was signed only by himself and the district attorney, who verified it
merely by belief. He urged that the court should not add the information
by continuing the consideration of the imperfectly drawn and inadequate
bill. The court should not be a detective to ferret out the alleged
truths of certain charges the evidence of which should have been
collected by the government officers before a rule against the
defendants was issued.
Mr. Bancroft for the Santa Fe followed Mr. Erwin. He vigorously defended
the information filed, and proceeded to color the telegrams admitted by
the defendants, to suit the purposes of the government.
After a legal tilt between the counsel on both sides, Judge Wood
overruled the motion of defendant's counsel to quash the information,
and postponed the case until September 5.
In conclusion he said that from what he had heard, he thought it
necessary for the court to have its hand on the matter. It was evident,
he said, that the defense intended to attempt to put forward a quantity
of irrelevant matter as to the allegations regarding a combination on
the part of the railroads. He said that while it was irrelevant he would
hear it as a matter of curiosity and for public disclosure.
The above synopsis of the proceedings of the trial, will give a fair
idea of the course the government--on behalf of the railroads--pursued
in conducting the prosecution of the officers of the American Railway
Union.
After a conference with their counsel--although opposed to it on
principle--the officers of the American Railway Union decided to give
bail.
This decision was due to the fact that matters of an important nature
demanded their immediate attention. They were placed under $7,000 bonds
each, signed by Wm. Skakel and Wm. Fitzgerald, these gentlemen
qualifying to the extent of $50,000 and $250,000 respectively.
For the time being the officers of the American Railway Union were free
men.
CHAPTER XVII.
A CONVENTION OF THE AMERICAN RAILWAY UNION CALLED TO TAKE ACTION ON THE
STRIKE.
In an editorial on the trial, headed: The Press against Justice, the
Chicago Times had this to say: "When it became evident that the rights
and actions of E. V. Debs and his associates in the American Railway
Union strike were to be reviewed in court this paper said editorially:
"The Times appeals to its contemporaries and to the people to join with
it in avoiding all clamor which may in the least degree influence the
findings of the court or bring its proceedings into contempt." It
appears that the appeal fell upon deaf ears.
"Such papers as the Tribune and the Evening Journal seized upon the very
first utterance of Mr. Debs' counsel as an opportunity for insidious
effort to prejudice the court and the people against the cause of the
labor leaders.
"Two of the editorials and two of what it calls editorialettes were
necessary to the Tribune yesterday in order to give its advice to the
prosecuting lawyers and the court proper expression. The other organs of
plutocracy though less lavish of editorial space, employed their news
columns to the same end. The first strike of the allied newspapers is to
pronounce the opening plea of the counsel for the defense, Mr. Erwin, in
effect an assertion of the gospel of anarchy.
"Overworked as it is by the bigoted press the word anarchy still serves
as a more or less effective bogyman to frighten timid and ill-informed
people, but no one who will read the reports of Mr. Erwin's address will
find any anarchistic doctrines lurking therein.
"He charged that Pullman and the railroad managers had conspired
together against the interest of workingmen, that the manner of the
conspiracy made resort to the law hopeless, that lawmakers could not or
would not act, and under these conditions the men were justified in
combining, resisting and refusing to work longer for Mr. Pullman or the
roads allied with him.
"The Times is unable to discern the savour of anarchy in that. It is in
effect only a declaration that when employes combine to resist them,
neither by direct statement or by innuendoes did the attorney suggest
or excuse violence or the destruction of property. He erred, the Times
thinks, in describing Pullman's course of procedure as illegal, for
unhappily, law as it stands, protects Pullman in his most despotic and
oppressive acts. If Pullman's course had been illegal, action at law
instead of a strike and boycott would have been the remedy for it, but
with the exception of this over-statement which may have been due to
inadvertence, Mr. Erwin said nothing that men of fair and judicial minds
can denounce as false, and nothing at all incendiary. The clamor of the
conspiracy is raised to defeat justice."
After the release of the officers a meeting was called at the Revere
House, of the directors of the American Railway Union. They concluded to
call a convention of the delegates from the different local unions, to
meet in Chicago, August 2d, and take some action on the strike. Each
local union was notified of this action and instructed to send a
delegate with full power to act.
After this meeting of the officers, they at once repaired to Ulrich
Hall, where an enormous crowd greeted Mr. Debs with the greatest
enthusiasm.
Mr. Debs,--after being introduced by the chairman of the meeting, Mr.
Adams,--was given three cheers with such a vim that the building fairly
shook. He then advanced to the platform and said: "I see you have
changed your quarters since I saw you before, and I am glad to say we
have changed ours also.
"When Judge Wood delivered his ruling yesterday he declared it to be
illegal for men to combine and strike.
"If that is the law, labor organizations had better disband at once. If
we have no right to strike, no right to combine, no right to exercise
the functions which are delegated to us, then we might as well give up
and acknowledge that we are slaves.
"If that is the law we have no right to resist or defend ourselves
against the injustice of employers.
"No matter how much has been said about the stars and stripes and the
freedom of the workingman, if that is the final tribunal, corporate
capital has the right to suck the life blood from the toiler who must
make no sign. But I am not prepared to believe that this is in harmony
with the constitution. If this is the constitution, then our liberty is
gone. Mr. Erwin sounded the slogan yesterday when he declared that there
is a higher power than the courts, a power greater than the aggregated
combinations of capital and railroads. That is the inherent rights of
workingmen to strike at the polls.
"What we want then is to rid ourselves of the old party shackles.
"We want to change the constitution so that even federal judges will be
elected by the people. Then no judge will render a decision defying all
law and justice. It is wonderful how sensitive the machinery of justice
is to any complaint directed against the workingman.
"But how is it when corporations combine? Is it of record that any
officials of any one of them has ever been in prison for violating the
law?
"It is a notorious fact that the Santa Fe has robbed the people of
$7,000,000 in the face of the interstate commerce law. Why not bring
these colossal scoundrels to justice too? They say we must obey the law.
I say we are law-abiding, and I defy any man to show a single instance
where the heads of the labor organization have advocated violence. If
the authorities want the law respected let them enforce it against the
rich and poor alike.
"In July, 1892, when the switchmen struck, the soldiers were called out
to suppress them. Deputy marshalls set fire to a lot of box cars in
Buffalo, N. Y., and this furnished the railroads an excuse to call on
the government for soldiers. The railroads are still violating the eight
hour law for which the men struck. They arrested the switchmen while the
corporations are still allowed to trample the law under foot.
"Is not that enough to bring disrespect of the law? As it is now, the
whole thing is a roaring farce. Has anybody ever heard of soldiers being
called out to guard the rights of workingmen? Whatever else I have
suffered myself, I have not lost the right of free speech. If Judge Wood
expounds the law I would rather rot in jail than be an alleged freeman.
There is no man in the country who can directly charge me with violating
the law of this country. Did any one of you ever hear me advocate
violence? (A mighty no went up in response.) On the other hand did
anyone here ever hear me counsel the men to be frank and straight
forward, and honest and law-abiding in all they did?"
The audience shouted yes to this and President Debs continued:
"Before we get through with this trial it will be shown that the real
conspirators are the railroad managers. Then if I go to the penitentiary
Mr. Egan will have the distinction of accompanying me. We will produce
the proof that the real purpose of the General Managers Association was
to reduce wages, and that until we stopped them on the Great Northern,
they were going around the circle with that end in view.
"When it comes to striking at the polls we know the people will be with
us, it will be a contest against the money power by which this country
has been absolutely ruled for so many years. Havemeyer goes into the
United States Senate and dictates what the duty on sugar shall be, and
all the people combined can't stop him. Let a poor man go to Washington
to protest and he is arrested for treading on the grass.
"I am a populist and favor wiping out both old parties, so they will
never come into power again. I have been a democrat all my life and I am
ashamed to admit it. I want every one of you to go to the polls and vote
the peoples' ticket."
At the conclusion of his address, Mr. Debs announced his intention of
going to his home for a few days.
On hearing this, the members of the American Railway Union determined to
escort him to the depot, and, although they had but two hours to make
arrangements, a procession a couple of miles in length was formed.
On arrival at his home in Terre Haute, President Debs was tendered a
great reception. Thousands of his fellow citizens in all stations of
life welcomed him with outstretched arms. Early in the evening the
Naylor Opera House was packed to completion, and hundreds of people were
denied admission owing to the dense throng of people who wished to do
honor to this great leader. When President Debs appeared upon the stage
he was greeted by a roar of applause that shook the building to its very
foundation. His eloquent address on the strike situation and the causes
that led up to it was received with thunders of applause.
This was the man whom the corporate courts had indicted for criminal
conspiracy.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE STRIKE LOST.
Through the machination of the general managers, the courts and the
press and the Benedict Arnolds of labor, the cause of the railroad
corporations was beginning to triumph. Discouraged and disheartened by
the treachery in their own ranks, a great many strikers had lost
confidence in the success of their undertaking and were now silently
awaiting the result of the convention called at Chicago. This was made
known on the return of the delegates.
The action taken was to decide by a majority vote of each system whether
the strike would continue in force or be declared off.
After thoroughly discussing the matter, it was decided to call off the
strike owing to the fact that they were forced to fight against
overwhelming odds and rank treachery, and the men were instructed to
make application for their positions at once, in view of getting as many
as possible re-instated.
This action was taken on all roads with the exception of the Chicago and
Eastern Illinois, the Santa Fe and the Northern Pacific.
Very few of the men were successful in securing positions, for instance
at Minnesota Transfer the switchmen waited on the superintendent in a
body (all who were still in the city) and made applications to be
reinstated.
Mr. Dudgeon the superintendent, who, by the way, was appointed during
the strike to fill the vacancy made by the resignation of Mr. Sullivan,
informed the men that he had more applications already than would fill
all vacancies for the next two years. He said: "I will not mislead you
boys for one minute, not one of you will be taken back."
I was not present at this interview, but being informed that Mr.
Hastings, president of the company, had signified his willingness to
hear us, we consulted together and decided to call on him at his office.
John F. Keenan and myself were appointed as a committee to confer with
him, and, after introducing ourselves, stated our mission.
He received us in a gentlemanly manner, said that he was always ready to
listen to the switchmen, as he had been a switchmen himself at one
time, and while he assured us that he knew we had not interfered with
the company property during the strike and conducted ourselves in a
creditable manner, he could do nothing for us. He also said that he had
more respect for us than he had for those who were hanging on the fence,
but he had nothing to do with the employes of the Minnesota Transfer, as
he had left that matter entirely in the hands of the superintendent. We
told him that we were informed that Mr. Dudgeon would take some of the
men back if the president of the company was satisfied.
"Whatever arrangements you boys make with Mr. Dudgeon will be
satisfactory to me," answered Mr. Hastings.
He then referred us to Mr. Dudgeon who was present and who then said
that he had already given us our answer which was final. He said that he
had promised steady work to the men he had already employed if they
proved themselves competent, and as they were doing the work
satisfactorily, he would not consider any more applications.
This statement regarding the work we knew to be a bluff, as it would
take an old switchman, if unacquainted with this yard, at least three
months under the most favorable circumstances to learn, if unaided,
enough to enable him to give efficient service, as the yard is very
complicated. And again in contradiction of this statement it is known
that freight was refused from different roads for four days at a time to
enable them to get the yard in shape, and after the freight of
twenty-four hours was received, the same operation would be necessary,
although they had the services of competent switchmen from the Omaha and
other railroads.
So speaking for the Minnesota Transfer the general managers were winners
so to speak, in the game of freeze out waged against the switchmen. The
men in all other departments were taken back with but few exceptions,
but it was now a settled fact that the switchmen must look elsewhere for
employment. The officials were credited with saying that they would
permanently close the transfer, rather than reinstate a single
switchman.
It would be nothing more than justice at this time to say that the
former superintendent, Mr. D. M. Sullivan, had resigned his position
during the strike for the reason that the management would not allow him
to take back the old men. Mr. Sullivan contended that it would be
impossible to operate the yard without the assistance of a goodly
portion of the old employes.
In a newspaper article he denied that his resignation was handed in on
that account, but it is nevertheless credited by those who know him
well, and by the employes themselves.
We then applied at all the yards in the Twin Cities but with like
result, and although not told in so many words, we were given to
understand that we were blacklisted, and this was the case not only with
us, but with men all over the country.
The Soo Line had now put in force an ironclad agreement that all
employes were obliged to sign if they wished to remain in the service of
the company. This debarred the men from belonging to any labor
organization for five years. Another rule put in force at this time was
that engineers would hire their own firemen. This would appear to be a
blow at the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.
The railroad corporations exulting in their victory, determined to
boycott every striker and sympathizer throughout the country, as far as
it was in their power.
The weapon, that it was made a criminal offense for a striker to use,
and for which the officers of the American Railway Union were sent to
jail, was now in the hands of the railroad corporations to use at will.
What was decided by the courts unlawful in the hands of the American
Railway Union was legal in the hands of the General Managers
Association. This the federal judges made no effort to investigate.
Judge Wood said regarding the charge of a combination on the part of the
railroads, that while it was irrelevant he would hear it as a matter of
curiosity.
Expressions like this emanating from a judge of the United States court,
immediately following his ruling against the strikers, are too plain to
be misunderstood. While he might condescend to hear the charges against
the general managers, it is very evident that a motion to quash any
proceeding against the corporation would be granted.
The greatest pressure of evidence brought to bear by the American
Railway Union against this illegal combination would have no weight with
the judge, therefore it could not be wondered that when the General
Managers Association started a systematic course of boycotting the
American Railway Union by blacklisting its members, there was no action
taken to prosecute them.
The Union Pacific, now in the hands of the government, not only
discharged every striker and sympathizer but blacklisted them also.
This is a sample of justice. Some of the men had worked for the company
for twenty years, and the only charge against them was that of being
members of the American Railway Union and struck in sympathy with the
starving Pullman employes.
Their system of blacklisting is so perfect that every avenue of escape
is closed against an employe.
They have what is known as the blacklist book. The names of the strikers
are entered in the book of which a copy is held by all railroads. When a
man makes application his name is taken and the book is then consulted.
If his name is registered he is told that no more men are wanted, if
not, he is told to call the next day, by which time, if he is a striker,
it is known, and he will have to travel.
An assumed name will do no good, as he will be asked to give reference
signed by his last employer, so you will see very plainly that the
strikers lot is not a bed of roses.
President Debs has been accused of being responsible for this condition
of affairs. There is absolutely no truth in that accusation, as in the
first place it was directly against his wishes and advice that the
Pullman employes struck, and only after a personal investigation of the
case--and realizing that the causes which led to it would admit of no
denial that the men were justified in their action--did he approve of
it.
The boycott that followed the Pullman strike, as has been previously
stated, was not ordered by Mr. Debs. He did not have the power to order
it, therefore he could not be held responsible for the result.
The men who were the victims of this unfortunate boycott, were
themselves responsible for its beginning, as by an almost unanimous vote
they ordered it. Perhaps they may have acted hastily, it has been stated
many times that this was the case, but when the brutal inhuman treatment
of the Pullman employes came to light through the investigation of the
delegates to the convention, they would be less than human if they had
refused to come to the assistance of these men who were being ground
down by a merciless corporation.
After reading the facts brought to light by the witnesses before the
strike commission appointed by President Cleveland, and also Gov.
Altgeld's personal investigation I do not believe that any one with a
spark of humanity in his heart will condemn them for their actions.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE COMMISSION.
The commission appointed by President Cleveland to investigate the
strike began its work Aug. 15, at 10 o'clock in Judge Grosscup's court
room. Most of those present were members of the American Railway Union.
Prof. Bemis, of the Chicago University, was in attendance. Neither the
Pullman Company or the railroad companies were represented. The
witnesses examined were Geo. W. Howard, vice-president of the American
Railway Union, and James R. Sovereign, grand master workman of the
Knights of Labor. Acting with the commission were B. J. Hastings, of
Utica, N. Y., and Deputy United States Marshall Bartlett. Chairman
Wright announced that they were in session pursuant to the President's
call which the clerk read. This document directed an inquiry into the
causes and the conditions of the controversy between the Illinois
Central and the Rock Island roads and their employes. After the reading
chairman Wright made the following statement: "By the act recited in
the commission of the President that has just been read, this commission
is directed to examine into the causes, controversies and difficulties
existing between the roads named and their employes at the time the
commission of the President was issued. The board is constituted as a
temporary body for this purpose and not for the purpose of arbitrating
the difficulties that existed. It is practically a court of inquiry and
its proceedings will be in accordance with the usages of such courts. It
will proceed first to hear all witnesses in behalf of the employes and
then those of the corporations named. All such witnesses are requested
to hand their names to the clerk. Under the law parties may be
represented by counsel or appear in person as they see fit, and examine
and cross-examine the witnesses. After all the witnesses have given
their testimony the commission will then consider arguments or
suggestions to be made upon the questions before it. All suggestions and
arguments presented in writing will be filed and considered by the
commission, but the question as to how far the commission will listen to
parties who desire to be heard orally will depend upon the time left to
the disposal of the commission and will be determined after the
testimony is concluded. By the act creating it this commission possesses
all the power and authority of the United States Commissioners appointed
by the Circuit Courts of the United States. The hours of sitting will be
from 10:00 A. M. to 4:00 P. M. Parties and their counsel and witnesses
attending will find seats within the rail."
Vice President Howard was the first witness sworn. In answer to
questions as to his age, residence and occupation, Mr. Howard replied
that he was 46 years old, resided in Chicago, and was vice president of
the American Railway Union. For nearly 30 years he had been identified
with the railroad service filling positions from trackman to general
superintendent. He had been a member of the Yard Masters' Association,
the B. of L. E. and O. R. C. By request of Mr. Wright he gave the
following connection of the American Railway Union with the strike.
"We began organizing the Pullman employes in March of this year. Early
in May they struck. The strike was voted by themselves not by the
American Railway Union, indeed we advised against the strike.
"Immediately after the strike was called I accompanied a committee of
forty-three representing every branch of the Pullman service to a
conference with Mr. Wickes at Pullman. Mr. Pullman refused to arbitrate
but promised to give their grievances immediate attention if they would
return to work. I inquired of Mr. Wickes if there would be any prejudice
against the members of the committee and was assured by him that there
would not be. After receiving this assurance from Mr. Wickes, I advised
the men to go back to their work, which they did. Next day three of the
committee were discharged, not on order or with the knowledge of Mr.
Wickes or Mr. Pullman, but by some under boss in the shops. This so
incensed the rest of the employes who considered it a breach of promise
that they unanimously struck again.
"June 12, the convention of the American Railway Union met in Chicago.
The Pullman strikers were represented by seven or eight delegates. The
situation at Pullman received consideration. A joint committee
representing the convention and the Pullman strikers was appointed to
wait on the Pullman company. The committee was informed that the Pullman
company would confer with only its employes, consequently this body was
discharged and a committee consisting of Pullman employes appointed. The
action of the Pullman company was reported to the American Railway Union
convention whereupon each delegate wired his local union for
instructions. The result of this was that the members of the American
Railway Union all over the country voted to discontinue handling Pullman
cars if at the end of five days from that date the Pullman company
refused to arbitrate with its employes.
"In this connection I wish to say that Mr. Pullman stated to the
committee of forty-three, in my hearing, that his employes at that time
owed him $70,000 for rent and that he had not pushed them for payment
which fact clearly shows that his men were not making enough to pay
rent."
Mr. Wright: "That was the boycott order, was it?"
Mr. Howard: "I do not use the word boycott. The action taken was simply
that members of the American Railway Union would not handle Pullman
cars.
"Two days before the limit of five days--the dates I do not now
recall--but I will furnish them--the General Managers' Association took
action declaring that they would share the expense of whipping the
American Railway Union.
"Pullman would not arbitrate and first the men on one road then on
another refused to handle Pullman cars. They did not decline to handle
other cars, but switchmen, you understand, would not attach Pullmans to
trains. Engineers, conductors, firemen and trainmen would not take out
trains which Pullman cars were attached to. There was no attempt to
interfere with the mails but on the contrary every effort in our power
was made to help the roads carry them. The companies held the mails in
their determination to attach Pullman cars to trains.
"Of my personal knowledge I know of a road that abandoned a mail train
to take out an excursion train, not having crews to take out both. In
another instance I know of a mail train going out on the order of the
railway officials after the Pullmans had been cut off by the employes.
Things went on in this way for several days. No violence was committed
by the employes and the police were in full control of the situation to
prevent violence from outsiders.
"The first pistol was drawn by one Miller, an employe of the Tribune at
Blue Island, wholly without cause, and after the troops were on the
ground. The violence that was afterward committed was not as was
believed by members of the American Railway Union but by outsiders--some
acting in passion, because they saw in the presence of the soldiers an
instrument of tyranny. Others in a spirit of mischief and love of
destruction and others still--hired by the General Managers in order to
create public sentiment against us. Yesterday I gave the mayor of
Chicago the name of a man who claimed, while under the influence of
liquor to have received $400 for burning cars. The Committee of safety,
at Springfield, sent us the names of three men who quarreled about the
division of $500 received for burning cars. $200 of which was paid in
advance by John M. Eagan, of the General Managers' Association."
Regarding the motives actuating the organization of the American Railway
Union Mr. Howard denied that it was to destroy the old organizations but
because they no longer fulfilled the necessities of the situation. If
the old brotherhoods could get together amicably there would be no need
of the American Railway Union, but they never can. There are two many
causes for jealousy, for instance: There are 10,000 locomotive engineers
who are not in the B. of L. E. but are members of the B. of L. F. In
case of a grievance the engineers are divided and are represented by two
organizations. The Brotherhood of Trainmen contains men who have been
promoted to conductors causing a friction between these two orders.
Mr. Wright: "Then the sole purpose of the American Railway Union in
taking the action it did was to oppose the Pullman company and it was
not actuated by any desire to injure the other railway organizations?"
Mr. Howard: "That is it exactly. After the action taken by the General
Managers' Association we had to act as we did or lie down."
Mr. Wright: "Did the officers of the American Railway Union advise the
men on roads other than those using Pullmans to go on strike?"
Mr. Howard: "The men on all roads represented by the General Managers'
Association were advised to go out on strike."
Mr. Kernan: "Was this order extended to roads not using Pullman cars or
which were not represented in the General Managers' Association?"
Mr. Howard: "No, sir."
Mr. Kernan: "Were there any such road?"
Mr. Howard: "Yes. General Manager Clark, of the Mobile & Ohio, sent us
word that his road would drop the Pullman service if the men would
continue at work. We advised the men to return to work under those
conditions, but the men at St. Louis argued that such action would
weaken their cause and refused to take our advice in the matter."
Mr. Worthingford: "How did you advise all other organizations to go on a
sympathetic strike?"
Mr. Howard: "We did not advise nor even request other organizations to
declare a strike. We invited the heads of all labor organizations to
come here and aid us by their advice or in any way they saw fit to help
us. I think Mr. Debs sent the invitation. When the representatives of
the other labor organizations met here, we went before the body and
explained the entire situation. They asked Mr. Debs what he wished them
to do. He replied that he did not ask anything of them but left it to
their best judgment and conscience to take such measures as would help
bring the trouble to an end. Mr. Debs read a communication which he had
prepared to present to the general managers, and asked the
representatives at the conference if they would act as a board of
arbitration or assume the role of peace-makers. President Gompers of the
American Federation of Labor, seemed afraid that such action would
involve the other organizations in some way and hesitated to accept our
request to take the communication to the general managers. We then
concluded to ask Mayor Hopkins to present our communication. The mayor
willingly granted our request."
Mr. Kernan: "Was any written record kept of that conference of the heads
of the labor organizations which was held at the Briggs House?"
Mr. Howard: "I do not know."
Commissioner Kernan: "What records have you of the proceedings of your
convention as to who invited the heads of other labor organizations to
meet here in conference, and what they were expected to do?"
Mr. Howard: "I think it was decided at the convention of the American
Railway Union, which met here June 12, to extend such an invitation. I
know it was talked over then."
Commissioner Wright: "Then the American Railway Union did not advise a
sympathetic strike of all organizations."
Mr. Howard: "No, sir. Mr. Debs left that question to the judgment and
conscience of the men themselves."
Commissioner Wright: "Was the action of the convention of June 12 a
strike?"
Mr. Howard: "Well, it was called a strike."
Commissioner Worthington: "Was the communication you referred to
presented to the general managers?"
Mr. Howard: "Yes, sir, and returned without an answer further than a
statement that the General Managers' Association had no business to
transact with the American Railway Union or its representatives."
Mr. Kernan: "It is charged that your organization, like others,
encouraged its members to persistently interfere with and prevent
unorganized labor from taking positions given up by their striking
members. Is that charge true?"
Mr. Howard: "It cannot be shown in one instance that anything of the
kind has been done."
Commissioner Kernan: "You won't go so far as to say that no interference
of the sort alluded to has ever been engaged in?"
Mr. Howard: "Certainly not. I mean that such interference was not
authorized or countenanced by the union."
Commissioner Kernan: "Did you take any steps to prevent such
interference?"
Mr. Howard: "We have taken the ground that when we go out on strike not
to interfere with any of the new men the companies may employ."
Commissioner Kernan: "You do countenance advice to such men not to take
the places of strikers?"
Mr. Howard: "Oh, yes. We claim the right to ask new men not to take our
places."
Mr. Kernan: "Is it not a fact that such interviews usually result in
violence?"
Mr. Howard: "No. I think the rule is to the contrary. We go no further
than to request the men to quit work and to commit no violence."
Commissioner Kernan: "Is there any punishment for violation of that
rule?"
Mr. Howard: "No. No organization has any power to punish a member for
violation of such rule except by expulsion. We leave the punishment of
such cases to the civil authorities."
Commissioner Kernan: "Don't you think some steps should be taken by
labor unions to punish their members who violate the rules in that
respect?"
Mr. Howard: "Yes, sir, I do, and we started out to do so here during the
strike but the trouble assumed such vast proportions that it was
impossible to do anything in that direction. In the case of the Great
Northern strike we appointed committees to guard the company's property,
and the men were instructed to shoot anyone found in the act of
destroying same."
Commissioner Kernan: "What, as a rule has been your experience in
strikes where violence was restored to?"
Mr. Howard: "The men have always been defeated."
Commissioner Kernan: "Then a resort to violence is rather detrimental to
the cause of the strikers?"
Mr. Howard: "Decidedly so. We want public opinion with us in a strike."
Commissioner Kernan: "Do you know of any organization that disciplines
its members for resorting to violence?"
Mr. Howard: "None, excepting the American Railway Union. Our argument is
that the only weapons labor has to fight its battles with are the strike
and the boycott. There is some talk about the ballot but some questions
cannot be settled by the ballot. Only the array of labor in one solid
phalanx will give it the power that will make strikes unnecessary."
Commissioner Kernan: "Does not history show that on account of
jealousies in your own ranks a complete organization of labor cannot be
effected?"
Mr. Howard: "Yes. That is history up to the present, but the workingman
is doing more thinking to-day than ever before."
Commissioner Kernan: "You regard such a strike as would be possible
under the conditions you outline as a desirable thing for organized
labor?"
Mr. Howard: "No, sir. If employers would be a little more considerate of
their men there would soon be no labor organizations in existence."
Commissioner Kernan: "You do not say that all grievances are just, do
you?"
Mr. Howard: "No. Many of them are frivolous."
Commissioner Kernan: "It is charged that there is a minority in all
labor organizations who are practically enslaved by the will of the
majority and that a man for that reason loses his independence when he
joins a union?"
Mr. Howard: "Well, I think the reverse is the rule. The hot heads and
agitators in the labor movement are in the minority; the quiet, thinking
men are always in the majority. It often happens that the man who is
really most anxious to strike assumes an air of indifference or positive
objection to such a move. He is merely waiting for a good excuse to stop
and let the blame lie with some one else. He wants some one to order him
to quit work so he can say to the superintendent that he is afraid to
remain at work for fear of personal violence."
Commissioner Kernan: "Was any other motive behind the strike other than
to force a settlement with Mr. Pullman?"
Mr. Howard: "No."
Commissioner Kernan; "Was there any object in breaking the older unions
so that the American Railway Union might profit thereby?"
Mr. Howard: "While the increase in membership in the American Railway
Union meant a decrease in the strength of the older organizations it was
not the object of the strike to break down the older unions."
In answer to a question by Commissioner Kernan as to what he would
suggest to prevent railroad strikes in the future, Mr. Howard replied
that the government ownership and control of railroads was the only
practical solution of the question. He argued that about one third of
the railroads of the country are practically under control of the
government, and thought the balance could easily be taken. He claimed
the Santa Fe was from two to four months behind in payment of wages;
that it would seem only fair that the government should s
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