The History of Company A, Second Illinois Cavalry
by Samuel H. Fletcher · English · Gutenberg #35692 · 282,065 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The History of Company A, Second Illinois Cavalry
Author: Samuel H. Fletcher
D. H. Fletcher
Release date: March 27, 2011 [eBook #35692]
Language: English
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[Illustration: MAJOR JOHN R. HOTALING]
THE HISTORY OF COMPANY A, SECOND ILLINOIS CAVALRY
by
SAMUEL H. FLETCHER
A Member of the Company;
In Collaboration with D. H. Fletcher
AS A
TRIBUTE TO THE MEMORY
OF
THE MEN WHO FOUGHT IN COMPANY A
AND OF RESPECT
TO
ALL WHO STAND FOR
WHAT THEY FOUGHT FOR
THIS BOOK
IS
DEDICATED
BY
THE AUTHORS.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER I. Page.
Causes of the war--Slavery, the national issue--Conditions
immediately preceding the outbreak--Manifestations of
patriotism 1
CHAPTER II.
Organization and departure--Presentation of the Flag--Address
by David B. Dewey--"Nick. Hotaling's Speech"--Capture of a
masked battery--Mustered into service--Camp Butler--Fort
Massac--Cairo--Bird's Point--Adventure of Harvey James--Paducah
and Murray, Kentucky--Releasing imprisoned slaves 5
CHAPTER III.
Embarcation from Paducah--Instance of official brutality--Capture
of Fort Henry--Reconnoitering Fort Donelson--First meeting with
Forest's men--Investment of Fort Donelson--McLernand's repulse
--Attack by gunboats--Sortie--Grant turns the tide--Surrender by
Buckner--Interest of Northern friends--Dr. Gould 25
CHAPTER IV.
From Donelson to Metal Landing--Rescue from flooded camp--Pittsburg
Landing--Grand review--Escort Wallace's men to Crump's Landing--The
long-roll--Detailed to bring up Wallace--Hardship of men--Second
day's battle--Retreat and pursuit--Dickey's cowardice--Charge
against Forest's men--Pathetic incidents 45
CHAPTER V.
The Corinth campaign--General Halleck--Manifestation of caution
--"Better to retreat than to fight"--Spade-brigade--Elaborate
fortifications--Battle of Davis' Bridge on the Hatchie River--
Bolivar--Death of Colonel Hogg--Water Valley--Fight at Holly
Springs--Cowardice of Colonel Murphy--Foraging 59
CHAPTER VI.
The final Vicksburg campaign--Situation at and around Vicksburg
--Memphis--Lake Providence--Digging the canal--Cutting levee--
Running batteries--March through swamps--Grand Gulf--Feint
by Sherman--Battle of Port Gibson--Death of McCorkle--Battles
of Raymond and Jackson--Champion Hill--Casler and his "Base of
Supplies"--Battle of Black River Bridge--Investment of Vicksburg
--Grant--the "Silent"--the Invincible 77
CHAPTER VII.
The siege of Vicksburg--The assault--Logan's Headquarters--The
"Bull-pen"--"Boyce's Battery"--Scouting--The mine--The surrender
--Phelps appropriates General Buckner's capitulation papers--
Significance of the victory--Credit due to Grant 99
CHAPTER VIII.
Department of the Gulf--New Orleans--How Official Dignity was
Vindicated by a Cat o'nine-tails--New Iberia--Vermillionville--
Chain-Vidette--"Bower's Charge"--How Ed. Baker won his spurs
--Repulse of Generals Lucas and Franklin--Improvised Cavalry
--Death of Crosby--Superior arms of Confederates--Brilliant
capture of Confederate detachment--Commended by general order
--Outrage committed by Banks and Franklin in confiscating
horses--Cowardly manner of its perpetration--Re-enlistment
--Veteran furlough--Return to the front 113
CHAPTER IX.
The Red River Expedition--Death of Colonel Mudd--How Colonel
Marsh held the line--Fighting Guerrillas--"Alton Hell-Hounds"
--Their remedy for picket shooting--Incidents at Clinton,
Louisiana--Colored wards and the River Jordan--Dash upon
Liberty, Mississippi--Capture of Confederate officers--
Chivalry of prisoners and captors--How a Confederate
Captain "made good" 135
CHAPTER X.
"Davidson's sweet-potato raid"--Southern Alabama--Destruction
of railroads--Oyster fishing--Red-pepper--Mobile Expedition--
Barancas--News of Lee's surrender--Assassination of Lincoln
--Fort Blakely--Mobile--Explosion of Magazine--Return to New
Orleans--Experience of Daniel Shaw in a Texas prison--Shreveport
--"Salt-Horse" vs. Sumptuousness--Cantankerous cans--March into
Texas--San Antonia--Mustered out--Jubilation--War's aftermath 155
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
Colonel Silas Noble 179
Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Hogg 181
Colonel John J. Mudd 189
Colonel Benjamin F. Marsh 199
Major John R. Hotaling 203
Roster 213
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Major John R. Hotaling Frontispiece
Captain William B. Cummins Facing preface
Lieutenant Frank B. Bennett Facing Chapter I, page 1
Lieutenant Albert J. Jackson Facing Chapter II, page 5
Lieutenant James S. McHenry Facing Chap. III, page 25
Cut Site of Fort Henry Facing Chapter III, page 25
Calvin Steel Facing Chapter IV, page 45
View of Pittsburg Landing Facing Chapter IV, page 45
Samuel H. Fletcher Facing Chapter V, page 59
Shiloh Monument (Cut) Special Commands Facing Chapter V, page 59
Joseph Sheaff Facing Chapter VI, page 77
Peter Sheaff Facing Chapter VI, page 77
Osborn Shannon Facing Chapter VII, page 99
James Bowers Facing Chapter VIII, page 113
James L. Padgett Facing Chapter IX, page 135
E. C. Chatterton Facing Chapter X, page 155
Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey Hogg Facing page 181
Colonel John J. Mudd Facing page 189
Colonel Benjamin F. Marsh Facing page 199
Major John R. Hotaling Facing page 203
Hotaling Group Facing page 207
Illinois State Monument at Shiloh Facing page 213
[Illustration: CAPT. WILLIAM B. CUMMINS]
PREFACE
The purpose of this sketch is to keep green the memory of that little
band of men known as Company A, of the Second Illinois Cavalry, who
fought in the Civil War. It is to be regretted that no record has been
preserved and no attempt made to write a history of the company while
the incidents involved were fresh in the minds of its members. As a
result, the essential features of the story are based directly upon the
memory of one of them and that without any memoranda made at the time.
It is not strange therefore, if errors should occur after the lapse of
fifty years.
This little book does not pretend to be an accurate history but rather
a fragmentary and imperfect sketch in which the aim has been to recount
some of the worthy deeds and to recall some of the hardships endured by
those who risked all and suffered much in an effort to do their part
towards the preservation of freedom and right and justice among men.
No apology is offered for its meagerness or fragmentary character.
Should it meet the approval of the few comrades now living or receive a
sympathetic response from others, the time and care expended upon it
will have been rewarded.
The writers desire to acknowledge their indebtedness to the Association
of the Survivors of the Second Regiment, Illinois Veteran Cavalry
Volunteers, from whose report of "Reunion Proceedings," published in
1907, the biographical sketches of Colonels Noble, Hogg, Mudd and Marsh
have been prepared. They also desire to show their appreciation of the
interest and sympathy manifested by Mr. James O. McConaughy, of
Rochelle, Illinois, who was one of the first, if not the first, to
suggest the writing of the book, and whose generous aid, rendered in
every way, has made its publication possible.
D. H. F.
Chicago, Nov. 28, 1912.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT FRANK R. BENNETT]
THE HISTORY OF COMPANY A
SECOND ILLINOIS CAVALRY
CHAPTER I.
CAUSES OF THE WAR--SLAVERY THE NATIONAL ISSUE--CONDITIONS IMMEDIATELY
PRECEDING THE OUTBREAK.
"Once to every man and nation
Comes the moment to decide."
--Lowell.
The attack upon Fort Sumpter was the final challenge to the birthright
of a race. The North accepted the challenge. The traditions of a
thousand years had prepared its people for the contest. They must
fight. The struggle promised to be the deadliest of all the ages; and
yet--they were ready.
For years the question of slavery had been the all-absorbing theme.
"The Missouri Compromise," "Slavery in the Territories," "The
Underground Railroad," "Bleeding Kansas," "The Dred Scott Decision,"
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," the "John Brown Raid," all were household themes,
discussed at the fireside in every farmer's home, at the cross-roads,
the schoolhouses, at country stores and preached persistently in
churches, at camp-meetings, caucuses and elections, until every man,
woman, boy and girl had a settled conviction concerning them. Conflict
seemed inevitable. The very atmosphere was charged with foreboding. Men
were serious, alert and restless as if apprehensive of some impending
calamity. Strange as it may now seem, this feeling was intensified
among many by a vague and superstitious dread of which rural preachers
were quick to take advantage as presaging "the end of the world."
Ominous words of the prophets were recalled by them as having direct
application to the time. "In those days," they quoted, "there shall be
wars and rumors of wars"; "There shall be signs and wonders in the
Heavens"--pointing with manifest aptness to Donati's great comet whose
marvelous and awe-inspiring train dominated the sky, as a proof, the
awful finality of which could not be questioned. The phenomenal auroral
displays of that year accentuated the proof; the gorgeous red tones
being likened to "streaks of blood" and the rapidly shifting lights to
the "marching and countermarching of armies." If further proof were
required, it was supplied by some who recalled that the Canadian
rebellion occurred during "the year when the stars fell." It was a time
of universal expectancy and profound conviction and required but one
swift influence to unify and concentrate it, as the lightning flash
precipitates the drops from the thunder-cloud. The flash came at
Sumpter. "After this the deluge!"--and those awful words of Madam
Roland were verified when two million men were opposed in a struggle to
the death. War had come. The question throughout the South was: "Will
the Northern man fight?" Its reply was the famous quotation: "He who
hath no sword, let him sell his coat and buy one."
Lincoln's proclamation, calling for three hundred thousand men for
ninety days was soon supplemented by one involving a larger levy--"for
three years or during the war." Preparation was everywhere. The
recruiting officer was omnipresent. Hosts flocked to the standard like
the "minute-men" at Lexington. As the summer advanced the excitement
grew. Men carried their tools from the fields and hastened to enlist. A
farmer-boy in the morning was a soldier at night. The fife and drum was
the popular music. Every city, village, and hamlet in the land
resounded with patriotic songs. Every letter-sheet, every envelop, bore
a picture of the flag. Confections were stamped with union mottoes or
symbols and their packages bore the national colors. The breast-pins of
the girls were the brass-buttons of their soldier lovers and the
shortest path to a sweetheart was through a recruiting office. The
entire North was a hive of preparation and industry, the grewsome
meaning of all of which was merged in the one word--WAR.
Such was the condition in the little town of Lane, Ogle County,
Illinois, in the early summer of 1861.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT ALBERT J. JACKSON]
CHAPTER II.
ORGANIZATION AND DEPARTURE--PRESENTATION OF FLAG--ADDRESS BY DAVID
B. DEWEY--"NICK HOTALING'S SPEECH"--CAPTURE OF A MASKED BATTERY--
MUSTERED INTO SERVICE--CAMP BUTLER--FORT MASSAC--CAIRO--BIRD'S POINT
--ADVENTURE OF HARVEY JAMES--PADUCAH AND MURRAY, KENTUCKY--RELEASING
IMPRISONED SLAVES.
"Then the grandsire speaks, in a whisper,--
'The end no man can see;
But we give him to his country
And we give our prayers to Thee.'"
John R. Hotaling, one of the pioneers of Lane (now Rochelle) who graded
the first railway through the town and who was a veteran of the Mexican
war, undertook to organize a company of cavalry under the three years
call. He was well known and popular and his military experience aided
the enterprise. The requisite quota for organization was soon obtained
and on July 19th, 1861, the men, from various parts of Ogle and
adjoining counties, assembled at Oregon and elected officers. John R.
Hotaling was made Captain, Frank R. Bennett, First Lieutenant and A. J.
Jackson of Morrison, Illinois, Second Lieutenant.
Lieutenant Bennett had served in the regular army and as a cavalry
drill-master, was without a superior in the service. Affable in manner,
with a handsome, manly presence, he made an ideal officer. He was
considerate and kind to his men and a favorite with all.
Lieutenant Jackson was a manly, courteous and intelligent gentleman who
soon won the respect and friendship of his comrades but, owing to
failing health, was obliged to leave them before the close of the war.
On the twenty-second or twenty-third of July, the men, sixty-four in
number, twenty-nine of whom were from Lane, met in that town to start
for the front. Each supplied his horse and equipment. Only the choicest
animals were selected. The result was that no better mounted men were
known to the service. The pride and independence fostered by
proprietorship proved an important factor in the high efficiency
attained, as will be shown later. The Government allowed forty cents
per day for the use of each horse and in case one was killed, time was
given in which to replace it.
The occasion was memorable and typical of thousands then occurring
throughout the land. It was in the midst of the harvest season and
grain was spoiling in the fields for want of men to save it.
Nevertheless, the streets were early filled with farmers' wagons and
vehicles of all kinds, loaded with entire families who had come to bid
the soldier-boys good bye. The men "lined up" upon Washington Street,
in front of what is now Bain's Opera House. A silk flag was presented
by the ladies of the town, but by whom the presentation was made or who
were responsible for the gift, is not now known. The flag was accepted
by David B. Dewey, who, in behalf of the company, made an earnest and
appropriate speech. It was well received, but the feeling was too tense
and serious for noisy demonstration. The grave, set faces of the men
and the tearful eyes of the women and children, were the dominant and
impressive features. A few tried to appear indifferent and to fortify
their courage by attempts at wit or badinage but the gravity of the
occasion was too apparent.
Almost at the very last, and during a particularly trying moment, some
one, to relieve the tension, shouted for a speech. Various names were
called without response, and finally, that of "Nick" Hotaling, brother
of the Captain, was named. Others, as a diversion, took up the call,
not expecting it to be heeded.
Hotaling was a well known character in the place. At the age of twelve,
he ran away from home and shipped upon a New Bedford whaler; following
the sea until within a few years previous to the war, when he purchased
a farm near Lane and settled down as a farmer. He was a short,
broad-shouldered, powerful man, whose presence carried the impression
of great reserve-force. He had seen much of the world and was a shrewd
observer. It was not known that he had ever uttered a word in public or
that he could do so. Dismounting from his horse, he climbed into a
wagon beside a man who was holding a flag, and faced the crowd. There
were a few cat-calls and an attempt at bantering from those who looked
upon his attempt as a joke. To all this he was oblivious. He stood like
a statue, gazing at the sad and somber crowd, his dark hazel eyes
growing more and more luminous. A tense silence followed, broken only
by the suppressed sobs of the women. As if profoundly impressed by what
he saw, he waited for a moment, during which he slowly reached out and
grasped the flag-staff beside him. Then he spoke. In resonant, measured
words, each syllable of which was distinct and impressive, he said,
pointing to the flag: "It is against _this_ that they have made war. It
is to defend _this_ that we have come. It was Washington's flag, it
is yours and mine. I have followed that flag over continents and
seas--from the frigid zones to the equator. I have saluted it beneath
every star that shines upon the round world. In all my wanderings it
has floated over me. In strange lands it has been my friend and my
pride, my guardian and my protector."
And so he went on. In brief and simple sentences, perfectly fitted to
the subject and the occasion, he justified his right to talk. His
presentation was a model of strength and symmetry, of poetic and
patriotic zeal. With the exception of the closing sentence, the writer
does not pretend to quote the exact words of his talk but only its
substance and character as it left its impression upon him. The
audience was transfixed. The speaker's sway was absolute. Following his
preface, in a rapid flow of glowing sentences, as clear as they were
simple, he stated the issue before the nation, showing the justice of
the Union cause, the arrogance and infamy of the slave power, and the
futility of compromise. Our choice, he insisted, lay between national
right and national wrong; between freedom and oppression. After a
superb climax, pointing again to the flag, he said: "That flag stands
for humanity! I stand for that flag!" Then, drawing it to his breast,
he arose to his full height and holding his right hand aloft as if
taking an oath, continued: "AND BY THE GOD WHO GAVE ME BREATH, I WILL
FIGHT FOR IT NOW!" With this, he seized the flag with both hands and
stood behind it like a lion at bay. It was enough. The response which
followed was not a cheer but a benediction; and those who parted with
their loved ones, did it with a resignation they would not have known
had they missed those simple, lofty, burning words.
How much of the effect was due to the occasion and the dramatic
setting, cannot be told. It is certain, however, that this could not
have been the sole cause, for Dewey's speech, prepared for the day and
approved by all, was soon forgotten. Hotaling's was remembered by those
who heard it as something extraordinary and was often referred to
during and after the war as "Nick Hotaling's speech." The fact that it
made an impression upon the writer such as no words of the most
impassioned orator have ever made and the fact that that impression
remains vivid after the lapse of fifty years, would indicate that it
must have been unusual.
The crowd had partially separated and a portion had begun to move away
when the speech commenced and it was barely concluded when the order
was given to march. There was a hurried leave-taking and the "boys,"
for many of them were literally such,[1] were "off to the war," with
Mendota as their first day's destination.
[1] The records of the War Department show that the "men" who
fought in the Civil War were largely boys. Of the 2,278,588
enlisted upon the Union side, all but 118,000 were less than
twenty-one years of age. The list is as follows: 25 boys 10 years
of age, 38 boys 11 years of age, 225 boys 12 years of age, 300
boys 13 years of age, 105,000 boys 14 and 15 years of age,
126,000 boys 16 years of age, 613,000 boys 17 years of age,
307,000 boys 18 years of age, 1,009,000 boys 18 to 21 years of
age.
It was assumed that the first stage of the march would be without
incident, inasmuch as we were not supposed to be in the enemy's
country. But war is full of surprises. We had scarcely proceeded a mile
when we found ourselves in manifest peril. A formidable battery of
six-inch guns was discovered directly in our path. When sighted, it was
too late to retreat and the order was given to charge. The enemy was
panic-stricken and capitulated without firing a gun. We at once found
ourselves in possession of his entire commissary, including sandwiches,
pies, cakes, fruit, about one hundred feet of bologna sausage and some
kegs of ice-cold beer. The entire garrison was captured. The prisoners,
Jay L. Putman, "Jack" Howlett, editor of "The Lane Leader," and George
Turkington, were released upon parole, allowed to retain their
side-arms and march out with the honors of war. The guns, consisting of
three links of stove-pipe, were abandoned as inefficient and we went
on. Arriving at Mendota, we remained over night and proceeded the next
day to La Salle. From there we marched to Bloomington where we awaited
transportation to Springfield. Upon our arrival at the latter place we
marched about seven miles to Clear Lake, afterwards known as Camp
Butler, where we encamped and commenced drilling. On August 12th, 1861,
we were mustered into the State service.
We remained at Camp Butler about two weeks, foot-drilling in squads and
practicing the manual drill with wooden sabers. From there we were
transferred to Carbondale where we commenced drilling with horses but
for want of a satisfactory parade-ground, we were compelled to move to
Duquoin where we were subjected to a rigid, steady drill. The men were
in earnest and each did his best. The company's reward was the letter
"A," of which we were justly proud. After two weeks of hard work we
marched to Fort Massac on the Ohio River, near Metropolis, Illinois,
about twelve miles below Paducah, Kentucky, where we arrived on
September 24th, and encamped for ten or twelve days, during which time
we did some scouting up the river. From Fort Massac we were transferred
to Bird's Point, Missouri, opposite Cairo. From there we went to Cairo
for a short time and then back to Bird's Point, from whence we did some
scouting; but nothing of special interest occurred until December;
when, in a scouting expedition after Jeff Thompson's command, the
regiment met with its first loss. Josiah Clark, of Company B, was
killed in a skirmish and was carried off the field by Lew Blake of the
11th Illinois Infantry. Clark had not been ordered out but went
voluntarily.
The Confederates early saw the importance of holding the Mississippi as
a water-way, and almost at the outset, seized upon Columbus, Ky., and
Belmont, Mo., nearly opposite thereto, as places to be fortified and
held. It was known that troops in considerable numbers were being
massed in both places and that the river between was strongly guarded
by gun-boats. It became important, therefore, to know the strength and
disposition of the enemy and the character and extent of the defenses.
While we were stationed at Bird's Point, shortly before the battle of
Belmont, Harvey R. James, who enlisted from Oregon, was detailed in the
secret service for this purpose. James was a reticent, determined,
clear-headed, resourceful young man of exceptional physical strength
and endurance and as fearless as he was strong. Being supplied with an
excellent horse, he started early in the morning and rode towards
Belmont on the west bank of the Mississippi, about fifteen miles below
Bird's Point. The country is low and swampy and covered in places with
a thick growth of timber. Arriving in the vicinity of Belmont, he was
obliged to use extreme caution. He could not afford to take the risk of
riding into the lines, so, after approaching as near as he thought safe
to do, he secured his horse in a dense thicket in a swamp, removed the
saddle, arms and equipment, except a small pocket-pistol which he
retained, and hid them near by. Fixing the location in his mind by
means of carefully selected land-marks, he proceeded cautiously to
skirt the enemy's camp. After seeing all that he could in this way and
getting a good idea of the enemy's force and position, he returned to
the river front which he carefully studied. An important object was to
discover the number and strength of the river batteries and also as
much as possible of the strength and disposition of forces at Columbus.
This could not be accomplished without a boat. After much difficulty in
eluding the guards, he succeeded in locating a small boat which,
fortunately, was supplied with oars but could not be approached or used
during the day. Success was more important to him than time; so he hid
in a thicket and waited. When sufficiently dark he got into the boat
and started down the river close to the Missouri shore, which he
followed for five or six miles and then rowed across to the Kentucky
side where he found a satisfactory place in which to hide the boat so
that he might use it to return. After traveling two or three miles, he
succeeded in locating the main Columbus road. It was then about
midnight and he was very tired and hungry. Hiding near a plantation, he
ate some food and slept until daylight, when he started towards
Columbus. He had not gone far when he met a negro whom he told that he
had been thrown from his horse during the night, that the horse had
escaped and ran towards Columbus. As an excuse for being in that
vicinity, he volunteered the information that his home was in Memphis;
that he was hunting a truant brother whom he was anxious to take back
to join a cavalry regiment then being formed there. Without appearing
to be inquisitive, he succeeded in getting much information as to the
names of the inhabitants, roads, locations, etc., which were of value.
While talking, a farmer appeared on his way to the Columbus market with
a load of vegetables. The negro suggested that James might ride with
the farmer who, he said, knew everybody and would help him find his
horse and locate the truant brother. The farmer took kindly to his new
friend, by whom he was handsomely treated, and they both passed through
the lines without suspicion. After the farmer had disposed of his load
they went around together through the entire camp inquiring for the
horse and brother, until much of the day was spent and James had
acquired a complete knowledge of the situation. James early secured a
supply of that liquid which is supposed to be especially potent in
cementing friendship, treated the farmer and also the pickets as they
passed out, told them that he would be back again in a day or two,
cautioned them to look out for his horse and offered ten dollars in
gold to anybody who would find it. When they reached the plantation
near where they had met in the morning, James stopped on pretense of
inquiring about his horse, promising to accept his friend's hospitality
the next day. As soon as the farmer was out of sight he hastened to the
hidden boat and recrossed the river. The current was very strong and
carried the boat a considerable distance down stream. Thinking that he
might make better time by walking than to row against the current, he
landed and started towards Belmont. It was then near daylight. He had
gone but a short distance when he was commanded to halt, and the
presence of three or four guns aimed towards him at close range
appeared to be a sufficient justification for doing so. He was
immediately searched, his watch, knife, money and revolver taken from
him but no papers were found. The guard escorted him to camp where he
was scrutinized by several men, one of whom he had previously seen at
Cairo and who was there known as a suspect. During the day a court
martial, consisting of the commander and several officers, was convened
and he was tried and condemned as a spy. The order accompanying the
finding directed that he be shot by a file of soldiers at eight o'clock
the next morning. It was about dark in the evening when the finding was
announced. He was supplied with food and placed in an old log hut which
had formerly been used for confining runaway negroes. Believing that
they had taken away all of his personal effects, he was not handcuffed.
There was but one means of escape from the hut and that was through the
door, outside of which was stationed an armed guard. The prospect was
far from reassuring but James realized that he had a long night before
him and that many a man by wit and boldness had saved his life in less
time. One strong hope was in his cavalry boots which had not been taken
from him. Sewed within the tops, next to the seams, were several small,
finely tempered, steel saws.
He first examined the fastening of the door and found that it was
secured by a bolt which could be cut; but it was necessary to wait
until the camp was quiet. Another essential was to delay the discovery
of his escape as long as possible by attacking the guard at the first
opportunity after the shift. He could hear the bells on a gun-boat
anchored near by, which were sounded every two hours for a change of
watch. At twelve o'clock the camp was quiet and the bolt was nearly
severed. Soon after the guard was relieved, he finished the work and
opened the door slightly to watch for an opportunity. It was not long
before the guard appeared to be drowsy and stood with his back to the
door. James saw his chance. Opening the door with the utmost caution
until he was able to slip through, he sprang like a panther upon the
man outside, throttled and bore him to the ground. A terrific blow upon
the temple rendered him unconscious. James hastily removed his shirt,
tore it into strips, gagged his enemy, tied his hands and feet and
dragged him into the hut. Removing his own coat and placing it over the
body of the guard, he donned the other's coat and cap, took his gun and
sheath-knife and stole out. He had little difficulty in avoiding the
picket and before time for the next bell, had found his horse. The poor
creature had been there for nearly three days and nights and was as
anxious as he to get away. At dawn the two were within our lines at
Bird's Point. James reported to his Chief and then to General Grant.
The information was all that was wanted and in a few days the battle of
Belmont was fought upon the ground where he had been condemned to be
executed.
James continued in the secret service and for a number of months we saw
but little of him. During the following spring while preparing for an
extended trip, he met with an accident which nearly proved fatal.
Through some mishap in handling a revolver, the instrument was
discharged. The bullet entered his breast above the heart and passed
upwardly to his left shoulder. For months he lay very near to death,
but his great vitality carried him through and he recovered, though not
sufficiently to again enter the secret service.
After leaving the hospital he joined the company at Jackson, Tennessee.
He was a warm friend of the writer and we were much together. One day I
noticed some frayed stitching in the tops of his cavalry boots. He
reached down and drew out two small saws suspended upon strong silken
threads. Then, under promise of secrecy until "after the war," he told
me the story recounted above, assuring me that his chief and General
Grant were the only ones who knew it. Thereupon, he produced the
sheath-knife taken from the guard, which he preserved as a souvenir. In
1890, at Missoula, Montana, the writer met a man who was associated
with James in the secret service, who told, in substance, the story
given above and vouched for its truthfulness.
After the battle of Belmont, we were transferred to Cairo and thence to
Paducah, Ky., where we built stables for our horses. These were barely
finished when we marched to Murray, Ky. The trip was intended for the
purpose of practice, to teach us to make and break camp and to accustom
us to picket duty in the enemy's country.
While at Murray, we had an experience which gave us some conception of
the horrors of slavery and the shocking and inhuman cruelties to which
it led. We had heard much of these atrocities but had never been
brought into contact with them.
Owing to the cold rains which prevailed, we were forced to take shelter
in buildings in order to be comfortable; and some of us were quartered
in a carpenter-shop. I had been upon picket duty during the night and
returned to quarters to prepare for breakfast. Looking out of the
back-door, I saw Neil Belles and one or two others washing a negro in a
horse-trough back of a stable where we kept our horses. The negro, with
others of his race, had just been liberated from a jail, the filthy and
repulsive condition of which was unspeakable. Around the neck of the
wretched creature was a heavy iron collar and a similar band around his
waist. Connecting these and firmly riveted to them, was an iron bar
running down the back with a stout ring upon it to which was attached a
chain about five feet long, which was, in turn, secured to a post in
the middle of the room, or rather sty, where he was kept. The only
clothing upon the man when found, was a thin cotton shirt; and this in
winter, in a building reeking with dampness and filth unutterable. No
attempt had ever been made to clean it and he was obliged to live and
sleep there with no chance to move beyond the length of his chain. His
food was thrown into a filthy pan which was never removed. He had been
there several months. His body was terribly mangled from dog-bites and
lashes. It seemed horrible; and it was; but, in the eyes of the law, he
deserved it; for he had committed one of the gravest crimes possible
for one of his race;--he had attempted to escape. Yes, a crime.--A
crime recognized by the highest law of the land;--a wise, just,
expedient and humane law,--sustained by a wise, just and learned
tribunal,--the SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES;--and Chief Justice
Taney "was it's prophet."
There were a number of other negroes released and the condition of all
was wretched; but I do not recall that there were any others who were
manacled in the manner described. The type of iron harness mentioned
however, was a favorite one for runaway negroes as I was assured by
reliable authority. To have been consistent however, the collars should
have been inscribed with Justice Taney's famous and humane announcement
that: "A negro has no rights which a white man is bound to respect."
The negro in question was taken to a blacksmith's shop where his
harness was removed with cold-chisels and files and he, with the
others, went with us to Paducah. It was not surprising that none seemed
anxious to remain behind.
After returning to Paducah, we stood picket around the town until we
received orders to start for Fort Henry.
[Illustration: LIEUTENANT JAMES S. MCHENRY]
CHAPTER III.
EMBARCATION FROM PADUCAH--INSTANCE OF OFFICIAL BRUTALITY--CAPTURE
OF FORT HENRY--RECONNOITERING FORT DONELSON--FIRST MEETING WITH
FOREST'S MEN--INVESTMENT OF FORT DONELSON--MCLERNAND'S REPULSE--
ATTACK BY GUNBOATS--SORTIE--GRANT TURNS THE TIDE--SURRENDER BY
BUCKNER.
"Tears may be ours but proud for those who win
Death's royal purple in the foeman's lines."
On February 2nd, 1862, Companies A and B, known as the First Battalion,
2nd Illinois Cavalry, under command of Major John J. Mudd, accompanied
by Companies I and C of the U.S. Dragoons, embarked upon a transport
for Fort Henry. For some reason which I cannot explain, we had
proceeded but a short distance when we were disembarked to march the
remainder of the way.
An instance has been given in the last chapter, of the brutality to
which unlimited power over men may lead when based upon selfish
motives. At the time of landing our men we were forced to witness
another crime of like character, committed in the name of military
discipline.
The dragoons were the last to go on board and hence, the first to
disembark. In leaving the boat, the men led their horses to the shore
where they mounted and formed in line. One of them had been drinking.
While capable of leading and mounting his horse, he was bereft of all
sense of propriety and in condition to attempt almost any foolish act.
Imagining that his horse was thirsty, he left the line without
permission and deliberately rode to the river. The water was shallow at
the edge but within a few feet there was an abrupt descent to a
considerable depth. The horse refused to go in, but a vigorous use of
the spurs caused him to plunge forward and both horse and man
disappeared beneath the water. When they arose the horse endeavored to
swim out and would probably have succeeded had not the rider pulled
back with the curb-bit. Four of the Regulars attempted to render
assistance, as did our men on the boat, but the Regular officer,
Lieutenant Du Boise, gave orders not to interfere. As a result, both
horse and man were drowned.
[Illustration: SITE OF FORT HENRY]
Our camp that night was made at the landing which, owing to the high
waters, was nearly overflowed. The landing was upon the north side of a
deep slough extending from the Cumberland River to the Tennessee, about
twelve or fifteen miles above Paducah. The slough was about forty rods
wide where we were, and in order to proceed to Fort Henry, we were
obliged to cross it, which we did early upon the following morning. The
water was icy cold and came well up to the sides of our horses. The
Regulars were in advance and their commanding officer evidently
considered it an opportune time for showing the supreme importance of
discipline. The four men who went to the assistance of their drowning
comrade, were compelled to walk, lead their horses and carry their arms
through the slough. They wore high cavalry boots which were filled with
water, and in this condition the poor fellows were forced to walk with
their horses in the deep mud during the entire day.
Brutality and fatality have not infrequently been associated in war
with subsequent engagements. Our sympathies instinctively turn to that
crude method of obtaining justice. It is surprising that it was not
resorted to in this case.
There had been much rain, the streams were overflowing and the deep mud
greatly impeded our progress. We had hoped to arrive at the fort on the
fifth; but the condition of the roads made it impossible. General
Grant, more than anybody, realized the great strategic importance of
Forts Henry and Donelson and knew how highly they were prized by the
enemy. In his "Memoirs" he says:
"The two positions were so important to the enemy, _as he saw his
interest_, that it was natural to suppose that reinforcements
would come from every quarter from which they could be got. Prompt
action on our part was imperative."
Accordingly, on the 6th, without waiting for more troops, Grant ordered
an attack upon Fort Henry. We heard the firing and used every effort to
get there but without avail. Upon our arrival we found that the fort
had been reduced by the gun-boats, that the greater portion of the
garrison had retreated to Fort Donelson before the battle commenced and
that only ninety, who had been left to man the guns and cover the
retreat, had been captured.
Fort Heiman was on the west bank of the Tennessee and commanded Fort
Henry. It had been evacuated before the attack upon the latter and the
garrisons of the two forts had gone to re-enforce that of Fort
Donelson. Grant's problem, then, was to capture that stronghold,
defended by twenty-one thousand men, with an available force at hand,
of only fifteen thousand and that in mid-winter, with no alternative
for his army but to move and fight and sleep in mud and rain and snow
until victory brought them shelter. He has stated his view as follows:
"I was impatient to get to Fort Donelson because I knew the
importance of the place to the enemy and supposed he would
re-enforce it rapidly. I felt that 15,000 men on the 8th, would be
more effective than 50,000, a month later."
He did not falter. Mud and rain and snow it must be; and he went on,
inspiring his men with his splendid confidence.
After our arrival at Fort Henry, Captain Hotaling went out with a
platoon of sixteen men to reconnoiter Fort Donelson, eleven miles
distant. They encountered some of Forrest's cavalry and drove them
in. Several of the confederates were wounded in the conflict, one
frightfully so, from a saber-stroke from the captain. Nicholas Hotaling
received a buck-shot wound in the cheek and George Taylor, two shots in
the jaw, resulting in a painful wound.
After a day's rest at Fort Henry, Colonel Silas Noble, with Companies A
and B and the two companies of Regulars who accompanied us from Paducah,
in all about two hundred men, went out to make a reconnaissance in
force and succeeded without mishap, in getting close to the enemy's
works. Our road led along the crest of a high ridge with a deep ravine
upon each side. Instead of deploying a skirmish-line, two men were
stationed at a cross-road. While the Colonel was studying the works
through his field-glass, shots were heard behind us. Instantly the
Regulars went into line. At the same moment a thousand cavalry appeared
upon our right in the ravine below. The Regulars fired a volley and the
command was given: "Fours right! Gallop! March!" When they reached the
road the confederates were swarming towards them. The command: "Left
into line! Fire!" was followed by a volley which checked their
assailants. Our two companies were back upon the ridge firing volley
after volley and we did not realize that we were being surrounded--as
we were--until warned by the second volley from the Regulars. Then we
started back. The enemy had recovered from the volley given by the
Regulars and filled the lane. Our fire checked them however but we were
not out of our difficulties. A large body of infantry had appeared upon
the river-side of the lane which we were obliged to traverse for half a
mile, while many were upon the other side. It was an exciting ride. The
"zip" of the bullets was constant but the enemy, being below us, made
the common mistake under such circumstances, of aiming too high. The
cavalry attempted to cut us off by another road but we were better
mounted than they and escaped with a surprisingly small loss. One of
our men, Frank Hatch, was captured and one of Company B's men mortally
wounded. Aside from these and the wounding of several horses, we were
unscathed and returned to Fort Henry some time after dark, very tired
but well satisfied with our accomplishment.
On the 12th of February we accompanied the army in a general move
against Fort Donelson. The fact that there were but four companies of
cavalry with the expedition proved to have been a misfortune as will be
shown by the sequel.
We reached the vicinity of the fort about eleven o'clock and commenced
to feel our way and tighten our lines. The remainder of the day was
spent by us in reconnoitering. During the evening of the 13th, Thayer's
Brigade, which was sent around on the transports from Fort Henry, was
landed from the Cumberland side and the night was spent in their
disposal to complete the line of battle.
About daybreak on the morning after our arrival, the first cannon was
fired from a Confederate battery, a section of which was in charge of
George Fletcher, an uncle of the writer. Twenty-six of our company, of
which the writer was one, were sent out to reconnoiter when our
presence drew the battery fire. The first was a solid shot, followed by
grape. But one man, "Jim" Parsons, was injured. He insisted that his
face was grazed by a grape-shot. A comrade near him was quite as
confident that the injury was caused by the limb of a tree which flew
back and hit him.
There was an ambulance bearing a hospital-flag in front of us and when
the enemy saw it they ceased to fire.
Our companies were used to patrol the right army wing from the center
to the extreme right, while the two companies of Regulars were used for
a like purpose from the center to the extreme left of the left wing.
About ten o'clock in the day matters upon the right began to assume a
grave aspect. McLernand's division attempted to capture a battery which
held a strong position near a line of rifle-pits. The slaughter was
terrific and our men were forced to give it up. The 11th Illinois
Infantry and the Chicago Batteries, A and B, suffered severely.
We were nearly out of rations and had no forage of any kind for our
horses. There was nothing to do but wait, however, as the enemy was
absorbing all of our attention. On the afternoon of the 14th, our
gun-boats made a severe attack upon the fort but were repulsed and
forced to retire, two of them, including the flag-ship, being badly
disabled. They had fought better than they then knew, however, as
results soon showed. The enemy's lines were closely reconnoitered and
in the afternoon, Captain Hotaling, who kept close watch, became
satisfied that something unusual was going on within the enemy's lines.
Before night he sent word to Colonel Babcock, General Grant's Chief of
Staff, to come to the extreme right. The Colonel arrived just at dark,
when the Captain informed him that it was his opinion that the enemy's
cavalry would attempt to break out that night or in the morning. Should
they do so, our line was too weak to withstand their charge; that we
should be immediately strengthened with one brigade of infantry and two
batteries of artillery. Babcock was said to have reported to General
Grant and returned about nine o'clock with the statement that he did
not think there would be a move of that kind before the next day and
that there would be ample time in the morning to re-enforce the line.
Hotaling was not convinced and we were kept near the road upon the
extreme right where our Captain anticipated that Forrest's cavalry
would attempt to break through. Grant makes no mention of having
received any intimation of such a condition and the inference from his
statements would indicate that he failed to receive Colonel Babcock's
report.
We remained in the rear of the line of battle until about 12 o'clock
that night. It snowed hard and became very cold. Our horses were
restless, so we moved towards the center, tore down a rail-fence and
built fires in a vain effort to warm ourselves. About five o'clock a.
m., we returned to our former position where we remained until nearly
nine o'clock. Our horses became so hungry and exhausted that
Lieutenants Bennett and Jackson took us back a mile or two upon the
road leading towards the Tennessee River in the hope of finding forage
but without success. From there we were moving towards our center, when
a humming fire upon the extreme right attracted our attention. We
returned upon the keen run, just in time to see the rear of a body of
cavalry about a quarter of a mile away, in full retreat. The enemy had
made a desperate attack upon our right wing, which was doubled back
upon itself more than half a mile. Had they taken prompt advantage of
the situation they might all have escaped; or, had they followed up
back of our line, it is possible that our whole army might have been
stampeded.
When our company started back to find forage, Calvin Steel was unable
to go. He had been very sick the night before, so we left him by the
road-side with his horse and when the enemy advanced he was captured.
They were obliged to make a temporary hospital for their wounded where
they left Steel but took his horse and equipments. Steel wanted a drink
of water and went to a pail for it. It was empty. He asked permission
of the surgeon to fill it at a spring. Upon reaching the spring he
found a horse tied to a fence. Forgetting his errand, he mounted the
horse and came flying back to meet us upon our return near where he had
been captured. He was very ill, however, and was sent to the hospital
at St. Louis, where he remained until nearly fall, when he returned. He
was still too weak for service and was detailed to the commissary
department of General Logan's Division, where he remained until after
the fall of Vicksburg.
Much speculation has been given to the incident which involved the
breaking of our line, as well as to the fact that Floyd and Pillow and
Forrest were permitted to escape before the final surrender. It has
been suggested that had re-enforcements been supplied, together with a
battery to have prevented transports from plying up the Cumberland with
escaping troops, the history of the war might have been changed and
Shiloh might never have been fought.
It must not be forgotten that General Grant was subject to the
immediate command of a painstaking plodder who mistook arrogance for
dignity and timidity for caution. Halleck's orders contemplated a very
different thing from what happened at Donelson. We owe the capture of
the fort and the discovery thereby to the world of General Grant, to
the treachery of a telegraph operator at Cairo, who, in the belief that
he was helping the Southern cause, held up Halleck's order to Grant to
"fortify Fort Henry strongly on the land-side," until Grant, in
ignorance of it, had gone on and invested Fort Donelson. Had Grant
received that order, Donelson and Shiloh and Vicksburg might have had a
very different history, and General Grant might not have been known.
The fame given him by that one victory was too great even for General
Halleck to take away, who did his utmost to do it. With Halleck tying
the hands of Grant after his great victory, even to the extent of
making groundless charges against him and causing his arrest and with
the entire South frantically and hysterically pushing Albert Sidney
Johnson forward to a sacrifice, the battle of Shiloh was as much of a
logical result as that effect follows cause. Had Grant been given free
rein, it could not have been fought; for he would have possessed
Corinth before the Confederate armies could have concentrated.
Grant's generalship and brilliant resourcefulness were never shown to
better effect than when confronted with that crisis at Donelson. He had
depended upon the gun-boats to help reduce the works, run the batteries
and take position above. They did severe execution in the fort but in a
few hours were helplessly disabled. Grant knew of his own loss but not
of that in the fort. At this stage he writes:
"The sun went down on the night of the 14th of February, 1862,
leaving the army in front of Fort Donelson anything but comforted
over the prospects. The weather had turned intensely cold; the men
were without tents and could not keep up fires where most of them
had to stay, &c."
It was but natural for him to view the situation in the light of facts
as they then appeared and not as he might guess them to be. Had he
calculated upon the cowardice rather than the bravery of opposing
commanders, he might have provided differently; but it was incredible
to him that a fresh army of 21,000 men, within a well provisioned
fortress, in direct communication with another army from which it could
draw supplies and men, with the Federal gun-boats rendered helpless
from its fire, would, at the very outset, without a siege, try to
escape from one in an open field, when, by so doing, it was abandoning
the key to an immense territory needed for its supplies, breaking, to a
large extent, communication between its armies and submitting to
lasting disgrace before its own people. That Grant was justified in
this view is shown by the fact that the two Confederate Generals, Floyd
and Pillow, were, after the surrender, promptly tried and summarily
relieved from their commands.
Flag-Officer Foote had been wounded when his flag-ship was disabled and
before sunrise on the morning of the 15th, sent for General Grant to
call upon him on his flag-ship about four miles below the fort. It was
decided that the gun-boats should be sent away for repairs before it
would be possible to renew the attack. This, it was estimated, would
require about ten days. There was no alternative but a siege.
While leaving the boat, Grant was notified of the severe attack upon
our right and of the breaking of our line. He hurried to the scene,
about seven miles away. Before knowing the true situation, he gave
orders to retire and intrench with a view to a siege. When, however, he
learned that the enemy was actually trying to escape, he at once saw
its significance and said to Colonel Webster of his staff: "The one who
attacks first now will be victorious." Instead of intrenching, he gave
orders for an immediate and vigorous attack along the entire left
before the enemy, who had withdrawn his forces to our right, could
reform. The result was an irresistible onslaught upon the enemy's
center and right.
McClernand's men had failed mainly for want of ammunition. Grant gave
orders for a supply and for reforming the line. The Confederates waited
just long enough to permit this to be done. It subsequently developed
that Pillow mistook his partial success for complete victory and
stopped to talk about it when he should have been following it up. That
he must have been wildly jubilant is indicated by the fact that he
telegraphed to Johnson at Nashville, "on the honor of a gentleman,"
that "the day is ours." A controversy arose between Floyd and Pillow.
Pillow, the veteran general, flushed with temporary success, refused to
recognize the authority of Floyd, whom he regarded as a civilian,
finally took matters into his own hands and ordered Buckner to renew
the attack upon our right. Buckner obeyed but it was too late. Our line
had been reformed and was ready. A desperate struggle ensued and the
enemy was driven back into his works. In the meantime our left wing had
pushed forward against the weakened defences upon the enemy's right and
bivouacked that night within his lines. The fort was doomed. The famous
night council was held by Floyd and his Staff. Before morning dawned
Floyd and Pillow were aboard the transports on their way up the river
with three thousand men and Forrest, with a thousand men and horses,
was struggling in the icy waters of a bayou in a desperate effort to
get away. It was one of the ironies of Fate that at about the same
time, the authorities at Richmond were rejoicing over Pillow's
grandiloquent message announcing Confederate victory.
General Lew Wallace describes Forrest's escape as follows:
"Col. Forrest was present at the council, and when the final
resolution was taken he promptly announced that he neither could
nor would surrender his command. He assembled his men, all as hardy
as himself, and moved out and plunged into a slough formed by back
water from the river. An icy crust covered its surface, the wind
blew fiercely and the darkness was unrelieved by a star. There was
fearful floundering as the command followed him. At length he
struck dry land and was safe.
"He was next heard of at Nashville."
The surrender was made upon the following morning, and a very
picturesque example of "Southern hospitality" occurred in connection
with it. When General Buckner sent his first letter to General Grant,
proposing an armistice with a view to the appointment of commissioners
to consider the question of surrender, he directed that small white
flags be displayed before the different commands in order to prevent
hostilities pending the negotiations. No such flag was displayed over
the fort. General Lew Wallace, upon seeing the flags, understood that
there had been a surrender and went right into Buckner's headquarters
where he was politely received by Buckner, introduced to his staff and
invited to breakfast. This was an hour before Grant received Buckner's
final letter of surrender.
It may be interesting here to mention the 10th Missouri sharp-shooters
who contributed much to the success of the battle. We first met them at
Bird's Point. The organization was composed almost entirely of
backwoodsmen who were skillful hunters and trappers. They wore grey
uniforms with oddly shaped caps, each adorned with a squirrel's tail at
the back, and they were armed with target-rifles. They were a shrewd,
reticent, independent lot of fellows, knew how to use their weapons
with deadly effect, and were, in a sense, entirely independent. Each
man was expected to approach as closely as possible to the enemy's
lines, choose a prominent position, conceal himself and pick off
officers, gunners in batteries, orderlies and others. Three of these
men succeeded in keeping one rebel battery silenced for an entire day.
These same men afterwards did effective work at Shiloh.
On the afternoon before the surrender, Fred, one of our faithful cooks,
arrived at our lines in the rear with two camp-kettles, coffee, and a
sack of hard-tack; all of which was gratefully received. That evening
we rode back to Fort Henry to feed our horses and get some more
substantial refreshments for ourselves. In the morning we returned,
rode directly into the fort and were assigned to a camp within the
works a short distance east and south of the town of Dover, where we
remained about five or six days.
Walking down one day to the water front to look at the gun and
mortar-boats, I was surprised by meeting my old friend and neighbor,
James Minnis, tugging at a long rope attached to a mortar-boat which
the men were towing up stream. There were some others there of Battery
G, 2nd Illinois Artillery but Minnis was the only one whom I knew.
Our friends in the North were quick to realize conditions and needs
among the soldiers. Dr. Gould of Lane, was soon there to minister to
the wants of the sick and wounded and rendered valuable assistance, as
did many other self-sacrificing physicians and surgeons.
[Illustration: CALVIN STEEL
Mr. Steel served with credit during the war and at its close returned
to his home at Rochelle, where he married. In 1871 he moved to
Fairbury, Nebraska, and engaged in mercantile business. He held
various public offices, including County Clerk, County Treasurer,
State Representative and State Senator. Upon the election of Governor
Savage to the United States Senate, Mr. Steel, by virtue of his
office as President of the Senate, became acting Governor of the
State and completed the unexpired term with credit and distinction.
Mr. Steel served one year as the Grand Army Department Commander of
his State. He died at his home in March, 1910. As a soldier, he was
faithful and brave--as a friend, loyal and true--as a man, just,
sincere and lovable.]
CHAPTER IV.
FROM DONELSON TO METAL LANDING--RESCUE FROM FLOODED CAMP--PITTSBURG
LANDING--GRAND REVIEW--ESCORT WALLACE'S MEN TO CRUMP'S LANDING--THE
LONG ROLL--DETAILED TO BRING UP WALLACE--HARDSHIP OF MEN--SECOND DAY'S
BATTLE--RETREAT AND PURSUIT--DICKEY'S COWARDICE--CHARGE AGAINST
FORREST'S MEN--PATHETIC INCIDENTS.
"And the old field lay before me all deserted far and wide;
There was where they fell on Prentis,--there McClernand
met the tide;
There was where stern Sherman rallied, and where Hurlbut's
heroes died,--
Lower down, where Wallace charged them, and kept charging
'til he died."
--_Willson._
We remained at Fort Donelson about five or six days after the battle,
when the two companies, A and B, moved to Metal Landing on the
Tennessee River, a few miles above Fort Henry. There was a deep slough
north of the landing and the water from the river, which was very high
and still rising, poured rapidly into it. A small log building at the
landing stood on the highest point of ground and it was near this that
our cooking was done. As the water continued to rise we were confined
to a space about twenty-five by fifty feet, which was all that was
above water. Most of our horses were standing in water. For four days
we hailed all passing boats but none came to our relief. Finally, we
were taken upon a transport and carried to another landing above water,
where we remained a short time before being transported to Pittsburg
Landing. At the latter place we found quite a large camp and were
assigned to a position south of Snake Creek, upon the extreme right
wing, next to General John A. McArthur's Division. Our camp was about a
mile and three-quarters west-north-west of the landing and upon one
side of us was the 12th Illinois Infantry.
The two companies did considerable scouting in the direction of
Corinth. Troops continued to arrive and the camps of many were out two
or three miles, the infantry being upon the outskirts, while the
cavalry was stationed within the infantry and artillery lines. In the
light of subsequent experience, it would seem that it would have been
better had these conditions been reversed. The troops were assigned to
their respective camps in the order in which they arrived; and inasmuch
as the new arrivals were made up of troops of more recent levies, it
followed that, whether intentional or not, the troops farthest out were
those of least experience. Most of them had been drilled but slightly
and but few had ever been in battle.
[Illustration: View of Pittsburg Landing]
On Monday, preceding the date of the battle of Shiloh, a grand review
was held and it was afterwards reported that the confederates were then
sufficiently near so that from the tops of high trees they were
enabled, with the use of field-glasses, to watch a given point and in
that manner estimate our force. This may have been true as to some of
their scouts but only as to them, for it was not until April third,
four days later, that Johnson issued his "Order No. 8," for an advance
from Corinth and the concentration of his forces at Mickey's, eight
miles southwest of Pittsburg Landing. On the day before the battle,
Company B and a part of our company were scouting and encountered the
enemy's cavalry in considerable numbers. The remainder of the company
was detailed to escort some of General Lew Wallace's men to Crump's
Landing, seven miles north, where he was stationed, after which they
returned to Pittsburg Landing.
This fact is significant as throwing some light upon a letter referred
to by General Grant in a note on page 351, Vol 1, of his "Memoirs,"
which letter was written by General Lew Wallace to General W. H. L.
Wallace and is referred to in the note in part as follows:
"* * * In this letter General Lew. Wallace advises General W. H. L.
Wallace that he will send 'to-morrow' (and his letter also says
'April 5th,' which is the same day the letter was dated and which,
therefore, must have been written on the 4th) some cavalry to
report to him at his headquarters and suggesting the propriety of
W. H. L. Wallace's sending a company back with them for the purpose
of having the cavalry at the two landings familiarize themselves
with the road so that they could 'act promptly in case of emergency
as guides to and from the different camps.'"
General Grant's note states that this letter was sent "over the road
running from Adamsville to the Pittsburg landing and Purdy road." It is
presumable therefore, that they returned that way, but I was not with
them and I do not know which way was taken. As far as I am aware,
nothing has been published to show that the suggestion of General Lew
Wallace was actually carried out. That they did return by way of the
Purdy road is rendered still more probable by what occurred in
connection with our company on the day of the battle.
On Sunday, April 6th, it was our intention to visit friends in the
other commands, as was our custom when the weather was fair as it was
that day, and we were off duty. We had arisen as usual, cared for our
horses and had about finished breakfast, when the report of fire-arms
arrested our attention and we rushed to saddle our horses. Just then
the long roll greeted our ears from various directions and our bugler,
J. L. Padgett, sounded "Boots and saddles." In three minutes our two
companies, under command of Captain Hotaling, were in line ready for
action.
We galloped towards Shiloh Church, where heavy firing was heard but
before reaching it there was a lull in the firing which lasted about
thirty-five or forty minutes. While waiting in line, General Grant rode
up and saluted Captain Hotaling. I was very near to him and heard his
order distinctly.
"Captain Hotaling," he said, "I detail you on my staff today. I
want you to take charge of the 10th Missouri Sharp Shooters. Place
them and fight them."
Then turning to Lieutenant Bennett, he said:
"Lieutenant Bennett, you will take your Company A and go with as
much dispatch as possible to Crump's Landing. Present my
compliments to General Lew Wallace and tell him to come
immediately, you being the escort."
He then gave orders to Captain Larison of Company B, but I did not hear
them as we were off instantly.
The roads were very muddy, and after crossing Snake Creek, were almost
impassable. The horses constantly floundered in mud and water which was
often up to the saddle-skirts. As the road approached the river near to
Crump's it became somewhat better but we were obliged to move slowly
and it was about twelve o'clock when we reached Wallace's camp. He was
apparently awaiting orders. The arms were stacked and the entire
command was ready to march. Lieutenant Bennett delivered his message
and the order was at once given to fall in line.
Wallace's command started out ahead and our company, instead of being
in advance as an escort in accordance with General Grant's order, was
in the rear, apparently acting as a rear guard. Why this was I do not
know; but it would indicate that Wallace relied upon the knowledge of
his men who had been to Pittsburg Landing the day before to lead him.
For some reason the River Road, the shortest route to the battlefield
by several miles, was not taken. We marched a considerable distance
until we came to an old overshot-mill, when, much to our surprise, we
met the head of the column returning. They had spent several hours in
marching upon the wrong road and were obliged to turn back to the River
Road. From the old mill we could see a road which we thought to be the
River Road but there was no apparent approach to it. We retraced our
steps therefore, to the junction with the River Road which was followed
to the battlefield, where we arrived about seven o'clock in the
evening.
The condition of Wallace's men upon reaching the front was
pitiable--especially that of the infantry. They floundered and wallowed
in the mud and water in which they frequently sank to their hips; but,
with all this, nothing but eagerness was shown by officers and men to
get to the front.
Two regiments of Wallace's First Brigade, the 11th Indiana and the 8th
Missouri, were conceded to have been the finest drilled of any
regiments in the entire service. They had been in competitive drill
against the 130th New York Zouaves and other famous regiments in both
the volunteer and regular service and in every instance were the
victors. Moreover, they were as brave and manly as they were matchless
in manouvers. Upon the following day, in which a bloody and awful
struggle occurred, they acquitted themselves nobly and did much to
retrieve the almost fatal error of the day before.
On the seventh we acted as a support for a battery known to us as
Hoatling's Battery, next to that of McAllister, and saw the field
extending south and east over a mile from Shiloh Church. The ground was
fought over three times inch-by-inch. Bragg's Battery, in the extreme
corner, was cut to pieces by Hoatling's and McAllister's batteries.
Bragg's men stood up to their work until every gun was dismounted or
disabled and all of the horses and mules were killed or mortally
wounded. In the rear, dead mules and horses lay everywhere and in the
ravine in front, for a distance of about forty rods, one could have
walked upon dead men. It was the most appalling human slaughter that I
have ever witnessed. There had been a severe rain the night before and
as the water ran down the ravine past the bodies it became literally a
stream of blood.
In the afternoon of the second day's engagement, the rebels gave way
and commenced to retreat. About four o'clock Companies A and B the 7th
Illinois and the 5th Ohio Cavalry were placed under command of Colonel
T. Lyle Dickey of the Fourth Illinois Cavalry who was ordered to
pursue. These were fine regiments and we might have captured many
prisoners had it not been for our commander. Dickey's cowardice,
previously suspected, was soon demonstrated. As soon as the order to
pursue was given, we started with a rush. This was not in accordance
with Dickey's conception of pursuit. It meant overtaking the enemy who
had shown a disposition to resent undue familiarities. Besides, what
was the use?--it was raining hard anyway. So, we were ordered to halt
and "await further orders," the meaning of which was easy to surmise,
for night was approaching and the enemy was vanishing.
While thus awaiting we dismounted in front of the remains of Bragg's
famous battery. In a tent nearby we found two men who had brothers in
our company. One, Daniel Twiney, with both legs shot off and another,
James Prescott, slightly wounded. Our men bore them from the field to
the hospital. Twiney was sent to St. Louis where he died shortly after
his arrival. We remained there until it became sufficiently dark and
foggy to render pursuit useless, when the redoubtable Dickey ordered
"right about for quarters."
On the morning after the battle, we received an early order to report
to Dickey, whose martial figure was conspicuous at the head of his
regiment. After marching about five miles from the battleground, we
approached an opening more or less covered with scattered timber, where
the enemy had taken a stand. Here the Colonel exhibited his remarkable
characteristics as a military commander. The Fifth Ohio Cavalry and a
regiment of Ohio infantry had preceded us. Dickey gave orders for the
infantry to deploy as skirmishers in advance of the cavalry, with the
Fourth Cavalry upon the right. Our two companies, A and B, and the
Fifth Ohio were formed in line of battle upon the left. As soon as this
disposition was made, our dauntless leader announced, loud enough, it
seemed, to have been heard by the enemy, that "orders would come from
the rear." General Forrest's cavalry, which was protecting the
Confederate retreat, made a charge upon us. In doing so, they kept in
column, a manouver I had never before heard of. In the meantime, the
infantry regiment had deployed directly in our front. About the time
the latter were engaged, Dickey gave orders for the cavalry to fire by
battalion and retreat;--and this, while we were in line in a muddy
slough.
Our two companies waited until the enemy was close to us, when we gave
them a volley. This was followed by the order: "Right about, gallop,
march." In a moment Lieutenant Bennett gave the command: "Rally Company
A." We delivered another volley and then by common consent, without an
order having been given, our company charged them. Instead of meeting
our charge, they made a hasty retreat and we followed them for about a
mile. A considerable number of the enemy were wounded and among them,
their dashing commander, who was shot in the back. This we learned
through some of our command who, about an hour after the charge,
visited a temporary Rebel hospital where they were told by the surgeon
that General Forrest, who had just left there, had been slightly
wounded. He did not state the location of the wound, but that
information was supplied by a citizen.
When we returned from the charge, our dapper commander with "orders
from the rear," who was noted for his spick-and-span appearance, had
retired; some said,--"to lace his corsets." In the absence of proof as
to the character of his under-garments, the truthfulness of the
statement is open to question; but whatever the reason, it must have
been urgent, for we did not see him again that day.
Upon our return from the charge we went over the entire field where the
fight occurred. About twelve or fourteen of our infantry men were
killed and several wounded. One poor fellow lay with his musket still
in his hand. He had apparently been in the act of shooting but his
enemy had shot first. His eyes were open and in the right one there
appeared a perfect image of a man upon a white horse.
This circumstance recalls another pathetic incident of the many which
might be related. Battery A of the First Illinois Battery, which, with
Battery B, stood next to that of McAllister's, had nearly all of its
horses killed. With seven of his mates lying dead around him, one
faithful old horse stood in harness all day on Monday and until Tuesday
morning when he was cut loose.
There was no further attempt at pursuit and the enemy was permitted to
return to Corinth where ample time was given him to collect
re-enforcements and to strengthen his position.
The battle of Shiloh was the bloodiest of all the western battles. It
has been claimed by some that our army was not surprised; but to those
who were there, the claim is no less surprising than the fact appeared
to be then. The successes at Forts Henry and Donelson had made our men
and their leaders over-confident. They counted too much upon the moral
effect of those victories upon the enemy. Besides, it seemed incredible
that an army so recently defeated and apparently so demoralized, should
leave a strongly intrenched position and march twenty miles over ground
rendered almost impassable by mud and rain, to meet one of
substantially equal force in an open field. If it was a surprise, as
those who were there at the first onset and saw the conditions,
believed it to have been, it is not for me, it may not be for anyone,
to fix the responsibility. Let him bear it who may,--the thousands of
graves and the long lines of trenches filled with Union dead, will
remain as a proof of the appalling price that it is possible to pay for
indifference and over-confidence.
[Illustration: SAMUEL H. FLETCHER]
CHAPTER V.
THE CORINTH CAMPAIGN--BATTLE OF DAVIS' BRIDGE ON THE HATCHIE RIVER--
BOLIVAR--DEATH OF COL. HOGG--WATER VALLEY--FIGHT AT HOLLEY SPRINGS
--COWARDICE OF COL. MURPHY--FORAGING.
"The brave make danger opportunity;--
The waverer, paltering with the chance sublime
Dwarfs it to peril. * * *"
--_Lowell._
The severe losses at Shiloh resulted in a reorganization of a
considerable portion of our army. Many fragmentary regiments were
consolidated in order to make full ones. Much time was consumed in this
process and we remained at Pittsburg Landing until its completion.
On the eleventh of April, four days after the battle, Major General
Henry Wagner Halleck appeared and assumed command in person. This was
the beginning of a campaign in extraordinary contrast to that which had
been so brilliantly prosecuted by Grant, whose methods and plans were
held in contempt by his superior.
Halleck was a man from whom the people had expected much. They
believed, largely upon his own authority, that he was a great general,
for his unqualified statement about anything was presumed to close
discussion.
Halleck had written a book upon military science which was generally
supposed to contain the last word upon that subject. He was
self-centered and opinionated to a degree and his arrogance was only
equaled by his excessive caution, which nobody at that time was
presumptuous enough to hint might have been called by another name.
This general's policy, constantly impressed upon his officers, was to
"do nothing to bring on an engagement." With an army of one hundred and
twenty thousand men opposed to one whose effective force was
considerably less than half that number, he instructed his generals
that it was "better to retreat than to fight." This rule was strictly
observed and upon different occasions important advantages were waived
and reverse movements made in conformity to it. The result was an
elaborate underground campaign in which the spade was the only
aggressive factor. Except at the very outset, the army literally
burrowed its way into Corinth. While the pioneer corps toiled beneath
the surface, the others watched, not so much as guards but rather as
sentinels to give the alarm. The vicinity of Corinth was a veritable
labyrinth with complex runways such as might have been made by gigantic
field-mice. This harmless procedure must have been quite as amusing to
the Rebels as it was irksome to us. But even they grew tired of the
farce and considerately exploded a magazine as a hint that they had
marched out and would not hurt us if we had really set our hearts upon
marching in.
[Illustration: ILLINOIS MONUMENT AT SHILOH TO SPECIAL COMMANDS
THE FRONT TABLET IS TO COMPANIES A AND B.]
At last Corinth was "captured." The army did not start upon its advance
until April 30th, when the men, burrowing through the ground like
gophers, moved at an average rate of about 1700 feet per day. A month
was consumed in this process. Trenches, rifle-pits and bomb-proofs were
constructed to shelter one hundred thousand men; and all this to
capture another lot of trenches, rifle-pits and bomb-proofs that were
empty. It was a bloodless victory, and the countless hills and holes
that cost so much labor and so many lives incident to the use of
polluted surface-water and exposure under unsanitary conditions, will
remain indefinitely as monuments to the caution and timidity of that
unique general whose conception of prosecuting the war seemed to have
been to treat the entire South as an immense garrison to be captured
only after complete investment and a prolonged, careful and strictly
methodical siege. Halleck's "caution" would appear to have been the
result of a fevered imagination rather than the outgrowth of well
considered military conditions which he should and might have known but
did not; for, on the day following the evacuation of Corinth, when the
Rebels were many miles away in full retreat, he caused his whole army
to be drawn up in preparation for battle, announcing in orders that
there was "every indication that our left was to be attacked that
morning." The "indications" proved to be as humiliating as the
preparations to meet them were preposterous; but their significance was
entirely obscured by the cloud of egotism which seemed to envelop the
personality of this overrated commander who might have been more
successful had he possessed a sense of humor. In the light of Halleck's
experience, it is refreshing to recall General Grant's opinion of what
might have been:
"For myself, I am satisfied that Corinth could have been captured
in a two days' campaign commenced promptly on the arrival of
re-enforcements after the battle of Shiloh." Memoirs, V. 1, pg.
381.
During the Corinth campaign Companies A and B acted as escort to
Brigadier General T. A. Davies. After the evacuation an order was
issued directing them to report to the regiment but Captain Hotaling,
who was originally responsible for their detachment, because he
believed that he could do more effectual work with them separately,
succeeded, through the influence of General Oglesby, in having the
order changed to include Company B; whereupon Company A was, at the
request of General O. A. C. Ord, who commanded the post at Corinth,
assigned to his staff.
I had previously been detailed to act as orderly to Colonel Baker of
the Second Iowa regiment, who was then in command of a brigade. He was
succeeded by General Thomas Sweeney and I was with the latter until he,
in turn, was succeeded by General Hackelman with whom I remained until
the battle of Iuca, just before the second fight at Corinth, when I
returned to my company which was ordered to Jackson, Tennessee.
The time spent at Corinth was dull and monotonous but the monotony
ceased upon our arrival at Jackson. We remained in camp about seven or
eight days until the battle of Corinth, where General Hackelman,
Colonel Baker and Lieutenant Brainard, all good friends of mine, were
killed. After the battle, General Ord, in command of Logan's and
Hurlbut's Divisions, the latter of which had been sent ahead from
Bolivar, Tennessee, attempted to intercept Price and Van Dorn at Davis'
Bridge on the Hatchie River.
About six o'clock in the evening orders were given to pack haversacks
with two days' rations and be in the saddle in forty minutes. We
marched to the depot, loaded our horses in box-cars, mounted the deck
with our saddles and were off. The road was rough and the cars swayed
like ships in a storm. By lying down and holding fast to the deck we
were enabled to stay in place until our arrival at Bolivar, which we
reached at about half past twelve that night. As soon as possible we
commenced our march for Davis' Bridge which was about twenty miles
away. Just as the sky began to redden in the east we arrived at
Hurlbut's headquarters and found his command in line of battle near the
bridge. We were none too soon. The battle began soon after our arrival
and raged until afternoon. The enemy fought persistently but was slowly
driven back and finally retreated up the stream. One of our men
captured a rebel officer upon one of General Van Dorn's horses. W. B.
Cummins was in command of the company in the absence of Captain
Hotaling who was upon staff duty.
General Ord was wounded in this battle which caused his retirement for
a considerable time from active service. In his report of the battle he
paid a high compliment to the men of our company, whom he commended for
their rare intelligence and skill.
At the beginning of General Ord's retirement he requested General Grant
to reserve Company A as his personal guard but he was gone so long that
the company was ordered to report to General Logan, with whom it had
been but a short time when Captain Hotaling was appointed Senior Aid
upon Logan's staff with the title of Major, in which capacity he served
with distinction until the close of the war. Our company continued to
act as escort for General Logan until after the surrender of Vicksburg.
After the battle at Davis' Bridge I was detailed as hospital assistant
to help in holding sponge and to assist in amputating legs and arms. It
was a grewsome experience and my first of the kind. Between forty and
fifty men were brought in in varying conditions and among them General
Ord, who was wounded in the leg.
The next morning we moved back to Bolivar where we were the guests of
our regiment. It was a joyous reunion and we slept but little that
night. Our joy was marred however, by the absence of our beloved
Colonel Harvey Hogg, who met his death a few days previous in a heroic
charge at the battle of Bolivar. His death was said to have occurred
within sight of his mother's house. On the day of the battle, those of
the regiment who were detailed to bury the dead, found the Colonel's
body stripped of all clothing, and were told by the rebels that "the
hogs did it." The statement is proof of its absurdity and of the
unbelievable hatred which existed at the time against southerners who
fought for the Union. The details of Colonel Hogg's death have been
embodied in a separate sketch and need not be enlarged upon here.
Our visit ended in the morning when we marched back to Jackson where we
were engaged in picket duty and foraging until the weather began to get
chilly. From Jackson we marched by way of Bolivar to Water Valley,
Mississippi, about sixty miles south of Holly Springs. The latter place
had been chosen as a secondary base of supplies for that portion of the
army located south of there. General Grant, in what he regarded as an
almost hopeless endeavor to fit his plans to those of Gen. Halleck and
the orders resulting from the latter, was compelled to scatter his
forces and to guard as best he could, a number of widely separated
points in order to maintain railway communication with the North. Under
the conditions existing, they could not all be adequately protected.
Colonel R. C. Murphy, of the eighth Wisconsin, with about fifteen
hundred men, including companies C, F, G, H, I and K, of the Second
Illinois Cavalry, was left to guard the post. The companies mentioned
were under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Quincy McNeil.
Believing that the destruction of the munitions and stores accumulated
there would greatly cripple our army, Van Dorn undertook to capture the
place. He was especially anxious to secure the horses of our regiment
which had the reputation of being one of the best mounted in the
service. So, on the 20th of December, with a force of mounted infantry
and cavalry outnumbering that of the Union troops more than ten to one,
he made a dash to capture the place. Murphy had been notified of his
approach but made no preparations to meet him nor did he take the
trouble to inform his command. Van Dorn had no difficulty in
"surprising" him and less in inducing him to surrender. Before the
troops knew of the situation the town was surrounded by several
thousand confederates and the post with stories and troops had been
formally surrendered by Murphy. The six companies of our regiment were
encamped upon the fair-grounds, over all parts of which they were
scattered. Lieutenant Colonel McNeil, with Captains Jones and Higgins
were upon the east side of the Camp, Captain Marsh upon the north and
Majors Mudd and Bush upon the west and south sides respectively. The
men were told that the Second had been surrendered with the other
troops. "Not by a damned sight," was the reply, "If they want the
Second, they must fight for it." At this instant the rebels rushed in
upon the east side and immediately began shooting down those who were
saddling their horses. McNeil rallied the men nearest to him and
advanced to the attack. Captains Jones and Higgins seconded McNeil.
There was no time to form. McNeil was pressed by overwhelming numbers,
surrounded and captured. At the same time Marsh was rallying the men at
the north and the conflict or series of conflicts, became an
indiscriminate struggle to the death. Just then the enemy in still
larger numbers poured into the camp and captured the stragglers and
convalescents. Captain Jones' horse was shot under him, Lieutenant
Garrett was wounded and both were made prisoners. Marsh ordered a saber
charge and broke through the line at the north, followed by Captain
Higgins and the men who had been with McNeil. Marsh charged west and
then south in the hope of supporting Major Bush. Major Mudd, who had
been ordered to Oxford by rail and was preparing to go, knew nothing of
the situation until he heard of the surrender. He rallied a few men
nearest to him and ordered a saber charge. The same order was
simultaneously executed by Marsh and Bush, all of whom broke through
the lines at different points. The several detachments were separated.
Those of Marsh and Bush joined upon the south and charged through the
town fighting desperately. The enemy swarmed like locusts but, unable
to withstand the terrific onset, gave way at every point. Realizing
that a considerable number of their comrades must have been captured,
Major Bush charged back like a whirlwind, recaptured the camp and
released the captives. Those behind seemed to realize that their
comrades would return. Some were found crouched upon the ground behind
their dead and dying horses which they used for breastworks, still
fighting with coolness and desperation. When the rescue came, these men
hurriedly mounted behind their comrades or captured loose horses and
went on with them. The charge was scarcely halted. Turning to the west,
they again broke through the line and escaped to Coldwater, a town
about twenty miles distant. Captain Marsh received three severe wounds
but kept on through the fight.
In the meantime, Major Mudd, with a small detachment, succeeded in
breaking through the western line, but in doing so, lost a number of
his men. The fact of escape was not enough to satisfy his soldierly
instinct. Seeing a band of rebels in front of him he gave chase,
although at the time he was pursued by a much larger number.
Twenty-four prisoners were captured, including one major; but being
unable to take care of them, twelve were released. Whether these were a
part of the detachment pursued, I have not been able to ascertain.
Major Mudd with his detachment also escaped to Coldwater where he aided
in preparations for the defense of that place which was threatened by
the enemy.
On the following Sunday, this officer, under orders from Colonel
O'Meara, commanding at Coldwater, went back to Holly Springs under a
flag of truce, but finding the place deserted and being joined by
Lieutenant Stickel with a few men, took possession of the town and held
it until the arrival of Colonel Marsh on the same day.
Another detachment of men, numbering about seventy, broke through the
rebel lines and escaped towards Memphis. They bivouacked that night
several miles away from Holly Springs, without fire, food or shelter
and reached Memphis in due time hungry, cold, exhausted and destitute.
The loss in killed, wounded and missing was about one hundred and
fifty; but, aside from prisoners captured, it was believed that the
enemy's loss was much greater.
In a general order issued on December 23rd, 1862, General Grant, after
severely censuring Murphy and a part of the garrison, said:
"It is gratifying to note in contrast with this, the conduct of a
portion of the command; conspicuous among whom was the Second
Illinois Cavalry, which gallantly and successfully resisted being
taken prisoners. Their loss was heavy but the enemy's was much
greater. Such conduct as theirs will always insure success, &c."
The descendants of those men may be proud to read these words; but how
about the descendants of Colonel Murphy? Here is their bequest:--
Headquarters, Department of the Tennessee.
Holly Springs, Miss.,
Jan. 8th, 1863.
General Orders
No. 4.
Colonel R. C. Murphy was dismissed from the service, to take effect
from the 20th day of December, 1862, the day of his cowardly and
disgraceful conduct.
By order of
Major General U.S. Grant.
John A. Rawlins,
Assistant Adjutant General.
A large sum of money had been sent to Holly Springs for the army
pay-roll. This was captured and diverted to a like use by the
confederates.
The men who escaped to Memphis, being without money or rations and
having lost their camp equipage, following the motto that "all is fair
in love or war," fixed upon a ruse whereby they might recoup in part
from the rebel citizens. Good arms at high prices were in active demand
throughout the South. A standard revolver was valued at from fifty to
seventy-five dollars in "greenbacks." Southern citizens were always
ready to buy arms from any of our men who were willing to sell. Knowing
this, one of the officers sent out several men to sell their arms and
with each was sent a guard to watch. Upon the completion of a sale the
guard would arrest the citizen and confiscate his purchase. In this way
they collected about one thousand dollars, which was credited against
losses at Holly Springs.
At the time our comrades were undergoing the experiences described,
Company A was at Water Valley wading in mud and snow in an effort to
rebuild the bridges which had been destroyed by the enemy.
The appearance of Forrest upon the line of railroad between Jackson,
Tennessee, and Columbus, Kentucky, cut off communication from the North
for more than a week. This, in conjunction with the loss of supplies at
Holly Springs, compelled the entire army to subsist upon the country.
Our company was sent out with wagon-trains and detachments of infantry
who loaded the wagons while we fought bushwhackers. Sometimes it was
necessary to go fifteen or sixteen miles and we were invariably late in
returning. Our diet was corn roasted or burnt, usually the latter,
inasmuch as we were constantly harassed by the enemy and were given no
chance to forage for other things. We soon became so worn and exhausted
from this onerous work and meager diet that our haggard appearance was
noted by those of the army who were in position to fare better. One
night when we came in unusually late and had eaten our corn and turned
in, there was an unusual commotion in the camp which at once aroused
the entire company. We were not long in realizing and appreciating the
cause of the disturbance. The 45th Illinois, knowing our scarcity and
that we had been fighting constantly to protect the train, had brought
over four fine porkers which they hung up at our headquarters with an
invitation to make the most of the opportunity. In an incredibly short
time each man had a piece of pork impaled upon a stick and was roasting
it by the embers of his camp-fire. No chef ever prepared a more savory
banquet and no hungry men ever appreciated one more than we did that.
Tired and worn as we were, it was four o'clock in the morning before
the camp became quiet.
In the morning we received marching orders and started through mud and
rain for Memphis. Our clothes were wet and our boots so sodden and
shrunken that we dared not take them off for fear we could not get them
on again. In a few days we reached Memphis and went into camp in the
eastern part of the town. Mud was omnipresent. It was not only the
quintessence of that well known compound, but the most persistent in
its attachments of any that I have ever seen outside of Carrollton,
Louisiana, which is second to no place in the universe in the quantity
and quality of that annoying material.
Our move to Memphis was the beginning, upon entirely new lines, of a
second campaign for the capture of Vicksburg.
[Illustration: JOSEPH SHEAFF]
CHAPTER VI.
THE FINAL VICKSBURG CAMPAIGN--SITUATION AT AND AROUND VICKSBURG--
MEMPHIS--LAKE PROVIDENCE--DIGGING CANAL--CUTTING LEVEE--RUNNING
BATTERIES--MARCH THROUGH SWAMPS--GRAND-GULF--FEINT BY SHERMAN--
BATTLE OF PORT GIBSON--DEATH OF MCCORCLE--BATTLES OF RAYMOND AND
JACKSON--CHAMPION HILL--CASLER AND HIS "BASE OF SUPPLIES"--BATTLE
OF BLACK RIVER BRIDGE--INVESTMENT OF VICKSBURG--GRANT--THE SILENT
--THE INVINCIBLE.
"Count me o'er earth's chosen heroes
They were men that stood alone."
The capture of the forts upon the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers,
together with the Corinth campaign, were merely preliminary to the
opening of the Mississippi by the capture of Vicksburg, its chief
stronghold. But it was necessary for our forces to get in the rear of
that place in order to attack it. To proceed southwardly from Corinth
necessitated the holding of long lines of railway and the scattering of
our men to such an extent as to render such a campaign hazardous,
prolonged and uncertain with the forces then available. The first
Vicksburg campaign which, among other things, included an attempt by
General Sherman to reach the coveted position by way of the Yazoo
River, was, therefore, abandoned with a view of using the Mississippi
itself as a means by which to pass below and approach it from the rear.
The latter plan possessed important advantages but was a hazardous
undertaking and because of the apparently insuperable difficulties
involved, seemed almost chimerical. Vicksburg stood upon a high bluff,
the base of which was washed by the river. A frontal attack was not to
be contemplated. The problem then was, either to find or make a channel
for gunboats and transports through the lakes, bayous and swamps west
of Vicksburg to some point below where a successful landing could be
made and maintained or to run the batteries directly with the gunboats
and transports, so as to have both below for the use of the army when a
feasible way could be found for moving the latter.
[Illustration: PETER SHEAFF]
There were fourteen miles of batteries in front of Vicksburg. No
landing place existed upon the east side of the river between it and
Grand Gulf, twenty-five miles below. The latter place was upon a high
bluff and strongly fortified. Hence it was necessary to pass both of
these places. It is not surprising therefore, that General Grant deemed
it wise to carefully test the practicability of each expedient offered
before finally acting upon any. Moreover, it was winter and the active
prosecution of an elaborate campaign was not to be thought of.
Nevertheless, the press, politicians and people of the North insisted
that "something should be done." The scheme of cutting a canal across
the peninsula formed by the great bend in the river opposite Vicksburg
was a novel one, sounded well to everybody, was approved by Lincoln and
Halleck and served to fill in the time. Aside from diverting attention,
it had advantages so important that its attempt, after once having been
suggested, was unavoidable. It would keep the men busy while waiting
for spring and should it succeed, it would prove a happy solution of
the problem in a way that would be clear gain. On the other hand, a
failure in an effort to run the batteries without first trying it,
would have been deemed suicidal; and the authorities might not have
been able to have withstood the increasing force of clamor already
raised for General Grant's removal. So the project of digging the canal
was started while elaborate explorations were also being prosecuted
through the bayous and swamps for some other feasible channel or road
in case it should fail. While these things were being accomplished, the
waiting, as well as the experiences associated with it, were tedious
and trying.
We were comfortably housed at Memphis pending the preparations for a
general move. In due time General Logan and staff, with our company and
other troops of the 17th Corps, took passage upon the steamer Maria
Deering and were transported to Lake Providence. All of the 17th Corps,
under command of General McPherson, was moved to that place, where a
temporary base of supplies was established upon the Commissary boat N.
W. Thomas. The operations upon the canal were commenced about the time
of our arrival. At the beginning of February, in the hope of
facilitating this work by washing out a channel, General Grant caused
the levee at Lake Providence to be cut. The water flowed in at a
terrific rate and compelled us to move our camp from the south side of
the lake. It was difficult to find camping space and the levees were
used for that purpose. The rush of waters did not increase the canal
channel as expected. There were other difficulties which rendered the
canal impracticable; and, during the latter part of April, the project
was abandoned. In the meantime, no feasible channel was found
elsewhere, so the pioneer corps was set to work to build a corduroy
road across the swamps towards Lake St. Joseph southwest of Vicksburg,
over which to move the troops. The previous cutting of the levee
greatly increased the difficulty of the work by causing a complete
inundation of the low lands and swamps to the west for a distance of
from fifty to seventy-five miles. This apparent disadvantage was,
however, largely compensated for by its advantage in another respect.
It formed an impassable barrier at the west and south, insured us
against an attack in those directions and relieved us from much picket
duty.
At last the time came for making the perilous movement of running the
batteries. Transports, veneered with railroad iron and protected upon
the outer edges with bales of hay and cotton, were loaded with supplies
and started upon their way preceded by a flotilla of gunboats. The risk
was considered so grave that all but two boat captains and one crew
refused to attempt it. Volunteers were called for. Logan's command was
composed of many river men and when the call was made, five times the
requisite number volunteered. Many of our company asked to go but Logan
said "No, I want you to navigate the horses." So, pending the success
of the river movement, we remained at Lake Providence.
It was unnecessary to inform us when the running of the batteries
commenced. The roar of the guns, eighty miles away, was distinctly
heard by us. It was an anxious time but we soon knew that the movement
had been a success. McClernard's Division had previously been started
by the improvised road and was at Hard Times, above and nearly opposite
Grand Gulf, from whence it was to be transported to a landing upon the
east bank of the Mississippi to aid in the capture of the latter place
should the gunboats succeed in silencing the guns of the fort.
On the 29th of April Admiral Porter commenced the bombardment and
continued it during the day and far into the night without any apparent
effect; whereupon the troops were debarked and under cover of night,
marched down the levee upon the west side of the river to a safe point
below the fort and while the gunboats continued the bombardment, the
transports ran the batteries. Nearly all of the boats were more or less
disabled. One transport was sunk nearly opposite Grand Gulf, and two
were pulled up upon the west bank. Many of the artillery horses were
wounded. Major Stalbrand lost a fine horse valued at one thousand
dollars.
In the meantime we had marched through the swamps over the corduroy
road to Lake St. Joseph and thence to a camp nearly opposite Grand Gulf
where it was arranged that we should embark for Bruinsville. A
satisfactory landing had been found at the latter place which connected
with a road leading to Port Gibson.
The forces landed below Grand Gulf, including the 17th Corps, numbered
about twenty thousand. The Confederates forces at Vicksburg, Haines
Bluff, Jackson, Port Gibson and Grand Gulf, aggregated about sixty
thousand. We were in an enemy's country, practically cut off from
retreat as well as from our base of supplies. The only alternative,
therefore, was to act quickly and attack the detached forces of the
enemy in detail before they could concentrate or be defeated ourselves.
Two days' rations were distributed and our forces advanced at once
towards Port Gibson. In the meantime, a portion of the Grand Gulf
garrison amounting to about eight thousand, had moved in a
northeasterly direction in the hope of being re-enforced from Vicksburg
so as to successfully dispute our passage. In anticipation of this,
Grant had ordered Sherman to make an attack upon Haines Bluff with a
view of deceiving Pemberton and holding his forces at Vicksburg. The
ruse was successful. Sherman immediately withdrew and rapidly marched
his division by the course we had taken to join us. Upon his arrival we
had an available force of about thirty-three thousand to strike the
forces east of Vicksburg before it would be possible for Pemberton to
join them.
The greater portion of the 17th Corps had been transported across the
river during the night preceding the movement of our company. Ten of
the latter, including our orderly sergeant, James McCorkle and myself,
were detailed to cross the river with General Logan. Upon arriving at
the landing the Division Surgeon called for an orderly. McCorkle sent
me back to camp for another man to fill my place and detailed me to act
as orderly for the surgeon. We were unable to obtain transportation and
so were compelled to remain there until morning. McCorkle and I slept
together. He was in an unusually serious mood, said but little and
seemed to want to have me near him. We embarked upon the first boat in
the morning and landed about ten miles below Grand Gulf, from whence we
rode together to Thompson's Hill where the battle of Port Gibson was in
progress. It had been raging for some time and was still being hotly
contested. Governor Yates and some of his staff, together with E. B.
Washburn, then a member of Congress from the Galena District, were with
General Logan. Washburn was instrumental in organizing the 45th
Illinois Infantry, known as "The Lead Mine Regiment," which was a part
of Logan's Division. A charge was made by the regiment and Washburn
took special pride in the prowess of the men. Forgetting the danger of
the situation and everything but the enthusiasm of the moment, he rode
behind them cheering and swinging his hat like a boy chasing a
fire-engine. Yates, on the other hand, tempered his valor with
discretion. From morning until late in the afternoon, he found an
attractive resting place under the protecting brow of a hill near the
general hospital where his presence attracted the attention of the
surgeons.
Shortly after one o'clock, James Padgett rode by and said: "Sam, Jim.
McCorkle is killed and is lying between our lines and the Rebels."
About three o'clock one of Logan's orderlies called out in passing:
"Second your Orderly Sergeant is mortally wounded and lies just in the
rear of the 45th Illinois." I at once asked permission to go and take
him from the field. The main road which I was obliged to follow, was so
jammed that it was difficult to proceed except at the slowest pace. The
delay was torture. I did not find him until nearly dusk. His body was
partially covered with a blanket but his cavalry boots were exposed and
I knew from them that it was he. As I drew the blanket from his face he
looked at me with a wild, vacant stare. Then an expression of
intelligence and tenderness followed and he said: "Sam, you have come
at last." He was removed to the hospital and lived until about six
o'clock the following evening, retaining consciousness most of the
time. After the battle he asked to see his comrades. I notified all
that I could find, including Captain Hotaling, and General Logan and
staff, to all of whom he bade an affectionate good-bye. He asked how
the battle terminated and seemed satisfied when told that we had won.
During the battle McCorkle was acting as orderly for Captain Hotaling.
While crossing from one brigade to another, he was struck by the bullet
of a sharpshooter stationed in a tree. The bullet, which was large,
entered the body at the right of the saber-clasp and, striking the
spinal column, was flattened until it was as thin as a sheet of tin and
about three inches in diameter.
McCorkle was a general favorite of the company, as just and fair as he
was generous and brave, and we all mourned his loss as we would have
mourned that of a brother.
The battle lasted from early morning until ten o'clock at night when
the rebels retreated, leaving their dead and wounded upon the field.
The following day was spent in burying the dead, waiting for the
rear-guard and provision-train to come up and in reorganizing for an
advance. Any battle of importance necessarily results in confusion and
this proved to be no exception to the rule.
Aside from the loss of McCorkle, Clark Pond was fatally, and Jack Elder
slightly wounded.
The evacuation of Grand Gulf occurred on the day of the battle and on
the following day our company remained at the general hospital and on
the next moved to Port Gibson where it encamped about two hours when
orders came for an advance. We marched nearly all night in a
northeasterly direction and encamped near the Big Black River,
remaining there two days. Then another move was made to a point about
five miles from Raymond where we encamped for a day. Company A formed
the advance guard of Logan's Division in its movement towards Jackson.
After having advanced about two miles towards Raymond there began to be
signs of trouble. The enemy's videttes appeared. Our men were deployed
as skirmishers. The country was more or less wooded and the thick brush
served to screen the Confederates whose main body, numbering about five
thousand, was not far distant. We were met by volleys from small
detachments at every turn in the road. This was continued for about
three miles when the enemy came to a final stand. The battle which
followed was severe and lasted about five hours. During the skirmishing
which preceded it, I had an interesting experience. Our men had
dismounted near a group of trees and were endeavoring to locate a
detachment of the enemy. Asa Gillette was nearest to me. We were
standing behind trees which were close together. Gillette, seeing a man
in a fence corner, was endeavoring to point him out to me, and as he
did so, our heads nearly touched. At that instant a ball passed between
us, punctured my hat-rim in two places and cut away a lock of hair. It
was the 12th of May and my twentieth birthday. I have had many since
but none has brought me a birthday present so unwelcome as the one then
offered.
Our company was assigned to a position upon the right wing of the line
of battle which was near to a creek, the banks of which were about ten
feet in height and closely fringed with underbrush. A battery and a
brigade of infantry were stationed upon our left, both actively
engaged. After we had been there about two hours, our horses became
very restless when we mounted and moved up the creek. We had advanced
but a short distance when balls began to whistle over our heads. We
soon discovered that an entire brigade, protected by the wooded banks
of the creek had crawled down it and succeeded in almost surrounding
us. They were lower than we however, and as they fired, their volleys
went above us. We scattered like a flock of quail, retreated about
forty rods, rallied and came to a halt. As we did so, we met General
Logan with Leggett's Brigade advancing upon the double quick. Logan
called out: "Boys, what is the matter?" "A hornet's nest," was the
reply. Instantly came the command: "Go in boys and lift them out of
that with the cold steel." They did.
After half an hour of severe musketry fire the Confederate line began
to waver and then broke into full retreat towards Raymond where they
were followed by our men.
The entire battle of Raymond was fought by Logan's Division with that
of Carr's looking on ready to help but it was not called upon to do so.
On the night following the battle, we bivouacked near Raymond and early
the next morning, at the head of the Division, resumed our march
towards Jackson.
While at Raymond, General Grant's son Fred, a small, pale boy about
twelve years of age, rode into town upon a black Shetland pony. His
father states that he had left him asleep upon a gunboat below Grand
Gulf, but the little fellow, hearing the sound of the guns at the
battle of Port Gibson and, anxious to see what was being done, had,
upon his own initiative, followed the direction of the sound and
overtook the army. Where he found the pony can only be surmised. He
had, before reaching Raymond, been seen, mounted upon a very large, old
and decrepit beast, equipped with a primitive saddle and bridle, which
make-shift answered his purpose for the time. The boy displayed the
characteristics of his father, in that he was entirely independent,
accepted all conditions as he found them, endured hardships and
vicissitudes of camp life without a murmur, caused no trouble to
anybody, and in this way is said to have gone through the entire
campaign and a portion of the Vicksburg siege.
During our march that day we saw nothing of the enemy and at night we
bivouacked about six miles from Jackson. There was a deluge of rain
during the night and the roads were submerged when we started in the
morning. We realized then, if not before, what General Logan meant when
he said at Lake Providence, that he "wanted us to navigate the horses."
At a point about three miles from Jackson, our company was ordered upon
the right flank. It was necessary to cross a stream and after marching
about a mile we were blocked by cross-gullies filled with water. They
were impassable and we were forced to return and recross the creek to
the main road.
In the meantime, the division had encountered the enemy and was hotly
engaged. A short but decisive battle occurred. The Confederates gave
way and our men marched into Jackson. Seeing this, we put spurs to our
horses and galloped in to find them in full possession of the place and
engaged in helping themselves to provisions, tobacco and other
desirable things. Tobacco was the one luxury which we could carry and
would keep and we secured a supply which lasted us until after the fall
of Vicksburg. To many, the tobacco habit may be regarded as
inexcusable; but to the soldier upon the march, there are few more
consoling things.
We bivouacked a short distance from Jackson and on the morning of the
fifteenth started for Vicksburg. On the sixteenth the battle of
Champion Hill was fought. Pemberton had marched out from Vicksburg with
an army of about twenty-five thousand men to dispute our passage. The
battle was bloody but brief and the Confederate loss was great. The
engagement commenced about eleven o'clock and in the afternoon was very
severe. Our company was assigned to a position upon the extreme right
wing near to some heavy timber about twenty rods from where the 124th
Illinois made its famous charge. In their pathway was a ditch where the
enemy had taken a stand. This was filled with dead and dying
Confederates. When our men returned from the charge, each had a
prisoner. By night, the enemy was in full retreat and our company
bivouacked where it had been stationed during the day.
We had started from Port Gibson with three days' rations in our
haversacks and had been fighting and undergoing forced marches over
almost impassable roads for sixteen days. Under these conditions, it
was necessary to live upon the country. Every planter had corn and a
grinding mill driven by mule-power, and these little mills were kept
busy by our men. Aside from these, there were cattle, hogs, sheep and
poultry, but none of these things could be gotten to be distributed
regularly.
On the day of the battle, Orlando Casler, otherwise known as "Lon," who
was one of the characters of the company, and nine others, including Ed
Baker, had been sent out upon the right flank to forage, while the
remainder of the company moved on with the command. We were very hungry
and as the evening advanced with nothing edible in sight, had about
concluded that it would be necessary to take another hitch in our belts
as a substitute for supper, when Lon and his party appeared in a
procession as surprising and unique as it was welcome. Casler, who was
nothing if not dramatic, was appareled in a full broadcloth dress-suit
and silk hat and sat upon the boot of a large family carriage. He had
apparently appropriated the dress-suit of some aristocratic giant.
Casler was a large man but his clothes were of such colossal
proportions that he was compelled to put a wisp of straw under the
sweat-band of his hat and a pillow in the front of his trowsers in
order to locate his own anatomy. The carriage was drawn by two mules
engineered by a colored driver and was filled to the limit of its
capacity with smoked hams, shoulders, chickens, turkeys and jars of
preserved fruit. Following the carriage was a wagon drawn by a
four-mule team and loaded with hams, bacon, about sixty gallons of
strained honey and a barrel of coffee. The necessity for these things
and the joyousness of their welcome were both manifested by the
astonishing rate at which they disappeared.
In the morning we saw the men of Logan's Division who had fought so
hard the day before, dig up a ten-acre field of sweet potatoes but
recently planted and devour them like ravenous animals. Afterwards, as
they marched by us, we stationed a number of men at "Casler's base of
supplies," who tossed hams and bacon at them and filled their cups with
coffee. We enjoyed it immensely, for it was our opportunity to pay a
debt in kind to the 45th Illinois by whom we had been previously
remembered in a similar manner. But little was reserved for ourselves
and our supply that night was in inverse ratio to our satisfaction.
Then followed the fight at Black River Bridge which was burned by the
enemy to prevent our passage. This delayed us one day and prevented the
possible capture or dispersion of Pemberton's army. Three temporary
bridges were hurriedly built and on the 18th, we resumed our march. On
the 19th, we had the satisfaction of taking a place in the semicircle
which invested Vicksburg.
At last the long sought goal had been reached. The position for which
the Northern army had manouvered for more than a year had been gained.
For three weeks we had endured forced marches over nearly impassable
roads, had engaged in almost constant skirmishing when not fighting in
important battles and had bivouacked in mud and rain without tents or
cooking utensils, and this on five days' rations issued at the start.
Hungry and worn, we stood between two armies whose combined numbers
exceeded ours. Our problem was to capture the one, nearly as large as
our own, protected behind seven miles of fortifications, while guarding
ourselves against one in our rear that was being rapidly re-enforced.
In securing our position, we had ended a great and successful campaign
to begin a siege which, in view of all the adverse conditions, had in
it the possibilities of utter defeat. We needed supplies and above all,
re-enforcements to complete and strengthen a line twenty-one miles long
and to ward off the enemy in the rear. Aside from our hope of immediate
re-enforcements, our only assured reliance was in our determination and
the ability of our imperial Commander. We _knew_ that we should win.
[Illustration: OSBORN SHANNON]
CHAPTER VII.
THE SIEGE OF VICKSBURG--THE ASSAULT--LOGAN'S HEADQUARTERS--THE
"BULL-PEN"--"BOYCE'S BATTERY"--SCOUTING--THE MINE--THE SURRENDER--
PHELP'S APPROPRIATES GENERAL BUCKNER'S CAPITULATION PAPERS--
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE VICTORY--CREDIT DUE TO GRANT.
"How we marched together, sound or sick,
Sank in the trench o'er the heavy spade--
How we charged on the guns, at double-quick,
Kept rank for Death to choose and pick--
And lay on the bed no fair hands made."
Upon the nineteenth of May Vicksburg was practically invested. Haines
Bluff was evacuated and the rebel garrison had entered Vicksburg,
thereby opening to our army the possibility of a base of supplies and
direct communication with the North. There was much severe fighting
during the day, including an assault upon the southern portion of the
works, which was repulsed. All of this resulted in giving us better
positions and enabled us to determine those of the enemy. By the 22nd,
we had succeeded in opening up communication with the North by way of
the Yazoo River and in obtaining supplies. Hard-tack and coffee were
particularly welcomed. This greatly increased the confidence and
enthusiasm of the men and on the same day a grand charge was made. The
slaughter on our side was appalling. The enemy was strongly entrenched
and our troops were compelled to fall back and to build temporary
breast-works. Logan moved his quarters up to the firing-line within
about forty rods from what was known to us as Fort Hill,[2] a high
point near the middle of the line of the fortifications. His adjutant's
quarters were nearly a mile in the rear, so that the shots from the
enemy's guns passed over his headquarters and fell within a radius of
about forty rods from those in the rear. His adjutant, Major Towne,
owing to a prejudice against minnie balls, was disinclined to get
closer. Our company, being the escort, was ordered to camp about ten
rods south of headquarters. There was a swale between the two positions
which grew wider and higher towards the east, and from the crest there
was a plain view of Fort Hill. About that time large numbers of men had
been recruited by the different regiments as substitutes for skulkers
and "bounty jumpers." The natural diffidence of these men had a
tendency to keep them away from the front. Many were found by our
rear-guard five miles back hidden in negro quarters and cane-brakes.
About two hundred were brought to General Logan, who located them upon
a hill back of his headquarters and placed a strong guard around them.
This enclosure was called the "Bull-Pen." When there was a heavy
cannonade, the spent shells and minnie-balls would fall there. These
reached our company also and made it quite unpleasant, but the fellows
upon the hill were kept busy inventing and practicing new dodging
methods.
[2] It appears that this name was improperly applied by our men
and should not be mistaken for the real Fort Hill which is on the
river bluff about two miles north of Vicksburg. The name applies
to an old fort built by the Spaniards as a defence against the
Indians.
There were several clowns in our company, the chief of whom was Ben
Boyce, a brother of Caleb Boyce, at that time a well known Rochelle
merchant. Boyce constructed a formidable battery of two guns made from
stalks of sugar-cane, wound with marline and mounted upon small trucks.
His gun crew was usually composed of four men. They had a pole about
fifteen feet long upon which was tied an old shirt which served as a
guidon. Ben wore a paper cap two feet high and carried a field-glass
six feet long made from cane. With this instrument he would mount a
bale of hay and with all hands at the guns, was ready for action. When
the "camp-kettles" from the enemy's mortars commenced to drop, Ben
would issue his commands with the gravity of a general and they were
followed with a fidelity and heroism equal to any shown upon other
parts of the field. His guns were phenomenal. They required only about
half the charge used for a Sharp's carbine, but their effectiveness
exceeded that of the largest ordnance, for they frequently dismounted
the enemy's cannon at Fort Hill and sometimes silenced all his
batteries. Ben's battery men were usually Jim Bowers, Martin Klock and
Henderson Gordonier. Grand Townsend was one of the invincibles and
sometimes volunteers were called upon to lead a forlorn hope. This
by-play formed an amusing recreation and frequently served to divert
our minds from the more serious and grewsome happenings around us. The
fun was by no means devoid of danger but that only served to give zest
to its enjoyment.
After the terrific assault and repulse of May 22nd, it became manifest
that Vicksburg could not be captured except by a prolonged siege.
Pemberton had previously disobeyed the order of Johnson, his superior
in command, to evacuate, giving as his reason that he regarded the
place as "the most important point in the Confederacy." Johnson was in
our rear and Pemberton had reason to believe that the latter would be
re-enforced and would exhaust every effort to raise the siege. Under
these conditions, it was clear that Pemberton intended to hold the
place at any cost.
It was essential that Johnson should be watched; and our company, under
command of Lieutenant W. B. Cummins, a section of a battery, the 21st
Illinois, Grant's old regiment and some other troops, including the 2nd
Iowa Cavalry, was ordered out for this purpose under the command of
Colonel Johnson. Our course led past Haines' Bluff, up the Yazoo River
to Mechanicsburg and thence along the Black River. A Confederate force
was met near Mechanicsburg which was charged and driven off by the
Second Iowa Cavalry. We continued our advance north and east and again
met them in the evening, when an engagement ensued. The action had
barely commenced when the enemy began to run. The fear of our foe
seemed to have a reflex action upon our commander who ordered a retreat
to Haines' Buff, about forty miles distant.
We returned to Vicksburg, where we were stationed at Logan's hind
quarters. During this time I acted as orderly for Dr. Trowbridge who
was acting Division Surgeon in the absence of Dr. Goodleak who was sick
at the time.
The method employed by our men in planting the mine under Fort Hill was
interesting and involved some features which I have not seen in print.
It was known to but few outside of Logan's Division. Captain
Tressiline, Logan's engineer, known as the "Wild Irishman," planned the
work. It was executed with the help of the pioneer corps and infantry
detailed for the purpose. The work was commenced at the top of a hill
northeast of Fort Hill and was complicated by an intervening sag which
had to be taken into account. A platform of heavy timbers about twelve
feet wide and sixteen feet long, was built and supported upon strong
wheels. Upon the platform was mounted two large wooden guns which were
painted black and varnished, each having what appeared to be a ten inch
bore. This formidable engine of war, suggestive of the famous
wooden-horse at the siege of Troy, was moved ahead of the workmen and
served to shield them and their work from the enemy. As the machine was
advanced, a trench was dug behind it, ceiled by timbers and covered
with the excavated material. When the sag was reached the Rebels could
not get their cannon to bear upon the moving structure from any point
and small arms were useless. There was a moat at the base of the fort,
and when our men reached the sag they tunneled beneath it to plant the
mine. This moat proved a boon to us, for it necessitated the running of
the tunnel at so low a level that the enemy in counter-mining, missed
it. There was lively work at this place. The enemy, being above us, had
a great advantage. They not only threw hand-grenades, but rolled
heavier explosives over the ramparts. All our men had to send in return
was twenty-four pound shells and these had to be thrown by hand. When
the fuse chanced to be a little too long, the enemy would cut or pull
it out. This was hazardous work and not always successful. Sometimes
the fuse was too short. Captain Hotaling had an experience with one of
these which exploded prematurely. A piece of it struck him a glancing
blow in the breast and he lay, apparently dead, for over two hours.
A few days before the surrender, the mine, containing three hundred
kegs of powder, was exploded. The explosion was to be the signal for
the grand charge; and in order that all might be ready for it, Grant
had previously caused the watches of all the commanding officers to be
set by his. The eruption was terrific and blew the top off the hill,
but the enemy had anticipated the result by building a second line of
works immediately within the other and the breach was not sufficient to
permit the passage of enough men to carry them. Our men were unable to
hold the positions taken along the line and at night fell back to those
formerly occupied. An armistice was declared and the dead were buried
where they fell.
A negro in Fort Hill was blown into our lines more frightened than
hurt. Grant quotes him as saying, when asked how high he went up:
"Dunno, Massa, but 'tink 'bout 'tree mile." The negro remained in
service at Logan's quarters and was ultimately sent by him to the then
famous showman, P. T. Barnum, for exhibition.
During an armistice upon July 3rd, papers of capitulation were signed
by Grant and Pemberton, by which it was agreed that the surrender
should take place at ten o'clock upon the following day. Logan's
command, being at the center, was among the first of our troops to
enter the fort. Our company, as escort for Logan, reported at his
headquarters, where we waited for General Grant, his staff and escort
to take the advance. Then followed General McPherson, our Corps
commander, with staff and escort and General Logan, with staff and
escort brought up the rear. We passed into the fortifications and
marched directly to the court-house, where General Logan, who was
assigned as Post Commander, established a temporary office.
The plight of the Confederates as we marched in appealed to our
tenderest sympathies. They were a sorry looking lot. The rank and file
were as simple minded as their condition was pathetic. It was one of
the provisions of the surrender that the men were to be paroled. The
word "parole" was apparently construed by many to mean a reward; for we
were frequently asked how soon the "pay-roll" would be ready for them.
Some asked: "What are you'ns goin' to do now? We'ns is mighty hungry.
Our mules is most all dead and et up."
The Confederate Guard at the Court House had some mule ham and black
peas for dinner. This was tasted by some of our boys but they were not
enthusiastic in their approval of it, owing, probably to conventional
prejudice.
Permission was given us to ride around the town to satisfy our
curiosity. Most of the inhabitants were living in caves dug in the clay
banks. Many of these were divided into a number of rooms and well
furnished.
About four o'clock, as I was going from the Washington Hotel to the
Court House, I passed a residence which was swarming with Confederate
officers and ladies. There were two vacant lots adjoining in which the
officers' horses were tied. Among them was a fine, well bred black
horse that took my fancy. Upon him was an elegant English cavalry
saddle upon which was strapped a tin telescoping-tube about three
inches in diameter and sixteen inches long, such as was used for
carrying official papers. It shone in the sun like silver. The horse
was the embodiment of beauty and I might have taken him but did not. I
rode to the Court House in search of a comrade to accompany me to camp.
I had been there but a short time when Henry Phelps of our company
appeared riding the horse I had just been admiring. The tin-tube was
still upon the saddle. I asked if he was going to camp and he replied,
"Yes, come on." His newly found horse proved to be a fast pacer and he
rode him at such a speed that I was obliged to put mine upon the run in
order to keep up with him. I said: "Hank, what is the use of riding so
fast?" He replied: "Some one may want this horse." So we kept up the
speed until we reached our lines. That evening I noticed Phelps and Lon
Casler examining some papers but paid little attention to it and did
not know what they were.
The next morning our company moved into Vicksburg and went into camp.
Upon our arrival Phelps was called before Logan who said:
"Phelps, you got a horse yesterday when you were here, didn't you?"
"Yes, sir."
"And what was on him?"
"A saddle and tin case with some papers in it."
"Was that all?"
"Yes, sir."
"And you got all that money, fourteen thousand dollars in greenbacks?"
"No sir, I did not find any money."
The general then turned to a Confederate officer who was present, and
said:
"Did you say the money was in the tin case?"
"Yes, sir."
Turning again to Phelps, he said:
"Well Phelps, what was the nature of the papers you got?"
"They were the capitulation papers of the surrender of Vicksburg,
signed by Generals Grant and Pemberton."
"You must produce them at once."
Phelps went out, returned with the case and handed it to General Logan
who opened it and removed the papers. He found, upon rolling them
closely, that they fitted the case and completely filled it. Turning to
the officer he told him that he must have been mistaken about where he
put the money. Logan then ordered Phelps to produce the horse and
saddle, which he did and was then dismissed.
To us, who had fought and striven at the front, it was difficult to
realize that Vicksburg had fallen or to conceive the significance of
its fall. The coveted position for which we had so long fought and
endured, was again an integral part of the Federal Union with all that
that fact implied. The heroism, bravery and fortitude of the men who
fought and won can never be too strongly commended; but all this would
have gone for naught without the commanding genius, the prescience, the
broad grasp of military situations and the superb poise and indomitable
will of the one regal mind by which it was inspired and directed.
General Grant in this campaign executed one of the most daring and
brilliant movements known to military history. In opposition to the
most revered precedents of military science as well as to the judgment
of his foremost general, he deliberately moved his army into an enemy's
country beyond a great river, between two strongly fortified positions
held by the enemy, severed that army from its base of supplies, placed
it between opposing forces outnumbering it two to one, fought them in
detail, laid siege to the larger one behind fortifications of almost
unprecedented extent and strength, while still warding off the other,
fought his way back into communication with his original base and
brought the siege to a successful issue. It was the most Napoleonic
campaign of the war and the most decisive and far reaching in its
direct results and final significance. It secured to us "the most
important point in the Confederacy." It insured the segregation of all
the Confederate forces west of the Mississippi and the freeing of our
western army for the capture of Mobile, Atlanta and Chattanooga. In
short, considering all things, it was, of all our victories, the
boldest, the greatest, the most audacious and the most prophetic,--the
most prophetic, because it foretold the doom of Richmond.
[Illustration: JAMES BOWERS]
CHAPTER VIII.
DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF--NEW ORLEANS--HOW OFFICIAL DIGNITY WAS
VINDICATED BY A CAT-O'-NINE-TAILS--NEW IBERIA--VERMILLIONVILLE--
CHAIN-VIDETTE--"BOWERS' CHARGE"--HOW ED BAKER WON HIS SPURS--REPULSE
OF GENERALS LUCAS AND FRANKLIN--IMPROVISED CAVALRY--DEATH OF CROSBY
--SUPERIOR ARMS OF CONFEDERATES--BRILLIANT CAPTURE OF CONFEDERATE
DETACHMENT--COMMENDED BY GENERAL ORDER--OUTRAGE COMMITTED BY BANKS
AND FRANKLIN IN CONFISCATING HORSES--COWARDLY MANNER OF ITS
PERPETRATION--RE-ENLISTMENT--VETERAN FURLOUGH--RETURN TO THE FRONT.
"Death while we stood with the musket, and death while we stoopt to the
spade."--_Defense of Lucknow._
The surrender of Vicksburg was quickly followed by the news of the
Union victory at Gettysburg which occurred on the same day, and in a
short time we heard of the fall of Port Hudson which, with its garrison
of 8,000, was given up by its commander three days later upon being
assured of the fall of Vicksburg. This left the Union forces in the
possession of the Mississippi from its source to its mouth. It began to
look like the beginning of the end.
Our company remained at Vicksburg until about the middle of August. A
number of our men were sick. Shortly after the beginning of the siege,
two of them, Robert McAdams and Smith Wheeler, died of malarial fever.
Morgan Haymaker and Leroy Herbert had died before the company left
Memphis.
General Grant was about to leave for the Eastern army and our company
was ordered to the Department of the Gulf. Upon our arrival we were
detailed as an escort to General Ord at New Orleans where we remained
for three or four weeks, when we received orders to join our regiment
at New Iberia, Louisiana.
At New Orleans, I was detailed as orderly at General Ord's
headquarters. He occupied a part of a large plantation mansion in the
outskirts of Carlton, Louisiana. While at this place I again had an
experience which opened my eyes, not only to the horrors of slavery,
but to the brutality of some of our own officers who were only too
willing when opportunity offered, to adopt the worst features of that
wretched institution when they could be used for their own tyrannical
purposes.
The place was very old and bore evidence of opulence and aristocratic
antecedents. Surrounding the house was a spacious yard filled with
bearing orange trees, some of which were unusually large. It was a
charming and delightful spot and suggested the peace and contentment of
a real Arcadia.
As I lounged around the place, the thought uppermost in my mind was,
how was it possible that a people blessed with such surroundings could
cause or in any way tolerate a devastating war, such as was being
waged? The answer soon came in concrete form.
In the yard, fronting the house, there were a number of tents occupied
by the Adjutant General and his staff. A negro had committed some
trifling offense which had aroused the ire of three of the staff
officers, one of whom was Major Seward, General Ord's Adjutant
General,--who was reputed to have been a nephew of William H.
Seward,--and two others whose names I did not know.
While sitting alone beneath a tree, the overseer of the plantation, a
creole of the Simon Legree type, with all the diabolical vindictiveness
of generations of evil ancestors shining from his malignant reptilian
eyes, appeared leading a large, finely formed intelligent looking
negro. The man's arms were bound together in front and a strong rope
was tied to each arm above the elbow. The overseer led his victim to a
large orange tree standing near the Adjutant's tent and proceeded to
lash him to the tree with his face towards it. The poor creature was
the picture of abject terror and trembled from head to foot. I was
about to interfere, when Major Seward and the two other officers came
out of their tents with camp-stools in their hands and, with an air of
expectancy, silently seated themselves, as if they well understood what
was about to occur. I looked on with surprise and wrath. I could not
believe my eyes.
The negro's body was bare to the hips, and the overseer bore a peculiar
whip with a short thick stalk and a number of heavy braided lashes
about two feet in length. The bearer of the whip--a muscular brute--had
every appearance of being an adept in its use. Looking around with the
air of a stage-manager, to see that his distinguished audience was
properly composed, he commenced. The first stroke brought blood and a
cry of torture that was sickening. Then followed lash after lash until
the wielder of the whip was exhausted and literally spattered with the
red drops from his victim. When the negro was about to faint, and it
was apparently unsafe to give him another stroke, he was released and
led away by his captor, his back dripping and his skin in shreds.
The official defenders of the "honor of the flag" and the keepers of
the seals of military justice whose honor had been appeased by the
enlightening spectacle, withdrew to their tents in dignified silence
and with an apparently satisfied air.
What was the cause of the hellish act or why it was tolerated, I never
knew.
Ten or twelve of our men, whose names I have forgotten, were left in
the general hospital at New Orleans, where some of them died. We joined
our regiment about a week after leaving the latter place. It was
located in one of the most charming and beautiful sections of Dixie.
Later, it was advanced to Vermillionville, Louisiana, where we were
entertained by the music of minnie balls almost constantly until
January, 1864. The conditions there were peculiar and called for
unusual military methods and constant watchfulness in order to insure
camp protection. There were many large corn and cotton-fields which,
from neglect, were over-grown with rank weeds from seven to ten feet in
height. They made a tangle as thick as a jungle and afforded complete
concealment to the enemy. Our system of camp protection was devised and
adapted to meet these conditions. Our camp was encircled by a
chain-vidette system located at a distance therefrom of about two
miles. The men were stationed about twenty rods apart. All were
required to move at once in the same general direction to the ends of
their respective beats and then to return. This constituted each man a
rear-guard for the one in front of him. In the rear of each five or six
videttes, about forty rods back, there was stationed a relief or first
reserve. About the same distance back of these, in turn, was stationed
the second or grand reserve composed of fifteen to twenty-four men who,
in turn, were supported by a number of primary reserves, thereby
forming an elastic combination, each unit of which was in touch with
all of the others, while at the same time it provided for speedy
concentration at any threatened point.
The utmost vigilance was necessary and we were compelled to change our
lines after dark either by advancing or drawing them in. The wisdom of
this precaution was constantly demonstrated, for it became the
established custom of the "Johnnies" to give us a dose of "blue pills"
each morning as an appetizer. We always expected them and soon found
out that the term "southern hospitality," was capable of varied
application. Sometimes their attentions were forced upon us to an
annoying extent during the entire day. At such times it was not unusual
for our men to fire from twenty to forty rounds of ammunition. We were
frequently required to shoot so rapidly that our carbines became heated
and we were obliged to swab them out with brush and water before the
cartridges could be inserted. Sometimes we would call out the reserve,
charge upon and drive them off four or five miles which usually settled
it for that day.
One day Jim Bowers was Sergeant of the reserve. He had about
twenty-five or thirty boys of Company A, who had been nagging him about
his lack of courage which they pretended to question. Jim's health was
poor but it did not prevent him from being a good soldier and he always
kept a supply of courage where he could find it when needed. On the day
in question the chaffing annoyed him and he determined to give us an
object lesson. The Johnnies had appeared in unusual force. About two
hundred were in sight and more in the distance. Bowers at first seemed
to think his band too small for so large a force and sent to camp for
help. Captain Kelly started with his company but Bowers' aggressiveness
got beyond his control and he gave the command to charge. The rebels at
first showed fight but soon broke and ran. Ed Baker was one of Bowers'
party. He was mounted upon a thoroughbred of great power and endurance.
The horse and the man appeared to have been made for each other. Ed was
an athlete and every inch a soldier; as manly and lovable as he was
heroic and daring. A college graduate, he enlisted as a private with
the sole thought of doing his duty. He was regarded as the best
educated man in the regiment. There were five lawyers in our company,
but Ed outclassed them all. The only thing he did not know and never
learned, was when to stop fighting. With his powerful horse, he found
no difficulty in overtaking the flying men. He used his sword only. He
would ride a man down, capture, pass him back to his comrades and start
for another. He rode like a knight of old, keeping constantly ahead of
the charging party and upon the heels of the enemy until he
out-distanced all of his friends and found himself within a mile of the
enemy's lines, nearly sixteen miles from his own camp and facing a body
of about twelve hundred Confederates who came out to re-enforce their
friends. Then discretion came to his rescue for he realized that he
could not capture them all. Turning to retreat, he discovered that
there was not a man of his company in sight. He had ridden two miles
ahead of them. His sole chance of escape lay in the remaining strength
of his horse. It was enough however, and he won. The little party
returned to camp with their horses so jaded that several of them never
recovered from that day's work. A count showed thirty-five prisoners
captured by the little band, a goodly percentage of which was credited
to Baker, who, as a reward for his work, was given a commission as
Second Lieutenant. The charge was afterwards known as "Bowers' charge";
but Baker was the Sir Lancelot of the day.
Shortly after this incident, two of our generals, Lucas and Franklin,
decided to chastise the Confederate Generals, Green and Motaw who had a
large force in the vicinity. Our cavalry had shown such high efficiency
that they considered that the only factor necessary to success was more
cavalry. This they did not have, but it was easy to get. Cavalry was
composed of men on horseback. Why not mount the infantry? If not
enough, mount more infantry. The reasoning was sounder than the
premises but was followed enthusiastically and we were soon able to
muster about nine regiments including ours and the Sixth Missouri
Cavalry. With this force, we marched out to meet the enemy, our
regiment and the Sixth Missouri holding the center of the line upon the
main road between Vermillion and Carrion Crow Bayou. As soon as we
reached the open prairie, a line of battle was formed facing a
corresponding line of the enemy about a mile distant. The Confederates
had better guns than we and their shots reached us as we advanced. The
wings, composed of mounted infantry, soon began to fall back and to
become displaced. They were good men but as little at home on horseback
as a lands-man upon a yardarm. They could not manage their horses and
were greatly handicapped with their long guns. These gave them a
grotesque appearance which would have been ludicrous had the occasion
been less grave.
We were soon forced to retreat. The Second and Sixth fell back
alternately, forming a line upon each side of the road. In the meantime
the enemy began to rush our wings which were about a mile ahead. We
were in a sack and the foe was pouring an enfilading fire upon us. We
soon reached an open field of about eighty acres which, with the
exception of a few rods of rail fence next to the road, was almost
surrounded by a high hedge. Some rails were removed and our company
marched in and formed upon the south side of the road. It was a hot
place. The bullets zipped past our ears like a flight of hornets. Just
then the order, "Fours right," was given. I was number three and George
Crosby, the next man upon my left, was four. A ball struck his right
arm, passed through his body and out through the other arm. His horse
came around by the side of mine and I did not know that anything
unusual had occurred until Henry Knuppeneau, the next file behind me,
cried out: "Fletch, Crosby is killed!" Then we stopped and fought until
his body was taken off the field.
About half a mile further back the 132nd New York and a battery came to
our support. At the same time it was discovered that infantry was not
cavalry. The men comprising the wings were ordered to dismount and the
stampede was arrested.
I think that with two more good cavalry regiments, such, for example,
as the Fourth Missouri, Tenth Illinois, or the Third Michigan, we could
have changed a repulse into a victory and could have driven them to the
Texas line. Their arms were superior to ours and they knew it. They
would stand off and shoot indefinitely but were afraid to charge, which
is the true way to fight with cavalry. Almost any man will fight well
in a charge; if not, he is useless as a soldier. Not only is he obliged
to go with his horse, but the very dash of the thing acts as a moral
support. The horses imbibe the spirit of the men and of each other and
the whole becomes an irresistible mass like the rush of a torrent; but
the men and horses must be trained until they become a unit. A
successful cavalry force cannot be improvised.
All the Confederates whom we met in that section had fine arms. They
would throw a ball a mile with great force and accuracy and at three
quarters of a mile would often go over our lines, while ours only
served to kick up a dust a quarter of a mile ahead of the enemy, who
would shout, "A little more powder." I never saw one of their guns to
examine it, but understood that they were of French manufacture. We had
nothing in our army to compare with them. The Texas men were all armed
with these guns which must have been received through Mexico at the
instance of Maximillian or his representatives.
The enemy continued to annoy us in about the same way as long as we
remained at Vermillionville. A skirmish of half a day or a day was a
common occurrence. We remained there until the weather began to get
cold and frosty, when, late in the fall of 1863, we moved back about
twenty miles to New Iberia, which was a more secure position. Bayou
Teche served as a protection upon one side and the Gulf coast was only
about four or five miles away with intervening low lying land so
interspersed with sloughs as to render it almost impassable for an
enemy. So we were free from the constant embarrassment experienced at
Vermillionville.
After the commencement of cold weather, there were several hard rains
and a snow-storm. We were in need of supplies and Colonel Mudd, with a
force which included our company, under Lieutenant J. S. McHenry,
started out upon the Abbeville road with a view of gathering a supply
of Confederate cattle. After going about nine miles we arrived at a
small marshy creek. The Confederates had destroyed the bridge and, as
the creek was practically impassable, we set to work to construct a
bridge from some plank and stringers that were left and were soon able
to cross in single file.
The Colonel left McHenry with sixteen men to guard the bridge and
picket the approaching roadways. There was a patch of woods north of
the bridge, near which was a large house and some negro quarters. Here
we arranged for a sumptuous dinner of sweet-potatoes, roast pork and
corn-bread, which was just about to be served, when one of our pickets
rode up and said that there was a company of cavalry near the
picket-post; that they wore blue overcoats, but he thought that they
were Rebels. McHenry left three men to guard the bridge and with the
other thirteen, rode out to meet the strangers. When within about
twenty rods he asked them what their command was but received no reply.
One of the men, Waldo Aulis, who was given to playful remarks, said, "I
will just speak to them gently and see if they will answer." With that,
he fired at them and wounded a horse. The act seemed to flurry them and
they turned and trotted away. McHenry's orders to guard the bridge,
precluded him from ordering a charge; but by common impulse we made
one--shooting as we went--they returning the fire over their shoulders.
After pursuing them about a mile we ran them into a fence corner. They
turned, and as they did so, Nick Hotaling and Jack Rhodes wheeled in
front of them and called to them to surrender. The remainder of our
company was in their rear. Nick rode a Grimsey saddle with a high
cantle, and as he passed in front he threw his body, Indian fashion,
upon the near side of the horse. This caused the tail of his overcoat
to stand up in the air where it invited the fire of the enemy and
received several bullet wounds. The fray did not last long however, and
they soon surrendered. We captured nineteen men, including one
lieutenant. One escaped. The latter was mounted upon a thoroughbred,
and during the excitement quietly moved away a short distance and then
put spurs to his horse. Chase was given, but our men, having dismounted
at the surrender, were unable to overtake him.
During the main chase I captured a prisoner and, while changing
revolvers, accidently discharged one and wounded my mare in the
shoulder. The wound was not serious however, and that, with the holes
through Hotaling's coat-tail, summed up the injury to our little band
of thirteen. All things considered, we had reason to believe it to be a
lucky number.
Some of the other companies of our regiment thought that because we
were so much upon detached service, we were not entitled to the letter
"A." After that, however, it was freely conceded to us.
Colonel Mudd and his men soon arrived with the cattle. He was more than
pleased with our behavior. General Franklin however was loth to give us
any credit, presumably because we were western men. The Colonel told
him that he could do as he liked about it, but that if he refused, it
would be sought elsewhere. As a result, the following order was issued:
Headquarters, Cavalry Division,
In the Field near New Iberia, La.,
Dec. 5th, 1863.
General Order
No. 10.
The Colonel commanding is glad to be able to publish to this
command the following communication received today from Major
General Franklin, to show that gallant deeds are appreciated:
"The commanding General directs that you publicly express his
thanks to Lieutenant McHenry, Co. A, 2nd Ill. Cavalry and the
detachment of seventeen men under his command, for their gallant
conduct on the 30th Nov. last, in charging and capturing an equal
number of the rebel force. Acts of daring of this kind, while they
encourage our own troops, demoralize the enemy. Treat them in this
way whenever opportunity offers and they will soon abandon a
service for which they now have little heart.
"By order of T. J. Lucas, Col. Com'g.
F. W. Emery, A.A.G."
So far as I can remember them, the names of those connected with the
incident, in addition to the writer, are as follows: Lieutenant James
McHenry, Nicholas Hotaling, Grant Townsend, James L. Padget, William
Stilwell, John Elder, John Rhodes, George Burkhardt, Joseph Sheaff,
George Hemstock, Waldo Aulis and Calvin Steel. Including the guard at
the bridge, there were three or four others, but I have forgotten their
names.
We remained at New Iberia until shortly after January 4, 1864, the date
of our re-enlistment, when we went to New Orleans. In the early part of
February we left there for home upon a veteran furlough.
Twenty-two of our old company veteranized. The new organization
however, never seemed like the old one. There was a lack of a certain
charm, a lack of unity, a lack of that intimate comradeship that we had
known before.
Upon our arrival at New Orleans, Banks and Franklin did a most shameful
thing. Our men owned their horses and equipment. Upon entering the
service, each had selected the best horse he could get in his
neighborhood, and the result was that we, as privates, were better
mounted than the eastern officers. Their envy was shown upon all
occasions and they made our re-enlistment an excuse for confiscating
our horses. They first attempted to take them arbitrarily by allowing
each officer to choose; but, when given to understand that they were
our private property, an order was issued by Banks or Franklin, I am
not certain which, to appraise the horses in the name of the Government
and place a U.S. brand upon them. In order to carry it out
successfully, the order was, for a time, kept secret. When the time
came to take possession, our men were ordered out without arms and with
nothing but the bridles upon the horses. We were marched into an alley
and thence into a cotton shed with high brick walls. Then two or four
were ordered to dismount and lead their horses into another shed where
an appraiser was stationed with men having red-hot brands, ready for
their repulsive work. Exasperating as it was, our feeling for the
branders was one of respect compared to our unspeakable contempt for
those who commanded them to do it. The injustice and tyranny of the act
was only equaled by the cowardly and brutal manner of its perpetration.
During the entire time, a regiment of infantry and a battery of
artillery were in line commanding the place.
We never recovered from the moral effect of this dastardly act by which
the Government was the greater loser. Before, the horses were
scrupulously cared for. At the end of a long march, the men might be
hungry but the horses were fed; the men might be tired to exhaustion,
but to groom their horses before sleeping was a duty never neglected.
It was not uncommon for a soldier to take another horse or a mule and
ride four or five miles at night to get forage for the tired one. All
this ceased under the new order of things, and neglect and indifference
was the rule.
Government vouchers were given to us for our horses; but inasmuch as
these were made payable at St. Louis, most of them were cashed by
speculators in New Orleans at a modest discount of ten per cent.
It was gratifying to know that the eastern officers who wanted our
horses, failed in the end to get them. For some reason, all but a few
of the poorer ones, were taken by new recruits.
All of those who veteranized were required to move to the Conley Depot,
about three miles north of Canal Street where they waited until they
were paid. In a day or two after this, orders were received to march to
the boat. Early in the morning, Gilmore's famous Boston Band, composed
of one hundred and twenty-five pieces, marched to our quarters and
escorted us to the Clay Monument at St. Charles and Canal Streets,
where we were addressed by Colonel Marsh of our regiment. When he had
finished, General John A. McClernand appeared and bade us good bye and
wished us a happy time. The band then escorted us to the boat, played
while we were waiting, and closed, as the boat left the dock, with "The
Girl I Left Behind Me." We had a most delightful trip and were received
by all at home with open arms.
Our home-going was one round of delightful entertainment and generous
hospitality. But it was all too short. It seemed to end almost as soon
as it began, and our faces were again turned to the front. It did not
seem so hard to start however, as when we first enlisted. We had become
seasoned, had a definite aim, a justifiable pride in our appearance and
record as soldiers, and success in the past gave us confidence in the
future. Moreover, there was a strong tie of fraternity which was born
of the trying experiences through which we had passed. At the outset it
was different. All was new and strange and confusing. We knew nothing
of camp duties or methods, had no conception of military discipline,
and it was more than two years before we were enabled to fully care for
ourselves as soldiers. Our hard-won experience prompted the wish to
again go to the front and remain there to the end.
The regiment first assembled at Springfield. Our Colonel, who had
formerly lived at St. Louis, where he had a large acquaintance, was
very proud of his command and wanted us to visit St. Louis, which we
did. Upon our arrival there we were received by a large deputation of
citizens who gave a banquet in our honor, at which several of the men
of the regiment made telling speeches. War songs were sung and we had a
general good time. The entertainment lasted about three days.
From St. Louis we went to New Orleans upon the steamer "Olive-Branch."
Upon our arrival, which was in April, we were ordered to Baton Rouge,
where we went into camp. Our time there was occupied in infantry drill
with old Springfield rifles, until about July, when we received our
mounts and were again ready for service.
[Illustration: JAMES L. PADGETT]
CHAPTER IX.
THE RED RIVER EXPEDITION--DEATH OF COLONEL MUDD--HOW COLONEL MARSH
HELD THE LINE--FIGHTING GUERRILLAS--"ALTON HELL-HOUNDS"--THEIR REMEDY
FOR PICKET SHOOTING--INCIDENTS AT CLINTON, LOUISIANA--COLORED WARDS AND
THE RIVER JORDAN--DASH UPON LIBERTY, MISSISSIPPI--CAPTURE OF ONE
HUNDRED AND FOUR CONFEDERATE OFFICERS--CHIVALRY OF THE PRISONERS AND
CAPTORS HOW A CONFEDERATE CAPTAIN "MADE GOOD."
"The greatest gift a hero leaves his race is to have been a
hero. Say we fail!
We feed the high traditions of the world
And leave our spirit in our children's breast."
--_George Eliot._
One of the important and humiliating campaign features of 1864 was the
Red River Expedition, which was foredoomed to ignominious failure. It
was one of Halleck's favorite projects and was started before Grant
received his general command; otherwise, it probably would not have
been ordered. Grant, in his "Memoirs," says of it: "I had opposed the
movement strenuously but acquiesced because it was the order of my
superior (Halleck) at the time."
Another sentence of Grant's indicates the disadvantage at which it
placed our army, aside from the great and needless loss of life and
property entailed by it. He says: "The services of forty thousand
veteran troops, over and above the number required to hold all that was
necessary in the Department of the Gulf, were thus paralyzed."
The Second Illinois Cavalry, with the exception of the re-enlisted men,
including a part of Company A, was one of the regiments which
accompanied this ill advised and ill fated expedition. It was charged
at that time, and quite generally believed, that the movement had its
inception in commercialism. The enormous profits upon the sale of
captured cotton furnished the motive. At a time when there was not
enough cotton in the North to make wrapping-twine, and resort was had
to twisted strips of Manila paper as a substitute for that commodity,
the value of cotton may be imagined. Any general who was in position to
connive at this traffic, had a fortune at his command; and it was
claimed that Banks was eager for some of the spoils. This charge is not
consistent however, with General Grant's statement that Banks "opposed
the expedition." Whatever the truth may have been as to that, Banks had
another and more trifling weakness which was much in evidence; he was
passionately fond of dress-parades. This may have had some influence in
bringing about his undoing. It was currently reported at the time that
a part of his train was loaded with paper-collars and white gloves. It
was soon found however, that there were more vital things required for
the welfare of an army than these agreeable accessories.
That portion of our regiment which was involved in the enterprise,
started for Alexandria, Louisiana, on February 29, 1864. After a long
and trying experience in marching through swamps and cane-brakes, they
arrived at that place where a large force of infantry and artillery and
a flotilla of twenty-five gunboats had assembled. The plan was to move
on to Shreveport, which was what the Confederates did not intend to
permit.
The enemy apparently realized his advantage from the outset. But little
opposition was made until the expedition had left Alexandria and was
well under way. On the eighth of April, at Sabine Cross Roads near
Mansfield, the opposition developed; and, according to the statements
of those who were in it, the fighting was severe and continuous. The
Confederate force, under command of Generals Taylor, Price and Muttal,
was concentrated in a well chosen position, while that of Banks was
hopelessly scattered. With our thin lines strung out for 30 miles in a
swampy country which afforded every advantage of concealment to the
Confederates who were familiar with it, it was an easy matter to harass
our army and defeat its scattered units in detail. The enemy was
strong, determined, and, worst of all, in many cases--invisible.
Allowing for the difference of climate, conditions were not unlike
those which confronted Napoleon in a part of his Russian campaign with
the exception that our commander was entirety lacking in the military
skill and resourcefulness of that famous leader. The deplorable
tragedies of the Banks enterprise would fill volumes. The failure was
not because our men did not fight; it was their fighting which saved
them from utter annihilation; but even that was of little avail, except
to accentuate instances of heroism. On one occasion, amid a deluge of
bullets, a stampede was started, when Colonel Dudley rode up to Colonel
Marsh of our regiment and said: "Colonel, can you hold this line for
five minutes?" Marsh replied, "I can hold it until I die." Each
color-bearer was shot down the instant he raised the flag, until five
were killed in succession. Thereupon Colonel Marsh grasped the colors
and standing in his stirrups, sang, "Rally 'Round the Flag Boys." It
was effectual. The struggle was terrific and at times looked hopeless,
but he held the line for an hour and gave our men a chance to retreat
in some semblance of order.
Instead of an aggressive campaign as was intended, the whole series of
battles were but desperate efforts to cover a retreat.
Of about one hundred and fifty of our men who were in the fight at
Sabine Cross Roads, more than one-third were killed, wounded and
missing and eighty-six horses were slaughtered. Most of those who were
captured, died in those unspeakable Texas prisons of which mention has
been made.
One of the tragedies directly chargeable to lack of foresight in an
attempt to fight an invisible enemy, was that which resulted in the
death of our former Colonel, John J. Mudd and the slaughter of a large
number of helpless men. At the outset of the expedition, Colonel Mudd
was promoted to the rank of Brigadier General and was on his way to
take command of a brigade of cavalry. We were glad of his promotion but
sorry to lose him, for he was loved by all. As he rode along the line
shaking hands with the boys and bidding them good-bye, some, in order
to hide their real feelings, pretended to make light of the matter and
simulated a mock-grief; a thing which would not have happened had they
foreseen the near future. The General embarked upon a transport loaded
with troops; but, with the characteristic lack of foresight of the
project, no gun-boat was provided to escort it. Three days later, the
transport was surprised by a terrific fire from a masked battery,
captured and destroyed. General Mudd was killed and most of the others
either killed or captured, and that without any opportunity for
defense. Those left behind, received the sad news in silence. As our
Colonel, he was loved and revered. He was always in closest sympathy
with his men whose welfare was his constant study. His wish was
recognized as a command and obeyed with pleasure.
General Sherman's famous aphorism that "War is Hell," has become
classic. Indeed, for one who has been through it, it is not possible to
realize that it can be anything else; but if there are compensations
for such a brutalizing calamity, one of them must be the development
and example of such princely characters as that of General John J.
Mudd, whose transcendent virtues outlive the sickening horrors amid
which they were so uniformly displayed.
While our regiment was stationed at Baton Rouge, the bushwhackers
became so bold and aggressive that it was decided to chastise them.
Their headquarters were at Clinton, a small town about twenty miles
northeast of Baton Rouge. The expedition was commanded by General Lee
of Kansas, whose force consisted of our regiment, the Fourth Wisconsin
Cavalry and Nimms' Massachusetts Battery. After crossing a deep river,
the name of which I have forgotten, we soon arrived at a larger stream
where the enemy in considerable force endeavored to prevent our
passage. A sharp engagement took place which lasted about an hour,
during which the Colonel of the Fourth Wisconsin was killed. His body
was sent back to Baton Rouge with a detail from his regiment, a
platform having been improvised for the purpose upon one of the caisson
carriages of Nimms' Battery.
We succeeded in crossing the stream and soon reached Clinton. The
skirmish with the enemy was continued during the entire day. In the
evening we moved out of town about two miles and went into camp, the
men lying upon their arms. There was every reason to anticipate a night
attack and all were prepared for it. George Taylor and myself were
stationed as pickets upon the main Clinton Road. There was no moon and
the night was still and dark. Our position was in a hollow by the side
of a turn-pike. About twelve o'clock our horses began to show signs of
uneasiness and soon became quite restless. It was apparent that
something unusual was about to happen. We dismounted and took positions
upon opposite sides of the pike with our carbines cocked and nerves
under tension. Our attention was soon attracted by a peculiar sound; a
kind of pat, pat, pat, upon the ground. It seemed to be several rods
away and yet it was distinct. We knew that it was somebody or something
approaching upon the road. As it came nearer we called "Halt!" but
there was no reply and no stop. We then stepped upon the grade and
again called "Halt!" It was hard to keep from pulling our triggers.
Suddenly, those whom we took to be the enemy, commenced to jabber in a
plantation negro dialect. Still we were uncertain, thinking that it
might be the enemy attempting to deceive us. We called the corporal of
the guard and ordered them to advance one at a time. They proved to be
negroes, two men and four women. Others soon followed and the
procession continued until morning. It was made up of all ages, shades
and conditions. They had evidently cast their lot with us and showed
every evidence that they were going to stay.
In the morning when we broke camp, our guests were ready to move with
us and they kept closely to the head of the column during the entire
day. There were two streams to cross, both nearly deep enough to swim a
horse. We crossed our stirrups over the saddles, held up our arms and
plunged in in "column of fours." The darkies followed by a common
impulse and could not have shown less hesitation had it been the River
Jordan. Men and women, boys and girls, all floundered through and shook
themselves upon the opposite bank as complacently as if they had
reached the promised land.
This was one of many like experiences. It was common for negroes to
approach the guards at night, but it was not pleasant to have them do
so, in view of the fact that all kinds of strategy were resorted to by
the enemy to enable them to either capture or shoot down our pickets.
Constant and careful vigilance was necessary to protect us against
these things.
We had not been in Baton Rouge long before it become a common practice
for the enemy to steal upon out pickets and shoot them. The ground was
swampy for several miles along the Clinton road and afforded
concealment for roving bands of guerrillas. It was their custom to
locate a picket, tie their horses in the swamp, steal as closely to the
picket as they could with safety, shoot him and escape. Every
precaution was exercised to safeguard the men but without success.
Finally our men grew desperate and some of them decided to meet this
brutal practice in a like spirit. Company D of our regiment was
recruited from Alton. Many were river men and they were all rough
fellows; so much so that they had acquired the suggestive name of "The
Alton Hell-Hounds." On one occasion when these men were on guard, about
the middle of the day, two fellows crawled up and shot at the men on
post, slightly wounding one of them. The reserve was called out, a
charge made and the sneaks captured. Picket ropes from their own mules
were then placed around their necks, thrown over the limb of a tree and
made fast. They were then ordered to stand upon the mules which were
driven from under them. For two days the bodies were left there as a
warning to their associates, when they were cut down and buried. The
example was a grewsome one and not pleasant to relate; but it proved
effectual, for it practically ended the shooting of our pickets from
that time.
Upon a subsequent trip to Clinton, one hundred of our men were dressed
in rebel uniforms to act as decoys. They were chosen from "Scott's Nine
Hundred," which was a New York regiment, the Fourth Wisconsin and the
Second Illinois. They succeeded in getting in with the Confederates and
captured a number of prisoners.
Later in the year when it began to get cold, Colonel Marsh, with four
hundred men from our regiment and one hundred from the 12th Illinois,
started out in the afternoon with Clinton as his apparent destination,
but his real objective was elsewhere. We followed the Clinton road
until dark and then turned abruptly to the right and swam a stream the
crossing of which was generally considered impracticable on account of
its steep banks and swift current. The rebels depended entirely upon a
ferry to make the passage. We succeeded however, in getting over
without accident and kept right on pell-mell. Before realizing it we
found ourselves in the midst of a camp of about fifty bushwhackers.
William Stilwell who was with the advance, received a shot through the
arm. We gave them a volley and passed on. After marching about two
hours, a terrible storm burst upon us. We were in a lane fenced with
rails. Dismounting, we tied our horses to the fence and hastily
constructed what the boys called a "floating-dock." Two rails were laid
parallel upon the ground to serve as supports or sills, and upon these
were placed cross-rails which were arranged side by side in groups of
two or three. Each group was straddled by a number of men who sat upon
them back to back in pairs, a poncho being placed over the heads of
each pair as a protection. With our feet several inches in water and
mud, we remained in this attitude until the storm ceased. At daylight,
we fed our horses, ate some hard-tack and resumed our march through
woods and blind trails until nearly dark, when we arrived at a
plantation where a carriage and team were pressed into service for
Stilwell's use. This was about eight miles from Liberty, the County
Seat of Amite County, Mississippi, where we expected to surprise and
capture a large number of Confederate officers and men.
It was as dark as ink when we came to a long covered bridge on the Port
Hudson road, leading over the Amite River to the town. Great care was
necessary to prevent an alarm. We succeeded in capturing the bridge
guard, passed quietly into the town where we secured the pickets, one
by one, without alarm and placed a guard at every outlet. All night the
Confederates continued to enter the town where they were captured as
soon as they appeared. This continued until we had about two hundred
prisoners, of whom more than half were commissioned officers. The
prisoners were lodged in the Court House, a brick building two stories
high. There were double-doors in front and three windows upon each
floor at the sides. In the morning the command started out upon a short
raid, leaving Company A, under charge of Lieutenant James J. Tipton, of
Company E, to guard the town and prisoners. The latter were in charge
of Calvin Steel of our company. All went well until about noon, when a
Confederate force of about eight hundred men under command of Colonel
Scott, was seen approaching the town. Steel, with three men, was left
to guard the prisoners, while the remainder of the company stole out to
intercept the enemy. Hiding our horses behind a knoll, we took a
position by some abatis, which had been constructed for the defense of
the town and waited until the enemy had approached within about ten
rods, when we fired. The volley completely staggered the oncomers who
had scarcely recovered from their surprise when the remainder of our
command returned to our assistance. The Confederates, sighting them,
immediately retreated.
In the meantime, Steel passed some anxious moments with his two hundred
prisoners. He placed one man at each side to guard the windows, while
he, with another, guarded the doors. The men were surging to get out
and they could have succeeded had they made a rush, but no one dared
meet Steel's ultimatum and take the risk of being first. Steel
afterwards told me that it was the most trying and critical position
that he had ever held.
That evening Major Hughes arrived from Port Hudson with the Forty-Sixth
Illinois and a battery. He took the foot-prisoners back to Port Hudson,
while our detachment, under command of Lieutenant James J. Tipton,
returned to Baton Rouge with the others. There were one hundred and
four of the latter and, what then seemed inexplicable to us, all of
them were commissioned officers.
This incident led to one of the most remarkable exhibitions of real
chivalry that occurred during the war; and one that did more to make us
respect our enemies than any acts of bravery upon the field.
The weather had become intensely cold and the prisoners had only their
ordinary clothing. As night came on a severe storm arose which rapidly
turned into a blizzard. We had been marching, fighting and undergoing
the most trying hardships for forty-eight hours without sleep and with
no food except hard-tack, and this was the third night. To stand guard
over our prisoners under these conditions, and that in a raging storm,
seemed beyond endurance. Besides, we felt that it was our duty to make
the prisoners as comfortable as possible. The country was sparsely
settled and there seemed to be but little prospect of shelter. At last
we came to a building which was large enough to hold the prisoners but
not ourselves.
Lieutenant Tipton was a Mason, as were all but four of the prisoners.
Tipton spoke to one of the former, Captain Grant, of Shreveport,
Louisiana, and frankly told him the situation; stating that he would do
all in his power to make them comfortable but that he could not do so
and guard them well; that if Grant would give his word "upon the
square" that the prisoners would not attempt to escape, they would be
given shelter and protection in preference to our own men. Grant
consulted with his associates and, as spokesman for them, accepted
Tipton's proposal. The men were all quite comfortably housed, while
their captors, who had blankets and ponchos, protected themselves
outside in the storm as best they could.
In the morning, all of the prisoners were present except the four who
were not Masons. Captain Grant was greatly mortified and indignant when
he learned of the escape of the four, and offered to go back and bring
them in. Tipton could not, under his orders, permit this, but offered
to report the matter to his superior at Baton Rouge. Upon arriving at
the latter place the report was made and as a result, Captain Grant was
passed through our lines, found his men and preferred charges against
them. A military court was convened, the offenders tried, reduced to
the ranks and given in charge of Captain Grant who brought them under
guard into our lines, where he formally surrendered himself and them as
prisoners of war.
All the men, including Captain Grant, were sent to the Dry Tortugas. At
the instance of Lieutenant Tipton, a subscription was circulated among
our men and a purse of eight hundred dollars was raised and presented
to them upon their departure as a testimonial from their captors. Nor
was Lieutenant Tipton forgotten by his friends, "the enemy," who
subsequently indicated their appreciation of his conduct by placing his
portrait upon the east wall of St. James Lodge at Baton Rouge.
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to outmatch this incident in
the entire history of war. It is not so surprising that the men did not
attempt to escape, but that Captain Grant should have been permitted by
either side to carry out his proposal, is, so far as I am aware, in
direct violation of all military laws and precedents.
When peace was declared, our regiment was stationed at Shreveport,
Louisiana, the home of Captain Grant, and our then Colonel, D. B. Bush,
occupied a part of Captain Grant's house as his headquarters. I met the
Captain there a number of times and had several pleasant conversations
with him. He looked sad and broken, but met us with a cordial
hand-shake and seemed to accept the situation philosophically and
manfully. On one occasion I asked him why it was that we captured so
many officers at Liberty. He replied, "Now that the war is over, I can
tell you." He then stated that in view of the numerous raids upon
Clinton, their cavalry scouts were greatly disconcerted; and in order
to decide upon some satisfactory way of meeting conditions, a council,
composed of delegations from various cavalry commands within a radius
of a hundred miles, was called to meet at Liberty upon the day
following the night of our arrival. It was thus evident that our
commander at Baton Rouge had been secretly advised of the proposed
meeting and had acted accordingly.
[Illustration: E. C. CHATTERTON]
CHAPTER X.
"DAVIDSON'S SWEET POTATO RAID"--SOUTHERN ALABAMA--DESTRUCTION OF
RAILROADS--OYSTER FISHING--MOBILE EXPEDITION--BARANCAS--NEWS OF LEE'S
SURRENDER--ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN--FORT BLAKELY--MOBILE--EXPLOSION OF
MAGAZINE--RETURN TO NEW ORLEANS--EXPERIENCE OF DANIEL SHAW IN A TEXAS
PRISON--SHREVEPORT--"SALT-HORSE" VS. SUMPTUOUSNESS--CANTANKEROUS
CANS--MARCH INTO TEXAS--SAN ANTONIO--MUSTERED OUT--JUBILATION--WAR'S
AFTERMATH.
"Closed is the bitter but glorious fight:
And the day like a conqueror bursts on the night."
--_Schiller._
Shortly after the Liberty raid, General Davidson, who was given command
of the cavalry at Baton Rouge, organized an expedition for the purpose
of destroying railroads in the territory northeast of Baton Rouge and
extending in a circuit to Pascagoula Bay, Alabama, about fifty miles
south-west from Mobile, in aid of Sherman's movement towards Atlanta.
The command comprised the Fourth Wisconsin, Twelfth Illinois,
Eighteenth New York, "Scott's Nine Hundred," and the Second Illinois
Cavalry. Its course lay through a barren, sparsely settled country more
or less covered with scrub and pitch-pine and interspersed with swamps.
The streams were swollen and almost impassable and the roads were so
bad that the expedition was compelled to abandon a number of its wagons
which were burned. Forage was scarce and the men were soon reduced to
quarter rations. Owing to the fact that about the only food to be found
was sweet-potatoes, the expedition came to be known as "Davidson's
sweet-potato raid." There were not more than a dozen shots fired upon
the whole trip.
Upon our arrival at Pearl River we camped for the night and during that
time ten men succeeded in swimming across with ropes with a view of
bridging the stream. A few went beyond to stand guard while pontoons
were laid and in an hour the cavalry was crossing. This was followed by
the artillery, consisting of Nimm's Massachusetts Battery and a small
train. The pontoon bridge was soon removed when our march was resumed
towards Pascagoula Bay, where we arrived hungry and worn, with scarcely
any food for ourselves or horses. A double-handful of corn was all that
could be spared for each horse during twenty-four hours. There was no
grazing and no fodder--nothing but water, sand and pine-needles. In
this condition we waited for five days until a consignment of grain and
rations was received by boat from Lake Port Louisiana.
In the meantime, some oyster-boats and tongs were discovered in a small
bayou near the bay, which indicated the presence of oyster-beds. We
improved the opportunity. There was always a rush in the early morning
for an outfit. The lucky ones were soon able, however, to fill a few
gunny-sacks and then give the others a chance. Those who came late
would stick poles in the mud at low tide in about seven or eight feet
of water and then, holding onto the poles, would go to the bottom and
grope around until they found a cluster of shells which would be
brought to the surface and handed to another to take to shore. Bunches
were sometimes found as large as a bushel-basket. To hungry men,
oysters without sauce was a most delightful substitute for nothing; but
we longed for the trimmings, especially pepper. A raid upon the country
soon furnished us with many strings of home-grown red-peppers. They
were hot, but they served the purpose, and after three weeks of short
rations we welcomed the combination; but no stretch of a Northern man's
imagination was capable of bringing it up to the standard of a Northern
Christmas or New Year's dinner--for both of which it had to serve.
About the last of January we embarked for Lake Port Louisiana, from
whence we returned to Baton Rouge, where we remained until March, 1865.
We then took boat for New Orleans and camped in Carlton until the
latter part of March. From New Orleans we went upon the Mobile
Expedition by way of Barancas, Florida. I did not go directly with the
regiment, having been detailed to the Quartermaster's Department which
went upon a later boat. When I arrived at Barancas I found that my
company had gone to Fort Blakely. It was considered unsafe for us to
follow without an escort, and we were ordered to remain at the former
place. While there, we received the news of Lee's surrender. Everybody
was elated and appeared to be walking upon air. The guns at the
navy-yard belched forth national salutes and these in turn were
answered by the battle-ships. All were drunk with joy. About ten
o'clock the next day, in the midst of our rejoicing, an officer rode
into camp and stopped to speak to the men. A large and joyous group at
once gathered to hear more of the good news. The officer spoke in a low
tone. The men looked eager but there were no cheers. A hush fell over
the crowd. Then words--almost whispered--passed from man to man:
"_Lincoln has been assassinated!_" It was a staggering, benumbing,
crushing blow. The men were dazed; they could not talk. Tears were
everywhere--tears and silence. The grief of the men was indescribable.
But the silence was of short duration. A fool in Company B, apparently
in a spirit of bravado, said that he was "glad of it." Instantly the
pent up wrath of the men burst out. There was a rush to quarters for
arms. An officer, seeing the situation, placed an armed guard around
the man. The guard was soon doubled and the offender rushed to a boat
at the water front followed by about fifty men with drawn revolvers.
The man was taken to Fort McCrea for safety, where he was
court-martialed and sent to the Dry Tortugas to be discharged in
disgrace. This was only one of numberless instances of a similar nature
which occurred at the time.
In a short time we marched across the country to Fort Blakely, from
whence we were transported by boat to Mobile and went into camp near
the Mobile and Ohio Railroad about four miles east of the town, where
we remained for some days. Our regiment was at Columbus, Mississippi.
Orders had been sent from there to Colonel Bush to forward the
regimental mail and two hundred outfits of clothing. I was acting as
clerk to the Regimental Quartermaster and was detailed by the Colonel
to take the mail and stores to the regiment. My orders were to report
to the Quartermaster in Mobile at three o'clock P.M., for a pass and
instructions. In order to provide for the care of my horse, I left camp
about ten o'clock and was in the eastern part of the city. My attention
was attracted for a moment to an officer who was making his rounds and
was being saluted by a guard near by, when a blinding flash occurred
which caused my horse to rear so that I stood upon my toes in the
stirrups. For an instant my strength seemed to leave me and I almost
fell from the horse as he came down. Looking up, I saw an immense blaze
which seemed to be a mile high, followed by great rolling cotton-like
masses of clouds which flaked off into sheets. Debris of all
descriptions, mingled with some human bodies, soon began to drop back
to the earth. The Confederate magazine with five hundred tons of
ammunition had exploded. It was a wonderful and appalling sight. The
depot was blown to pieces, cotton sheds were destroyed and all of the
glass in the city was broken. The Battle House, the largest hotel in
the city, was wrecked and every dish in it broken. Great fissures and
rents were everywhere seen in the streets and walls.
The stores, which I was to have taken away that evening, had been
loaded and stood upon the street, but the wagon was overturned and all
of the cases crushed.
As I rode along the street I met Captain Fred Pike of the Forty-Sixth
Illinois. One of his legs had been cut by falling slate from a roof and
he was hopping along by the side of a building. I dismounted and gave
him my horse to go to camp.
On the following evening I started to Columbus with the supplies. The
regiment had broken camp before my arrival and I met the command at
Artesia, twelve miles from Columbus, where I delivered the mail but was
obliged to go on to Columbus to turn over the supplies. I then returned
to Mobile and there embarked for New Orleans where I was temporarily
stationed at regimental headquarters at Carlton, a short distance above
the city.
A day or two after my arrival, as I lay in my blankets under an orange
tree, I was aroused just before daylight and gradually realized that
somebody was shaking me. It proved to be Daniel Shaw, one of our
company from Mount Morris, Illinois, who had been captured upon the Red
River Expedition, about a year previous and confined in that horrible
corral at Tyler, Texas. He hugged me frantically and wept like an
hysterical child. It was a long time before he could speak; and then,
amid tears and sobs he told a most harrowing and revolting story of the
inconceivably brutal treatment to which he had been subjected. The
prisoners were confined in an open corral or field without any shelter
or protection whatever. Their food consisted of offal and discarded
portions from the cattle and sheep slaughtered by their captors, who
appropriated the edible parts for their own use. The most was eaten raw
or in the form of a stew. The story was too revolting for repetition.
The poor fellow was a mere skeleton and in a most wretched condition.
Had he not been one of the most hardy men in the regiment, he could not
have survived. His experience was but another proof that "War is Hell."
From New Orleans we took steamer for Vicksburg but before we arrived at
Baton Rouge, our boat took fire three times, which caused much delay.
We reached our destination, however, about the tenth of June, where we
joined our regiment and after a day or two, took passage on the
"Superior," General Logan's old headquarters boat, for Shreveport,
Louisiana. Under a general order, all companies having less than the
full quota of men were required to consolidate with others. In
compliance with this order our company was merged with Company E, while
another took the letter A. It was the fault of the Colonel, who could
have graded us fairly had he been so disposed. Although greatly
dissatisfied, we were obliged to accept the situation as well as to
endure other and more trying things. The men had received no pay since
March and were destitute and discouraged. Under these conditions we
were not in a mood to see others enjoy privileges which were denied to
us.
We spent the Fourth of July at Shreveport; our only food being
"salt-horse," "hard-tack" and coffee. Some of the officers failed to
appreciate the condition of the men and seemed to think that it
afforded no reason why they should not have a good time and good things
themselves. In harmony with this view, Colonel Mizner, of the Third
Michigan, who was in command of the Brigade, prepared to give a
sumptuous banquet in an old church which he occupied as headquarters
and which was also the office of the Brigade Quartermaster by whom I
was employed. Those who were compelled to confine their diet to
salt-horse and hard-tack were not in sympathy with the spread and not
averse to having it known. Through the concerted action of several
hundred apparently inanimate oyster-cans belonging to our regiment, the
Third Michigan and the Fourth Wisconsin, those innocent receptacles
seemed to become suddenly endowed with life, became mysteriously filled
with powder and succeeded in burying themselves in a kind of
under-ground cordon around that church. The first course had scarcely
been served and the banqueters were just enjoying their whiskey and
other appetizers, when the cans registered a protest. The opening of
the ground around that sanctuary was suggestive of the resurrection
morn. The officers rushed out of the room in the wildest confusion.
Persistent inquiry failed to develop the cause. After fruitless efforts
they went back to finish their collation and had barely begun to taste
the good things again, when the cans once more showed their
cantankerousness. Pandemonium broke loose with ten times more din than
ever. The banquet was called off and the officers ordered to their
respective companies to "preserve order." It had its effect. The men
were as demure as monks in a monastery. While perfect order was
preserved by them, an astonishing amount of disorder was still
"preserved" in the oyster-cans and the preserves--like all preserves
subjected to too much warmth--continued to "work." From that time on,
all through the night, the mysterious process went on. The hint was
effectual. There were no more officer's banquets in the presence of the
ill-fed and dissatisfied men.
On the ninth of July, 1865, we left Shreveport and took up our long and
tiresome march of six hundred miles to San Antonio, Texas. Through
Louisiana it was not especially trying; but when we reached Texas and
were obliged to travel over barren wastes, frequently as far as sixty
miles without finding a drop of water, it seemed unendurable. A
tropical mid-summer sun burned its way through the sky and onto the
dusty, treeless plains until the heat-waves quivered upon the horizon
like a blast from a furnace. Horses and men suffered intensely. One
stretch of about one hundred miles east of Austin was especially
trying. It was a continuous test of endurance from the time we left
Shreveport until we arrived at San Antonio, thirty days later. During
the march, small towns were sometimes passed where Confederate
companies turned over their arms to our command.
Upon our arrival at San Antonio, there appeared to be nothing to do but
to wait. Aside from inspection and drills, the men idled in camp until
they became so discontented and homesick that many deserted. Most of
these were fine men and good soldiers but poor loafers. Nobody blamed
them. All realized that the war was over and were looking for
discharge. Instead of that we had been sent hundreds of miles over a
barren waste to the frontier under most trying and discouraging
conditions. Why was all this senseless wandering? We did not know. We
were not aware that secret history was being made and that we were
instrumental, as a result of these apparently meaningless acts, in
saving the nation a second time. We did not know that our country was
upon the verge of a foreign war, and that Napoleon the Third, anxious
to regain the Louisiana Territory, which the First Emperor in his dire
need had sold to us for a song, had been making elaborate preparations
for war; and, believing our people to be exhausted, as they appeared to
be, by one of the greatest conflicts of history and torn by internal
strife, would be unable to make more than a feeble defence, had chosen
this moment to strike. We did not know that our government was then
undergoing one of the most trying ordeals of its existence. Later
developments showed that the sudden mobilization on the frontier of an
army of tried veterans, ready if necessary, to fight another war, made
the foreigners gasp. France and Austria and Maximillian quietly
subsided and the map of the United States required no revision.
About the tenth of November, 1865, the order came to muster out the
Second and Tenth Illinois and the Fourth Wisconsin Cavalry. It was the
signal for a jubilation. The yells of ten thousand Indians would have
been "audible silence" compared to the noise made by those four
regiments. The Tenth Illinois sutler rolled out four barrels of whiskey
and broke in the heads. Tin cups, camp-kettles, canteens and every
liquid holding thing was used for its distribution. How many were drunk
I know not. Men indulged who never tasted the stuff before; and,
strange to say, the whole thing took the form of a good natured frolic.
Horse-play, clownish tricks, songs, practical jokes--all were taken as
a part of the fun. Had we realized what we had been there for, we might
have been heard in France.
Instead of sleeping in tents, the men had previously procured raw
cow-hides which they made into hammocks and stretched in the trees.
Each cow-hide served as a hammock for two and some trees would have
five or six in a tier. As the boys became tired of celebrating they
would slip off to bed; but they could not escape the watchfulness of
the others who would wait until they could get a tree full, when some
sly rascal would climb the tree, cut the thongs and the whole
combination would come down in a heap; the victims apparently enjoying
the joke as much as the jokers. I have never seen drunken men retain
their good nature as they did on that occasion.
On the 24th of November, 1865, we were mustered out. I remained in
Texas to aid in settling up the Quartermaster's accounts but was
obliged to return North on account of a severe attack of ague and
arrived at Rochelle on the 21st of March, 1866.
In the meantime, there had been a general exodus of soldiers from the
South to their northern homes and the transportation lines,
particularly the river steamers, were crowded with them. The feeling
among those who represented the lost-cause, was intensely bitter and no
Union soldier was safe anywhere in the South. A secret organization
known as "The Knights of the Golden Circle," was charged as being
responsible for many assassinations and other outrages. It was
significant of conditions, that boiler explosions and other "accidents"
occurred to a number of river steamers--all upon homeward voyages and
all loaded with discharged Union soldiers. The most appalling of these
was probably that of the "Sultana" which was lost at a point about
fifty miles above Memphis on its passage up the Mississippi. While in
midstream the boiler exploded--caused, it was believed by an explosive
secretly placed in the fuel--and nearly all of the passengers,
numbering about fifteen hundred, mostly discharged soldiers, were
drowned.
Among the victims of the disaster was J. A. Butterfield of Company A,
whose home was in Oregon, Illinois. Butterfield had just been admitted
to practice at the Oregon Bar, when the war broke out. He enlisted at
the organization of the Company in Oregon, was present at the first
election of officers and served earnestly and faithfully during the
term of his three years enlistment, after which he was appointed as
chief citizen clerk for a Division Quartermaster at a considerable
salary. At the close of the war he resigned his position and started
home with the intention of announcing his candidacy for Sheriff
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