Papers Relating to an Act of the Assembly of the Province of New-York
by Cadwallader Colden · English · Gutenberg #35720 · 489,057 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Papers Relating to an Act of the Assembly of the Province of New-York
Author: Cadwallader Colden
Great Britain. Board of Trade
Great Britain. Privy Council
New York . Council
Release date: March 30, 2011 [eBook #35720]
Most recently updated: January 7, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/35720
Credits: Produced by Iona Vaughan, Ross Cooling, mcbax and the
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PAPERS RELATING TO AN ACT OF THE ASSEMBLY OF THE PROVINCE OF NEW-YORK ***
Produced by Iona Vaughan, Ross Cooling, mcbax and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Canada Team at
http://www.pgdpcanada.net
P A P E R S
R E L A T I N G T O
An A C T of the Assembly
O F T H E
Province of _N E W-Y O R K_,
F O R
Encouragement of the _Indian Trade_, &c. and for prohibiting the selling
of _Indian Goods_ to the _French, viz_. of _CANADA_.
I. A Petition of the Merchants of _London_ to His Majesty against the
said Act.
II. His Majesty's Order in Council, referring the Petition to the Lords
Commissioners of _Trade_ and _Plantation_.
III. Extract of the Minutes of the said Lords, concerning some
Allegations of the Merchants before them.
IV. The Report of the said Lords to His Majesty on the Merchants
Petition, and other Allegations.
V. The Report of the Committee of Council of the Province of _New-York_,
in Answer to the said Petition.
VI. A Memorial concerning the Furr-Trade of _New-York_, by _C. Colden_,
Esq;
T O T H E
K i n g's Most Excellent Majesty in Council,
The Humble Petition and Representation of _Samuel Baker, Samuel
Storke, John Bayeux, Richard Jeneway, Robert Hackshaw, Joseph
Low, Joseph Paice, George Streatfield, William Parkin_, and
_John Evered_, Merchants of _London_, trading to _New-York_, in
behalf of themselves, and the rest of the Persons concern'd in
the _New-York_ Trade.
_S H E W E T H_,
That by an Act passed in _New-York_ the 19th of _November_, 1720,
entitled, _An Act for Encouragement of the_ Indian _Trade, and rendering
it more beneficial to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for
prohibiting the selling of_ Indian Goods _to the_ French, all Trade
whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest Manner, and under the severest
Penalties, between the Inhabitants of _New-York_ Government, and the
_French_ of _Canada_, or any Subjects of the _French King_, or any
Person whatsoever, for or on the behalf of any such Subjects; and which
Act was to continue in force for three Years.
That the Reasons assigned in the Preamble of this Act, for the passing
thereof, are, For that the _French_ at _Canada_, by means of _Indian_
Goods purchased from the Inhabitants of _New-York_, had not only almost
wholly engrossed the _Indian Trade_ to themselves, but had, in great
measure, withdrawn the Affections of the _Five Nations_ of _Indians_
from the Inhabitants of _New-York_, and render'd them wavering in their
Faith and Allegiance to your Majesty; and would, if such Trade was not
prevented, wholly alienate the Minds of the said _Indians_, which might
prove of dangerous Consequence to the _English Interest_ in _America_.
That this Act was sent home for your Majesty's royal Consideration, but
your Petitioners do not find that your Majesty ever signified your
Allowance or Disallowance thereof; from whence, and from the Act's being
to continue but three Years, your Petitioners humbly conceive the same
was suffered to lie by probationary, to see whether the said Act, in its
Effects, was really advantageous or prejudicial to the _British Trade_
and _Interest_ in _America_.
That your Petitioners have received Advice, That the Government of
_New-York_ either have, or are about passing an Act, to revive and
continue the said Act for prohibiting all Trade between _New-York_ and
_Canada_.
Upon which Occasion, your Petitioners humbly beg leave to represent to
your Majesty, That the said Act, tho' in the first Intention of it, it
might be well designed, yet, in its Effects, it has proved very
pernicious to the _British Trade_ in general, and to the Interest of
_New-York_ in particular: For, besides the Nations of _Indians_ that are
in the _English_ Interest, there are very many Nations of _Indians_, who
are, at present, in the Interest of the _French_, and who lie between
_New-York_, and the Nations of _Indians_ in the _English Interest_; and
this Act prohibiting all Trade between _New-York_ and the _French_ of
_Canada_, or any of the Subjects of _France_, the _French_, and their
_Indians_, would not permit the _English Indians_ to pass over by their
Forts, so as to carry on a free Trade with _New-York_, but prevented
their Passages, as much as possible, whereby that most considerable and
only valuable Branch of Trade from _New-York_, hath, ever since the
passing the said Act, very much lessened, from the great Difficulties of
carrying on any Trade with the _English Indians_, and the Prohibition of
all Trade with the _French_; and all the _Indian Goods_ have, by this
Act, been raised in their Price 25_l._ to 30_l._ _per Cent_.
Whereas, on the other hand, this Branch of the _New-York_ Trade, by the
Discouragements brought upon it by this Act, is almost wholly engrossed
by the _French_, who have already, by this Act, been encouraged to send
proper _European Goods_ to _Canada_, to carry on this Trade; so that
should this Act be continued, the _New-York_ Trade, which is very
considerable, must be wholly lost to us, and center in the _French_.
And your Petitioners further beg leave humbly to represent, That as they
conceive nothing can tend more to the with-drawing the Affections of the
_Five Nations_ of _Indians_ from the _English Interest_, than the
Continuance of the said Act, which, in its Effects, restrains them from
a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of _New-York_, and may, too
probably, estrange them from the _English Interest:_ Whereas by a
Freedom of Commerce, and an encourag'd Intercourse of Trade with the
_French_, and their _Indians_, the _English Interest_ might, in time, be
greatly improved and strengthened among the _Indians_ in general, who,
by such Latitude of Trade, might be link'd to our Friendship in the
strongest Ties of their own Interest, as well as Inclinations.
That therefore, and as the said Act was, in its Effects, so plainly
destructive and prejudicial to the Trade and Interest of these Kingdoms,
and so much for the Interest of the _French_, and greatly promoted that
Mischief which it was intended to prevent,
Your Petitioners most humbly pray your Majesty, That you would
be graciously pleased to give the necessary Directions to your
Governor of _New-York_, not to pass any new Act for the reviving
or continuing the said Act prohibiting Trade with the _French_
of _Canada_; and that if any such Act, or any Act of the like
Tendency, be already passed, that the same may be repealed. _And
your Petitioners shall ever pray_, &c.
_Samuel Baker_,
_Rob. Hackshaw_,
_Jo. Lloyd_,
_Sam. Storke_,
_J. Bayeux_,
_Sam. Fitch_,
_Rich. Jeneway_,
_Jos. Lowe_,
_Asher Levy_,
_John Paine_,
_J. Bull_,
_Fra. Wilks_,
_Wm. Parkin_,
_John Gilbert_,
_Jos. Paice_, jun.
_Rich. Mico_,
_Jo. Miranda_,
_Geo. Streatfield_,
_John Everet_,
_Thompson Hayne_.
* * * * *
_At the Court at_ St. James'_s the 30th Day of_ April, 1724.
P R E S E N T
The K i n g's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Upon Reading this Day at the Board the humble Petition and
Representation of _Samuel Baker, Samuel Storke_, and several others,
Merchants of _London_, trading to _New-York_, in behalf of themselves,
and the rest of the Persons concern'd in the _New-York_ Trade, which
_Petition_ sets forth, That great Discouragements have been brought upon
the _British Trade_, by an Act passed in the said Colony of _New York_,
the 19th of _November_, 1720, entitled, _An Act for the Encouragement
of the_ Indian Trade, _and rendering of it more beneficial to the
Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ Indian
Goods _to the_ French. And that as the said Act was to continue in force
only for three Years, they are informed the Government of _New-York_
either have, or are about passing an Act to revive and continue the
same: Wherefore they humbly pray, that the Governor of that Colony may
be ordered, not to pass any new Act for that purpose; and if any such
Act be already pass'd, that it may be repealed.
It is ordered by his Majesty in Council, That the said Petition (a Copy
whereof is hereunto annexed) be, and it is hereby referred to the Lords
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to examine into the same, and
report to his Majesty, at this Board, what they conceive fit to be done
therein.
Signed,
_James Vernon_.
* * * * *
_Extract of the Minutes of the Right Honourable the Lords
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, the_ 7_th of_ July,
1724.
Mr. _Sharp_ attending, as he had been desired, with several _New-York_
Merchants, their Lordships took again into Consideration the Order of
Council of the 30th of _April_, mentioned in the Minutes of the first of
_May_ last, referring to the Board their Petition against the Renewing
an Act passed in _New-York_, in _November_, 1720, entitled, _An Act for
the Encouragement of the_ Indian _Trade_, _and rendering of it more
effectual to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the
selling of_ Indian _Goods to the_ French. And Mr. _Sharp_, in behalf of
the several Merchants, acquainted their Lordships, That he conceived
this Act, tho' its Intention of gaining the _Indians_ to the _English_
Interest might be good, would have quite a contrary Effect, because, if
the Trade with the _French_ was prevented, and the Merchants should
discontinue that with the _Indians_, (as he was informed they would) the
_French_ might lay hold of this Opportunity to furnish themselves with
Goods from _Europe_, and supply the Five Nations of _Indians_, and
thereby gain them to their Interest: And this, by reason of their
Situation, would not be in the Power of the _English_ to prevent: That
they were two or three hundred Leagues distant from _Albany_, and that
they could not come to trade with the _English_ but by going down the
River _St. Laurence_, and from thence through a Lake, which brought them
within eighteen Leagues of _Albany_.
And that the _French_ having made Settlements along the said River, it
would be in their Power, whenever they pleased, to cut off that
Communication.
That this Act had been so great a Discouragement to the _British Trade_,
in general, that there had not been, by far, so great a Quantity of
Beaver, and other Furs, imported into _Great-Britain_ since the passing
the said Act, as there was before; nor half the Quantity of _European
Goods_ exported.
That several Merchants who had sent over to _New-York_ considerable
Quantities of _European Goods_, had received Advice from their
Correspondents, That should another Act of the like Nature be passed,
they could not find a vent for them, and desired they would send no
more.
Upon the whole, Mr. _Sharp_ desired, in behalf of the Merchants, that
Mr. _Burnet_ might be directed not to pass any Act of the like Nature
for the future.
To the K i n g's Most Excellent Majesty.
_May it please your Majesty_;
In Obedience to your Majesty's Commands, signified to us by your Order
in Council of the 30th of _April_ last, referring to us the Petition of
several Merchants of _London_ trading to _New-York_, setting forth "The
great Discouragements that have been brought upon the _British Trade_ by
an Act passed in _New-York_ the 19th of _November_, 1720, entitled, _An
Act for the Encouragement of the_ Indian Trade, _and rendering of it
more beneficial to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting
the selling of_ Indian Goods _to the_ French. And that as the said Act
is now expir'd, the said Merchants are informed the Government of
_New-York_ either have, or are about passing an Act to revive and
continue the same; and therefore pray, that a stop may be put thereto."
We humbly take leave to represent to your Majesty,
That we have been attended by the Petitioners, who informed us, that
they have found this Act, by Experience, to be so great a Discouragement
to the _British Trade_, that there has not been, by far, so considerable
a Quantity of Beaver, and other Furs, imported into _Great-Britain_,
from _New-York_, since the passing the said Act, as heretofore, nor half
the Quantity of _European Goods_ exported thither; in consequence
whereof the Price of Furs is raised _Five and Twenty_ and _Thirty per
Cent._ to the great Prejudice of several _British_ Manufactures.
They likewise affirmed, That it was impracticable to hinder the _French_
from supplying the _Indians_ with _European_ Goods: For tho' _New-York_
should not furnish them, the _French_ would find another way to be
supplied therewith, either from some other of his Majesty's
Plantations, or, it might be, directly from _Europe_. That it was of
dangerous Consequence to force this Trade into a new Channel, many of
the Goods which the _Indians_ want being as easy to be had directly from
_France_ or _Holland_, as from _Great-Britain_.
They further added, That it was not likely the Act, in question, should
produce the Effects expected from it, more particularly that of securing
the Five _Indian_ Nations firmly to the _British_ Interest; because, if
the _French_ should once get a Supply of the Goods necessary for the
_Indian_ Trade, from any other Place, as the Five _Indian_ Nations are
settled upon the Banks of the River of _St. Lawrence_, directly opposite
to _Quebeck_, two or three hundred Leagues distant from the nearest
_British_ Settlement in _New-York_, the Vicinity of the _French_ would
furnish them with the Means of supplying even the _Five Nations_ with
these Goods, and consequently of alienating their Affections from the
_British_ Interest. And that there was no Prospect of obtaining a Trade
with the _French Indians_ by this means, because the French would always
be able to prevent their Passage cross the Lakes and River of _St.
Lawrence_ to our Settlements.
These were the most material Objections made by the Merchants against
the Bill.
* * * * *
On the other hand, the Preamble of the Act sets forth, That it was found
by Experience, that the _French_ of _Canada_, by means of _Indian_ Goods
brought from that Province, had not only almost wholly engrossed the
_Indian_ Trade, but had in great Measure, withdrawn the Affections of
the _Five Nations_ of _Indians_ from the Inhabitants of that Province,
and rendered them wavering in their Allegiance to your Majesty; and
would, if such Trade were not prevented, altogether alienate the Minds
of the said _Indians_, which would prove of dangerous Consequence to
the _English_ Interest in _America_.
And Mr. _Burnet_, your Majesty's Governor of _New-York_, informs us,
That, since the passing of this Act, several of the far _Indians_ had
come to _Albany_ to trade; That some of them came above one thousand
Miles, and are now incorporated with the _Five Nations_: That he had
likewise Intelligence of more far _Indians_ that design'd to come to
_Albany_, which he conceives to have been a good Effect proceeding from
this Act: And likewise adds, That he did not doubt but the Cheapness of
Goods in _Albany_ would induce the _Indians_ to trade there, rather than
with the _French_ at _Montreal_; and that the Traders of _Albany_ began
to be sensible of their Error in sharing a Trade with the _French_,
which they now perceive they can keep wholly to themselves.
* * * * *
_Upon the whole_, being doubtful of some of the Facts alledged by the
Merchants, and considering how far the _British Trade_ may be affected
by this Act, on the one hand; and how much the Security and Interest of
your Majesty's Colonies in _America_ may be concerned, on the other, we
are humbly of Opinion, That no Directions should be sent to _New-York_,
upon the Subject-Matter of this Act, till Mr. _Burnet_ shall have been
acquainted with the Objections of the Merchants thereto, and his Answers
and Observations received thereupon. For which end, if your Majesty
shall be graciously pleased to approve of this our Proposal, we shall
forthwith send him Copies both of the Merchants Memorial, and of what
Objections they have made before us to the Subject-Matter of this Bill.
Which is most humbly submitted. Signed,
_J. Chetwind_,
_T. Pelham_,
_M. Bladen_,
_R. Plummer_,
_Ed. Ashe_.
_Whitehall_,
_July_ 14, 1724.
* * * * *
_The Report of a Committee of the Council held at_ New-York,
November 6, 1724.
_May it please your Excellency_,
In Obedience to your Excellency's Commands in Council, the 29th of
_October_, referring to us a Petition of several Merchants in _London_,
presented to the King's most excellent Majesty, against renewing an Act
passed in this Province, entitled, _An Act for Encouragement of the_
Indian _Trade, and rendering it more effectual to the Inhabitants of
this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of_ Indian _Goods to the_
French; as likewise the several Allegations of the said Merchants before
the Right Hon. the Lords of Trade and Plantations, we beg Leave to make
the following Remarks.
In order to make our Observations the more distinct and clear, we shall
gather together the several Assertions of the said Merchants, both in
their Petition, and delivered verbally before the Lords of Trade, as to
the Situation of this Province, with respect to the _French_ and _Indian
Nations_, and observe on them, in the first Place, they being the
Foundation on which all their other Allegations are grounded. Afterwards
we shall lay before your Excellency, what we think necessary to observe
on the other parts of the said Petition, in the Order they are in the
Petition, or in the Report of the Lords of Trade.
In their geographical Accounts they say, "Besides the Nations of
_Indians_ that are in the _English_ Interest, there are very many
Nations of _Indians_, who are at present in the Interest of the
_French_, and who lie between _New-York_ and the Nations of _Indians_ in
the _English_ Interest.----The _French_ and their _Indians_ would not
permit the _English Indians_ to pass over by their Forts."
The said Act "Restrains them (_the Five Nations_) from a free Commerce
with the Inhabitants of _New-York_.
"The _Five Indian Nations_ are settled upon the Banks of the River _St.
Lawrence_, directly opposite to _Quebeck_, two or three Hundred Leagues
distant from the nearest _British_ Settlements in _New-York_.
"They (_the Five Nations of Indians_) were two or three Hundred Leagues
distant from _Albany_; and that they could not come to trade with the
_English_ but by going down the River _St. Lawrence_, and from thence
through a Lake, which brought them within eighteen Leagues of _Albany_."
These Things the Merchants have thought it safe for them, and consistent
with their Duty to his sacred Majesty, to say in his Majesty's Presence,
and to repeat them afterwards before the Right Hon. the Lords of Trade,
though nothing can be more directly contrary to the Truth. For there are
no Nations of _Indians_ between _New-York_ and the Nations of _Indians_
in the _English Interest_, who are now six in Number, by the Addition of
the _Tuscaroras_. The _Mohawks_ (called _Annies_ by the _French_) one of
the Five Nations, live on the South-side of a Branch of
_Hudson's-River_, (not on the North-side, as they are placed in the
_French_ Maps) and but forty Miles directly West from _Albany_, and
within the _English_ Settlements, some of the _English_ Farms upon the
same River being thirty Miles further West.
The _Oneidas_ (the next of the Five Nations) lie likewise West from
_Albany_, near the Head of the _Mohawks-River_, about one Hundred Miles
from _Albany_.
The _Onondagas_ lie about one Hundred and Thirty Miles West from
_Albany_. And the _Tuscaroras_ live partly with the _Oneidas_, and
partly with the _Onondagas_.
The _Cayugas_ are about one hundred and sixty Miles from _Albany_.
And the _Sennekas_ (the furthest of all these Nations) are not above two
hundred and forty Miles from _Albany_, as may appear by Mr. _De
L'Isle_'s Map of _Louisiane_, who lays down the Five Nations under the
Name of _Iroquois_.
And Goods are daily carried from this Province to the _Sennekas_, as
well as to those Nations that lie nearer, by Water all the Way, except
three Miles, (or in the dry Seasons, five Miles) where the Traders carry
over Land between the _Mohawks-River_ and the _Wood Creek_, which runs
into the _Oneida-Lake_, without going near either _St. Lawrence-River_,
or any of the _Lakes_ upon which the _French_ pass, which are entirely
out of their Way.
The nearest _French_ Forts or Settlements to _Albany_, are _Chambly_ and
_Monreal_, both of them lying about North and by East from _Albany_, and
are near two hundred Miles distant from it. _Quebeck_ lies about three
hundred and eighty Miles North-East from _Albany_. So far is it from
being true, that the Five Nations are situated upon the Banks of the
_River St. Lawrence_, opposite to _Quebeck_, that _Albany_ lies almost
directly between _Quebeck_ and the _Five Nations_. And to say that these
_Indians_ cannot come to trade at _Albany_, but by going down the _River
St. Lawrence_, and then into a _Lake_ eighteen Leagues from _Albany_ (we
suppose they mean _Lake Champlain_) passing by the _French_ Forts, is to
the same Purpose as if they should say, that one cannot go from _London_
to _Bristol_, but by Way of _Edinburgh_.
Before we go on to observe other Particulars, we beg Leave further to
remark, that it is so far from being true, that the _Indians_ in the
_French_ Interest, lie between _New-York_ and our _Five Nations of
Indians_, that some of our Nations of _Indians_ lie between the _French_
and the _Indians_, from whence the _French_ bring the far greatest
Quantity of their Furs: For the _Sennekas_ (whom the _French_ call
_Sonontouons_) are situated between _Lake Erie_ and _Cataraqui Lake_,
(called by the _French Ontario_) near the great Fall of _Jagara_, by
which all the _Indians_ that live round _Lake Erie_, round the Lake of
the _Hurons_, round the Lake of the _Illenois_, or _Michegan_, and round
the great _Upper Lake_, generally pass in their Way to _Canada_. All the
_Indians_ situated upon the Branches of the _Misissippi_, must likewise
pass by the same Place, if they go to _Canada_. And all of them likewise
in their Way to _Canada_, pass by our Trading-Place upon the _Cataraqui
Lake_, at the Mouth of the _Onondaga River_. The nearest and safest Way
of carrying Goods upon the _Cataraqui Lake_ towards _Canada_, being
along the South-side of that Lake, (near where our _Indians_ are
settled, and our Trade of late is fixed) and not by the North-side and
_Cataraqui_, or _Frontinac Fort_, where the _French_ are settled.
Now that we have represented to your Excellency, that not one Word of
the Geography of these Merchants is true, upon which all their Reasoning
is founded, it might seem needless to trouble your Excellency with any
further Remarks, were it not to show with what earnestness they are
promoting the _French Interest_, to the Prejudice of all his Majesty's
Colonies in _North America_, and that they are not ashamed of asserting
any Thing for that End, even in the Royal Presence.
_First_, They say, "That by the Act passed in this Province, entitled,
_An Act for Encouragement of the_ Indian _Trade, &c_. All Trade
whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest Manner, and under the severest
Penalties, between the Inhabitants of _New-York_ Government, and the
_French_ of _Canada_."
This is not true, for only carrying Goods to the _French_, which are
proper for the _Indian Trade_, is prohibited. The Trade as to other
Things, is left in the same State it was before that Act was made, as it
will appear to any Person that shall read it: And there are yearly large
Quantities of other Goods openly carried to _Canada_, without any
Hindrance from the Government of _New-York_. Whatever may be said of the
Severity and Penalties in that Act, they are found insufficient to deter
some from carrying Goods clandestinely to the _French_; and the
Legislature of this Province are convinced that no Penalties can be too
severe, to prevent a Trade which puts the Safety of all his Majesty's
Subjects of _North America_ in the greatest Danger.
Their next Assertion is, _All the_ Indian _Goods have by this Act, been
raised_ 25 l. _to_ 30 l. _per Cent_. This is the only Allegation in the
whole Petition, that there is any Ground for. Nevertheless, though the
common Channel of Trade cannot be altered without some Detriment to it
in the Beginning, we are assured from the Custom-house Books, that there
has been every Year, since the passing of this Act, more Furs exported
from _New-York_, than in the Year immediately before the passing of this
Act. It is not probable, that the greatest Difference between the
Exportation any Year before this Act, and any Year since, could so much
alter the Price of Beaver, as it is found to be this last Year. Beaver
is carried to _Britain_ from other Parts besides _New-York_, and it is
certain that the Price of Beaver is not so much altered here by the
Quantity in our Market, as by the Demand for it in _Britain_. But as we
cannot be so well informed here, what occasions Beaver to be in greater
Demand in _Britain_, we must leave that to be enquired after in
_England_. However, we are fully satisfied that it will be found to be
for very different Reasons from what the Merchants alledge.
The Merchants go on and say, _Whereas on the other Hand, this Branch of
the_ New-York _Trade, by the Discouragements brought upon it by this
Act, is almost wholly engrossed by the_ French, _who have already by
this Act, been encouraged to send proper_ European Goods _to_ Canada,
_to carry on this Trade, so that should this Act be continued, the_
New-York _Trade which is very considerable, must be wholly lost to us,
and center in the_ French.----_Though_ New-York _should not furnish
them, the_ French _would find another_ Way _to be supplied therewith,
either from some other of his Majesty's Plantations, or it might be
directly from Europe_.----_Many of the Goods which the_ Indians _want
being as easy to be had directly from_ France _or_ Holland, _as from_
Great-Britain.
This is easily answered, by informing your Excellency, that the
principal of the Goods proper for the _Indian Market_ are only of the
Manufactures of _Great-Britain_, or of the _British Plantations, viz_.
Strouds, or Stroud-Waters, and other Woollens, and Rum. The _French_
must be obliged to buy all their Woollens (the Strouds especially) in
_England_, and thence carry them to _France_, in order to their
Transportation to _Canada_. The Voyage to _Quebeck_ through the Bay of
_St. Lawrence_, is well known to be the most dangerous of any in the
World, and only practicable in the Summer Months. The _French_ have no
Commodities in _Canada_, by reason of the Cold and Barrenness of the
Soil, proper for the _West-India_ Markets, and therefore have no Rum but
by Vessels from _France_, that touch at their Islands in the
_West-Indies_. _New-York_ has, by Reason of its Situation, both as to
the Sea and the _Indians_, every Way the Advantage of _Canada_. The
_New-York_ Vessels make always two Voyages in the Year from _England_,
one in Summer and another in Winter, and several Voyages in a Year to
the _West-Indies_. It is manifest therefore, that it is not in the Power
of the _French_ to import any Goods near so cheap to _Canada_, as they
are imported to _New-York_.
But to put this out of all Controversy, we need only observe to your
Excellency, That Strouds (without which no considerable Trade can be
carried on with the _Indians_) are sold at _Albany_ for 10 _l._ a Piece:
They were sold at _Monreal_ before this Act took Place, at 13 _l._ 2
_s._ 6 _d._ and now they are sold there for 25 _l._ and upwards: Which
is an evident Proof, that the _French_ have not, in these four Years
Time (during the Continuance of this Act) found out any other Way to
supply themselves with Strouds, and likewise that they cannot trade
without them, seeing they buy them at so extravagant a Price.
It likewise appears, that none of the neighbouring Colonies have been
able to supply the _French_ with these Goods; and those that know the
Geography of the Country, know it is impracticable to do it at any
tolerable Rate, because they must carry their Goods ten Times further by
Land than we need to do.
We are likewise assured, that the Merchants of _Monreal_ lately told Mr.
_Vaudreuil_ their Governor, that if the Trade from _Albany_ be not by
some Means or other encouraged, they must abandon that Settlement. We
have Reason therefore to suspect, that these Merchants (at least some of
them) have been practised upon by the _French_ Agents in _London_; for
no doubt, the _French_ will leave no Method untried to defeat the
present Designs of this Government, seeing they are more afraid of the
Consequences of this Trade between _New-York_ and the _Indians_, than of
all the warlike Expeditions that ever were attempted against _Canada_.
But to return to the Petitioners, _They conceive nothing can tend more
to the withdrawing the Affections of the_ Five Nations of Indians _from
the_ English Interest, _than the Continuance of the said Act, which in
its Effects restrains them from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of_
New-York, _and may too probably, estrange them from the_ English
Interest, _whereas by a Freedom of Commerce, and an encouraged
Intercourse of Trade with the_ French _and their_ Indians, _the_ English
_Interest might in Time, be greatly improved and strengthened_.
It seems to us a strange Argument to say, that an Act, the whole Purport
of which is to encourage our own People to go among the _Indians_, and
to draw the far _Indians_ through our _Indian Country_ to _Albany_ (and
which has truly produced these Effects) would on the contrary, restrain
them from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of _New-York_, and may
too probably estrange them from the _English Interest_, and therefore
that it would be much wiser in us to make use of the _French_, to
promote the _English Interest_; and for which End, we ought to encourage
a free Intercourse between them and our _Indians_. The reverse of this
is exactly true, in the Opinion of our _Five Nations_; who in all their
publick Treaties with this Government, have represented against this
Trade, as _The Building the_ French _Forts with_ English _Strouds_: That
the encouraging a Freedom of Commerce with our _Indians_, and the
_Indians_ round them, who must pass through their Country to _Albany_,
would certainly increase both the _English Interest_ and theirs, among
all the Nations to the Westward of them; and that the carrying the
_Indian Market_ to _Monreal_ in _Canada_, draws all the far _Indians_
thither.
The last Thing we have to take Notice, is what the Merchants asserted
before the Lords of Trade, _viz. That there has not been half the
Quantity of_ European _Goods exported since the passing of this Act,
that used to be_.
We are well assured, that this is no better grounded than the other
Facts they assert with the same Positiveness. For it is well known
almost to every Person in _New-York_, that there has not been a less,
but rather a greater Quantity of _European Goods_ imported into this
Place, since the passing of this Act, than was at any Time before it, in
the same Space of Time. As this appears by the Manifests in the
Custom-house here, the same may likewise be easily proved by the
Custom-house Books in _London_.
As all the Arguments of the Merchants run upon the ill Effects this Act
has had upon the Trade and the Minds of the _Indians_, every one of
which we have shown to be asserted without the least Foundation to
support them, there nothing now remains, but to show the good Effects
this Act has produced, which are so notorious in this Province, that we
know not one Person that now opens his Mouth against the Act.
Before this Act passed, none of the People of this Province travelled
into the _Indian Countries_ to trade: We have now above forty young Men,
who have been several Times as far as the Lakes a trading, and thereby
become well acquainted, not only with the Trade of the _Indians_, but
likewise with their Manners and Languages; and these have returned with
such large Quantities of Furs, that greater Numbers are resolved to
follow their Example. So that we have good Reason to hope, that in a
little Time the _English_ will draw the whole _Indian_ Trade of the
Inland Countries to _Albany_, and into the Country of the _Five
Nations_. This Government has built a publick Trading-house upon
_Cataraqui Lake_, at _Irondequat_ in the _Sennekas_ Land, and another is
to be built next Spring, at the Mouth or the _Onondagas River_. All the
far _Indians_ pass by these Places, in their Way to _Canada_; and they
are not above half so far from the _English_ Settlements, as they are
from the _French_.
So far is it from being true what the Merchants say, _That the_ French
_Forts interrupt all Communication between the_ Indians _and the_
English, that if these Places be well supported, as they easily can be
from our Settlements, in case of a Rupture with the _French_, it will
be in the Power of this Province, to intercept the greatest Part of the
Trade between _Canada_ and the _Indians_, round the Lakes and the
Branches of the _Misissippi_.
Since this Act passed, many Nations have come to _Albany_ to trade, and
settle Peace and Friendship, whose Names had not so much as been heard
of among us.
In the Beginning of _May_ 1723, a Nation of _Indians_ came to _Albany_
singing and dancing, with their Calumets before them, as they always do
when they come to any Place where they have not been before. We do not
find that the Commissioners of _Indian_ Affairs, were able to inform
themselves what Nation this was.
Towards the End of the same Month, eighty Men, besides Women and
Children, came to _Albany_ in the same Manner. These had one of our Five
Nations with them for an Interpreter, by whom they informed the
Commissioners, that they were of a great Nation, called _Nehkereages_,
consisting of six Castles and Tribes; and that they lived near a Place
called by the _French Missilimakinak_, between the Upper Lake and the
Lake of the _Hurons_. These _Indians_ not only desired a free Commerce,
but likewise to enter into a strict League of Friendship with us and our
_Six Nations_, that they might be accounted the _Seventh Nation_ in the
League; and being received accordingly, they left their Calumet as a
Pledge of their Fidelity.
In _June_ another Nation arrived, but from what Part of the Continent we
have not learned.
In _July_ the _Twightwies_ arrived, and brought an _Indian_ Interpreter
of our Nations with them, who told, that they were called by the _French
Miamies_, and that they live upon one of the Branches of the River
_Misissippi_.
At the same Time some of the _Tahsagrondie Indians_, who live between
_Lake Erie_ and the Lake of the _Hurons_, near a _French_ Settlement,
did come and renew their League with the _English_, nor durst the
_French_ hinder them.
In _July_ this Year, another Nation came, whose Situation and Name we
know not. And in _August_ and _September_, several Parties of the same
_Indians_ that had been here last Year. But the greatest Numbers of
these far _Indians_ have been met this Year, in the _Indian_ Country by
our Traders, every one of them endeavouring to get before another, in
order to reap the Profits of so advantageous a Trade, which has all this
Summer long, kept about forty Traders constantly employed, in going
between our Trading-places in our _Indian_ Country, and _Albany_.
All these Nations of _Indians_ who came to _Albany_ said, that the
_French_ had told them many strange Stories of the _English_, and did
what they could to hinder their coming to _Albany_, but that they had
resolved to break through by Force. The Difference on this Score between
the _Tahsagrondie Indians_ and the _French_ (who have a Fort and
Settlement there, called by them _Le Detroit_) rose to that Height this
Summer, that Mr. _Tonti_ who commanded there, thought it proper to
retire, and return to _Canada_ with many of his Men.
We are for these Reasons well assured, that this Year there will be more
Beaver exported for _Great-Britain_, than ever was from this Province in
one Year; and that if the Custom-house Books at _London_ be looked into,
it will be found, that there will be a far greater Quantity of Goods for
the _Indians_, (Strouds especially) sent over next Spring, than ever was
at any one Time to this Province; for the Merchants here tell us, that
they have at this Time, ordered more of these Goods, than ever was done
at any one Time before.
These Matters of Fact prove beyond Contradiction, that this Act has been
of the greatest Service to _New-York_, in making us acquainted with many
Nations of _Indians_, formerly entirely unknown and Strangers to us; in
withdrawing them from their Dependance upon the _French_, and in uniting
them to _us_ and _our Indians_, by Means of Trade and mutual Offices of
Friendship. Of what great Consequence this may be to the _British
Interest_ in general, as to Trade, is apparent to any Body. It is no
less apparent likewise, that it is of the greatest Consequence to the
Safety of all the _British Colonies_ in _North-America_. We feel too
sensibly, the ill Effects of the _French Interest_ in the present War
betwixt _New-England_, and only one Nation of _Indians_ supported by the
_French_. Of what dismal Consequences then might it be, if the _French_
should be able to influence in the same Manner, so many and such
numerous _Nations_, as lie to the Westward of _this Province,
Pensylvania_ and _Maryland_? On the other Hand, if all these _Nations_
(who assert their own Freedom, and declare themselves Friends to those
that supply them best with what they want) be brought to have a
Dependance upon the _English_ (as we have good Reason to hope, in a
short Time they will) the _French_ of _Canada_, in case of a War, must
be at the Mercy of the _English_.
To these Advantages must be added, that many of our young Men having
been induced by this Act to travel among the _Indians_, they learn their
Manners, their Languages, and the Situation of all their Countries, and
become inured to all Manner of Fatigues and Hardships, and a great many
more being resolved to follow their Example; these young Men, in case of
a War with the _Indians_, will be of ten Times the Service, that the
same Number of the common Militia can be of.
The Effects of this Act have likewise so much quieted the Minds of the
People, with Respect to the Security of the Frontiers, that our
Settlements are now extended above thirty Miles further West towards the
_Indian_ Countries, than they were before it passed.
The only Thing that now remains to answer, is an Objection which we
suppose may be made, _What can induce the Merchants of_ London _to
petition against an Act, which will be really so much for their Interest
in the End_? The Reason is in all Probability, because they only
consider their present Gain; and that they are not at all concerned for
the Safety of this Country, in encouraging the most necessary
Undertaking, if they apprehend their Profit for two or three Years may
be lessened by it. This Inclination of the Merchants has been so
notorious, that few Nations at War with their Neighbours, have been able
to restrain them from supplying their Enemies with Ammunition and Arms.
The Count _D'Estrade_, in his Letters in 1638 says, That when the
_Dutch_ were besieging _Antwerp_, one _Beiland_, who had loaded four
Fly-boats with Arms and Powder for _Antwerp_, being taken up by the
Prince of _Orange_'s Order, and examined at _Amsterdam_, said boldly,
_That the Burghers of_ Amsterdam _had a Right to trade every where: That
he could name a Hundred that were Factors for the Merchants at_ Antwerp,
_and that he was one. That Trade cannot be interrupted, and that for his
Part he was very free to own, that if to get any Thing by Trade it were
necessary to pass through Hell, he would venture to burn his Sails_.
When this Principle so common to Merchants, is considered, and that some
in this Place have got Estates by trading many Years to _Canada_, it is
not to be wondered that they have acted as Factors for _Canada_ in this
Affair, and that they have transmitted such Accounts to their
Correspondents in _London_, as are consistent with the Trust reposed in
them by the Merchants of _Canada_.
In the last Place, we are humbly of Opinion, that it may be proper to
print the Petition of the Merchants of _London_, and their Allegations
before the Lords of Trade, together with the Answers your Committee has
made thereto, in Vindication of the Legislature of this Province, of
which we have the Honour to be a Part, if your Excellency shall approve
of our Answers: That what we have said may be exposed to the Examination
of every one in this Place, where the Truth of the Matters of Fact is
best known; and that the Correspondents of these Merchants may have the
most publick Notice to reply, if they shall think it proper, or to
disown in a publick Manner, that they are the Authors of such groundless
Informations.
All which is unanimously and humbly submitted by
_Your Excellency's_
_Most obedient humble Servants_,
_R. Walter_,
_Rip Van Dam_,
_John Barberie_,
_Fr. Harrison_,
_Cadwallader Colden_,
_Ja. Alexander_,
_Abraham van Horn_.
* * * * *
_A Memorial concerning the Furr-Trade of the Province of_
New-York.
_Presented to his Excellency_ William Burnet, _Esq_; _Captain
General and Governor_, &c. _by_ Cadwallader Colden, _Surveyor
General of the said Province_, the 10_th of_ November 1724.
It has of late been generally believed, that the Inhabitants of the
Province of _New-York_ are so advantageously situated, with respect to
the _Indian Trade_, and enjoy so many Advantages as to Trade in
general, that it is in their Power not only to rival the _French_ of
_Canada_, who have almost entirely engrossed the Furr-Trade of
_America_, but that it is impossible for the _French_ to carry on that
Trade in Competition with the People of this Province. The enquiring
into the Truth of this Proposition, may not only be of some Consequence,
as to the Riches and Honour of the _British Nation_, (for it is well
known how valuable the Furr-Trade of _America_ is) but likewise as to
the Safety of all the _British Colonies_ in _North-America_.
_New-France_ (as the _French_ now claim) extends from the Mouth of the
River _Misissippi_, to the Mouth of the River _St. Lawrence_, by which
the _French_ plainly show their Intention of enclosing the _British
Settlements_, and cutting us off from all Commerce with the numerous
Nations of _Indians_, that are every where settled over the vast
Continent of _North-America_. The _English_ in _America_ have too good
Reason to apprehend such a Design, when they see the _French_ King's
Geographer publish a Map, by which he has set Bounds to the _British
Empire_ in _America_, and has taken in many of the _English Settlements_
both in _South-Carolina_ and _New York_, within these Boundaries of
_New-France_. And the good Services they intend us, with the _Indians_,
but too plainly appears at this Day, by the _Indian War_ now carried on
against _New-England_.
I have therefore for some Time past, endeavoured to inform myself, from
the Writings of the _French_, and from others who have travelled in
_Canada_, or among the _Indians_, how far the People of this Province
may carry on the _Indian Trade_, with more Advantage than the _French_
can; or what Disadvantages they labour under, more than the _French_ do.
As all Endeavours for the good of ones Country are excusable, I do not
doubt but my Intention in this will be acceptable to your Excellency,
though I be not capable of treating the Subject as it deserves.
I shall begin with _Canada_, and consider what Advantages they have
either by their Situation, or otherwise. _Canada_ is situated upon the
River of _St. Lawrence_, by which the five great Lakes (which may
properly be called, _The five Inland Seas of North-America_) empty
themselves into the Ocean. The Mouth of this great River is in the Lat.
of 50 Degrees, overagainst the Body of _Newfoundland_. It rises from the
_Cataracui Lake_, (the Eastermost of the five great Lakes) about the
Lat. of 44 Degrees, and runs from thence about North-East to the Ocean,
and is about nine hundred Miles in Length, from that Lake to the Ocean.
The five great Lakes which communicate with each other, and with this
River, extend about one thousand Miles Westward, further into the
Continent. So far the _French_ have already discovered, and their
Discoveries make it probable, that an Inland Passage may be found to the
_South-Sea_, by the Rivers which run into these Lakes, and Rivers which
run into the _South-Sea_.
The Method of carrying Goods upon the Rivers of _North-America_, into
all the small Branches, and over Land, from the Branches of one River to
the Branches of another, was learned from the _Indians_, and is the only
Method practicable through such large Forests and Deserts as the Traders
pass thro', in carrying from one Nation to another, it is this; the
_Indians_ make a long narrow Boat, made of the Bark of the Birch-tree,
the Parts of which they join very neatly. One of these Canoes that can
carry a Dozen Men, can itself be easily carried upon two Men's
Shoulders; so that when they have gone as far by Water as they can
(which is further than is easily to be imagined, because their loaded
Canoes don't sink six Inches into the Water) they unload their Canoes,
and carry both Goods and Canoes upon their Shoulders over Land, into the
nearest Branch of the River they intend to follow. Thus, the _French_
have an easy Communication with all the Countries bordering upon the
River of _St. Lawrence_, and its Branches, with all the Countries
bordering upon these In-land Seas, and the Rivers which empty themselves
into these Seas, and can thereby carry their Burdens of Merchandize
thro' all these large Countries, which could not by any other means than
Water-carriage be carried thro' so vast a Tract of Land.
This, however, but half finishes the View the _French_ have, as to their
Commerce in _North-America_. Many of the Branches of the River
_Misissippi_ come so near to the Branches of several of the Rivers which
empty themselves into the great Lakes, that in several Places there is
but a short Land-Carriage from the one to the other. As soon as they
have got into the River _Misissippi_, they open to themselves as large a
Field for Traffick in the southern Parts of _North-America_, as was
before mentioned with respect to the northern Parts. If one considers
the Length of this River, and its numerous Branches, he must say, _That
by means of this River, and the Lakes, there is opened to his View such
a Scene of inland Navigation as cannot be parallel'd in any other Part
of the World_.
The _French_ have, with much Industry, settled small Colonies, and built
stockaded Forts at all the considerable Passes between the Lakes, except
between _Cataracui Lake_ (called by the _French Ontario_) and _Lake
Erie_, one of our Five Nations of _Indians_, whom we call _Sennekas_,
(and the _French Sonontouans_) having hitherto refused them leave to
erect any Buildings there.
The _French_ have been indefatigable in making Discoveries, and carrying
on their Commerce with Nations, of whom the _English_ know nothing but
what they see in the _French_ Maps and Books. The Barrenness of the
Soil, and the Coldness of the Climate of _Canada_, obliges the greatest
number of the Inhabitants to seek their living by travelling among the
_Indians_, or by trading with those that do travel. The Governor, and
other Officers, have but a scanty Allowance from the King, and could not
subsist were it not by the Perquisites they have from this Trade;
neither could their Priests find any means to satisfy their Ambition and
Luxury without it: So that all Heads and Hands are employ'd to advance
it, and the Men of best Parts think it the surest way to advance
themselves by travelling among the _Indians_, and learning their
Languages; even the Bigotry and Enthusiasm of some hot Heads has not
been a little useful in advancing this Commerce; for that Government
having prudently turn'd the Edge of the Zeal of such hot Spirits upon
converting the _Indians_, many of them have spent their Lives under the
greatest Hardships, in endeavouring to gain the _Indians_ to their
Religion, and to love the _French Nation_, while, at the same time, they
are no less industrious to represent the _English_ as the _Enemies of
Mankind_. So that the whole Policy of that Government, both civil and
religious, is admirably turn'd to the general Advancement of this Trade.
Indeed the Art and Industry of the _French_, especially that of their
religious Missions, has so far prevail'd upon all the _Indians_ in
_North-America_, that they are every where directed by _French
Councils_. Even our own _Five Nations_, (the _Iroquois_) who formerly
were mortal Enemies of the _French_, and have always liv'd in the
strictest Amity with the _English_, have, of late, (by the Practices of
the _French Priests_) been so far gain'd, that several of the _Mohawks_,
who live nearest the _English_, have left their Habitations, and are
gone to settle near _Monreal_ in _Canada_; and all the rest discover a
Dread of the _French Power_. That much of this is truly owing to the
_Priests_, appears from many of the Sachems of the _Iroquois_ wearing
Crucifixes when they come to _Albany_: And those _Mohawk Indians_ that
are gone to _Canada_, are now commonly known, both to the _French_ and
_English_, by the Name of _The Praying Indians_, it being customary for
them to go through the Streets of _Monreal_ with their Beads, praying
and begging Alms.
But notwithstanding all these Advantages, the _French_ labour under
Difficulties that no Art or Industry can remove. The Mouth of the River
of _St. Lawrence_, and more especially the Bay of _St. Lawrence_, lies
so far North, and is thereby so often subject to tempestuous Weather and
thick Fogs, that the Navigation there is very dangerous, and never
attempted but during the Summer Months. The Wideness of this Bay,
together with the many strong Currents that run in it, the many Shelves,
and sunken Rocks that are every where spread over both the Bay and
River, and the want of Places for anchoring in the Bay, all increase the
Danger of this Navigation; so that a Voyage to _Canada_ is justly
esteem'd much more dangerous than to any other Part of _America_. The
many Shipwrecks that happen in this Navigation, are but too evident
Proofs of the Truth of this, particularly the Miscarriage of the last
Expedition against _Canada_. The Channel is so difficult, and the Tides
so strong, that after their Shipping get into the River, they never
attempt to sail in the Night, tho' the Wind be fair, and the Weather
good. These Difficulties are so considerable, that the _French_ never
attempt above one Voyage in a Year to _Europe_, or the _West-Indies_,
tho' it be really nearer _Europe_ than any of the _English Colonies_,
where the Shipping that constantly use the Trade, always make two
Voyages in the Year.
The Navigation between _Quebeck_ and _Monreal_ is likewise very
dangerous and difficult: The Tide rises about 18 or 20 Feet at
_Quebeck_, which occasions so strong a Stream, that a Boat of six Oars
cannot make way against it: The River in many Places very wide, and the
Channel at the same time narrow and crooked; there are many Shelves and
sunken Rocks, so that the best Pilots have been deceived; for which
reason the Vessels that carry Goods to _Monreal_ are always obliged to
anchor before Night, tho' both Wind and Tide be fair. The Flood goes no
further than _Trois Rivieres_, half way to _Monreal_, and about ninety
Miles from _Quebeck_: After they pass this Place they have a strong
Stream always against them, which requires a fair Wind and a strong Gale
to carry the Vessels against the Stream. And they are obliged in this
Part of the River, as well as under the _Trois Rivieres_, to come to an
anchor at Night, though the Wind be good. These Difficulties make the
common Passages take up three or four Weeks, and sometimes six Weeks;
tho' if they have the chance of a Wind to continue so long, they may run
it in five or six Days.
After they pass _Monreal_ they have a strong Stream against them till
they come near the Lakes; so that in all that, which is about one
hundred and fifty Miles in Length, they force their Canoes forward with
setting Poles, or drag them with Ropes along shoar; and at five or six
different Places in that way the River falls over Rocks with such Force,
that they are obliged to unload their Canoes, and carry them upon their
Shoulders. They never make this Voyage from _Monreal_ to _Cataracui_ in
less than twenty Days, and frequently, twice that Time is necessary.
Now we are come so far as the Lake, my Design leads me no further, for
at this Lake all the far _Indians_, that go to _Canada_, must pass by
our Traders. And from thence the Road to the _Indian Countries_ is the
same from _Albany_ that it is from _Monreal_.
Besides these Difficulties in the Transportation, the _French_ labour
under greater in the purchasing of the principal Goods proper for the
_Indian Market_; for the most considerable and most valuable Part of
their Cargo consists in _Strouds, Duffils, Blankets_, and other
_Woollens_, which are bought at a much cheaper Rate in _England_ than in
_France_. The _Strouds_ (which the _Indians_ value more than any other
Cloathing) are only made in _England_, and must be transported into
_France_ before they can be carried to _Canada_. _Rum_ is another
considerable Branch of the _Indian Trade_, which the _French_ have not,
by reason they have no Commodities in _Canada_ fit for the _West India_
Market. This they supply with _Brandy_, at a much dearer Rate than Rum
can be purchased at _New-York_, tho' of no more Value with the
_Indians_. Generally, all the Goods used in the _Indian Trade_, except
_Gun-Powder_, and a few Trinkets, are sold at _Monreal_ for twice their
Value at _Albany_. To this likewise must be added, the necessity they
are under of laying the whole Charge of supporting their Government on
the _Indian Trade_. I am not particularly informed of their Duties or
Imposts, but I am well assured, that they commonly give six or seven
hundred Livres for a Licence for one Canoe, in proportion to her
Largeness, to go with her Loading into the _Indian Country_ to trade.
I shall next consider the Advantages the Inhabitants of _New-York_ have
in carrying on this Trade. In the _first_ place, the Ships that
constantly use the Trade to _England_, perform their Voyage to and from
_London_ twice every Year; and those that go to _Bristol_ (the Port from
whence the greatest part of the Goods for the _Indian Trade_ are
exported) frequently return in four Months. These Goods are bought much
cheaper in _England_ than in _France_: They are transported in less
Time, with less Charge, and much less Risque, as appears by the _Premio_
for Insurance between _London_ and _New-York_, being only _Two per
Cent_. Goods are easily carried from _New-York_ to _Albany_, up
_Hudson's River_, the Distance being only 140 Miles, the River very
strait all the way, and bold, and very free from Sandbanks, as well as
Rocks; so that the Vessels always sail as well by Night as by Day, and
have the Advantage of the Tide upwards as well as downwards, the Flood
flowing above _Albany_. It may therefore be safely concluded, that all
sorts of Goods can be carried to _Albany_ at a cheaper Rate than they
can be to _Quebeck_, which is also three times further from the _Indian
Country_ than _Albany_ is. To put the Truth of this out of all dispute,
I need only observe what is well known both at _New-York_ and _Albany,
viz_. That almost all the Strouds carried by the _French_ into the
_Indian Countries_, as well as large Quantities of other Goods, for the
Use of the _French_ themselves, are carried from _Albany_ to _Monreal_.
There has been an Account kept of nine hundred Pieces of Strouds
transported thither in one Year, besides other Commodities of very
considerable Value. The Distance between _Albany_ and _Monreal_ is about
two hundred Miles, all by Water, except twelve Miles between _Hudson's
River_ and the _Wood-Creek_, where they carry their Bark Canoes over
Land, and about sixteen Miles between _Chambly_ and _La Prairie_,
overagainst _Monreal_. And tho' the Passage be so short and easy, these
Goods are generally sold at double their Value in _Albany_.
But as this Path has been thought extremely prejudicial to the Interest
of this Colony, I shall leave it, and go on to another, that leads
directly from _Albany_ into the _Cataracui_ or _Ontario Lake_, without
going near any of the _French_ Settlements.
From _Albany_ the _Indian Traders_ commonly carry their Goods sixteen
Miles over Land, to the _Mohawks River_ at _Schenechtady_, the Charge of
which Carriage is _Nine Shillings New-York_ Money, or _Five Shillings
Sterling_ each Waggon-Load. From _Schenechtady_ they carry them in
Canoes up the _Mohawks River_, to the Carrying-place between the
_Mohawks River_, and the River which runs into the _Oneida Lake_; which
Carrying-place between is only three Miles long, except in very dry
Weather, when they are obliged to carry them two Miles further. From
thence they go with the Current down the _Onondaga River_ to the
_Cataracui Lake_. The Distance between _Albany_ and the _Cataracui Lake_
(this Way) is nearly the same with that between _Albany_ and _Monreal_;
and likewise with that between _Monreal_ and the _Cataracui Lake_, and
the Passage much easier than the last, because the Stream of the
_Mohawks River_ is not near so strong as the _Cataracui River_ between
the _Lake_ and _Monreal_, and there is no Fall in the River, save one
short one; whereas there are (as I have said) at least five in the
_Cataracui River_, where the Canoes must be unloaded. Therefore it
plainly follows, that the _Indian Goods_ may be carried at as cheap a
Rate from _Albany_ to the _Cataracui Lake_, as from _Albany_ to
_Monreal_. So that the People of _Albany_ plainly save all the Charge of
carrying Goods two hundred Miles from _Monreal_ to that Part of the
_Cataracui Lake_, which the _French_ have to carry before they bring
them to the same Place from _Monreal_, besides the Advantage which the
_English_ have in the Price of their Goods.
I have said, That when we are in the _Cataracui Lake_, we are upon the
Level with the _French_, because here we can meet with all the _Indians_
that design to go to _Monreal_. But besides this Passage by the _Lakes_,
there is a River which comes from the Country of the _Sennekas_, and
falls into the _Onondaga River_, by which we have an easy Carriage into
that Country, without going near the _Cataracui Lake_. The Head of this
River goes near to _Lake Erie_, and probably may give a very near
Passage into that Lake, much more advantageous than the Way the _French_
are obliged to take by the great Fall of _Jagara_, because narrow Rivers
are much safer for Canoes than the Lakes, where they are obliged to go
ashore if there be any Wind upon the Water. But as this Passage depends
upon a further Discovery, I shall say nothing more of it at this time.
Whoever then considers these Advantages _New-York_ has of _Canada_, in
the first buying of their Goods, and in the safe, speedy, and cheap
Transportation of them from _Britain_ to the _Lakes_, free of all manner
of Duty or Imposts, will readily agree with me, that the Traders of
_New-York_ may sell their Goods in the _Indian Countries_ at half the
Price the People of _Canada_ can, and reap twice the Profit they do.
This will admit of no Dispute with those that know that Strouds (the
Staple _Indian Commodity_) this Year are sold for _Ten Pounds_ apiece at
_Albany_, and at _Monreal_ for _Twenty-five Pounds_, notwithstanding the
great Quantity of Strouds said to be brought directly into _Quebeck_
from _France_, and the great Quantities that have been clandestinely
carried from _Albany_. It cannot therefore be denied that it is only
necessary for the Traders of _New-York_ to apply themselves heartily to
this Trade, in order to bring it wholly into their own Hands; for in
every thing besides Diligence, Industry, and enduring Fatigues, the
_English_ have much the Advantage of the _French_. And all the _Indians_
will certainly buy, where they can, at the cheapest Rate.
It must naturally be objected, _That if those things are true, how is it
possible that the Traders of_ New-York _should neglect so considerable
and beneficial Trade for so long time?_
In answering this Objection, I shall show the Difficulties _New-York_
has labour'd under, by giving a short History of the Country, so far as
it relates to this Trade. Which Method, I think, can be liable to the
least Objection, and put the whole in the truest Light.
When this Country (the Province of _New-York_) came first under the
Crown of _Great-Britain_, our _Five Nations_ of _Indians_ were mortal
Enemies of the _French_ at _Canada_, and were in a continual War with
them, and all the _Nations_ of _Indians_ round the Lakes; so that then
it was not safe for the _English_ to travel further than the Countries
of the _Five Nations_; nor would our _Indians_ permit the far _Indians_
(with whom they had constant War) to pass thro' their Countries to
_Albany_. Besides, the _Five Nations_ of _Indians_ were at that time so
numerous, (consisting of ten times the Number of fighting Men they now
do) that the Trade with them alone was very considerable for so young
and small a Colony. In the latter End of King _Charles_'s Reign, when
the _Duke of York_, and _Popish Councils_ prevail'd, the Governor of
_New-York_ (who was likewise a _Papist_) had Orders to use all his
Endeavours to make up a Peace between our Nations (the _Iroquois_) and
the _French_; and that he should persuade the _Five Nations_ to admit
_French Priests_ among them, in order to civilize them. The Consequence
of which was, that the _French_ thereby obtained a free Commerce upon
the _Lakes_, and obtain'd leave to build _Cataraqui Fort_ upon the
North-side of _Cataracui Lake_, and have two Vessels of Force upon the
same Lake. From this Time, during all King _James_'s Reign, the
_French_, whenever they had any Differences with our _Five Nations_,
threaten'd, that the _English_ of _New-York_ would join with them, and
destroy the _Five Nations_; by which, and the Practices of the _French
Priests_, our _Five Nations_ became very much alienated in their
Affections from the _English_, and look'd upon them as a People
depending upon the _French_. The Consequences of this appeared so
dangerous to Colonel _Dungan_, the Governor of _New-York_, (though, as I
have said, a _Papist_) that he again and again complain'd to his Master
of the ill Offices the _French Priests_ did the _English_ among _our
Nations_. When the _English_ had thus procur'd a Peace for the _French_,
they thought they might justly reap some Advantage from it; and it's
hardly to be doubted but that they had Promises of that kind. They were
therefore encouraged to send forty Men, with great Quantities of Goods,
into the _Lakes_, under the Command of Major _McGregory_, to trade with
the far _Nations_. At this time Mr. _Denonville_, Governor of _Canada_,
was gathering together all the Force of _Canada_, and of the _Indians_,
(Enemies of the _Five Nations_) in order to surprize the _Five Nations_,
and destroy them, at the Time they thought themselves secure by the
Peace so lately made. Major _McGregory_, and his Company, were met by a
_French_ Officer on _Lake Erie_, coming with a great Number of Men to
the general Rendezvous of the _French_, and he, with all the _English_,
were made Prisoners. They were used with such Severity as has never been
practis'd between _Christian Nations_ in open War, tho' the two Crowns,
at that time, were not only at Peace, but under the strictest Ties of
mutual Friendship; for the _French_ used these People as Slaves in
building _Cataraqui Fort_, and a poor _Frenchman_ that had conducted
them, was publickly shot to Death, as if he had brought an Enemy into
their Country. Such was their Apprehensions then of the _English_
getting any Footing among the _Indians_.
The _French_ Governor surprized a Village of the _Five Nations_, who, on
the _French_ Faith, liv'd in great Security, but seven or eight Leagues
from the _French_ Fort, and sent these miserable People to the Galleys
in _France_. He afterwards fell upon the _Sennekas_, and burnt their
Villages, but without any Advantage to the _French_, they having lost
more Men than the _Indians_ did. This renew'd the War with greater Fury
than ever, between the _French_ and _our Indians_. For some time
afterwards, _our Indians_, in a great Body, fell upon the Island of
_Monreal_, while Mr. _Denonville_ was in the Town: They burnt and
destroy'd all the Villages and Houses round _Monreal_, and kill'd some
hundreds of Men, Women, and Children. Afterwards they came into the
open Fields before _Monreal_, and there defy'd the _French_ Governor,
who did not think it proper to fight them. And when they had done all
the Mischief they could, they retir'd without any Loss.
About this Time the Revolution happen'd in _Great-Britain_, which was
succeeded by a War between _Great-Britain_ and _France_. In _February_,
1689/90, a Party of three hundred Men, consisting of equal Numbers of
_French_ and _Indians_, surprized _Schenechtady_ in the Night-time, when
the poor People were in their Beds, in the greatest Security, where they
barbarously murdered sixty-three Men, Women, and Children, in cold
Blood, laid the Village in Ashes, and then retir'd, without reaping any
other Advantage besides this cruel Revenge on innocent People, for the
Mischief _our Indians_ had done them. This rais'd a cruel War between
the two Colonies, in which there was much Mischief done, and Blood shed,
without any Advantage to either side.
In Time of this War, the _most Christian King's_ Governor of _Canada_
was so much provoked, that he thought fit to follow the Example of our
barbarous _Indians_, and burn his _Indian Prisoners_ alive, in the most
cruel Manner, in sight of all the Inhabitants of _Quebeck_, and to
deliver up the _English Prisoners_ to the _French Indians_, who indeed
had more Mercy, for they kill'd none of them.
King _William_'s Peace put an End to this War; but the Peace lasted so
short a while, that the People of this Province hardly had time to
re-settle their Farms on the Frontiers, which they had deserted in the
Time of the War, much less to adventure trading in the _Indian
Countries_, so lately the Scene of so much Cruelty. But both Colonies
having now an Abhorrence of the Cruelties of the last War, agreed on a
kind of Neutrality for the _Indians_, during Queen _Anne_'s War, in
which Time we lost much ground with our own _Indians_: For the _French_
having learn'd, by dear Experience, that it was not possible for them
to conquer _our Five Indian Nations_, resolv'd to try all Means to gain
their Affections, and in this Art the _French_ are always more
successful than in that of War; and the _English_ failing in two
ill-concerted Expeditions against _Canada_, the _Indians_ lost much of
the Opinion they had of the _English_ Power and Valour.
In Time of this last War, the clandestine Trade to _Monreal_ began to be
carried on by _Indians_, from _Albany_ to _Monreal_. This gave Rise to
the _Kahnuaga_, or _Praying Indians_, who are entirely made up of
Deserters from the _Mohawks_ and _River Indians_, and were either
enticed thither by the _French Priests_, or by our Merchants, in order
to carry Goods from _Albany_ to _Monreal_, or run away for some Mischief
done here. These _Indians_ now consist of about eighty fighting Men, and
live about four Leagues above _Monreal_: They neither plant nor hunt,
but depend chiefly upon this private Trade for their Subsistence. These
_Indians_, in time of War, gave the _French_ Intelligence of all Designs
here against them: By them likewise the _French_ engaged our _Five
Nations_ in a War with the _Indians_ Friends of _Virginia_, and from
them we might expect the greatest Mischief in Time of War, seeing every
Part of the Province is as well known to them as to any of the
Inhabitants. But if this Trade was entirely at an end, we have reason to
believe, that these _Indians_ would return to their own Tribes, for they
then could not long subsist where they now are.
As soon as the Peace was proclaim'd, an open Trade with _Monreal_ was
carried on with such Earnestness, that _Monreal_ was fill'd with _Indian
Goods_, and _Albany_ exhausted; by which means _Monreal_ became the
principal, if not the only _Indian Market_, and the _Indians_ depended
entirely on the _French_ for what they wanted.
Our Merchants were fond of the _Canada_ Trade, because they sold large
Quantities of Goods without any Trouble, the _French_ taking them from
their Doors; whereas the Trade with the _Indians_ is carried on with a
great deal of Toil and Fatigue; and as to the Interest of the Country,
they either never thought any thing about it, or if they did, had no
regard to it.
* * * * *
Now I have brought this Account to the Time your Excellency arriv'd;
what has happen'd since, your Excellency knows better than I can by any
means inform you. From the whole, it seems plain, that any Difficulties
and Disadvantages this Province has been under, have only proceeded from
the Wars, which have continued since the first settling of the Province,
to the beginning of the last general Peace. But now, that not only _this
Province_, but likewise our _six Nations_ of _Indians_ are at Peace, and
in Amity, both with the _French_, and all the _Indian Nations_ with whom
we can have any Commerce, these Difficulties are all remov'd, and we now
enjoy the most favourable Time, that at any time can be hoped for, in
order to extend the _British Commerce_ in _North-America_, while the
_French_ not only labour under the Difficulties which I have shown to be
inseparable from the Situation of their Colony, but likewise under
another Disadvantage, (not before taken notice of) by the Furr-Trade of
_Canada_ being restrain'd to one Company. This Company is obliged to pay
heavy Duties in _France_ upon the Importation of Beaver, or any other
Furr; for which reason they always fix a Price upon Beaver, and their
other Furrs, in _Canada_; and the _Indian Traders_ of _Canada_ being
restrain'd from selling to any but the Company's Agents there, they
cannot raise the Price of _Indian Goods_ as the Price of _European_
rise, or as their Profit on the Goods they sell to the _Indians_ is
lessen'd.
The Merchants of _New-York_ allow our _Indian_ Traders double the Price
for Beaver, that the _French_ Company allow their _Indian_ Traders, the
Price established by the Company for Beaver, in _Canada_, being two
Livres, or _eighteen Pence Sterling_, the Pound-weight; and the current
Price of Beaver in _New-York_ being _five Shillings New-York_ Money, or
_three Shillings Sterling_ the Pound-weight. Therefore it plainly
follows, that our _Indian Traders_ could under-sell the _French
Traders_, tho' they were to give as great a Price for _European Goods_
as the _French_ do, and did transport them at as great Charge, because
of the double Price they have for their Furrs in _New-York_.
But as our _Indian Traders_ not only have a double Price for their
_Indian Goods_, but likewise buy the Goods they sell to the _Indians_,
at half the Price the _French Indian Traders_ do, the _French Traders_
must be ruin'd by carrying on this Trade, in Competition with the
_English_ of _New-York_. And the _French Indian Traders_ had been ruin'd
before now, if they had not found means to carry their Beaver to
_Albany_, where they got double the Price they must have sold for in
_Canada_.
It may be objected, against this Argument, _That the_ Canada _Company as
soon as they find that the Traders cannot sell at their established
Price, will allow a greater Price_. But if we consider the Duties the
_French Company_ is obliged to pay to the King, they cannot allow so
great a Price as the _English_ can at _New-York_. And if it should be
insisted, _That the_ French Company _may obtain a Remission of those_,
yet if the clandestine Trade with _Albany_ be entirely stopt, the
_French Traders_ will be ruin'd before such Remission can be obtain'd,
and their Trade will be at an end.
* * * * *
My Inclination led me to show what Advantages not only the _Indian
Trade_ would reap by extending our Frontiers as far as the Lakes, but
likewise the _British Trade_ in some other Branches, which the
Parliament of _Great Britain_ seem to have much at heart, _viz. Naval
Stores_; for the Soil on both Sides of the _Mohawks River_ being as rich
as it is possible (I believe) for any Land to be, will be found the most
proper for raising of Hemp, of any Part of _America_, and the whole
Country round it being full of the largest Pines, the royal Navy is as
likely to be well provided with Masts there, and at as cheap a rate as
any where else. But I have already too far presum'd on your Excellency's
Patience.
_Cadwallader Colden_.
* * * * *
To this it may not be improper to add the following Original Letter.
_From_ J. A. _Esq; to Mr_. P. C. _of_ London, _shewing the
Success of the Measures taken at that Time_.
_New-York_, 1740.
_S I R_,
If you should be at the Pains to read these printed Papers, it will be a
Pleasure to you to hear of the Success of the Measures taken by Governor
_Burnet_ for redeeming the _Indian_ Trade out of the Hands of the
_French_. He has succeeded far above our Expectations.
Governor _Burnet_, through his earnest Application, and at first chiefly
with his Money, Credit, and Risque, erected a Trading-House and
Fortification at the Mouth of the _Onondagues_ River, called _Osneigo_,
where the Province of _New-York_ supports a Garrison of Soldiers,
consisting of a Lieutenant and twenty Men, which are yearly relieved.
At this Place a very great Trade is carried on with the remote
_Indians_, who formerly used to go down to the _French_ at _Monreal_,
and there buy our _English_ Goods, at second Hand, at above twice the
Price they now pay for them at _Osneigo_; whilst, at the same time, the
_French_ were chiefly supplied by one Gentleman at _New-York_, who
almost entirely engrossed the _Indian_ Trade of this Province, and
thereby acquired a very great Estate and Influence. But the prudent
Steps taken by our late worthy Governor, to open a free Trade, was the
Cause of the Engrosser's losing his.--The Probability of doing this, was
the principal Motive of our applying to the King, which is shown by
these printed Papers.
The _Indian_ Trade, to the great Advantage of this Province, is now
divided into several hundred Hands, and there have been for many Years
past upwards of one hundred young Men of this Province, who have gone
yearly among the _Indians_, to supply them with our Goods.
By this means, at a modest Estimate, I am assured, that the _Indian_
Trade of this Province is now far above five times as much as when
Governor _Burnet_ began to put his Scheme in execution.
And this is not all the Advantages reaped thereby, but a much more
considerable one to this, and all the other _English_ Colonies is, that
not only our own six Nations, but also many far and remote _Indian_
Nations are drawn off from their Dependance on the _French_, and made,
by Trade and Intercourse, dependant on the _English_; by this means a
great Security and Protection is acquired by the _English_, in case of a
War with _France_; and by this Trade our Settlements in this Province
are extended up to the _Onondagues_ Carrying-place, which is now well
attended with Waggons, for the more commodious transporting of Goods to
trade in the Lakes.
And they are now settling on the Branches of _Sasquehanah_ River; and
from the western Branches of this River, there is but a small
Land-Carriage to _Allegheny_, a Branch of that great River _Misissippi_;
which Branch extending a thousand Miles from its Mouth, where it enters
the said River; and which joins so near to our Settlements, as is above
taken notice of, opens us a Trade to that vast Country, called by the
_French Louisiana_, which they possess on the _Misissippi_.
I am,
S I R,
_Your humble Servant_,
J. A.
[Illustration]
T H E
=T R E A T Y=
H E L D W I T H T H E
_I N D I A N S_
O F T H E
S I X N A T I O N S,
A T
_P H I L A D E L P H I A_,
In _J U L Y_, 1742.
T H E T R E A T Y, &c.
The Deputies of the six Nations having, at their last Visit, agreed to
release their Claim to all the Land on both Sides of the River
_Sasquehanah_, as far South as this Province extends, and to the
Northward to those called the _Endless Mountains_, or _Kittochtinny
Hills_; in Consideration whereof, they then received a large Quantity of
valuable _Indian_ Goods for the Lands situate on the Eastern Side of the
said River, but declined at that Time to receive any for those on the
Western Side of the said River, chusing to defer the same till another
Visit; a large Number arrived from these Nations at _Philadelphia_, on
_Wednesday_ the 30th of _June_, with Deputies duly impowered to
receive the said Goods; and acquainted the Governor, that being weary
from the Fatigue of their long Journey, they should crave three or four
Days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their Business: In the
mean time they would wait on the Governor to discourse, according to
their usual Method, about News and other Occurrences; which the Governor
readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their
first Visit; which they desiring might be on _Friday_ the 2d of _July_,
in the Afternoon, the Council was accordingly summon'd, and met at Mr.
_Logan_'s House, where were
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Ralph Asheton_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
The Chiefs of the _Six Nations_, with the Chiefs of the _Shawanese_.
_C A N A S S A T E E G O_, the _Onondago_ Chief, Speaker.
_C O N R A D W E I S E R_, Interpreter.
The Governor opened the Conference as follows.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'The Proprietor having purchased certain Lands from your Nations
about six Years ago, a Moiety of what was agreed to be given in
Consideration of that Purchase was at that Time delivered to
them, and the other being at their Desire left in the
Proprietor's Hands, he pressed you by _Shikalamy_ to send last
Year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you, and
taken you by the Hand before his Departure. But as the Design of
this Meeting is to hear your News, and converse together in a
free and friendly Manner, I shall say no more about the Goods
than that they lie ready at the Proprietor's House, and will be
delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the
Fatigue of your Journey.'
The Chief of the _Onondagoes_ spoke.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We propose to rest four Days, and then come to the main
Business. At present we are at a private Conference about News,
and have something of this sort to mention to our Brother
_Onas_.' And on the Governor's signifying they would be glad to
know what it was, the Chief proceeded.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'It is our Way when we come to our Brethren, or any other
Persons, whom we live in strict Friendship with, to remove all
Obstructions to a good Understanding; with this View we are to
inform you of a Piece of disagreeable News that happen'd in our
Journey.----Some White People living at a Place called
_Conegocheegoe_, whose Names we cannot tell, nor whether they
belong to this or the neighbouring Government, but one of them,
as we heard, had his House burnt over his Head some Years ago,
and he was brought down a Prisoner and committed to the Goal of
this City: These People lighting of our young Warriors, as they
were hunting, made some Proposals about the Purchasing of Land
from them, and our young Men being indiscreet, and unacquainted
with publick Business, were foolish enough to hearken to them,
and to receive five Duffil Strowds for two Plantations on the
River _Cohongoronto_. A _Conestogoe Indian_, and a _French
Indian_, and some others that were in Company, had three Duffil
Strowds, and went away with them; and our young Men carried off
the other two. As soon as this came to our Knowledge, we sent
for our Warriors, and after examining and rebuking them
severely, we took away their two Strowds, and publickly censured
them for exposing us to our Brethren of _Pensylvania_, in doing
a Thing so inconsistent with our Engagements to them; "You are,
said we aloud, that all our People might hear and take Notice,
to know and remember, that the Six Nations have obliged
themselves to sell none of the Land that falls within the
Province of _Pensylvania_, to any other but out Brother _Onas_,
and that to sell Lands to any other is an high Breach of the
League of Friendship." Brethren, this rash Proceeding of our
young men makes us ashamed. We always mean well, and shall
perform faithfully what we have promised: And we assure you,
this Affair was transacted in the Manner we have related,
without our Privity or Consent. And that you may be fully
convinced of this, and of the Sincerity of our Intentions, we
have brought you these two Strowds [_here he presented two red
Strowds to the Governor_] they are the very Strowds our foolish
young Men received; we took them from them, and we give them to
you to return to those white People who made the Bargain, and
desire when the Strowds are returned to them, they may be told
what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such Bargains,
nor any other that may interfere with our Engagements to our
Brother _Onas_.'
The Governor then spoke:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'I thank you for this Piece of News; you have taken this Matter
perfectly right. All Bargaining for Land within this Province,
is, to be sure, a manifest Breach of your Contract with the
Proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. We have
hitherto found the _Six Nations_ faithful to their Engagements,
and this is a fresh Instance of their Punctuality. You could not
help these Mistakes of your young Men; they were not done in
your Presence: But as several Inconveniencies may arise from
these kind of clandestine Sales, or from any such loose Sales of
Land by your People, we desire you will, on your Return home,
give publick Notice to all your Warriors not to bargain for any
Land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such Bargains;
and that this very Affair, together with what you have done
therein, may be particularly reported to all your Nation
assembled in Council.'
The _Onondago_ Chief promised to give such publick Notice; and desiring
Liberty to mend his former Speech, he proceeded:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'I forgot one Circumstance: Our People, who pretended to sell
the Land, demanded a Belt of Wampum of the Buyers to carry to
their Chiefs; and on their declaring they had no Wampum, our
Warriors said, they would not answer that their Chiefs would
confirm this Bargain, since they never did any thing of this
Nature without Wampum.'
The Governor, after a short Pause, spoke:
'_B R E T H R E N of the Six Nations_,
'I take this Opportunity to relate to you a Piece of
disagreeable News I received some Days ago in a Letter from _Le
Tort_, the _Indian_ Trader, at _Allegheny_, who says, "That in
_May_ last some _Indians_ of the _Taway_ Nation, supposed by us
to be the _Twightwees_, in their Return from War, called and
staid some Time with the _Shawanese_; who being asked, and
denying they had brought either Scalps or Prisoners, the
_Shawanese_ suspecting them, had the Curiosity to search their
Bags, and finding two Scalps in them, that by the Softness of
the Hair did not feel like _Indian_ Scalps, they wash'd them
clean, and found them to be the Scalps of some Christians. On
this Discovery, the _Twightwees_ were so much ashamed, that they
stole away from their Town in the Night-time; and coming, as
they afterwards understood, to a little Village belonging to
the _Shawanese_, they told our People that their Hearts were
full of Grief; for, as they came along the Road, they found it
all bloody; and having good Cause to believe it was made bloody
with the Blood of some of the white Brethren, they had very
sorrowfully swept the Road; and desired them to inform the
Governor of _Pensilvania_ of their (the _Twightwees_) Grief; and
how they had swept the Road clean." '_Le Tort_ adds, on Behalf
of the _Shawanese_,' "That they were much grieved at this
unfortunate Accident; and prayed, as they had no Concern in it,
more than by being Instruments to discover it, their Brethren
would not blame them, nor suffer a Misunderstanding to arise
between them on this Account: They would sweep the Road clean,
and wipe all the Blood away; and desired their Brethren would be
satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a Misfortune that
might not happen again as long as the Sun and Moon shone."
'The Person who delivered me _Le Tort_'s Letter, brought this
Bundle of Skins as a Present to me; but I told the Messenger, I
would not meddle with it; he might leave it if he pleased: The
Affair appear'd to me in a bad Light, and I would represent it
to the _Six Nations_, who were expected in Town every Day. This
is the Fact, as I have it from _Le Tort_: I desire to be
inform'd if you know any thing of this Matter; and if you do
not, that you will make diligent Enquiry who committed the
Murder, and who are the unhappy Sufferers, and assist us to
obtain Satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any, of our
Fellow-Subjects that have been treated in this Manner.'
_To inforce this Request, I present you with this String of
Wampum_.
The _Onondago_ Chief, in Reply, said:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We take this Information kindly at your Hands; we will take
this String of Wampum home with us to our Lodgings, and there
consult about the most regular and proper Steps to be taken by
us to answer your Expectations, and when we have duly considered
the Matter, we will return you an Answer.'
Upon this the Governor put an End to the Conference; and calling for
Wine, and other Liquors, according to the _Indian_ Custom, after a
decent and chearful Entertainment, the _Indians_ withdrew.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held at the Proprietor's House, _July_ 5, 1742.
P R E S E N T
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, } Esqrs;
With several Gentlemen of the Town.
_The Chiefs of the Six Nations_.
It being judg'd proper, at this critical Time, when we are in daily
Expectation of a _French_ War, to sound the _Indians_, and discover what
Dependance we might have on them, in case their Aid should be wanted, an
handsome Dinner was provided for their Chiefs; and after they had made
an hearty Meal, and drank his Majesty's Health, the Proprietors, and the
Health of the _Six Nations_, the Chiefs gave the solemn Cry, in
Testimony of their Thanks for the Honour done them. And soon after the
Governor began, in a free Way, to enquire for what Reason the _Senecas_
were not come down, since they had an equal Share of the Goods with the
other Nations.----_Canassateego_, their Speaker, said, 'The _Senecas_
were in great Distress, on Account of a Famine that raged in their
Country, which had reduced them to such Want, that a Father had been
obliged to kill two of his Children to preserve his own, and the rest of
his Family's Lives; and they could not now come down, but had given
Directions about their Share of the Goods.'----The Governor express'd
his Concern for the unhappy Circumstances of their Brethren of the
_Seneca_ Nation; and, after a short Respite, enquired if any of their
Deputies were then at _Canada_, and whether the _French_ Governor was
making any warlike Preparations. And on their answering _Yes_, the
Governor said, with a smiling, pleasant Countenance, 'I suppose, if the
_French_ should go to War with us, you will join them.' The _Indians_
conferr'd together for some Time, and then _Canassateego_, in a chearful
lively Manner, made answer.----'We assure you, the Governor of _Canada_
pays our Nations great Court at this Time, well knowing of what
Consequence we are to the _French_ Interest: He has already told us, he
was uncovering the Hatchet, and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should
be obliged to lift it up against the _English_, our Nations would remain
neuter, and assist neither Side.----But we will now speak plainly to our
Brethren: Why should we, who are one Flesh with you, refuse to help you,
whenever you want our Assistance?----We have continued a long Time in
the strictest League of Amity and Friendship with you, and we shall
always be faithful and true to you our old and good Allies.----The
Governor of _Canada_ talks a great deal, but ten of his Words do not go
so far as one of yours.----We do not look towards them; we look towards
you; and you may depend on our Assistance.' Whilst the _Onondago_ Chief
made this open and hearty Declaration, all the other _Indians_ made
frequently that particular Kind of Noise which is known to be a Mark of
Approbation.----The Governor bid the Interpreter tell _Canassateego_,
'He did not set on foot this Enquiry from any Suspicion he had of the
_Six Nations_ wanting a due Regard for the _English_.--Our Experience of
their Honour and Faith, said he, would not permit us to think any other
of them, than that they would esteem our Friends their Friends, and our
Enemies their Enemies, agreeable to the strict Union which had ever
subsisted between us.--As to the Governor of _Canada_, he told them they
need not mind what he said.--The _English_, on equal Terms, had beat the
_French_, and could beat them again: And were they but to consider the
Advantages which the _English_ have, by possessing so many large and
populous Countries, and so many good Ports on the Continent of
_America_, they would soon see who had most Reason to fear a War, the
_French_ or the _English_.'
* * * * *
Here the Conversation dropped; and after another Glass of Wine, the
_Indians_ resumed the Discourse, by asking whether their Brethren had
not been for some Time engaged in a War with the King of _Spain_, and
what Successes they had met with.
The Governor told them, the King of _Great-Britain_ lived in an Island,
and being surrounded with the Sea, his chief Strength lay in his Ships;
in which he was so much superior to his Enemies, that they were seldom
to be met with on the broad Ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only
venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure
to be taken; and that the King of _Great-Britain_ had with his Ships,
beat down, or taken several of the _Spaniards_ great Forts in
_America_.--The _Indians_ said, they were pleased to hear their Brethren
were an Over-match for their Enemies, and wish'd them good Success.
The Governor then enquired into the State and Condition of the Nations
to the Westward of the Great Lakes, and whether they had any Warriors
then in those Countries? Whether they had concluded Peace with the
Southern _Indians_? And whether they had heard what their Deputies had
done at _Albany_?
They made Answer: That they had always Abundance of their Men out
amongst the Nations situate to the West of their Lakes.--That they had
kindled a Fire with a vast many Nations, some whereof were Tributaries,
and they had a good Understanding with all.--They set out from their own
Country in Company with two Sets of Deputies, one going to hold a Treaty
with the Southern _Indians_, and they believed a Peace would be
concluded: The other going to meet the Governor of _New-York_, at
_Albany_; but they could not tell what had been done at either
Place.--On their return, they were to hold a General Council, and would
inform their Brethren of these Particulars.
Then the Governor put an End to the Conference, by telling the _Indians_
the Goods would be delivered to them at a Council to be held To-morrow
Afternoon at the Meeting-House.
* * * * *
At a Council held in the Meeting House, _Philadelphia,
July_ 6, 1742.
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Ralph Asheton_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
_C A N A S S A T E E G O_, Chief of the _Onondagoes_, Speaker.
S h i c a l a m y, and a great Number of _Indians_, whose Names are as
follows, _viz_.
O N O N T O G O E S.
_Sawegaty_, }
_Caxhayion_, } Counsellors.
_Saguyassatha_,
_Kayadoghratie_, alias _Slanaghquasy_,
_Rotier-uwughton_,
_Tokaughaah_,
_Tiorughwaghthe_,
_Tokano-ungoh_,
_Aronty-oony_,
_Tohanohawighton_,
_Tioghwatoony_,
_Auughrahysey_.
C A I Y O Q U O S.
_Sahugh-sowa_, }
_Tohatgaghthus_, } Chiefs.
_Tokany-esus_,
_Runho-hihio_,
_Kanadoghary_,
_Zior-aghquaty_,
_Sagu-iughwatha_, alias _Cadcaradasey_,
_Sca-yenties_,
_Tats-heghteh_,
_Alligh-waheis_,
_Tayo-quario_,
_Hogh degh runtu_,
_Rotehn Haghtyackon_, Captain.
_Sawoalieselhohaa_,
_Sagughsa-eck_,
_Uwantakeraa_,
_Horuhot_,
_Osoghquaa_,
_Tuyanoegon_.
A N O Y I U T S, _or_ O N E I D A S.
_Saristaquoh_, }
Ungquaterughiathe, alias _Shikelimo_, } Chiefs.
_Tottowakerha_,
_Taraghkoerus_,
_Onughkallydawwy_, a noted young Chief.
_Onughnaxqua_, Chief.
_Tawyiakaarat_,
_Tohathuyongochtha_,
_Sughnakaarat_,
_Taghneghdoerus_,
_Tokanyiadaroeyon_,
_Sagogughyatha_,
_Rahehius_,
_Tokanusoegon_.
J E N O N T O W A N O S, _or_ S E N E C A S.
_Karugh iagh Raghquy_, Captain.
_Tahn heentus_,
_Onontyiack_.
T U S C A R R O R O S.
_Sawontka_, }
_Ti-ieroes_, } Chiefs.
_Cloghsytowax_, }
_Tokaryhoegon_, Captain.
_Oghioghseh_,
_Tieleghweghson_,
_Tougrotha_,
_Yorughianego_,
_Ot-quehig_,
_Squaghky_,
_Sayadyio_,
_Onughsowughton_,
_Cherigh wastho_,
_Aghsunteries_,
_Tion ogh scoghtha_,
_Saligh wanaghson_,
_Ohn-waasey_,
_Tocar-eher_ [died since at _Tulpehokin_.]
_Tohanatakqua_,
_Kanyhaag_.
S H A W A N O E S.
_Wehwehlaky_, Chief.
_Aset teywa_,
_Asoghqua_,
_Maya minickysy_,
_Wawyia Beeseny_.
Canestogo _Indians that speak the_ Onayiut's _Language_.
_Tior Haasery_, Chief.
_Tanigh wackerau_,
_Karha Cawyiat_,
_Kayen quily quo_.
C A N O Y I A S, _or_ N A N T I K O K E S, _of_ Canestogo.
_Des-seheg_,
_Ichqua que heck_,
_Quesamaag_,
_Ayiok-ius_.
D E L A W A R E S _of_ Shamokin.
_Olumapies_, }
_Lingehanoah_, } Chiefs.
_Kelly macquan_,
_Quitie-yquont_,
_Pishquiton_,
_Nena chy haut_.
D E L A W A R E S _from the_ Forks.
_Onutpe_, }
_Lawye quohwon_, alias _Nutimus_, } Chiefs.
_Toweghkappy_.
_Cornel. Spring_, and others.
C o n r a d W e i s e r, C o r n e l i u s S p r i n g, _Interpreters_.
And a great Number of the Inhabitants of _Philadelphia_.
The Governor having commanded Silence, spoke as follows:
'_Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations_,
'Six Years ago a Number of your Chiefs obliged us with a Visit,
when they agreed on Behalf of your Nations, to the Release of
certain Lands on both Sides the River _Sasquehannah_, to the
Southward of the _Endless-Mountains_, and within the Limits and
Bounds of the King's Grant of this Province. In Consideration of
which, a certain Quantity of Goods was agreed on, and delivered
as a full Satisfaction for the said Lands, lying on the Eastern
Side of the said River: And for the Lands on the Western Side of
the said River, you desired the Payment should be deferr'd till
another Opportunity. These Goods, which are exactly the same in
Quantity, as those you received the last Time the Chiefs of your
Nations were here, have been ready a considerable Time, and kept
in Expectation of your coming for them: And now you are come
down, fully impowered by your respective Councils to receive
them, we are well pleased to deliver them; leaving it to you to
make a fair and equal Division of them amongst yourselves. We
are sorry for the Absence of our Brethren the _Senecas_, and
much more so, that it should be owing to their Distress at Home
by a Famine that rages in their Country:--A Famine so great,
that you tell us a Father has been obliged to sacrifice one Part
of his Family, even his own Children, for the Support and
Preservation of himself, and the other Part.--We heartily
commiserate their Condition, and do not doubt but you will do
them fair and ample Justice in the Disposal of their Part of the
Goods, in such Manner as they have instructed you. You shall now
hear the List of the Goods read to you.'
Here, by the Governor's Order, the List of the Goods was read over,
_viz_.
500 _Pounds of Powder_.
600 _Pounds of Lead_.
45 _Guns_.
60 _Strowd-Matchcoats_.
100 _Blankets_.
100 _Duffil Matchcoats_.
200 _Yards Half-thick_.
100 _Shirts_.
40 _Hats_.
40 _Pair Shoes & Buckles_.
40 _Pair Stockings_.
100 _Hatchets_.
500 _Knives_.
100 _Hoes_.
60 _Kettles_.
100 _Tobacco-Tongs_.
100 _Scissars_.
500 _Awl-Blades_.
120 _Combs_.
2000 _Needles_.
1000 _Flints_.
24 _Looking-Glasses_.
2 _Pounds of Vermilion_.
100 _Tin-Pots_.
1000 _Tobacco-Pipes_.
200 _Pounds of Tobacco_.
24 _Dozen of Gartering_, and
25 _Gallons of Rum_.
Then the Governor told them that the Goods, of which the Particulars had
been just read to them, were in the Meeting-House, and would be sent to
whatever Place they would direct.
The Governor then proceeded:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'You have often heard of the Care that your great and good
Friend and Brother _William Penn_, took at all Times to
cultivate a perfect good Harmony with all the _Indians_: Of
these your Nations have ever been fully sensible; but more
especially a Number of your Chiefs, about ten Years ago, when on
the Arrival of a Son of your said great Friend _William Penn_,
large and valuable Presents were exchanged by us with you; a new
Road was made and clear'd; a new Fire kindled; and the Chain of
Friendship made stronger, so as to last while the Sun and Moon
endure.
'And now we cannot but congratulate ourselves, that your coming
should happen at a Time, when we are in daily Expectation of a
War being declared between the King of _England_, and the
_French_ King, well knowing that should such a War happen, it
must very sensibly affect you, considering your Situation in the
Neighbourhood of _Canada_. Your coming at this Juncture is
particularly fortunate, since it gives us an Opportunity of
mentioning several Things that may be necessary to be settled,
between People so strictly and closely united as we are.--An
Union not to be expressed by any Thing less, than the
affectionate Regards which Children of the same Parents bear for
each other, as conceiving ourselves to be one Flesh and one
People.
'The utmost Care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on
both Sides, that the Road between us be kept perfectly clear and
open, and no Lets nor the least Obstruction be suffered to lie
in the Way; or if any should by Accident be found, that may
hinder our free Intercourse and Correspondence, it must
forthwith be removed.
_To inforce this, we lay down a String of Wampum._
'In the next Place, we, on our Part, shall inlarge our Fire that
burns between us. We shall provide more Fewel to increase it,
and make it burn brighter and clearer, and give a stronger and
more lasting Light and Warmth.
_In Evidence of our sincere Intentions, we lay down this Belt of
Wampum_.
'In the last Place, considering the Obligations we are mutually
under by our several Treaties, "That we should hear with our
Ears for you, and you hear with your Ears for us." We shall at
Times very willingly give you the earliest and best
Intelligence, of any Designs that may be form'd to your
Disadvantage.--And if you discover any Preparations that can
hurt us, we desire you will immediately dispatch some suitable
Person in whom we can place a Confidence, to give us a proper
Information.'
_To inforce this Request, as well as to brighten the Chain, we lay down
this other Belt of Wampum._
On the Governor's concluding the Speech, the solemn Cry by Way of
Approbation was repeated by the _Indians_, as many Times as there were
Nations present; and then _Canassateego_ rose up and spoke.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We thank you for your kind Speech: What you have said is very
agreeable to us; and To-morrow when we have deliberated on the
several Matters recommended to us, we will give you our Answer.
We desire, as our Time will be wholly taken up in Council, you
will order the Goods to be carried back to the Proprietaries to
prevent their being lost, and that they may continue there till
we call for them.'
* * * * *
At a C o u n c i l held in the Meeting-House, _July_ 7, 1742.
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
_C A N A S S A T E E G O_'s Speech on Behalf of the _Six Nations_.
'_B R E T H R E N, the Governor and Council, and all present_,
'According to our Promise we now propose to return you an Answer
to the several Things mentioned to us Yesterday, and shall beg
Leave to speak to publick Affairs first, tho' they were what you
spoke to last. On this Head you Yesterday put us in Mind, first,
"Of _William Penn_'s early and constant Care to cultivate
Friendship with all the _Indians_; of the Treaty we held with
one of his Sons, about ten Years ago; and of the Necessity there
is at this Time of keeping the Roads between us clear and free
from all Obstructions." We are all very sensible of the kind
Regard that good Man _William Penn_ had for all the _Indians_,
and cannot but be pleased to find that his Children have the
same. We well remember the Treaty you mention held with his Son
on his Arrival here, by which we confirmed our League of
Friendship, that is to last as long as the Sun and Moon endure:
In Consequence of this, we, on our Part, shall preserve the Road
free from all Incumbrances; in Confirmation whereof we lay down
this String of Wampum.
'You in the next Place said you would enlarge the Fire and make
it burn brighter, which we are pleased to hear you mention; and
assure you, we shall do the same, by adding to it more Fewel,
that it may still flame out more strongly than ever: In the last
Place, you were pleased to say that we are bound by the
strictest Leagues, to watch for each others Preservation; that
we should hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your
Ears for us: This is equally agreeable to us; and we shall not
fail to give you early Intelligence, whenever any Thing of
Consequence comes to our Knowledge: And to encourage you to do
the same, and to nourish in your Hearts what you have spoke to
us with your Tongues, about the Renewal of our Amity and the
Brightening of the Chain of Friendship; we confirm what we have
said with another Belt of Wampum.'
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We received from the Proprietors Yesterday, some Goods in
Consideration of our Release of the Lands on the West-side of
_Sasquehannah_. It is true, we have the full Quantity according
to Agreement; but if the Proprietor had been here himself, we
think, in Regard of our Numbers and Poverty, he would have made
an Addition to them.--If the Goods were only to be divided
amongst the _Indians_ present, a single Person would have but a
small Portion; but if you consider what Numbers are left behind,
equally entitled with us to a Share, there will be extremely
little. We therefore desire, if you have the Keys of the
Proprietor's Chest, you will open it, and take out a little more
for us.
'We know our Lands are now become more valuable: The white
People think we do not know their Value; but we are sensible
that the Land is everlasting, and the few Goods we receive for
it are soon worn out and gone. For the future, we will sell no
Lands but when Brother _Onas_ is in the Country; and we will
know beforehand, the Quantity of the Goods we are to receive.
Besides, we are not well used with respect to the Lands still
unsold by us. Your People daily settle on these Lands, and spoil
our Hunting.--We must insist on your removing them, as you know
they have no Right to settle to the Northward of
_Kittochtinny-Hills_.--In particular, we renew our Complaints
against some People who are settled at _Juniata_, a Branch of
_Sasquahannah_, and all along the Banks of that River, as far as
_Mahaniay_; and desire they may be forthwith made to go off the
Land, for they do great Damage to our Cousins the _Delawares_.
'We have further to observe, with respect to the Lands lying on
the West-side of _Sasquahannah_, that though Brother _Onas_
(meaning the Proprietor) has paid us for what his People
possess, yet some Parts of that Country have been taken up by
Persons, whose Place of Residence is to the South of this
Province, from whom we have never received any Consideration.
This Affair was recommended to you by our Chiefs at our last
Treaty; and you then, at our earnest Desire, promised to write a
Letter to that Person who has the Authority over those People,
and to procure us his Answer: As we have never heard from you on
this Head, we want to know what you have done in it. If you have
not done any Thing, we now renew our Request, and desire you
will inform the Person whose People are seated on our Lands,
that that Country belongs to us, in Right of Conquest; we having
bought it with our Blood, and taken it from our Enemies in fair
War; and we expect, as Owners of that Land, to receive such a
Consideration for it as the Land is worth. We desire you will
press him to send a positive Answer: Let him say _Yes_ or _No_:
If he says Yes, we will treat with him; if No, we are able to do
ourselves Justice; and we will do it, by going to take Payment
ourselves.
'It is customary with us to make a Present of Skins, whenever we
renew our Treaties. We are ashamed to offer our Brethren so few,
but your Horses and Cows have eat the Grass our Deer used to
feed on. This has made them scarce, and will, we hope, plead in
Excuse for our not bringing a larger Quantity. If we could have
spared more, we would have given more; but we are really poor;
and desire you'll not consider the Quantity, but few as they
are, accept them in Testimony of our Regard.'
_Here they gave the Governor a Bundle of Skins_.
The Governor immediately replied.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We thank you for the many Declarations of Respect you have
given us, in this solemn Renewal of our Treaties: We receive,
and shall keep your String and Belts of Wampum, as Pledges of
your Sincerity, and desire those we gave you may be carefully
preserved, as Testimonies of ours.
'In Answer to what you say about the Proprietaries.--They are
all absent, and have taken the Keys of their Chest with them; so
that we cannot, on their Behalf, enlarge the Quantity of Goods:
Were they here, they might perhaps, be more generous; but we
cannot be liberal for them.--The Government will, however, take
your Request into Consideration; and in Regard to your Poverty,
may perhaps make you a Present. I but just mention this now,
intending to refer this Part of your Speech to be answered at
our next Meeting.
'The Number of Guns, as well as every Thing else, answers
exactly with the Particulars specified in your Deed of
Conveyance, which is more than was agreed to be given you. It
was your own Sentiments, that the Lands on the West-side of
_Sasquahannah_, were not so valuable as those on the East; and
an Abatement was to be made, proportionable to the Difference in
Value: But the Proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full
Quantity to be delivered, which you will look on as a Favour.
'It is very true, that Lands are of late become more valuable;
but what raises their Value? Is it not entirely owing to the
Industry and Labour used by the white People, in their
Cultivation and Improvement? Had not they come amongst you,
these Lands would have been of no Use to you, any further than
to maintain you. And is there not, now you have sold so much,
enough left for all the Purposes of Living?--What you say of the
Goods, that they are soon worn out, is applicable to every
Thing; but you know very well, that they cost a great deal of
Money; and the Value of Land is no more, than it is worth in
Money.
'On your former Complaints against People's settling the Lands
on _Juniata_, and from thence all along on the River
_Sasquahannah_ as far as _Mahaniahy_, some Magistrates were sent
expresly to remove them, and we thought no Persons would presume
to stay after that.'
Here they interrupted the Governor, and said:--
"These Persons who were sent did not do their Duty: So far from
removing the People, they made Surveys for themselves, and they
are in League with the Trespassers. We desire more effectual
Methods may be used, and honester Persons employed."
Which the Governor promised, and then proceeded:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'According to the Promise made at our last Treaty with you, Mr.
_Logan_, who was at that Time President, did write to the
Governor of _Maryland_, that he might make you Satisfaction for
such of your Lands as his People had taken up, but did not
receive one Word from him upon that Head. I will write to him
again, and endeavour to procure you a satisfactory Answer. We do
not doubt but he will do you Justice: But we exhort you to be
careful not to exercise any Acts of Violence towards his People,
as they likewise are our Brethren, and Subjects of the same
great King; and therefore Violence towards them, must be
productive of very evil Consequences.
'I shall conclude what I have to say at this Time, with
Acknowledgments for your Present; which is very agreeable to us,
from the Expressions of Regard used by you in presenting it:
Gifts of this Nature receiving their Value from the Affection of
the Giver, and not from the Quantity or Price of the Thing
given.'
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held at _Philadelphia, July_ 8, 1742.
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, }
_Samuel Preston_, } Esqrs;
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Ralph Asheton_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
The Board taking into Consideration, whether it be proper or not at this
Time, to make a Present to the _Indians_ of the Six Nations now in Town,
in Return for their Present to this Government at Yesterday's Treaty;
_Resolved_,
That it is highly fit and proper that a Present be made to the said
_Indians_ at this Time.
And it is the Opinion of this Board, that the said Present should be of
the Value of 500 _l._ or at least 300 _l._
And it is recommended to Mr. _Logan_, Mr. _Preston_, and Mr. _Lawrence_,
to acquaint Mr. _Kinsey_, the Speaker of the Assembly, with the Opinion
of this Board; and that they request him to confer with such other
Members of Assembly as are in Town, and report their Sentiments
thereupon.
The Board taking into Consideration the Threats expressed by the
_Indians_, at the Treaty Yesterday, against the Inhabitants of
_Maryland_, settled on certain Lands on the West-side of _Sasquahannah_,
which the _Indians_ claim, and for which they require Satisfaction; and
considering, that should those Threats, in any Sort be put in Execution,
not only the Inhabitants of _Maryland_, but of this Government, and all
his Majesty's Subjects on the Northern Continent of _America_, may
thereby be involved in much Trouble: It is the Opinion of this Board,
that the Governor write to the Governor of _Maryland_ without Delay, to
inform him of the _Indians_ Complaints and Threats, and to request a
satisfactory Answer; and that his Letter be sent by a special Messenger,
at the publick Expence.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held _July_ 9, 1742.
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, Esq;
_Clement Plumsted_, Esq;
_Samuel Hasell_, Esq;
_Robert Strettell_, Esq;
_Samuel Preston_, Esq;
_Ralph Asheton_, Esq;
_Thomas Lawrence_, Esq;
Mr. _Peters_.
The Governor informed the Board, that the _Indian_ Chiefs dining with
him Yesterday, after Dinner delivered their Answer to two Affairs of
Consequence:
The first related to the violent Battery committed on _William Webb_, in
the Forks of _Delaware_, whereby his Jaw-bone was broke, and his Life
greatly endangered, by an unknown _Indian_. _Canassatego_ repeating the
Message delivered to the _Six Nations_ by _Shickcalamy_, in the Year
1740, with a String of Wampum, said in Answer: 'The _Six Nations_ had
made diligent Enquiry into the Affair, and had found out the _Indian_
who had committed the Fact; he lived near _Asopus_, and had been
examined and severely reprov'd: And they hoped, as _William Webb_ was
recovered, the Governor would not expect any further Punishment; and
therefore they returned the String of Wampum received from their
Brethren, by the Hand of _Shickcalamy_, in Token that they had fully
complied with their Request.'
I thank'd them, said he, for their Care; but reminded them, that though
the Man did not die, yet he lay a long Time in extreme Misery, and would
never recover the free Use of his Speech, and was rendered less able to
get his Livelihood; and in such Cases the _English_ Laws obliged the
Assailant to make good all Damages, besides paying for the Pain
endured.--But as the _Indian_ was, in all Probability, poor and unable
to make Satisfaction, I told them, that for their Sake I would forgive
him; adding, had _Webb_ died, I make no Doubt but you would have put the
_Indian_ to Death, just as we did two of our People who had killed an
_Indian_; we caused them to be hung on a Gallows, in the Presence of
many Hundreds of our People, to deter all others from doing the like.
_Canassatego_ made me this Reply: 'The _Indians_ know no Punishment but
Death; they have no such Thing as pecuniary Mulcts; if a Man be guilty
of a Crime, he is either put to Death, or the Fault is overlook'd. We
have often heard of your Hanging-up those two Persons; but as none of
our _Indians_ saw the Men die, many believe they were not hanged, but
transported to some other Colony: And it would be satisfactory to the
_Indians_, if, for the future, some of them be sent for, to be Witnesses
of such Executions.' I assured them, that whoever gave them that
Information, abused them; for the Persons certainly suffered Death, and
in the Presence of all the People.
_Canassatego_ then proceeded to give an Answer to what was said to them
the 2d Instant, relating to _Le Tort_'s Letter: 'That they had, in
Council, considered in what Manner the Matter recommended to them ought
to be conducted; and they were of Opinion, that as the _Shawanese_, not
the _Twightwys_ (for they knew so much of it, that the People were of
the _Twightwy_ Nation in whose Bags the Scalps were found) had sent me a
Present of Skins, I should in return, send them a Blanket or a Kettle,
and with it a very sharp Message, that tho' they had done well in
sweeping the Road from Blood, yet that was but a small Part of their
Duty; they ought not to have suffered the _Twightwys_, after their Lye
and the Discovery of the Scalps, to have left them, 'till they had given
a full and true Account how they came by them, whose Scalps they were,
and in what Place, and for what Reason the Men were kill'd; and when
they had been fully satisfied of all these Particulars, then it was
their Duty to have given Information to the Government where the white
People lived, that the Murderers might be complained against, and
punished by the Nation they belonged to: And as the _Shawanese_ had
omitted to perform the Part of Brethren, that I should reprove them for
it, and charge them to make Amends for their Neglect, by using all
possible Expedition to come at the Knowledge of these Things, and to aid
their Brethren the white People in obtaining Justice.'
The Minutes of the preceding Council being read, Mr. _Logan_, in
pursuance of the Board's Direction of Yesterday, reported, on behalf of
himself, and the other Gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they
had confer'd with Mr. _Kinsey_, and requested him to consult the other
Members of the Assembly concerning the making a Present to the
_Indians_; and that Mr. _Kinsey_ having collected the Sentiments of
several Members of the Assembly in Town, whom he had confer'd with on
that Subject, found them generally of Opinion, that a Present should at
this Time be made; but that they had declined nominating any Sum:
However, that Mr. _Kinsey_ had given it as his own Opinion, that the
Governor and Council might go as far as _three hundred Pounds_.
And accordingly it is refer'd to Mr. _Logan_, Mr. _Preston_, and Mr.
_Lawrence_, to consider of, and prepare a proper List of the Goods
whereof the Present should be composed, to the Value of _three hundred
Pounds_, as aforesaid; advising with the Interpreter as to the Quantity
and Quality.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held at the Proprietor's, the 9th of _July_, P. M.
1742.
P R E S E N T
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Samuel Preston_, } Esqrs;
_Robert Strettell_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, }
The C H I E F S of the _Six Nations_.
_S A S S O O N A N_, and the _Delawares_.
_N U T I M U S_, and the _Fork-Indians_.
_C O N R A D W E I S E R_, Interpreter.
The Governor spoke to the Chiefs of the _Six Nations_, as follows:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'The last Time the Chiefs of the _Six Nations_ were here, they
were informed, that your Cousins, a Branch of the _Delawares_,
gave this Province some Disturbance about the Lands the
Proprietor purchased from them, and for which their Ancestors
had received a valuable Consideration above _fifty-five_ Years
ago, as appears by a Deed now lying on the Table.--Sometime
after this, _Conrad Weiser_ delivered to your Brother _Thomas
Penn_ your Letter, wherein you request of him, and _James
Logan_, that they would not buy Land, &c.--This has been shewn
to them and interpreted; notwithstanding which they have
continued their former Disturbances, and have had the Insolence
to write Letters to some of the Magistrates of this Government,
wherein they have abused your good Brethren, our worthy
Proprietaries, and treated them with the utmost Rudeness and
Ill-Manners. Being loth, from our Regard to you, to punish them
as they deserve, I sent two Messengers to inform them that you
were expected here, and should be acquainted with their
Behaviour.--As you, on all Occasions, apply to us to remove all
white People that are settled on Lands before they are purchased
from you, and we do our Endeavours to turn such People off; we
now expect from you, that you will cause these _Indians_ to
remove from the Lands in the Forks of Delaware, and not give any
further Disturbance to the Persons who are now in Possession.'
_To inforce this we lay down a String of Wampum_.
Then were read the several Conveyances, the Paragraph of the Letter
wrote by the Chiefs of the _Six Nations_ relating to the _Delawares_;
the Letters of the _Fork-Indians_ to the Governor and Mr. _Langhorne_,
and a Draught of the Land; these were then delivered to _Conrad Weiser_,
who was desired to interpret them to the Chiefs, when they should take
this Affair into their Consideration.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held _July_ 10, 1742.
P R E S E N T
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
The Governor laid before the Board an Extract from the Treaty held here
the 7th Instant with the _Indians_ of the _Six Nations_, so far as it
related to the Inhabitants of _Maryland_; as also a Letter he had
prepared for the Governor of _Maryland_ upon that Subject; both of which
being approved, were ordered to be transcribed fair, in order to be
dispatch'd the following Morning. The Letter was as follows:
Philadelphia, July 10, 1742.
S I R,
_The inclosed Extract of the Speech made by the Chiefs of the_ Six
Nations, _before a very numerous Audience, in this Place, with my Answer
to it, is of so great Importance to all his Majesty's Colonies in this
Part of his Dominions, and to your Government in particular, that I have
employ'd a special Messenger to deliver it you. I hope you will enable
me to send them a satisfactory Answer. It would be impertinent in me to
say more to one so well informed as you are of those Nations, and of
their absolute Authority over all the_ Indians _bordering upon us, or of
the Advantages of maintaining a strict Friendship with them at all
Times, but more especially at this critical Juncture._
I am, Yours, &c.
An Account exhibited by _Conrad Weiser_ of his Expences upon the
_Indians_, and _Indian_ Affairs, from _February_ last to _July_ 1, 1742,
amounting to 36 _l._ 18 _s._ 3 _d._ was laid before the Board, and
examin'd, and allow'd to be a just and very moderate Account.
And the Board taking into Consideration the many signal Services
performed by the said _Conrad Weiser_ to this Government, his Diligence
and Labour in the Service thereof, and his Skill in the _Indian_
Languages and Methods of Business, are of Opinion, that the said
_Conrad_ should be allowed, as a Reward from the Province at this Time,
the Sum of _Thirty Pounds_, at least, besides Payment of his said
Account.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held at the Great Meeting-House, _July_ 10. _P. M._
1742.
P R E S E N T
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Robert Strettell_, }
_C A N A S S A T E G O_, }
_S H I C K C A L A M Y_, } And other _Indian_ Chiefs.
_C O N R A D W E I S E R_, Interpreter.
And a great Number of the Inhabitants of _Philadelphia_.
The Governor spoke to the _Indians_ as follows:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'This Meeting will be short: It is in order to make you a
Present from the Governor, the Council, the Assembly, and all
our People. _William Penn_ was known to you to be a good and
faithful Friend to all the _Indians_: He made a League of
Friendship with you, by which we became one People. This League
has often since been renew'd by friendly Treaties; and as you
have declared that the Friendship shall always last on your
Parts, so we would have you believe that it shall remain
inviolable on ours while the Sun and Moon endure.
'I gave you some Expectation of a Present, and we have it now
ready to deliver to you. This Present is made you by the
Governor, Council, Assembly, and all our People, in
Consideration of the great Miseries and Distresses which you our
good Friends have lately suffered. This will be some Relief to
you for the present, and it's to be hoped your own Industry will
soon retrieve your Circumstances.
'It has sometimes happened, and may happen again, that idle and
untrue Stories are carried to you concerning us your Brethren;
but our Desire is, and we expect it from you, that you will give
no Credit to them; for we are, and always will be, your steady
and sincere Friends.
'It is a Custom when we renew our Treaties with our good Friends
the _Indians_, to clear the Road, and make our Fire burn bright:
We have done so upon this Occasion; and, in Token of our
Sincerity, we deliver you, as a Present from the Governor, the
Council, the Assembly, and all the People of _Pensylvania_, the
following Goods, _viz_.
24 _Guns_.
600 _Pounds of Lead_.
600 _Pounds of Powder_.
25 _Strowdes_ }
90 _Duffil_ } _Match-Coats_.
30 _Blankets_.
62 _Yards of Half-Thicks_.
60 _Ruffled Shirts_.
25 _Hats_.
1000 _Flints_.
50 _Hoes_.
50 _Hatchets_.
5 _Pounds of Vermilion_.
10 _Dozen of Knives_.
8 _Dozen of Gimblets_.
2 _Dozen of Tobacco-Tongs_.
25 _Pair of Shoes_.
25 _Pair of Stockings_.
25 _Pair of Buckles_.
Whereupon the Chiefs, and all the _Indians_, returned their solemn
Thanks; and _Canassatego_ said, 'They had no more to say as to publick
Business at present; but they had somewhat under Deliberation, which,
when they had duly considered, they would communicate.'
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held at the Proprietor's, _July_ 12, 1742.
P R E S E N T
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Robert Strettell_, } Esqrs;
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, }
Mr. _Richard Peters_.
_C A N A S S A T E G O_, } And sundry Chiefs of the _Six Nations_.
_S H I C K C A L A M Y_, }
_S A S S O O N A N_, and the _Delawares_.
_N U T T I M U S_, and the _Fork-Indians_.
_C O N R A D W E I S E R_, Interpreter.
_Pisquetoman_, }
_Cornelius Spring_, } Interpreters to the _Fork-Indians_.
_Nicholas Scull_, }
_C A N A S S A T E G O_ said:
'_B R E T H R E N, the Governor and Council_,
'The other Day you informed us of the Misbehaviour of our
Cousins the _Delawares_, with respect to their continuing to
claim, and refusing to remove from some Land on the River
_Delaware_, notwithstanding their Ancestors had sold it by a
Deed under their Hands and Seals to the Proprietaries, for a
valuable Consideration, upwards of _fifty_ Years ago; and
notwithstanding that, they themselves had also not many Years
ago, after a long and full Examination, ratified that Deed of
their Ancestors, and given a fresh one under their Hands and
Seals; and then you requested us to remove them, inforcing your
Request with a String of Wampum.--Afterwards we laid on the
Table our own Letters by _Conrad Weiser_; some of our Cousins
Letters, and the several Writings to prove the Charge against
our Cousins, with a Draught of the Land in Dispute.--We now tell
you, we have perused all these several Papers: We see with our
own Eyes, that they have been a very unruly People, and are
altogether in the Wrong in their Dealings with you.--We have
concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the River
_Delaware_, and quit all Claim to any Lands on this Side for the
future, since they have received Pay for them, and it is gone
thro' their Guts long ago.--To confirm to you that we will see
your Request executed, we lay down this String of Wampum in
return for yours.'
Then turning to the _Delawares_, holding a Belt of Wampum in his Hand,
he spoke to them as follows:
'_C O U S I N S_,
'Let this Belt of Wampum serve to chastise you. You ought to be
taken by the Hair of the Head and shaked severely, till you
recover your Senses and become sober. You don't know what Ground
you stand on, nor what you are doing. Our Brother _Onas_'s Cause
is very just and plain, and his Intentions are to preserve
Friendship. On the other Hand, your Cause is bad; your Heart far
from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to break the
Chain of Friendship with our Brother _Onas_, and his People. We
have seen with our Eyes a Deed sign'd by nine of your Ancestors
above _fifty_ Years ago for this very Land, and a Release
sign'd, not many Years since, by some of yourselves and Chiefs
now living, to the Number of fifteen or upwards.--But how came
you to take upon you to sell Land at all? We conquered you; we
made Women of you; you know you are Women, and can no more sell
Land than Women; nor is it fit you should have the Power of
selling Lands, since you would abuse it. This Land that you
claim is gone thro' your Guts; you have been furnished with
Cloaths, Meat, and Drink, by the Goods paid you for it, and now
you want it again, like Children as you are.--But what makes you
sell Land in the Dark? Did you ever tell us that you had sold
this Land? Did we ever receive any Part, even the Value of a
Pipe-Shank, from you for it? You have told us a blind Story,
that you sent a Messenger to us to inform us of the Sale, but he
never came amongst us, nor we never heard any thing about
it.--This is acting in the Dark, and very different from the
Conduct our _Six_ Nations observe in the Sales of Land; on such
Occasions they give publick Notice, and invite all the _Indians_
of their united Nations, and give them all a Share of the
Present they receive for their Lands.--This is the Behaviour of
the wise united Nations.--But we find you are none of our Blood:
You act a dishonest Part, not only in this, but in other
Matters: Your Ears are ever open to slanderous Reports about our
Brethren; you receive them with as much Greediness as lewd Women
receive the Embraces of bad Men. And for all these Reasons we
charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you the Liberty to
think about it. You are Women. Take the Advice of a wise Man,
and remove immediately. You may return to the other Side of
_Delaware_ where you came from: But we do not know whether,
considering how you have demean'd yourselves, you will be
permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that
Land down your Throats as well as the Land on this Side. We
therefore assign you two Places to go, either to _Wyomen_ or
_Shamokin_. You may go to either of these Places, and then we
shall have you more under our Eye, and shall see how you behave.
Don't deliberate; but remove away, and take this Belt of
Wampum.'
This being interpreted by _Conrad Weiser_ into _English_, and by
_Cornelius Spring_ into the _Delaware_ Language, _Canassatego_ taking a
String of Wampum, added further.
'After our just Reproof, and absolute Order to depart from the
Land, you are now to take Notice of what we have further to say
to you. This String of Wampum serves to forbid you, your
Children and Grand-Children, to the latest Posterity for ever,
meddling in Land-Affairs; neither you, nor any who shall descend
from you, are ever hereafter to presume to sell any Land: For
which purpose, you are to preserve this String, in Memory of
what your Uncles have this Day given you in Charge.--We have
some other Business to transact with our Brethren, and therefore
depart the Council, and consider what has been said to you.'
_Canassatego_ then spoke to the Governor and Council:
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We called at our old Friend _James Logan_'s, in our Way to this
City, and to our Grief we found him hid in the Bushes, and
retired, thro' Infirmities, from publick Business. We press'd
him to leave his Retirement, and prevailed with him to assist
once more on our Account at your Councils. We hope,
notwithstanding his Age, and the Effects of a Fit of Sickness,
which we understand has hurt his Constitution, that he may yet
continue a long Time to assist this Province with his Counsels.
He is a wise Man, and a fast Friend to the _Indians_. And we
desire, when his Soul goes to G O D, you may chuse in his Room
just such another Person, of the same Prudence and Ability in
counselling, and of the same tender Disposition and Affection
for the _Indians_. In Testimony of our Gratitude for all his
Services, and because he was so good as to leave his
Country-House, and follow us to Town, and be at the Trouble, in
this his advanced Age, to attend the Council, we present him
with this Bundle of Skins.'
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'It is always our Way, at the Conclusion of a Treaty, to desire
you will use your Endeavours with the Traders, that they may
sell their Goods cheaper, and give us a better Price for our
Deer-Skins. Whenever any particular Sort of _Indian_ Goods is
scarce, they constantly make us pay the dearer on that Account.
We must now use the same Argument with them: Our Deer are killed
in such Quantities, and our Hunting-Countries grown less every
Day by the Settlement of white People, that Game is now
difficult to find, and we must go a great Way in quest of it;
they therefore ought to give us a better Price for our Skins;
and we desire you would speak to them to do so. We have been
stinted in the Article of Rum in Town. We desire you will open
the Rum-Bottle, and give it to us in greater Abundance on the
Road.'
_To inforce our Request, about the_ Indian _Traders_, _we present you
with this Bundle of Skins_.
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'When we first came to your Houses, we found them clean and in
Order; but we have staid so long as to dirty them; which is to
be imputed to our different Way of Living from the white People:
And therefore, as we cannot but have been disagreeable to you on
this Account, we present you with some Skins to make your Houses
clean, and put them into the same Condition they were in when we
came amongst you.'
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'The Business the _Five_ Nations transact with you is of great
Consequence, and requires a skilful and honest Person to go
between us; one in whom both you and we can place a
Confidence.--We esteem our present Interpreter to be such a
Person, equally faithful in the Interpretation of whatever is
said to him by either of us, equally allied to both; he is of
our Nation, and a Member of our Council, as well as of yours.
When we adopted him, we divided him into two equal Parts: One we
kept for ourselves, and one we left for you. He has had a great
deal of trouble with us, wore out his Shoes in our Messages, and
dirty'd his Clothes by being amongst us, so that he is become as
nasty as an _Indian_.
'In Return for these Services, we recommend him to your
Generosity; and on our own Behalf, we give him _Five Skins_ to
buy him Clothes and Shoes with.'
'_B R E T H R E N_,
'We have still one more Favour to ask. Our Treaty, and all we
have to say about publick Business, is now over, and to-morrow
we design to leave you. We hope, as you have given us Plenty of
good Provision whilst in Town, that you will continue your
Goodness so far as to supply us with a little more to serve us
on the Road. And we likewise desire you will provide us with
Waggons, to carry our Goods to the Place where they are to be
conveyed by Water.'
To these several Points the Governor made the following Reply.
'_B R E T H R E N of the Six Nations_,
'The Judgment you have just now pass'd on your Cousins the
_Delawares_, confirms the high Opinion we have ever entertained
of the Justice of the _Six Nations_. This Part of your
Character, for which you are deservedly famed, made us wave
doing ourselves Justice, in order to give you another
Opportunity of convincing the World of your inviolable
Attachment to your Engagements. These unhappy People might have
always liv'd easy, having never receiv'd the least Injury from
us; but we believe some of our own People were bad enough to
impose on their Credulity, and engage them in these wrong
Measures, which we wish, for their Sakes, they had avoided.
'We hoped, from what we have constantly given in Charge to the
_Indian_ Traders, that they would have administred no just Cause
of Complaint: If they do you Wrong, it is against our
Inclinations, and contrary to our express Directions. As you
have exhibited no particular Charge against them, we shall use
our best Endeavours to persuade them to give you as much for
your Skins as they can possibly afford; and to take Care that
their Goods which they give in Exchange for Skins, be of the
best Sort. We will likewise order you some Rum to serve you on
your journey home, since you desire it.
'We wish there had been more Room and better Houses provided for
your Entertainment; but not expecting so many of you, we did the
best we could. 'Tis true, there are a great many Houses in
Town, but as they are the Property of other People, who have
their own Families to take care of, it is difficult to procure
Lodgings for a large Number of People, especially if they come
unexpectedly.
'We entertain the same Sentiments of the Abilities and Probity
of the Interpreter as you have express'd. We were induc'd at
first to make use of him in this important Trust, from his being
known to be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongst you
for some Years, in good Credit and Esteem with all your Nations;
and have ever found him equally faithful to both. We are pleas'd
with the Notice you have taken of him, and think he richly
deserves it at your Hands. We shall not be wanting to make him a
suitable Gratification, for the many good and faithful Services
he hath done this Government.
'We have already given Orders for Waggons to carry your Goods,
and for a Supply of Provisions to serve you on the Road in your
Return home, where we heartily wish you may arrive in good
Health.'
After the Governor had concluded, Mr. _Logan_ return'd an Answer to that
Part of _Canassatego_'s Speech which related to him, and said, 'That not
only upon the Account of his Lameness, of which the _Indians_ themselves
were Witnesses; but on Account of another Indisposition, which about
three Years since had laid him under an Incapacity of expressing himself
with his former usual Freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in
the Country. But that our first Proprietor, the Honourable _William
Penn_, who had ever been a Father and true Friend to all the _Indians_,
having above forty Years since recommended them to his particular Care,
he had always, from his own Inclination, as well as from that strict
Charge, endeavoured to convince all the _Indians_, that he was their
true Friend; and was now well pleased, that after a Tract of so many
Years, they were not insensible of it. He thanked them kindly for their
Present, and heartily joined with them in their Desires, that this
Government may always be furnished with Persons of equally good
Inclinations, and not only with such, but also with better Abilities to
serve them.'
And then _Canassatego_ said, he had forgot to mention, that
_Shickcalamy_ and _Caxhayn_ had been employ'd on several Messages to
this Government, and desir'd they might be consider'd on that Account.
* * * * *
At a C O U N C I L held the 12th of _July_, P. M. 1742.
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
_James Logan_, }
_Clement Plumsted_, }
_Samuel Hasell_, }
_Robert Strettell_, } Esqrs;
_Samuel Preston_, }
_Thomas Lawrence_, }
_Abraham Taylor_, }
Mr. _Richard Peters_.
The Board taking into Consideration the Regulation of the necessary
Expences of the _Indians_ travelling down hither, and returning; and
upon an Estimate made by _Conrad Weiser_, amounting to about _one
hundred Pounds_, it appearing that the said Sum of 100 _l._ will be
necessary to be advanced to _Conrad Weiser_ to defray those Expences,
Mr. _Logan_, on the Proprietaries Behalf, proposes to advance 40 _l._
and the Treasurer declaring he had no publick Money in his Hands, and
that if he had, he would not advance Money without the Assembly's Order;
it is recommended to Mr. _Preston_ and Mr. _Lawrence_, to confer with
Mr. _Kinsey_, and know whether he, as Speaker of the Assembly, and
Trustee of the Loan-Office, will advance the other 60 _l._
And the _Indians_ having requested that they might have a small Quantity
of Rum, to be added to their Provisions, to comfort them on the Road:
The Board is of Opinion, that there be added to the said Estimate
for twenty Gallons of Rum for the aforesaid Use. And in
Return for their Present of Skins, at requesting that the _Indian_
Traders be enjoin'd to sell their Goods cheaper, the Board directs that
two Strouds be presented. And that _five Pounds_ be given to _Caxhayn_
on the Account of the Province, for his Services; and to _Shickcalamy_
the like Sum.
_A just Copy, compared by_
_P A T R I C K B A I R D_, Secr.
[Illustration]
A
=T R E A T Y=
Held at the Town of
_Lancaster_, in Pensylvania,
By the Honourable the
Lieutenant-Governor of the PROVINCE,
And the Honourable the
Commissioners for the PROVINCES
OF
Virginia _and_ Maryland,
with the
_I N D I A N S_
O F T H E
S I X N A T I O N S,
In _J U N E_, 1744.
A Treaty with the _I N D I A N S_ of the Six Nations.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e in the Town of _Lancaster_, on _Friday_
the Twenty-second of _June_, 1744,
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Lieut. Governor of the
Province of _Pensylvania_, and Counties of _Newcastle, Kent_ and
_Sussex_, on _Delaware_.
The Honourable _Thomas Lee_, Esq; } Commissioners
Colonel _William Beverly_, } of _Virginia_.
The Honourable _Edm. Jennings_, Esq; }
_Philip Thomas_, Esq; } Commissioners
Colonel _Robert King_, } of _Maryland_.
Colonel _Thomas Colville_, }
The Deputies of the _Onandagoes, Senecas, Cayogoes, Oneidas_ and
_Tuscaroraes_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
The Governor and the Commissioners took some of the _Indian_ Chiefs by
the Hand, and, after they had seated themselves, the Governor bid them
welcome into the Government; and there being Wine and Punch prepared for
them, the Governor and the several Commissioners drank Health to the
_Six Nations_; and _Canassatego, Tachanoontia_, and some other Chiefs,
returned the Compliments, drinking the Healths of _Onas_[1],
_Assaragoa_[2], and the Governor of _Maryland_.
After they were all served with Wine, Punch, Pipes and Tobacco, the
Governor told the _Indians_, that as it was customary, and indeed
necessary, they should have some Time to rest after so long a Journey,
and as he thought three Days would be no more than sufficient for that
Purpose, he proposed to speak to them on _Monday_ next; after which, the
honourable Commissioners would take their own Time to deliver what they
had to say.
_C A N A S S A T E G O_ answered the Governor: We thank you for giving
us Time to rest; we are come to you, and shall leave it intirely to you
to appoint the Time when we shall meet you again. We likewise leave it
to the Governor of _Maryland_, by whose Invitation we came here, to
appoint a Time when he will please to mention the Reason of his inviting
us. As to our Brother _Assaragoa_, we have at this present Time nothing
to say to him; not but we have a great deal to say to _Assaragoa_, which
must be said at one Time or another; but not being satisfied whether he
or we should begin first, we shall leave it wholly to our Brother _Onas_
to adjust this between us, and to say which shall begin first.
[Footnote 1: _Onas_, the Governor of _Pensylvania_.]
[Footnote 2: _Assaragoa_, the Governor of _Virginia_.]
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 25, 1744. _A. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
The Governor spoke as follows.
_Honourable Gentlemen, Commissioners for the Governments of_ Virginia
_and_ Maryland, _and Brethren, Sachims, or Chiefs of the_ Indians _of
the_ Six Nations.
At a Treaty, held by me two Years ago, in Behalf of the Government of
_Pensylvania_, with a Number of the Chiefs of the _Indians_ of the _Six
Nations_, I was desired by them to write to the Governor of _Maryland_
concerning some Lands in the back Parts of that Province, which they
claim a Right to from their Conquests over the ancient Possessors, and
which have been settled by some of the Inhabitants of that Government,
without their Consent, or any Purchase made from them. It was at that
time understood that the Claim was upon _Maryland_ only; but it has
since appeared, by some Letters formerly wrote by Mr. President _Logan_
to the late Governor of _Maryland_, that it related likewise to some
Lands in the back Parts of _Virginia_. The Governors of those Colonies
soon manifested a truly equitable Disposition to come to any reasonable
Terms with the _Six Nations_ on account of those Lands, and desired,
that for that End a Time and Place might be fixed for a Treaty with
them; but before this could be effected, an unfortunate Skirmish
happened in the back Parts of _Virginia_, between some of the Militia
there, and a Party of the _Indian_ Warriors of the _Six Nations_, with
some Loss on both Sides. Who were the Aggressors is not at this time to
be discussed, both Parties having agreed to bury that Affair in
Oblivion, and the Government of _Virginia_ having, in Token of the
Continuance of their Friendship, presented the _Six Nations_, through my
Hands, with Goods to the Value of One Hundred Pounds Sterling. To
prevent further Hostilities, and to heal this Breach, I had, before the
Present was given, made a Tender of my good Office; which both Parties
accepted, and consented, on my Instances, to lay down their Arms: Since
which the Faith pledged to me has been mutually preserved, and a Time
and Place has been agreed upon, through my Intervention, for
accommodating all Differences, and for settling a firm Peace, Union and
Friendship, as well between the Government of _Virginia_ as that of
_Maryland_, and the _Indians_ of the _Six Nations_[3]. The honourable
the Commissioners for these two Governments, and the Deputies of the
_Six Nations_, are now met at the Place appointed for the Treaty. It
only remains therefore for me to say, that if my further good Offices
shall be thought useful for the Accomplishment of this Work, you may
rely most assuredly upon them.
But I hope, honourable Gentlemen Commissioners, it will not be taken
amiss if I go a little further, and briefly represent to you, how
especially necessary it is at this Juncture, for his Majesty's Service,
and the Good of all his Colonies in this Part of his Dominions, that
Peace and Friendship be established between your Governments and the
_Indians_ of the _Six Nations_.
These _Indians_, by their Situation, are a Frontier to some of them;
and, from thence, if Friends, are capable of defending their
Settlements; if Enemies, of making cruel Ravages upon them; if Neuters,
they may deny the _French_ a Passage through their Country, and give us
timely Notice of their Designs. These are but some of the Motives for
cultivating a Good Understanding with them; but from hence the
Disadvantages of a Rupture are abundantly evident. Every Advantage you
gain over them in War will be a weakening of the Barrier of those
Colonies, and consequently be, in effect, Victories over yourselves and
your Fellow Subjects. Some Allowances for their Prejudices and Passions,
and a Present now and then for the Relief of their Necessities, which
have, in some Measure, been brought upon them by their Intercourse with
us, and by our yearly extending our Settlements, will probably tie them
more closely to the _British_ Interest. This has been the Method of
_New-York_ and _Pensylvania_, and will not put you to so much Expence in
twenty Years, as the carrying on a War against them will do in one. The
_French_ very well know the Importance of these Nations to us, and will
not fail by Presents, and their other usual Arts, to take Advantage of
any Misunderstanding we may have with them[4]. But I will detain you,
Gentlemen, no longer. Your own superior Knowledge will suggest to you
more than I can say on this Subject.
_Friends and Brethren, Sachems, or Chiefs of the_ Indians _of the_ Six
Nations:
These, your Brethren of _Virginia_ and _Maryland_, are come to enlarge
the Fire, which was almost gone out, and to make it burn clearer; to
brighten the Chain which had contracted some Rust, and to renew their
Friendship with you; which it is their Desire may last so long as the
Sun, the Moon and the Stars, shall give Light. Their Powers are derived
from the _Great King_ of England, your Father; and whatever Conclusions
they shall come to with you, will be as firm and binding as if the
Governors of these Provinces were themselves here. I am your Brother,
and, which is more, I am your true Friend. As you know, from Experience,
that I am so, I will now give you a few Words of Advice. Receive these
your Brethren with open Arms; unite yourselves to them in the Covenant
Chain, and be you with them as one Body, and one Soul. I make no doubt
but the Governor of _Canada_ has been taking Pains to widen the Breach
between these your Brethren of _Virginia_ and you; but as you cannot
have forgot the Hatred the _French_ have always borne to your Nations,
and how kindly, on the contrary, you have been treated, how faithfully
you have been protected by the _Great King_ of England and his Subjects,
you will not be at a Loss to see into the Designs of that Governor. He
wants to divide you from us, in order the more easily to destroy you,
which he will most certainly do, if you suffer yourselves to be deluded
by him.
As to what relates to the Friendship established between the Government
of _Pensylvania_ and your Nations, I will take another Day to speak to
you upon it.
_To enforce what had been said, the_ Governor _laid down a Belt
of Wampum_; _upon which the_ Indians _gave the_ Yo-hah[5].
After a short Pause, the Governor ordered the Interpreter to tell the
_Indians_, that as they had greatly exceeded their appointed Time for
meeting the Commissioners, he recommended to them to use all the
Expedition possible in giving their Answer to what had been said, that
they might forthwith proceed to treat with the respective Commissioners
on the Business they came about.
Then _Canassatego_ repeated to the Interpreter the Substance of what the
Governor had spoke, in order to know if he had understood him right (a
Method generally made use of by the _Indians_) and when the Interpreter
told him he had taken the true Sense, _Canassatego_ proceeded to return
the Thanks of the _Six Nations_ for the Governor's kind Advice,
promising to follow it as far as lay in their Power; but as it was their
Custom when a Belt was given to return another, they would take Time
till the Afternoon to provide one, and would then give their Answer.
[Footnote 3: This was allowed, at a Conference had by the Governor with
the Commissioners, to be a just State of the Transactions preceding the
Treaty.]
[Footnote 4: The two preceding Paragraphs were allowed by the
Commissioners of _Virginia_, whilst they were at _Philadelphia_, to be
very proper to be spoken by the Governor of _Pensylvania_ at the Opening
of the Treaty; but taking up an Opinion, from what passed at the first
friendly Interview with the _Indians_, that they would not make any
Claim upon Lands within the Government of _Virginia_, the Governor
consented to decline speaking them in the Presence of the _Indians_.]
[Footnote 5: The _Yo-hah_ denotes Approbation, being a loud Shout or
Cry, consisting of a few Notes pronounced by all the _Indians_ in a very
musical Manner, in the Nature of our Huzza's.]
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 25, 1744. _P. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
Canassatego's _Answer to the Governor's Speech delivered in the
Morning_.
_Brother_ Onas,
You spoke in the Presence of _Assaragoa_ and the Governor of _Maryland_
to us, advising us to receive them as our Brethren, and to unite with
them in the Covenant Chain as one Body, and one Soul. We have always
considered them as our Brethren, and, as such, shall be willing to
brighten the Chain of Friendship with them; but since there are some
Disputes between us respecting the Lands possessed by them, which
formerly belonged to us, we, according to our Custom, propose to have
those Differences first adjusted, and then we shall proceed to confirm
the Friendship subsisting between us, which will meet with no
Obstruction after these Matters are settled.
_Here they presented the_ Governor _with a Belt of Wampum, in
return for the Belt given them in the Morning by the_ Governor;
_and the Interpreter was ordered to return the_ Yo-hah.
_Then the_ Governor, _in Reply, spoke as follows_:
I receive your Belt with great Kindness and Affection; and as to what
relates to the Governments of _Virginia_ and _Maryland_, the honourable
Commissioners, now present, are ready to treat with you. I shall only
add, that the Goods for the Hundred Pounds Sterling, put into my Hands
by the Governor of _Virginia_, as a Token of his good Dispositions to
preserve Friendship with you, are now in Town, and ready to be
delivered, in consequence of what was told you by _Conrad Weiser_ when
he was last at Onandago.
Then the Governor, turning to the Commissioners of _Virginia_ and
_Maryland_, said, Gentlemen, I have now finished what was incumbent upon
me to say by way of Introduction to the _Indians_; and as you have a
full Authority from your respective Governments to treat with them, I
shall leave the rest intirely to you, and either stay or withdraw, as
you shall think most for your Service.
The Commissioners said, They were all of Opinion, it would be for their
Advantage that the Governor should stay with them; and therefore they
unanimously desired he would favour them with the Continuance of his
Presence whilst they should be in Treaty with the _Indians_: Which his
Honour said he would at their Instance very readily do, believing it
might expedite their Business, and prevent any Jealousy the _Indians_
might conceive at his withdrawing.
_The Commissioners of_ Maryland _ordered the Interpreter to acquaint
the_ Indians _that the Government of_ Maryland _was going to speak to
them, and then spoke as follows_:
_Friends and Brethren of the united_ Six Nations,
We, who are deputed from the Government of _Maryland_ by a Commission
under the Great Seal of that Province, now in our Hands (and which will
be interpreted to you) bid you welcome; and in Token that we are very
glad to see you here as Brethren, we give you this String of Wampum.
_Upon which the_ Indians _gave the_ Yo-hah.
When the Governor of _Maryland_ received the first Notice, about seven
Years ago, of your Claim to some Lands in that Province, he thought our
good Friends and Brethren of the _Six Nations_ had little Reason to
complain of any Injury from _Maryland_, and that they would be so well
convinced thereof, on farther Deliberation, as he should hear no more of
it; but you spoke of that Matter again to the Governor of _Pensylvania_,
about two Years since, as if you designed to terrify us.
It was very inconsiderately said by you, that you would do yourselves
Justice, by going to take Payment yourselves: Such an Attempt would have
intirely dissolved the Chain of Friendship subsisting, not only between
us, but perhaps the other _English_ and you.
We assure you, our People, who are numerous, courageous, and have Arms
ready in their Hands, will not suffer themselves to be hurt in their
Lives and Estates.
But, however, the old and wise People of _Maryland_ immediately met in
Council, and upon considering very cooly your rash Expressions, agreed
to invite their Brethren, the _Six Nations_, to this Place, that they
might learn of them what Right they have to the Land in _Maryland_, and,
if they had any, to make them some reasonable Compensation for it;
therefore the Governor of _Maryland_ has sent us to meet and treat with
you about this Affair, and the brightening and strengthening the Chain
which hath long subsisted between us. And as an Earnest of our Sincerity
and Good-will towards you, we present you with this Belt of Wampum.
_On which the_ Indians _gave the_ Yo-hah.
Our _Great King of_ England, and his Subjects, have always possessed the
Province of _Maryland_ free and undisturbed from any Claim of the _Six
Nations_ for above one hundred Years past, and your not saying any thing
to us before, convinces us you thought you had no Pretence to any Lands
in _Maryland_; nor can we yet find out to what Lands, or under what
Title you make your Claim: For the _Sasquahannah Indians_, by a Treaty
above ninety Years since (which is on the Table, and will be interpreted
to you) give, and yield to the _English_ Nation, their Heirs and Assigns
for ever, the greatest Part (if not all) of the Lands we possess, from
_Patuxent_ River, on the Western, as well as from _Choptank_ River, on
the Eastern Side of the Great Bay of _Chessapeak_. And, near Sixty Years
ago, you acknowledged to the Governor of _New-York_ at _Albany_, "That
you had given your Lands, and submitted yourselves to the King of
_England_."
We are that Great King's Subjects, and we possess and enjoy the Province
of _Maryland_ by Virtue of his Right and Sovereignty thereto; why, then,
will you stir up any Quarrel between you and ourselves, who are as one
Man, under the Protection of that Great King?
We need not put you in mind of the Treaty (which we suppose you have had
from your Fathers) made with the Province of _Maryland_ near Seventy
Years ago, and renewed and confirmed twice since that time.
By these Treaties we became Brethren; we have always lived as such, and
hope always to continue so.
We have this further to say, that altho' we are not satisfied of the
Justice of your Claim to any Lands in _Maryland_, yet we are desirous of
shewing our Brotherly Kindness and Affection, and to prevent (by any
reasonable Way) every Misunderstanding between the Province of
_Maryland_ and you our Brethren of the _Six Nations_.
For this Purpose we have brought hither a Quantity of Goods for our
Brethren the _Six Nations_, and which will be delivered you as soon as
we shall have received your Answer, and made so bright and large a Fire
as may burn pure and clear whilst the Sun and Moon shall shine.
We have now freely and openly laid our Bosoms bare to you; and that you
may be the better confirmed of the Truth of our Hearts, we give you this
Belt of Wampum.
_Which was received with the_ Yo-hah.
_After a little Time_ Canassatego _spoke as follows:_
_Brother, the Governor_ of Maryland,
We have heard what you have said to us; and, as you have gone back to
old Times, we cannot give you an Answer now, but shall take what you
have said into Consideration, and, return you our Answer some Time to
Morrow. He then sat down, and after some Time he spoke again.
_Brother, the Governor of_ Maryland,
If you have made any Enquiry into _Indian_ Affairs, you will know, that
we have always had our Guns, Hatchets and Kettles mended when we came to
see our Brethren. Brother _Onas_, and the Governor of _York_ always do
this for us; and we give you this early Notice, that we may not thereby
be delayed, being desirous, as well as you, to give all possible
Dispatch to the Business to be transacted between us.
The Commissioners of _Virginia_ and _Maryland_ said, since it was
customary, they would give Orders to have every Thing belonging to them
mended that should want it.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 26, 1744, _P. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, _&c._
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations._
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
_C A N A S S A T E G O spoke as follows:_
_Brother, the Governor of_ Maryland,
When you invited us to kindle a Council Fire with you, _Conedogwainet_
was the Place agreed upon; but afterwards you, by Brother _Onas_, upon
second Thoughts, considering that it would be difficult to get
Provisions and other Accommodations where there were but few Houses or
Inhabitants, desired we would meet our Brethren at _Lancaster_, and at
his Instances we very readily agreed to meet you here, and are glad of
the Change; for we have found Plenty of every thing; and as Yesterday
you bid us welcome, and told us you were glad to see us, we likewise
assure you we are as glad to see you; and, in Token of our Satisfaction,
we present you with this String of Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremony._
_Brother, the Governor of_ Maryland,
You tell us, that when about Seven Years ago you heard, by our Brother
_Onas_, of our Claim to some Lands in your Province, you took no Notice
of it, believing, as you say, that when we should come to reconsider
that Matter, we should find that we had no Right to make any Complaint
of the Governor of _Maryland_, and would drop our Demand. And that when
about two Years ago we mentioned it again to our Brother _Onas_, you say
we did it in such Terms as looked like a Design to terrify you; and you
tell us further, that we must be beside ourselves, in using such a rash
Expression as to tell you, We know how to do ourselves Justice if you
still refuse. It is true we did say so, but without any ill Design; for
we must inform you, that when we first desired our Brother _Onas_ to use
his Influence with you to procure us Satisfaction for our Lands, We, at
the same time, desired him, in case you should disregard our Demand, to
write to the Great King beyond the Seas, who would own us for his
Children as well as you, to compel you to do us Justice: And, two years
ago, when we found that you had paid no Regard to our just Demand, nor
that Brother _Onas_ had convey'd our Complaint to the Great King over
the Seas, we were resolved to use such Expressions as would make the
greatest Impressions on your Minds, and we find it had its Effect; for
you tell us, "That your wise Men held a Council together, and agreed to
invite us, and to enquire of our Right to any of your Lands, and if it
should be found that we had a Right, we were to have a Compensation made
for them: And likewise you tell us, that our Brother, the Governor of
_Maryland_, by the advice of these wise Men, has sent you to brighten
the Chain, and to assure us of his Willingness to remove whatever
impedes a good Understanding between us." This shews that your wise Men
understood our Expressions in their true Sense. We had no Design to
terrify you, but to put you on doing us the Justice you had so long
delayed. Your wise Men have done well; and as there is no Obstacle to a
good Understanding between us, except this Affair of our Land, we, on
our Parts, do give you the strongest Assurances of our good Disposition
towards you, and that we are as desirous as you to brighten the Chain,
and to put away all Hindrances to a perfect good Understanding; and, in
Token of our Sincerity, we give you this Belt of Wampum.
_Which was received, and the Interpreter ordered to give the_
Yo-hah.
_Brother, the Governor of_ Maryland,
When you mentioned the Affair of the Land Yesterday, you went back to
old Times, and told us, you had been in Possession of the Province of
_Maryland_ above One Hundred Years; but what is One Hundred Years in
Comparison of the Length of Time since our Claim began? since we came
out of this Ground? For we must tell you, that long before One Hundred
Years our Ancestors came out of this very Ground, and their Children
have remained here ever since. You came out of the Ground in a Country
that lies beyond the Seas, there you may have a just Claim, but here you
must allow us to be your elder Brethren, and the Lands to belong to us
long before you knew any thing of them. It is true, that above One
Hundred Years ago the _Dutch_ came here in a Ship, and brought with them
several Goods; such as Awls, Knives, Hatchets, Guns, and many other
Particulars, which they gave us; and when they had taught us how to use
their Things, and we saw what sort of People they were, we were so well
pleased with them, that we tied their Ship to the Bushes on the Shore;
and afterwards, liking them still better the longer they staid with us,
and thinking the Bushes too slender, we removed the Rope, and tied it to
the Trees; and as the Trees were liable to be blown down by high Winds,
or to decay of themselves, we, from the Affection we bore them, again
removed the Rope, and tied it to a strong and big Rock [_here the
Interpreter said, They mean the_ Oneido _Country_] and not content with
this, for its further Security we removed the Rope to the big Mountain
[_here the Interpreter says they mean the_ Onandago _Country_] and there
we tied it very fast, and roll'd Wampum about it; and, to make it still
more secure, we stood upon the Wampum, and sat down upon it, to defend
it, and to prevent any Hurt coming to it, and did our best Endeavours
that it might remain uninjured for ever. During all this Time the
New-comers, the _Dutch_, acknowledged our Right to the Lands, and
sollicited us, from Time to Time, to grant them Parts of our Country,
and to enter into League and Covenant with us, and to become one people
with us.
After this the _English_ came into the Country, and, as we were told,
became one People with the _Dutch_. About two Years after the Arrival of
the _English_, an _English_ Governor came to _Albany_, and finding what
great Friendship subsisted between us and the _Dutch_, he approved it
mightily, and desired to make as strong a League, and to be upon as good
Terms with us as the _Dutch_ were, with whom he was united, and to
become one People with us: And by his further Care in looking into what
had passed between us, he found that the Rope which tied the Ship to the
great Mountain was only fastened with Wampum, which was liable to break
and rot, and to perish in a Course of Years; he therefore told us, he
would give us a Silver Chain, which would be much stronger, and would
last for ever. This we accepted, and fastened the Ship with it, and it
has lasted ever since. Indeed we have had some small Differences with
the _English_, and, during these Misunderstandings, some of their young
Men would, by way of Reproach, be every now and then telling us, that we
should have perished if they had not come into the Country and furnished
us with Strowds and Hatchets, and Guns, and other Things necessary for
the Support of Life; but we always gave them to understand that they
were mistaken, that we lived before they came amongst us, and as well,
or better, if we may believe what our Forefathers have told us. We had
then Room enough, and Plenty of Deer, which was easily caught; and tho'
we had not Knives, Hatchets, or Guns, such as we have now, yet we had
Knives of Stone, and Hatchets of Stone, and Bows and Arrows, and those
served our Uses as well then as the _English_ ones do now. We are now
straitened, and sometimes in want of Deer, and liable to many other
Inconveniencies since the _English_ came among us, and particularly from
that Pen-and-Ink Work that is going on at the Table (_pointing to the
Secretary_) and we will give you an Instance of this. Our Brother
_Onas_, a great while ago, came to _Albany_ to buy the _Sasquahannah_
Lands of us, but our Brother the Governor of _New-York_, who, as we
suppose, had not a good Understanding with our Brother _Onas_, advised
us not to sell him any Land, for he would make an ill Use of it; and,
pretending to be our good Friend, he advised us, in order to prevent
_Onas_'s, or any other Person's imposing upon us, and that we might
always have our Land when we should want it, to put it into his Hands;
and told us, he would keep it for our Use, and never open his Hands, but
keep them close shut, and not part with any of it, but at our Request.
Accordingly we trusted him, and put our Land into his Hands, and charged
him to keep it safe for our Use; but, some Time after, he went to
_England_, and carried our Land with him, and there sold it to our
Brother _Onas_ for a large Sum of Money; and when, at the Instance of
our Brother _Onas_, we were minded to sell him some Lands, he told us we
had sold the _Sasquahannah_ Lands already to the Governor of _New-York_,
and that he had bought them from him in _England_; tho', when he came to
understand how the Governor of _New-York_ had deceived us, he very
generously paid us for our Lands over again.
Tho' we mention this Instance of an Imposition put upon us by the
Governor of _New-York_, yet we must do the _English_ the Justice to say,
we have had their hearty Assistances in our Wars with the _French_, who
were no sooner arrived amongst us than they began to render us uneasy,
and to provoke us to War, and we had several Wars with them; during all
which we constantly received Assistance from the _English_, and, by
their Means, we have always been able to keep up our Heads against their
Attacks.
We now come nearer home. We have had your Deeds interpreted to us, and
we acknowledge them to be good and valid, and that the _Conestogoe_ or
_Sasquahannah Indians_ had a Right to sell those Lands to you, for they
were then theirs; but since that Time we have conquered them, and their
Country now belongs to us, and the Lands we demanded Satisfaction for
are no Part of the Lands comprized in those Deeds; they are the
_Cohongorontas_[6] Lands; those, we are sure, you have not possessed One
Hundred Years, no, nor above Ten Years, and we made our Demands so soon
as we knew your People were settled in those Parts. These have never
been sold, but remain still to be disposed of; and we are well pleased
to hear you are provided with Goods, and do assure you of our
Willingness to treat with you for those unpurchased Lands; in
Confirmation whereof, we present you with this Belt of Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremonies._
_C A N A S S A T E G O_ added, that as the three Governors of _Virginia,
Maryland_, and _Pensylvania_, had divided the Lands among them, they
could not, for this Reason, tell how much each had got, nor were they
concerned about it, so that they were paid by all the Governors for the
several Parts each possessed, and this they left to their Honour and
Justice.
[Footnote 6: _Cohongorontas_, i. e. _Potomack_.]
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 27, 1744, _A. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland._
The Deputies of the _Six Nations._
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
_The Commissioners of_ Virginia _ordered the Interpreter to let the_
Indians _know the Government of_ Virginia _was going to speak to them,
and then they spoke as follows:_
_Sachems and Warriors of the_ Six United Nations, _our Friends and
Brethren,_
At our Desire the Governor of _Pensylvania_ invited you to this Council
Fire; we have waited a long Time for you, but now you are come, you are
heartily welcome; we are very glad to see you; we give you this String
of Wampum.
_Which was received with their usual Approbation._
_Brethren,_
In the Year 1736, four of your Sachems wrote a Letter to _James Logan_,
Esq; then President of _Pensylvania_, to let the Governor of _Virginia_
know that you expected some Consideration for Lands in the Occupation of
some of the People of _Virginia_. Upon seeing a Copy of this Letter, the
Governor, with the Council of _Virginia_, took some Time to consider of
it. They found, on looking into the old Treaties, that you had given up
your Lands to the Great King, who has had Possession of _Virginia_ above
One Hundred and Sixty Years, and under that Great King the Inhabitants
of _Virginia_ hold their Land, so they thought there might be some
Mistake.
Wherefore they desired the Governor of _New-York_ to enquire of you
about it. He sent his Interpreter to you in _May,_ 1743, who laid this
before you at a Council held at _Onandago_, to which you answer, "That
if you had any Demand or Pretensions on the Governor of _Virginia_ any
way, you would have made it known to the Governor of _New-York_." This
corresponds with what you have said to Governor _Thomas,_ in the Treaty
made with him at _Philadelphia_ in _July_, 1742; for then you only make
your Claim to Lands in the Government of _Maryland_.
We are so well pleased with this good Faith of you our Brethren of the
_Six Nations_, and your Regard to the Treaties made with _Virginia_,
that we are ready to hear you on the Subject of your Message eight years
since.
Tell us what Nations of _Indians_ you conquered any Lands from in
_Virginia_, how long it is since, and what Possession you have had; and
if it does appear, that there is any Land on the Borders of _Virginia_
that the _Six Nations_ have a Right to, we are willing to make you
Satisfaction.
_Then laid down a String of Wampum, which was accepted with the usual
Ceremony, and then added,_
We have a Chest of new Goods, and the Key is in our Pockets. You are our
Brethren; the Great King is our common Father, and we will live with
you, as Children ought to do, in Peace and Love.
We will brighten the Chain, and strengthen the Union between us; so that
we shall never be divided, but remain Friends and Brethren as long as
the Sun gives Light; in Confirmation whereof, we give you this Belt of
Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremony_.
_T A C H A N O O N T I A_ replied:
_Brother_ Assaragoa,
You have made a good Speech to us, which is very agreeable, and for
which we return you our Thanks. We shall be able to give you an Answer
to every Part of it some Time this Afternoon, and we will let you know
when we are ready.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 27, 1744, _P. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
_T A C H A N O O N T I A spoke as follows_:
_Brother_ Assaragoa,
Since you have joined with the Governor of _Maryland_ and Brother _Onas_
in kindling this Fire, we gladly acknowledge the Pleasure we have in
seeing you here, and observing your good Dispositions as well to
confirm the Treaties of Friendship, as to enter into further Contracts
about Land with us; and, in Token of our Satisfaction, we present you
with this String of Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremonies_.
_Brother_ Assaragoa,
In your Speech this Morning you were pleased to say we had wrote a
Letter to _James Logan_, about seven Years ago, to demand a
Consideration for our Lands in the Possession of some of the
_Virginians_; that you held them under the Great King for upwards of One
Hundred and Sixty Years, and that we had already given up our Right; and
that therefore you had desired the Governor of _New-York_ to send his
Interpreter to us last Year to _Onandago_, which he did; and, as you
say, we in Council at _Onandago_ did declare, that we had no Demand upon
you for Lands, and that if we had any Pretensions, we should have made
them known to the Governor of _New-York_; and likewise you desire to
know if we have any Right to the _Virginia_ Lands, and that we will make
such Right appear, and tell you what Nations of _Indians_ we conquered
those Lands from.
Now we answer, We have the Right of Conquest, a Right too dearly
purchased, and which cost us too much Blood, to give up without any
Reason at all, as you say we have done at _Albany_; but we should be
obliged to you, if you would let us see the Letter, and inform us who
was the Interpreter, and whose Names are put to that Letter; for as the
whole Transaction cannot be above a Year's standing, it must be fresh in
every Body's Memory, and some of our Council would easily remember it;
but we assure you, and are well able to prove, that neither we, nor any
Part of us, have ever relinquished our Right, or ever gave such an
Answer as you say is mentioned in your Letter. Could we, so few Years
ago, make a formal Demand, by _James Logan_, and not be sensible of our
Right? And hath any thing happened since that Time to make us less
sensible? No; and as this Matter can be easily cleared up, we are
anxious it should be done; for we are positive no such thing was ever
mentioned to us at _Onandago_, nor any where else. All the World knows
we conquered the several Nations living on _Sasquahannah_,
_Cohongoronta_, and on the Back of the Great Mountains in _Virginia_;
the _Conoy-uch-such-roona_, _Coch-now-was-roonan, Tohoa-irough-roonan_,
and _Connutskin-ough-roonaw_, feel the Effects of our Conquests, being
now a Part of our Nations, and their Lands at our Disposal. We know very
well, it hath often been said by the _Virginians_, that the _Great King_
of England, and the People of that Colony, conquered the _Indians_ who
lived there, but it is not true. We will allow they have conquered the
_Sachdagughroonaw_, and drove back the _Tuscarroraws_, and that they
have, on that Account, a Right to some Part of _Virginia_; but as to
what lies beyond the Mountains, we conquered the Nations residing there,
and that Land, if the _Virginians_ ever get a good Right to it, it must
be by us; and in Testimony of the Truth of our Answer to this Part of
your Speech, we give you this String of Wampum
_Which was received with the usual Ceremony_.
_Brother_ Assaragoa,
We have given you a full Answer to the first Part of your Speech, which
we hope will be satisfactory. We are glad to hear you have brought with
you a big Chest of new Goods, and that you have the Key in your Pockets.
We do not doubt but we shall have a good Understanding in all Points,
and come to an Agreement with you.
We shall open all our Hearts to you, that you may know every thing in
them; we will hide nothing from you; and we hope, if there be any thing
still remaining in your Breast that may occasion any Dispute between us,
you will take the Opportunity to unbosom your Hearts, and lay them open
to us, that henceforth there may be no Dirt, nor any other Obstacle in
the Road between us; and in Token of our hearty Wishes to bring about so
good an Harmony, we present you with this Belt of Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremony_.
_Brother_ Assaragoa,
We must now tell you what Mountains we mean that we say are the
Boundaries between you and us. You may remember, that about twenty Years
ago you had a Treaty with us at _Albany_, when you took a Belt of
Wampum, and made a Fence with it on the Middle of the Hill, and told us,
that if any of the Warriors of the _Six Nations_ came on your Side of
the Middle of the Hill, you would hang them; and you gave us Liberty to
do the same with any of your People who should be found on our Side of
the Middle of the Hill. This is the Hill we mean; and we desire that
Treaty may be now confirmed. After we left _Albany_, we brought our Road
a great deal more to the West, that we might comply with your Proposal;
but, tho' it was of your own making, your People never observed it, but
came and lived on our Side of the Hill, which we don't blame you for, as
you live at a great Distance, near the Seas, and cannot be thought to
know what your People do in the Back-parts: And on their settling,
contrary to your own Proposal, on our new Road, it fell out that our
Warriors did some Hurt to your People's Cattle, of which a Complaint was
made, and transmitted to us by our Brother _Onas_; and we, at his
Request, altered the Road again, and brought it to the Foot of the
Great Mountain, where it now is; and it is impossible for us to remove
it any further to the West, those Parts of the Country being absolutely
impassable by either Man or Beast.
We had not been long in the Use of this new Road before your People
came, like Flocks of Birds, and sat down on both Sides of it, and yet we
never made a Complaint to you, tho' you must be sensible those Things
must have been done by your People in manifest Breach of your own
Proposal made at _Albany_; and therefore, as we are now opening our
Hearts to you, we cannot avoid complaining, and desire all these Affairs
may be settled, and that you may be stronger induced to do us Justice
for what is past, and to come to a thorough Settlement for the future,
we, in the Presence of the Governor of _Maryland_, and Brother Onas,
present you with this Belt of Wampum.
_Which was received with the usual Ceremony_.
_Then_ Tachanoontia _added_:
That he forgot to say, that the Affair of the Road must be looked upon
as a Preliminary to be settled before the Grant of Lands; and, said he,
either the _Virginia_ People must be obliged to remove more Easterly,
or, if they are permitted to stay, our Warriors, marching that Way to
the Southward, shall go Sharers with them in what they plant.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 28, 1744. _A. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
The Governor spoke as follows.
_Friends and Brethren of the_ Six Nations,
I am always sorry when any thing happens that may create the least
Uneasiness between us; but as we are mutually engaged to keep the Road
between us clear and open, and to remove every Obstruction that may lie
in the Way, I must inform you, that three of the _Delaware Indians_
lately murdered _John Armstrong_, an _Indian_ Trader, and his two Men,
in a most barbarous Manner, as he was travelling to _Allegheny_, and
stole his Goods of a considerable Value. _Shickcalamy_, and the
_Indians_ settled at _Shamokin_, did well; they seized two of the
Murderers, and sent them down to our Settlements; but the _Indians_, who
had the Charge of them, afterwards suffered one of them to escape, on a
Pretence that he was not concerned in the bloody Deed; the other is now
in _Philadelphia_ Goal. By our Law all the Accessaries to a Murder are
to be tried, and put to Death, as well as the Person who gave the deadly
Wound. If they consented to it, encouraged it, or any ways assisted in
it, they are to be put to Death, and it is just it should be so. If,
upon Trial, the Persons present at the Murder are found not to have done
any of these Things, they are set at Liberty. Two of our People were,
not many Years ago, publickly put to Death for killing two _Indians_; we
therefore expect you will take the most effectual Measures to seize and
deliver up to us the other two _Indians_ present at these Murders, to be
tried with the Principal now in Custody. If it shall appear, upon their
Trial, that they were not advising, or any way assisting in this horrid
Fact, they will be acquitted, and sent home to their Towns. And that you
may be satisfied no Injustice will be done to them, I do now invite you
to depute three or four _Indians_ to be present at their Trials. I do
likewise expect that you will order strict Search to be made for the
Remainder of the stolen Goods, that they may be restored to the Wife and
Children of the Deceased. That what I have said may have its due Weight
with you, I give you this String of Wampum.
_Which was accepted with the_ Yo-hah.
The Governor afterwards ordered the Interpreter to tell them, he
expected a very full Answer from them, and that they might take their
own Time to give it; for he did not desire to interfere with the
Business of _Virginia_ and _Maryland_.
They said they would take it into Consideration, and give a full Answer.
Then the Commissioners of _Virginia_ let them know, by the Interpreter,
that they would speak to them in the Afternoon.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e Chamber at _Lancaster_, _June_ 28, 1744,
_P. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
_The Commissioners desired the Interpreter to tell the_ Indians _they
were going to speak to them_. _Mr._ Weiser _acquainted them herewith_.
_After which the said Commissioners spoke as follows_:
_Our good Friends and Brethren, the_ Six _united_ Nations,
We have considered what you said concerning your Title to some Lands now
in our Province, and also of the Place where they lie. Altho' we cannot
admit your Right, yet we are so resolved to live in Brotherly Love and
Affection with the _Six Nations_, that upon your giving us a Release in
Writing of all your Claim to any Lands in _Maryland_, we shall make you
a Compensation to the Value of Three Hundred Pounds Currency, for the
Payment of Part whereof we have brought some Goods, and shall make up
the rest in what Manner you think fit.
As we intend to say something to you about our Chain of Friendship after
this Affair of the Land is settled, we desire you will now examine the
Goods, and make an End of this Matter.
We will not omit acquainting our good Friends the _Six Nations_, that
notwithstanding we are likely to come to an Agreement about your Claim
of Lands, yet your Brethren of _Maryland_ look on you to be as one Soul
and one Body with themselves; and as a broad Road will be made between
us, we shall always be desirous of keeping it clear, that we may, from
Time to Time, take care that the Links of our Friendship be not rusted.
In Testimony that our Words and our Hearts agree, we give you this Belt
of Wampum.
_On presenting of which the_ Indians _gave the usual Cry of
Approbation_.
Mr. _Weiser_ acquainted the _Indians_, they might now look over the
several Goods placed on a Table in the Chamber for that Purpose; and the
honourable Commissioners bid him tell them, if they disliked any of the
Goods, or, if they were damaged, the Commissioners would put a less
Price on such as were either disliked or damnified.
The _Indians_ having viewed and examined the Goods, and seeming
dissatisfied at the Price and Worth of them, required Time to go down
into the Court-House, in order for a Consultation to be had by the
Chiefs of them concerning the said Goods, and likewise that the
Interpreter might retire with them, which he did. Accordingly they went
down into the Court-House, and soon after returned again into the
Chamber.
Mr. _Weiser_ sat down among the _Indians_, and discoursed them about the
Goods, and in some short Time after they chose the following from among
the others, and the Price agreed to be given for them by the _Six
Nations_ was, _viz_.
_l. s. d._
Four Pieces of Strowds, at 7 _l._ 28 00 00
Two Pieces Ditto, 5 _l._ 10 00 00
Two Hundred Shirts, 63 12 00
Three Pieces Half-Thicks, 11 00 00
Three Pieces Duffle Blankets, at 7 _l._ 21 00 00
One Piece Ditto, 6 10 00
Forty Seven Guns, at 1 _l._ 6 _s._ 61 02 00
One Pound of Vermillion, 00 18 00
One Thousand Flints, 00 18 00
Four Dozen Jews Harps, 00 14 00
One Dozen Boxes, 00 1 00
One Hundred Two Quarters Bar-Lead, 3 00 00
Two Quarters Shot, 1 00 00
Two Half-Barrels of Gun-Powder, 13 00 00
_________
220 15 00
_Pensylvannia Currency_.
When the _Indians_ had agreed to take these Goods at the Rates above
specified, they informed the Interpreter, that they would give an Answer
to the Speech made to them this Morning by the honourable the
Commissioners of _Maryland_, but did not express the Time when such
Answer should be made. At 12 o'Clock the Commissioners departed the
Chamber.
* * * * *
In the C o u r t-H o u s e at _Lancaster, June_ 28, 1744. _P. M._
P R E S E N T,
The Honourable _G E O R G E T H O M A S_, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Virginia_.
The Honourable the Commissioners of _Maryland_.
The Deputies of the _Six Nations_.
_Conrad Weiser_, Interpreter.
_The Commissioners of_ Virginia _desired the Interpreter to let the_
Indians _know, that their Brother_ Assaragoa _was now going to give his
Reply to their Answer to his first Speech, delivered them the Day before
in the Forenoon_.
_Sachems and Warriors of the united_ Six Nations,
We are now come to answer what you said to us Yesterday, since what we
said to you before on the Part of the Great King, our Father, has not
been satisfactory. You have gone into old Times, and so must we. It is
true that the Great King holds _Virginia_ by Right of Conquest, and the
Bounds of that Conquest to the Westward is the Great Sea.
If the _Six Nations_ have made any Conquest over _Indians_ that may at
any Time have lived on the West-side of the Great Mountains of
_Virginia_, yet they never possessed any Lands there that we have ever
heard of. That Part was altogether deserted, and free for any People to
enter upon, as the People of _Virginia_ have done, by Order of the Great
King, very justly, as well by ancient Right, as by its being freed from
the Possession of any other, and from any Claim even of you the _Six
Nations_, our Brethren, until within these eight Years. The first Treaty
between the Great King, in Behalf of his Subjects of _Virginia_, and
you, that we can find, was made at _Albany_, by Colonel _Henry Coursey_,
Seventy Years since; this was a Treaty of Friendship, when the first
Covenant Chain was made, when we and you became Brethren.
The next Treaty was also at _Albany_, above Fifty-eight Years ago, by
the Lord _Howard_, Governor of _Virginia_; then you declared yourselves
Subjects to the Great King, our Father, and gave up to him all your
Lands for his Protection. This you own in a Treaty made by the Governor
of _New-York_ with you at the same Place in the Year 1687, and you
express yourself in these Words, "Brethren, you tell us the King of
_England_ is a very great King, and why should not you join with us in a
very just Cause, when the _French_ join with our Enemies in an unjust
Cause? O Brethren, we see the Reason of this; for the _French_ would
fain kill us all, and when that is done, they would carry all the Beaver
Trade to _Canada_, and the _Great King of_ England would lose the Land
likewise; and therefore, O Great Sachem, beyond the Great Lakes, awake,
and suffer not those poor _Indians_, that have given themselves and
their Lands under your Protection, to be destroyed by the _French_
without a Cause."
The last Treaty we shall speak to you about is that made at _Albany_ by
Governor _Spotswood_, which you have not recited as it is: For the white
People, your Brethren of _Virginia_, are, in no Article of that Treaty,
prohibited to pass, and settle to the Westward of the Great Mountains.
It is the _Indians_, tributary to _Virginia_, that are restrained, as
you and your tributary _Indians_ are from passing to the Eastward of the
same Mountains, or to the Southward of _Cohongorooton_, and you agree to
this Article in these Words; "That the Great River of _Potowmack_, and
the high Ridge of Mountains, which extend all along the Frontiers of
_Virginia_ to the Westward of the present Settlements of that Colony,
shall be for ever the established Boundaries between the _Indians_
subject to the Dominions of _Virginia_, and the _Indians_ belonging to
and depending on the _Five Nations_; so that neither our _Indians_ shall
on any Pretence whatsoever, pass to Northward or Westward of the said
Boundaries, without having to produce a Passport under the Hand and Seal
of the Governor or Commander in Chief of _Virginia_; nor your _Indians_
to pass to the Southward or Eastward of the said Boundaries, without a
Passport in like Manner from the Governor or Commander in Chief of
_New-York_."
And what Right can you have to Lands that you have no Right to walk
upon, but upon certain Conditions? It is true, you have not observed
this Part of the Treaty, and your Brethren of _Virginia_ have not
insisted upon it with a due Strictness, which has occasioned some
Mischief.
This Treaty has been sent to the Governor of _Virginia_ by Order of the
Great King, and is what we must rely on, and, being in Writing, is more
certain than your Memory. That is the Way the white People have of
preserving Transactions of every Kind, and transmitting them down to
their Childrens Children for ever, and all Disputes among them are
settled by this faithful kind of Evidence, and must be the Rule between
the Great King and you. This Treaty your Sachems and Warriors signed
some Years after the same Governor _Spotswood_, in the Right of the
Great King, had been, with some People of _Virginia_, in Possession of
these very Lands, which you have set up your late Claim to.
The Commissioners for _Indian_ Affairs at _Albany_ gave the Account we
mentioned to you Yesterday to the Governor of _New-York_, and he sent it
to the Governor of _Virginia_; their Names will be given you by the
Interpreter.
_Brethren_,
This Dispute is not between _Virginia_ and you; it is setting up your
Right against the Great King, under whose Grants the People you complain
of are settled. Nothing but a Command from the Great King can remove
them; they are too powerful to be removed by any Force of you, our
Brethren; and the Great King, as our common Father, will do equal
Justice to all his Children; wherefore we do believe they will be
confirmed in their Possessions.
As to the Road you mention, we intended to prevent any Occasion for it,
by making a Peace between you and the Southern _Indians_, a few Years
since, at a considerable Expence to our Great King, which you confirmed
at _Albany_. It seems, by your being at War with the _Catawbas_, that
it has not been long kept between you.
However, if you desire a Road, we will agree to one on the Terms of the
Treaty you made with Colonel _Spotswood_, and your People, behaving
themselves orderly like Friends and Brethren, shall be used in their
Passage through _Virginia_ with the same Kindness as they are when they
pass through the Lands of your Brother _Onas_. This we hope, will be
agreed to by you our Brethren, and we will abide by the Promise made to
you Yesterday.
We may proceed to settle what we are to give you for any Right you may
have, or have had to all the Lands to the Southward and Westward of the
Lands of your Brother the Governor of _Maryland_, and of your Brother
Onas; tho' we are informed that the Southern _Indians_ claim these very
Lands that you do.
We are desirous to live with you, our Brethren, according to the old
Chain
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