The Cape and the Kaffirs: A Diary of Five Years' Residence in Kaffirland

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Title: The Cape and the Kaffirs: A Diary of Five Years' Residence in Kaffirland

Author: Mrs. Ward

Release date: February 17, 2011 [eBook #35308]

Language: English

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Credits: Produced by Nick Hodson of London, England

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CAPE AND THE KAFFIRS: A DIARY OF FIVE YEARS' RESIDENCE IN KAFFIRLAND ***

Produced by Nick Hodson of London, England

The Cape and the Kaffirs
A Diary of Five Years' Residence in Kaffirland
By Harriet Ward
Published by Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Covent Garden.
This edition dated 1851.

The Cape and the Kaffirs, by Harriet Ward.

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________
THE CAPE AND THE KAFFIRS, BY HARRIET WARD.

DEDICATION.

My dear Colonel Somerset,

My work on Kaffirland, which I had the honour to dedicate to you in
1848, having gone through two editions, I should consider this abstract
narrative incomplete without your name. Permit me, then, to inscribe
this little book to you, in testimony of that admiration for your public
services which all must feel who have benefited by them, as well as in
remembrance of much kindness to

Your obliged and faithful friend,

Harriet Ward.

Dover, _March_, 1851.

Note. Since this was written Colonel Somerset has been awarded the
local rank of Major-General by Sir Harry Smith.

PROLOGUE.

Much of the following work has already appeared, and has been favourably
received by the public under the title of "Five Years in Kaffirland."
Its price, however, having necessarily limited its circulation, I have
been induced to remodel it, and I now bring it forward in its present
shape, with some little alteration and abridgment, and with the addition
of much that appeared to me likely to render it serviceable to such of
my countrymen as may be meditating an attempt to improve their
circumstances by emigration, particularly if their views of where best
to go are either undecided, or point in the direction of Southern
Africa.

I have passed five eventful years in that country, and in what I have
said of it I speak from personal experience, without any prejudices to
gratify, or any party to serve, but actuated, I trust, by a sincere
desire to be of service.

It is true that a cloud has again gathered over the land, but I feel
justified in venturing the opinion that, under Providence, it will be
dispersed by the judgment and energy of Sir Harry Smith.

The tide of emigration having lately set strongly in the direction of
Natal, I have thought it necessary to give some account of that
district, but as I have no personal knowledge of it, I have confined
myself to the information supplied by published official reports.

PART ONE, CHAPTER ONE.

BRITISH POSSESSIONS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA.

The British possessions in Southern Africa, at the present day, consist
of what has long been known as the Cape Colony, or the country extending
from the extreme southern point of the continent to the 29th degree of
south latitude; of a district adjoining on the east, called British
Kaffraria; and a detached territory, called Natal, lying far removed
from the rest, on the eastern coast, and bordering on the country called
Delagoa, of which the possession is claimed by the Portuguese. In so
large an extent of country there is, of course, much diversity of soil
and general appearance, but it is unquestionable that the parts best
adapted, on the whole, to European settlement, are the eastern
districts, including Natal. The extent and population of each of these
divisions may be roughly stated at--Cape Colony and British Kaffraria,
150,000 square miles, and 200,000 inhabitants; Natal, 18,000 square
miles, and 20,000 inhabitants. In the Cape Colony the white and the
coloured population are of about equal amount, [see Note 1], but in
British Kaffraria and Natal the number of white inhabitants is as yet
but small. Among the white inhabitants, those of Dutch origin greatly
predominate, as is shown by a Government return of the various religious
persuasions, in 1846, where, out of 70,310 white Christians, no less
than 51,848 belong to the Dutch Reformed Church.

Southern Africa may be described as consisting of a series of terraces
rising one above the other as they recede from the sea, and then
declining towards the great Orange River, which, after a long course,
generally from east to west, falls into the Atlantic Ocean about 500
miles north of the Cape. On the sea-shore is a belt of land, consisting
of a level plain, from 10 to 30 miles in breadth, with some gentle
hills, generally fertile, and enjoying a mild climate, but backed by a
chain of low mountains called the Lange Kloof, or Long Pass, which
support a wide table-land, or karroo, as it is termed, consisting
generally of barren plains, yet well adapted to sheep-farming. Beyond,
rises another mountain-chain called the Zwaarte Bergen, or Black
Mountains, and further north a still wider table-land, called the Great
Karroo, which is by some travellers compared to the steppes of Tartary;
rain seldom falls here; the climate is rigorous at one season and
excessively hot at another, and even sheep-farming can hardly be carried
on. But further north, as the land slopes towards the Orange River, the
climate is more equal, and the land increases in fertility, so that
large herds of cattle are reared.

A somewhat similar series of terraces is found on the western coast, but
their direction is north and south.

Of the rivers, much the largest is the Orange River, but from its
remoteness from the settled portions of the country little use has yet
been made of it. The Olifant's, or Elephant River, and the Great Berg
River, fall into the sea on the west coast; the Broad River and the
Knysna on the south coast while the east coast is watered by the Sunday
River, which falls into Algoa Bay; the Great Fish River, the Keiskama,
the Kei, and many smaller streams. In the vicinity of the district of
Natal are found the Umzimkulu, the Umlazi, and many others, of which
even the names are hardly known to Europeans.

The produce of Southern Africa is mainly agricultural. In the districts
in the neighbourhood of Cape Town wine is produced, while the more
remote parts furnish corn and wheat. The chief exports are wine and
wool, with hides, tallow, and salted beef, goat-skins, corn, and butter.
The provisions are sent chiefly to the Mauritius and South America.

The exports of wool are increasing rapidly, those of wine decreasing.
In 1827, only 44,441 pounds of wool were exported: in 1846, 3,000,000
pounds; while the wine had decreased in same period from 740,000 to
185,000 gallons. The white fishery, which was formerly pursued with
success, has now declined, but the amount of shipping belonging to the
Colony has more than doubled in the last ten years.

The Cape Colony is divided into the thirteen districts the Cape,
Stellenbosch, Worcester, and Clanwilliam, in western part; Swellendam,
George, and Uitenhage, in the south; Albany, in the east; and Beaufort,
Graaf Reinet, Colesberg, Cradock, and Somerset, in the interior.

Cape Town, on the southern shore of Table Bay, and about thirty miles to
the north of the Cape of Good Hope, is a well-built place, the streets
laid out in regular lines, and some are shaded by trees. The houses are
mostly of respectable size, and have a kind of terrace before the door.
It is spoken of as having a more English appearance than most colonial
capitals, the whole being extremely clean, and the public edifices
numerous and substantial, including the Government House, the Stadthuis,
or Municipality, several handsome churches, an exchange, and an
observatory. The population Is nearly 30,000. Immediately behind the
town rises the Table Mountain, and to the south is a district in which
are found many elegant villas, surrounded by vineyards and thriving
plantations.

The town next in importance is Graham's Town, in the Albany district.
This is the capital of the eastern district of the Colony. It has a
population of about 7,000, and is 650 miles distant from Cape Town. It
was only founded in the year 1810, by Colonel Graham, but it has many
good buildings, and its merchants and traders are considered as
particularly active and enterprising. Thirty-five miles off, at the
mouth of the Kowie River, is the rising settlement of Port Frances.

Of the other towns, it may be sufficient to remark, that Swellendam,
Uitenhage, and Graaf Reinet, are Dutch towns, and the latter occupies a
most picturesque situation among gardens and orchards. George and Port
Elizabeth are more English in appearance; the latter is the port town of
Algoa Bay, and its commerce is rapidly increasing. Worcester Beaufort,
Cradock, and Somerset, are mere villages.

The importance of the Cape as a naval and military station has been
often dwelt on by abler pens than mine. The desirableness of fully
occupying the country with a white population is also fully admitted;
and as it is certain that the most fertile and valuable districts are
those which yet remain to be settled, namely, the eastern ports, it is
to be hoped that thousands who now struggle for a precarious existence
at home, will annually take up their abode there, and that their
well-directed industry will tenfold increase the value of the country of
their adoption.

As regards the district of Natal, the following reports, abridged, from
Mr Stanger, the Surveyor-General, Mr Shepstone, the Diplomatic Agent,
and Lieutenant Gibb, of the Royal Engineers, will suffice to give a very
favourable idea of its capabilities. They are dated December 28, 1847.

The Commissioners state that they have divided the territory into the
six districts of D'Urban, Pietermaritzburg, Umvoti, Impafane, Upper
Tukela, and Umzinyati, (from the native names of the principal rivers
running through them), and then proceed to describe each in detail.

_D'Urban_.--"This division is well adapted to sustain a dense
population; it includes the Bay of Natal, and the township of D'Urban,
the port of the district. Cotton has been planted in the vicinity of
the bay, and yields superior and abundant produce. Sugar-cane and
indigo-plants thrive there, as well as elsewhere in the district, and
the coffee-tree has lately been introduced and grows well; but what
success will attend its cultivation, will require time to show. The
soil is rich, and favourable to the growth of barley, oats, etc, as well
as beans and most descriptions of vegetables. (Beans form a valuable
article of export to the Mauritius.) It is, throughout, well supplied
with water; being in its present state unfit for pasture-ground. It
appears to us desirable that the land should be laid out in small lots,
in order to encourage the settler, as much as possible, to cultivate it.
At present only the small Zulu cattle can be kept there, and those not
with advantage.

"With the exception of mangrove, scarcely any timber adapted for
building purposes is found in this division: in a few localities
valuable waggon-wood is obtained.

"A considerable part of this division is occupied by natives, inhabiting
the ground apportioned for them in the Umlazi and Inanda locations, and
the majority of white colonists will necessarily be north of the Umgeni
River, where a few are already located. It is of great and immediate
importance that a bridge should be constructed over this river,
separating, as it does, the seat of magistracy and the port, not only
from the most populous part of the division, but from the whole of that
of the Umvoti."

_Pietermaritzburg_.--"This division includes the seat of government, and
head-quarters of the military.

"It is a good grazing and a superior agricultural division; it is
abundantly watered, and capable of irrigation to almost any extent.
Vegetation is very rapid in this, as in all the other districts, and
consequently the grass grows rank and strong, so as generally only to
admit of the larger description of stock, such as cattle and horses,
being depastured upon it with advantage in summer. Valuable timber,
adapted for building purposes and furniture, grows in several parts of
this division.

"At present, Her Majesty's troops stationed at Pietermaritzburg procure
all their supplies of corn and meal from Cape Town, at a great cost to
the military chest. This evil may be remedied by the industrious
cultivation of the neighbouring farms (which have hitherto been very
generally neglected), and the lands that appear to us to be available
for this purpose around Pietermaritzburg, which might, at some future
period, be marked off in lots of from 50 to 500 acres, and disposed of
to practical agriculturists.

"Pietermaritzburg being the seat of government, it is of paramount
importance that bridges or other certain means of passage should be
constructed over the Umgeni river, so as to secure free communication as
well to the northern and north-western divisions of the district, as to
that part of this division that lies beyond the Umgeni.

"This portion of country includes the native location of the Zwartkop,
as also the one contemplated on the banks of the Unkomanzi."

_Umvoti_.--"This division comprises some of the finest land in this part
of South Africa, either for grazing or agricultural purposes; the
capabilities of the south-eastern portion of it are similar to those of
D'Urban, but cattle thrive better, and the upper portion of it is
considered much more favourable to the grazier than the division of
Pietermaritzburg; it is abundantly supplied with water, and some good
timber is found in it. The laying out and making a shorter road to the
mouth of the Tukela from the township, is a matter of importance, seeing
it is the high-road from the capital of the district to the Zulu
country.

"The site proposed for the township [the Umvoti Waggon Drift, high-road
from Pietermaritzburg to the Zulu country, _via_ the mouth of the
Tukela,] is an eligible position at which to station a military force,
to serve at once as a protection to that portion of the district, a
rallying-point for the colonists and native subjects, and to impart
confidence, in the event of any hostile demonstration by the Zulu
nation.

"The native location of the Umvoti is comprised in this division; and
natives, in considerable numbers, reside along its northern boundary,
whose location we have not as yet been enabled to report upon."

_Impafane_.--"This tract of country contains land which has been the
most thickly populated portion of the country by the Boers, before they
quitted the district, and crossed the Kahlamba; and has always been
regarded by them as healthier for cattle than either of the three former
divisions. Sheep have also thrived well in some parts of it; and,
although not generally so well watered, and, therefore, perhaps not so
capable of maintaining over its whole surface so dense a population as
the other three divisions, yet it is equally able to do so in
localities, and at the village of Weenen, and along the banks of the
Mooi River, and particularly Bushman's River. Wheat and oats have been
grown largely, and with success. The soil at the village of Weenen is
especially fertile, excellent garden land, the vine, fruit trees,
vegetables, etc, thriving well; but the place being situated in a basin,
and the approach to it on all sides being by miserable roads, that will
require considerable outlay and work to make good, and being situated
off the main road, have retarded the prosperity of the village, and will
be likely to do so. Small quantities of coal, of inferior quality, have
been found along the banks of the Bushman's River, near the surface.
Some building timber is obtained at the base of the Kahlamba mountains.

"The site recommended for a township on the Bushman's River is well
adapted for the station of a military party, and to form the
head-quarters of the upper portion of the district; it is sixty-three
miles distant from Pietermaritzburg. There is not, however, much
available government land about it.

"An objection has been raised to this site, that the Little Bushman's
River, from which the water would be led for the supply of the town,
fails in very dry seasons; and another spot has been proposed in its
stead, a few miles lower down the river. We are not sufficiently
acquainted with this site to be able to report on the eligibility at
present.

"It is highly important that bridges, or other permanent means of
communication, across the Bushman's and Mooi Rivers, should be
constructed."

_Upper Tukela_.--"Cattle thrive well in this division, and sheep in the
lower part of it. Its general capabilities, nature of the soil, etc,
are the same as those of the Impafane. Yellow-wood abounds under the
Kahlamba mountains, and coal of a fair quality occurs in the hills on
the north side of the Tukela.

"Some natives are resident under the Kahlamba: their location has not
yet been reported upon.

"At Lombaard's Drift a small party of military might be stationed with
advantage, as also at Venter's Spruit, to guard Bezuidenhout's Pass over
the Kahlamba, to keep up the communication with the country over the
Kahlamba, and road to the old Colony, _via_ Colesberg."

_Umzintyati_.--"This division has been esteemed as particularly
favourable for sheep and cattle; it has also been largely cultivated by
the Boers. Anthracitic coal is found near the Washbank's and Sunday's
Rivers, and in abundance and of excellent quality in the ravines between
the Biggar's Berg and the Umzinyati River. Excellent timber may be
obtained in this division.

"A spot has been selected by the late Volks Raad, for a town on the
Sunday's River, which has lately been occupied by Andries Spies, as a
farm; but the disturbed state of this division prevents us from
reporting definitely upon the capabilities, from personal observation.

"Considerable numbers of natives are resident in the south-east portion
of this division: their location we have not yet been able to report
upon.

"The formation of each town and village must, of course, depend almost
entirely upon the nature of the ground upon which it is to be traced,
and that of its immediate vicinity. But it seems to us most important
that each of these settlements should have some means of defence within
itself;--some rallying-point for its inhabitants and adjacent farmers,
in cases of emergency; and for this purpose we would recommend that the
Government should erect a church, school, and magistrate's office, with
a lock-up room, placed in a defensible position; perhaps, when the
ground will admit, which, in most cases we think it will, according to
one or other of the annexed plans, which includes a cattle kraal in one
part of the market-square, the whole to be surrounded by a fence, and
flanking enclosures, to be constructed either of stone, brick, or
palisades: the remaining portion of enclosures might at first be made by
a ditch and mud wall, to be replaced hereafter by a more durable
material.

"The size of the square and dimensions of the building, etc, must, of
course, be regulated according to the importance of the proposed village
or town.

"Thus would be formed a commencement, round which the settlers might
gather with confidence, which we believe to be essential to the
prosperity of such settlements, the more particularly at their first
formation; one of them, such as the Umvoti, we recommend to be
established at once, by being laid out and surveyed, the necessary
buildings erected, and a magistrate and clergyman appointed, in order to
prepare the way for settlers.

"We are of opinion that each township should have a portion of its town
lands appropriated to the use of such natives as are engaged in the
service of the inhabitants as daily labourers. The want of such an
appropriation at D'Urban is very seriously felt, especially by such of
the inhabitants as are engaged in the shipping business; and we beg to
recommend that at this, as well as at the other established townships,
such appropriations be at once made.

"We do not at present anticipate that any difficulty will arise from the
necessity of compensating any claims to the lands suggested as the sites
for towns and villages, as the sites recommended do not interfere with
any lands now occupied. And the details of compensating the claimants
of unoccupied lands, as well as of the extent of land available for
dense population around its township, and of the number of emigrants
that may be accommodated in and around each town, will form the subject
of future inquiry.

"Having thus endeavoured to comply with his Honour's instructions to the
extent of our ability, it now only remains for us to offer such
observations upon the present state and future prospects of this
district, as well as its general capabilities, as appear to us
desirable, in order that the Lieutenant-Governor may have before him all
the information we are capable of imparting, while deliberating on the
important subjects so slightly sketched in the Report.

"The continued emigration of the Boers from this district to the country
beyond the boundaries, that has been going on ever since it was taken
possession of in 1842, by Her Majesty's troops, has, as is well-known,
almost denuded it of its white inhabitants, and discouraged the few that
remain. It is also evident that there is no prospect of filling up any
portion of it with Boers, and little by any removals from the old
Colony; the only effective remedy to this evil appears to us to consist
in an extensive emigration from the United Kingdom; without this the
resources of the district, confessedly great, and in our opinion equal,
if not superior, to any other British colony, both as respects fertility
of soil and abundance of water, will remain undeveloped.

"The climate is most healthy, and subject to none of the epidemics that
are incidental to other parts of Africa.

"By emigrants we would be understood to imply not so much an exclusively
labouring population, as practical farmers possessed of small capital,
say 200 pounds to 500 pounds. Men of this class could bring out their
own labourers; and as an encouragement for them to do so, we should
recommend that they should receive an equivalent in land, to the amount
that they have necessarily expended in the outfit and passage of
themselves, families, and servants. An arrangement of this nature would
enable a man possessing capital to the extent we have mentioned, to
commence farming with advantage, the moment of his arrival in the
district; while, without it, the means of a most valuable class of
colonists would be swallowed up in expenses, and upon their landing
here, emigrants with limited capital, would find themselves very little
better off than before they left their native land.

"Could the fertility of the country and salubrity of its climate be
pointed out, together with advantages such as those we have mentioned,
we doubt not that numbers of the class we allude to, would be found
willing, and even anxious to avail themselves of the facilities which
this district in particular promises to emigrants.

"Any delay occurring in their obtaining suitable land immediately on
their arrival, would of course prove fatal to the success of the
undertaking. To obviate such a misfortune, we would recommend that a
considerable number of plots of ground be surveyed and ready for
selection by the emigrants, and that every facility be afforded them
immediately to obtain the spots thus chosen, either by public sale or
otherwise, as shall be deemed most advisable by his Honour the
Lieutenant-Governor.

"By a more extensive emigration than this appears to contemplate, or
rather by the simultaneous emigration of persons sufficient in number,
and suitable in character for forming communities of themselves, the
towns and villages might be peopled, and the adjacent lands brought
under cultivation. After a few of these shall be thus established, the
remaining intervals of country will speedily be filled up, and the more
so when each township shall be provided with its magistrate, minister of
religion, the requisite public buildings, and the means of defence.

"Most of the associations connected in the mind of an European with the
name of Kaffir, have been formed upon the represented bad character and
conduct of the nation so called, now engaged in a serious and expensive
war with the old Colony; and are consequently highly unfavourable to any
people bearing a name which, by common consent, attributes all the
cunning faithlessness of the savage, with an admixture of many of the
depravities of civilised life, to its bearer.

"In our Report of the 30th of March last, we pointed out the peculiar
position and character of the natives inhabiting the district; it will,
therefore, be unnecessary for us to say more on this, than that they are
widely different from those on the frontier of the old colony, and are
valuable and indispensable assistants to the white settler. We take
occasion to make these remarks, because we are of opinion that when the
recommendations we have made in our General Report shall have been
carried out, the presence of so many natives, most of them available as
labourers, should be an inducement to emigrants selecting this district
as the land of their adoption, rather than operate prejudicially.

"The future prospects of the district of Natal as a colony, depend very
materially, if not exclusively, upon the filling up of the unoccupied
intervals of the district with emigrants from the United Kingdom, and
the efficient management and control of the native population within it.
Its general capabilities, as we have already represented, are of the
highest class, either for agricultural or grazing purposes. It contains
an area of 18,000 square miles, within which is found every material for
improvement and prosperity a colony can be favoured with, and requires
but an intelligent white population to develop its immense and fertile
resources.

"Building stone of a very good quality is found all over its surface;
and in some localities a superior description of free-stone is found in
abundance. Iron ore is found in great abundance in the district, and
has been used by the natives for their assegais and agricultural
implements, and is said to be of a very superior quality.

"The prices realised in England for the first exportation of cotton
grown in this district, exhibited under all the disadvantageous
circumstances connected with the utter inexperience on the part of the
grower, of 7.25 pence per pound, warrants an inference highly favourable
to the quality of the article, when it shall have received the treatment
that experience has taught to be necessary in cotton-growing countries.

"We are of opinion that this district inhabited by an industrious white
population, will produce valuable exports, both in amount and quality,
and is capable of maintaining a denser population than the colony of the
Cape of Good Hope; and we trust that its resources and advantages may
not become lost to the subjects of the British crown, from their not
being represented as their high merits appear to us to deserve.

"In this Report," Mr Stanger remarks, "I shall not enter fully into the
geography of the interior of the district, reserving that for a future
time, as I shall have a good opportunity of continuing the same kind of
observations, and thus fixing more points than at present I have been
able to do, during the proposed enquiry as to the location of the
natives; but shall describe, as far as I am able, the boundary and
extent of the district of Natal.

"The Umzinyati rises at the base of the Draakberg, in latitude 27
degrees 46 minutes and longitude 20 degrees 25 minutes; from this its
course is about E.S.E., until it falls into the Utukela (incorrectly
called the Tukela.) From all the information I can obtain, (not having
yet visited this part of the district) this is below the confluence of
the Mooi River and the Utukela, and therefore not very far from the
mouth of the latter, which from the maps appears to be in latitude 29
degrees 16 minutes South and longitude 31 degrees 30 minutes East; thus
forming the north-eastern boundary of the district.

"The country below the rise of the Umzinyati, and for the distance of
about twenty miles, is for the most part flat and undulating, with
little or no wood, but covered with sweet grass, and from what I can
ascertain is considered a good tract for country sheep.

"The river, when I saw it (in February, 1847), was about sixty yards
wide, it being then full of water; below this, and during its whole
course, I understand it runs through a broken and thick bushy country.

"The Draakberg, instead of being considered as one continuous chain of
mountains, may be more correctly divided into two, of different
geological structure, and having different directions: the one forming
the north-western boundary I shall call the Great Draakberg; and the
other, forming the western boundary, the Small Draakberg.

"The north-western portion of the Draakberg is of the average altitude
of five thousand feet above the sea, and about fifteen hundred feet
above the general level of the country at its base.

"The outline is in general round and soft, presenting some remarkable
features, and occasionally high table-lands with precipitous sides.
These mountains are composed of beds of sandstone, cut through by veins
of trap, and diminish in height as they advance to the north-east, until
at some distance beyond the source of the Umzinyati they appear to
terminate in low hills. They are passable almost at any part by horses
and cattle; but there are only three passes in use by the Boers, one
near Bezuidenhout's Farm, in latitude 28 degrees 33 minutes South and
longitude 28 degrees 44 minutes East; and one at De Beer's, in latitude
28 degrees 20 minutes South and longitude 28 degrees 52 minutes East,
and another a little more to the south-west of Bezuidenhout's. The two
former are in constant use; the latter rarely.

"Timber abounds in the kloofs on the south-eastern side of the mountain.
On the north-west the country is much higher, being a plain of great
elevation.

"The Great Draakberg, or that portion of it which forms the western
boundary, has a direction N.N.W. and S.S.E. The junction of this with
the former, or Small Draakberg, is ten or twelve miles to the S.W. of
Bezuidenhout's Pass:--from this part the Utukela rises.

"These mountains are much higher than the others, and are quite
impassable, presenting a rugged outline and bold and precipitous
escarpments. From a distant view, from the nature of the outline (not
having been near them) I infer that they are granitic.

"The area of this district, from the ascertained and assumed boundaries
will be much greater than has hitherto been supposed. It cannot, I
imagine, be less than 13,500 instead of 10,000 square miles. At the
same time it must be remembered, that if I find by my future
observations, (which I think will very probably be the case) the same
amount of error, and in the same direction in the southern portion of
the district, of which at present I know nothing, as I have found in the
northern, the area will be increased by a great quantity, and may not
fall far short of 16,000 square miles, as a small deviation in the
assigned direction of the Great Draakberg will easily make that
quantity.

"The district is everywhere covered with vegetation, either in the form
of luxuriant grass, which grows to a great height, or thorns and low
bushes. Timber trees only grow in kloofs on sides of hills, excepting a
belt which runs along the sea-coast.

"Water abounds in every part, and flowing streams cross the path at
intervals of only a few miles. In the winter some of these become dry,
but then water may always be obtained at moderate distances.

"The soil is in all cases well adapted for cultivation, and on the
alluvial lands near rivers particularly so, producing much larger crops
than are ever grown in the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.

"The rocks which occur in the district, as far as I have yet seen, are
granite, basalt, and members of the trap family, slate, sandstone, and
shale.

"Coal containing but little bituminous matter occurs in in beds in the
sandstone. In a kloof near the drift of the Bushman's River, there is a
bed nine inches thick. This is the nearest locality I am aware of to
Pietermaritzburg; it is distant about sixty-three miles. It is more
abundant to the north-west, and I observed it in a small river near
Biggar's Berg, in about latitude 28 degrees 7 minutes South, and
longitude 29 degrees 25 minutes East, in a bed six feet thick, and of
good quality; it is here cut through by a vein of trap."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. In the Blue Book for 1847, the latest published account, the
numbers stand, 71,113 white, and 75,977 coloured; but this leaves more
than 21,000 of the total unaccounted for.

PART ONE, CHAPTER TWO.

INFORMATION FOR EMIGRANTS.

As it is my wish to put nothing but trustworthy information into the
hands of those who may be meditating so very important a step as
removing themselves and all that they value far from their native land,
I have carefully abstracted the following statements from the last
_Colonisation Circular_, issued (March, 1850) by Her Majesty's Colonial
Land and Emigration Commissioners.

"The Government Emigration Officers in the United Kingdom, are:--London:
Lieut. Lean, R.N., Office, 70, Lower Thames-Street. Liverpool: Lieut.
Hodder, R.N., Stanley Buildings. Plymouth: Lieut. Carew, R.N. Glasgow
and Greenock: Capt. Patey, R.N. Dublin: Lieut. Henry, R.N. Cork: Lieut.
Friend, R.N. Belfast: Lieut. Stark, R.N. Limerick: Mr Lynch, R.N.
Sligo, Donegal, Ballina etc: Lieut. Shuttleworth, R.N.; Lieut.
Moriarty, R.N. Londonderry: Lieut. Ramsay, R.N. Waterford and New Res.
Comm. Ellis, R.N.

"These officers act under the immediate directions of the Colonial Land
and Emigration Commissioners, and the following is a summary of their
duties:

"They procure and give gratuitously information as to the sailing of
ships, and means of accommodation for emigrants, and whenever applied to
for that purpose, they see that any agreements between shipowners,
agents or masters, and intending emigrants are duly performed. They
also see that the provisions of the Passengers' Act are strictly
complied with, viz., that passenger-vessels are sea-worthy, that they
have on board a sufficient supply of provisions, water, medicines, etc,
and that they sail with proper punctuality.

"They attend personally at their offices on every week-day and afford
gratuitously all the assistance in their power to protect intending
emigrants against fraud and imposition, and to obtain redress where
oppression or injury has been practised on them.

"The Government Immigration Agents at the Cape of Good Hope, are--Cape
Town: R. Southey, Esq. Port Elizabeth: D.P. Francis, Esq.

"The duties of these officers are to afford gratuitously to emigrants
every assistance in their power by way of advice and information as to
the districts where employment can be obtained most readily, and upon
the most advantageous terms, and also as to the best modes of reaching
such districts.

"The rate of passage in private ships to the Cape of Good Hope and Natal
is:

"At the Cape of Good Hope, persons of the following classes, if of good
character and ability in their callings, are stated to be in demand;
viz. agricultural labourers, shepherds, female domestic and farm
servants, and a few country mechanics, such as blacksmiths,
wheelwrights, carpenters, and masons."

Of the rates of wages the Commissioners give the following Tables from
the latest official returns in their possession:

As very many persons who would be most useful in the Colonies have no
means of their own for proceeding thither, various provisions have been
made to assist them. Thus the Emigration Commissioners "grant passages
to those Colonies (only) which provide the necessary funds for the
purpose. These funds, which in the Australian Colonies are derived from
sales or rents of crown lands, are intended not for the purposes of
relief to persons in this country, but to supply the colonists with the
particular description of labour of which they stand most in need. New
South Wales, South Australia, and the Cape of Good Hope, are at present
the only Colonies which supply the means for emigration."

The Poor Law Commissioners, too, are enabled to assist in emigration,
and the guardians of the poor in parishes are by them allowed to raise
sums of money for the purpose, of which they "may expend a sum not
exceeding 3 pence a mile in conveying each emigrant above seven years of
age to the port of embarkation, and a sum not exceeding 1.5 pence a mile
in conveying each child under seven years of age.

"The guardians may give to each emigrant proceeding to the Cape of Good
Hope, clothing to the value of 2 pounds, and may expend a sum not
exceeding 1 pound for each person above fourteen, and 10 shillings for
every child above one and under fourteen years of age, and in cases of
free emigration, 2 pounds for every single man above eighteen years of
age, in the purchase of bedding and utensils for the voyage."

The following are the regulations and conditions under which emigrants
are selected by the Emigration Commissioners for passages to the Cape of
Good Hope:

"_Description of Emigrants_.

"1. The emigrants must consist principally of married couples, not
above forty years of age. All the adults must be capable of labour, and
must be going out to work for wages. The candidates most acceptable are
young married couples without children.

"2. The separation of husbands from wives, and of parents from children
under sixteen will in no case be allowed.

"3. Except in special cases, single women under eighteen are not
eligible, unless they are emigrating with their parents, or under the
immediate care of some near married relatives.

"4. Young men under eighteen, not accompanying their parents, are
admissible only on payment of the sum in third class of the scale.

"5. No emigrants, whether adults or children can be accepted unless
they have been vaccinated, or have had the smallpox.

"6. Persons intending to buy land in the colony, or to invest capital
in trade there, are not eligible for a passage.

"7. Persons in the habitual receipt of parish relief cannot be taken.
Temporary inmates of workhouses, or persons not in the habitual receipt
of parish relief, will be charged under the third class.

"8. No applicant will be accepted without decisive certificates of good
character, and of proficiency in his professed trade or calling.

"These rules will also apply generally to emigrants to Natal in case
they be proposed for a passage by purchasers of land, or in case funds
should be provided for carrying on emigration at the public expense.
The persons eligible for passages to Natal would be agricultural
labourers, mechanics, skilled labourers, and small farmers accustomed to
some manual labour, and intending to work for their subsistence.
Deposits to the credit of the Commissioners do not exempt the depositors
from the payment of survey fees.

"_Application and Approval_.

"9. Applications must be made in a form to be obtained at the office of
the Commissioners, which must be duly filled up and attested, as
explained in the form itself, and then forwarded to this office, with
certificates of birth and marriage of the applicants. It must, however,
be distinctly understood, that the filling up of the form confers no
claim to a passage; and that the Commissioners do not pledge themselves
to accept any candidates, though apparently within the regulations,
unless they are deemed desirable for the colony, and can be accepted
consistently with the Board's arrangements at the time the application
is under consideration.

"10. If approved of, the emigrants will receive a passage as soon as
the arrangements of the Commissioners will admit. But no preparations
must on any account be made by the applicants, either by withdrawing
from employment or otherwise, until the decision of the Board has been
communicated to them. Those who fail to attend to this warning will do
so at their own risk, and will have no claim whatever on the
Commissioners.

"Before an embarkation order is issued, the following payments will be
required from all persons of fourteen years and upwards.

"All children under fourteen will pay 10 shillings each; and if any
family contains, at the time of embarkation, more than two children
under fourteen years of age, for each such child 5 shillings additional
must be paid.

"Wives to pay the same sums as their husbands, in the several classes.

"Out of the above payments, bedding and mess utensils for the use of the
emigrants during the voyage, will be provided by the Commissioners.

"The mode of making these payments to the Commissioners will be pointed
out in the deposit circular. The Commissioners' selecting agents are
not employed by the Commissioners to receive money."

Any attempted fraud with regard to the signatures of the requisite
certificates, or misrepresentation as to trade, number in family, will
be held to disqualify the party for a passage. The emigrants must
repair to the appointed port at their own expense, and if they fail to
do so at the proper time, they will lose their passage and be liable to
a forfeiture of 2 pounds for each adult, and 1 pound for each child,
unless they give to the Commissioners timely notice, and a satisfactory
explanation of their inability to proceed.

"Clothing.--The lowest quantity that can be admitted for emigrants to
the Cape is as follows:--"

"For use on the voyage, shoes or slippers are much more convenient than
boots. The following is a cheap and excellent composition for
preserving leather from the bad effects of sea-water; linseed oil, one
gill; spirit of turpentine, one ounce; bees'-wax, one ounce; Burgundy
pitch, half ounce; to be well melted together, and kept covered in a
gallipot; lay it on boots or or shoes, rubbing it in well, and set them
in a hot sun, or before the fire.

"The usual length of the voyage to the Cape of Good Hope is about
seventy days.

"The whole quantity of baggage for each adult emigrant must not measure
more than twenty cubic or solid feet, nor exceed half a ton in weight.
It must be divided into two or three boxes, the contents of which must
be closely packed, so as to save space in the ship. Large packages and
extra baggage will not be taken unless paid for, and then only in case
there be room in the ship.

"Each family will be allowed to take only its own luggage. Any
violation of this rule will subject the party to a forfeiture of his
passage.

"On arrival in the colony the emigrants will be at perfect liberty to
engage themselves to any one willing to employ them, and to make their
own bargain for wages. No repayment or service is required from them
for the passage out. The only return expected is, a strict observance
on board of the regulations framed with a view to their health and
comfort during the voyage, and general good conduct and industrious
habits in the colony.

"Letters, etc, should be addressed, post paid, to Stephen Walcott, Esq,
Secretary to the Board of Emigration, Number 9, Park Street,
Westminster."

By a recent Act of Parliament known as the "Passenger Act," some most
valuable provisions are made for the protection of emigrants on their
voyage. The Act applies to foreign as well as British ships, and it
provides for the inspection of the ships by competent surveyors; for
carrying a certain number of boats; for a proper supply of medicine; and
for preventing drunkenness. It further directs that "in addition to any
provisions which the passengers may themselves bring, the following
quantities at least of pure water and wholesome provisions must be
supplied to each passenger by the master during the voyage, including
the time of detention at any place:--"

3 quarts of water daily.

And per week. To be issued in advance, and not less often than twice a
week:

2.5 lbs. of bread or biscuit (not inferior to navy biscuit)
1 lb. wheaten flour
5 lbs. oatmeal
2 lbs. rice
2 oz. tea
1 lb. sugar
1 lb. molasses.

"Five pounds of good potatoes may at the option of the master be
substituted for one pound of oatmeal or rice, and in ships sailing from
Liverpool, or from Irish or Scotch ports, oatmeal may be substituted in
equal quantities for the whole or any part of the issues of rice. The
Emigration Commissioners, with the authority of the Secretary of State,
may substitute other articles of food.--Sec. 24 and 25.

"Vessels carrying as many as 100 passengers must be provided with a
seafaring person to act as passengers' cook, and also with a proper
cooking apparatus. A convenient place must be set apart on deck for
cooking, and a proper supply of food shipped for the voyage. The whole
to be subject to the approval of the Emigration Officer.--Sec. 26.

"If the ship does not sail on the appointed day, and the passengers are
ready to embark, they are entitled to recover from the owner, charterer,
or master of the ship, subsistence-money after the rate of 1 shilling
per day for each passenger. But if the ship be unavoidably detained by
wind or weather, and the passengers be maintained on board in the same
manner as if the voyage had commenced, no subsistence-money is
payable.--Sec. 33.

"Passengers are not to be landed against their consent at any place
other than the one contracted for, and they are entitled to sleep and to
be maintained on board for forty-eight hours after arrival, unless the
ship in the prosecution of her voyage quits the port sooner.--Sec. 35
and 36.

"Ships detained in port after clearance more than seven days, or putting
into any port in the United Kingdom, must under a penalty not exceeding
100 pounds, replenish their provisions, water, and medical stores before
they can be allowed to proceed on their voyage. Masters of passenger
ships putting back must, under a penalty not exceeding 10 pounds, within
twenty-four hours report their arrival, and the cause of putting back,
and the condition of the ship's stores to the Emigration Officer, and
produce the official list of passengers.--Sec. 38.

"Such regulations as may be prescribed by order of the Queen in Council
are to be enforced by the surgeon, aided and assisted by the master, or
in the absence of a surgeon, by the master. Any person neglecting or
refusing to obey them will be liable to a penalty of 2 pounds; and any
person obstructing the master or surgeon in the execution of any duty
imposed on him by the Order in Council, will be liable to the same
penalty, and moreover to one month's imprisonment at the end of the
voyage.--Sec. 39 and 40.

"Two copies of the Act, with such abstracts of it, and of any Order in
Council relating thereto, as the Colonial Land and Emigration
Commissioners may prepare, are to be delivered to the master, who is
bound, under a penalty not exceeding 40 shillings per diem, to post up
previous to the embarkation of the passengers, and to keep posted up in
at least two conspicuous places between the decks, such copies of such
abstracts so long as any passengers are entitled to remain on board.
Any person displacing or defacing this abstract is liable to a penalty
not exceeding 40 shillings.--Sec. 41.

"The requirements of the Act are enforced by penalties on the master not
exceeding 50 pounds except in cases where other penalties are
specifically imposed. All penalties are to be sued for before two or
more justices of the peace, to the use of Her Majesty. They can only be
recovered in the United Kingdom by the Emigration Officers, or by the
officers of Her Majesty's Customs; and in the British possessions
abroad, by those officers, or by any other person duly authorised for
the purpose by the Governor of the colony. Sec. 50 and 52.

"Passengers themselves, however, or the Emigration Officers on their
behalf, may recover, by a similar process, any sum of money made
recoverable by the Act, to their own use, as return of passage-money,
subsistence-money, or compensation; and, in such cases, the passengers
are not to be deemed incompetent witnesses.--Sec. 53 and 56.

"The right of passengers to proceed at law for any breach of contract is
not abridged by proceedings taken under this Act.--Sec. 37."

For the use of the more opulent classes, the Commissioners have
published the following summary of the terms upon which land may be
purchased in Southern Africa.

"1. The unappropriated Crown lands at the Cape of Good Hope, and Natal,
are sold in freehold, and by public auction only.

"2. Unless it is otherwise notified, the upset price will be at the
Cape, two shillings per acre, (one acre is about half a morgen), and at
Natal four shillings per acre, but the Governor, for the time being,
will have the power to fix such higher upset price as the locality, or
other circumstances, may render expedient, of which due notice will
always be publicly given. Lands not sold at auction may afterwards be
purchased at the upset price on payment of the whole purchase money.

"3. Persons desirous of becoming purchasers will apply, in writing, to
the Secretary to Government respecting the land they wish to have put up
for sale; stating in what division it is situated, and as far as
practicable, its position, boundaries, and probable extent.

"These applications, after being recorded in the Colonial Office, will
be transmitted to the Surveyor-General, who, if he sees no objection to
the land being disposed of, will call upon the applicant to deposit with
him the probable expense of the survey; which expense will be calculated
upon the following tariff, and be borne by the eventual purchaser.

"4. Should the applicant not become the purchaser, the amount deposited
by him will be refunded when paid by the eventual purchaser; but should
no sale take place, no refund can be made.

"5. Lands offered for sale will be advertised for two months in the
`Government Gazette,' at the expiration of which time they will be sold
by public auction.

"6. Ten per cent of the purchase money must be paid at the time of
sale, and the balance, (with the expenses of the survey, if the
purchaser did not make the deposit), within one calendar month from the
day of sale: in default of which, the ten per cent so paid, will be
forfeited to the Colonial Treasury.

"7. Persons desirous of acquiring Crown lands at the Cape of Natal,
will be at liberty to make deposits at the Bank of England to the credit
of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, upon the same
conditions, and with the like privileges as are prescribed in the case
of the Australian colonies [see Note 1], with this exception, that for
every hundred pound so paid in, the depositor will be allowed to name
for a free passage to the colony seven, instead of five properly
qualified emigrants.

"Officers of the Army and Navy, whether on full or half pay, who may
wish to settle at the Cape of Good Hope, are allowed a remission of the
purchase money varying from 600 pounds to 200 pounds according to their
rank and length of service.

"Military chaplains, commissariat officers, and officers of any of the
civil departments of the army; pursers, chaplains, midshipmen, warrant
officers of every description, and officers of any of the civil
departments of the navy, are not allowed any privileges in respect of
land. Although members of these classes may have been admitted
formerly, and under different circumstances, they are now excluded.
Mates in the royal navy rank with ensigns in the army, and mates of
three years standing with lieutenants in the army, and are entitled
respectively to corresponding privileges in the acquisition of lands."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. "Persons will be at liberty to make payments for colonial lands
in this country, for which payment or deposit they will receive an order
for credit to the same amount in any purchase of land they may effect in
the colony, and will have the privilege of naming a proportionate number
of emigrants for a free passage, as explained in the next article. The
deposits must be made in one or more sums of 100 pounds each at the Bank
of England, to the account of the Colonial Land and Emigration
Commissioners; and the depositor must state at the time the colony in
which the land is to be selected, and give notice to the Commissioners
of the deposit. Upon production of the Bank's receipt for the money,
the Commissioners will furnish the depositor with a certificate, stating
the amount which he has paid, and entitling him to obtain credit for
that sum in any purchase which he may effect in the colony, subject to
all rules and regulations in force in the colony at the time such
purchase may be made.

"For every sum of 100 pounds deposited as above, the depositor will be
entitled, for six months from the date of payment, to name a number of
properly qualified emigrants, equal to five adults, for a free passage.
Two children between one and fourteen are to be reckoned as one adult.
The emigrants are required to be chosen from the class of mechanics and
handicraftsmen, agricultural labourers, or domestic servants, and must
be going out with the intention to work for wages. They are to be
subject to the approval of the Commissioners, and must, in all respects,
fall within their general regulations on the selection of labourers.
The purchaser and his family cannot receive a free passage under this
privilege."

PART ONE, CHAPTER THREE.

HISTORY OF THE CAPE COLONY.

The renowned promontory of the Cape was first doubled by the Portuguese
navigator, Bartholomew Diaz, in the year 1487, but the discovery was not
looked on as of any other importance than as opening the maritime route
to India which that nation had so long sought after. Ten years later De
Gama passed along the southern and eastern coast of Africa, and coming
in sight of a fertile, pleasant country on Christmas day, he gave it the
name of the Land of the Nativity, (Terra Natal) whence the appellation
by which it is now known. In 1620, two of the officers of the English
Merchant Adventurers landed in Saldanha Bay, and took formal possession
of the country, in the name of James the First, but no European,
settlement was attempted until the year 1650, when the Dutch India
Company, at the recommendation of a surgeon of one of their ships, named
Van Riebeck, placed a colony on the shore of Table Bay, further
southward, for the purpose of affording supplies to their fleets.

Though the colony was at first composed, as was usual in those days, of
persons of abandoned character, it grew and prospered, and in the course
of about thirty years it received an accession of population of
admirable character in the persons of French and German Protestant
refugees, whom the atrocious proceedings of Louis the Fourteenth, in
revoking the Edict of Nantes, and ravaging the Palatinate with fire and
sword, had rendered homeless. These estimable exiles introduced the
culture of the vine and other improvements, and the colony gradually
spread itself along the belt of level land which extends itself eastward
between the Lange Kloof and the sea.

About the same time Natal was visited by order of the Governor, and some
idea was entertained of forming a settlement there, but, for some reason
not now known, the project was abandoned.

The Dutch continued in peaceable possession of the colony for more than
one hundred years longer, and had gradually spread themselves either as
settlers or elephant hunters almost to the borders of the Orange River,
when in 1795, a small English force, under General Craig and Sir Alured
Clarke appeared, and the whole territory was at once surrendered. At
the peace of Amiens, in 1802, it was restored to Holland; but in 1806 it
again came into the hands of England, and was finally ceded to us in
1814. [Note 2.]

From the period of our establishment in the colony in 1806 till 1827
(with the exception of a change in the currency very displeasing to the
Dutch), we were contented to stand by the laws by which it had been
governed, with only such occasional amendments and modifications as the
change of circumstances required. In that year, however, after three or
four years' notice and consideration, a code of English laws (not
exactly the laws of England) was adopted. As, from their
non-acquaintance with our language, it was impossible to make the Dutch
thoroughly conversant with the principles upon which these laws were
framed, they soon became discontented. The clerks in the public
offices, to whom they applied occasionally for information, were unable
to give their time to listen to their grievances; and, had they been
inclined to enlighten them, their ignorance of the Dutch language
rendered it impracticable. Previously to this, every district had been
governed by a magistrate, or Landrost. He had to assist him a council
of eight individuals, called Hemraaden, chosen from among the most
respectable and influential landholders, who informed the inhabitants of
all events and changes occurring in the colony and its laws, explained
all difficulties, heard all complaints, and were, in short, the medium
of communication between the people and the authorities. The English
Laws completely superseded these arrangements, and the utter want of
education among the Dutch, particularly the scattered farmers, rendered
them jealous and suspicious of their new legislators, whose system
(practically or theoretically) they could not understand.

It is true that the bad condition, and, in many cases, the ill-usage of
the Hottentots, called for investigation and amendment; but many
attempts that were made to ameliorate their condition proved vain, from
being as defective as they were ill-executed. General Bourke passed an
ordinance, freeing the Hottentot race from all those restraints which
are found absolutely necessary for the preservation of social order in
all civilised communities. The consequence of this ill-advised decree
is manifested to this day, for it is the cause of the gradual
self-extermination (so to speak) of the race. The mischief, however,
was done, and as a remedy the location of a number of them as an
agricultural community on the Kit River was tried. A few respectable
individuals are still to be found among them there, and in some other
localities, but these are a mixed race, and it may be said that the
original Hottentot race has been gradually but surely dwindling away
since the enactment of the above-mentioned 50th Ordnance.

Just as matters stood a chance of finding their level, the farmer
beginning to try to accustom himself to bear the inconveniences arising
from the Hottentot's freedom from all restraint, and consequent contempt
of servitude (for on the enactment of the 50th Ordinance they had taken
to a life of vagrancy, spurning all work), the Kaffirs sounded their
war-cry, and burst upon the colony. This was in 1834. It arose thus.

From the depredations and encroachments of the Kaffirs on the Hottentot
location in the Kat River settlement, the authorities ordered the
expulsion of the Kaffir chief, Charlie, (so called by the express desire
of his father, Gaika, after Lord Charles Somerset), from a portion of
the neutral territory [Note 2] which he had been allowed to occupy on
sufferance during good behaviour. This indulgence he had clearly
forfeited, the depredations being almost invariably traced to his
locality. Though, on solemn promise of amendment, he had been
subsequently permitted to resume his position, yet, from the natural
ingratitude of his race, and the pains taken by his _soi-disant_ and
injudicious European friends to persuade him how ill he had been treated
by his original expulsion,--after a few months of smothered ill-will,
the volcano burst, and these savages poured, _en masse_, into the
colony; fire, devastation, and the murderous blade marking their
progress throughout this astonished, peaceable, and, with trifling
exceptions, unprotected frontier, to the ruin of thousands--a ruin from
which many have never recovered, notwithstanding the strenuous exertions
of their best friend, Sir Benjamin D'Urban. Under his able
governments--crippled as it was by a change in the Ministry--the colony,
after the war, resumed the appearance and probability of peace, when
another great event altered the face of everything. Suddenly there was
a voice, which went through all the countries of the known earth, crying
aloud, "Let the slave be free!"

The Dutch were quite ready to listen to the voice that cried shame at
the idea of seizing our fellow-creatures, packing them like herrings in
slave-ships, and bartering for them in the market. Every one of good
feeling revolted at the custom, and looked for the remedy. But how to
set about the remedy should have been considered. The chain was broken,
and the people of England hurrahed to their heart's content. And the
slave! What, in the meanwhile, became of him? If he was young and
vicious, away he went--he was his own master. He was at liberty to walk
to and fro upon the earth, "seeking whom he might devour." He was
free--he had the world before him where to choose, though, squatted
beside the Kaffir's fire, probably thinking his meal of parched corn but
poor stuff after the palatable dishes he had been permitted to cook for
himself in the Boer's, or tradesman's kitchen. But he was fain to like
it--he could get nothing else, and this was earned at the expense of his
own soul; for it was given him as an inducement to teach the Kaffir the
easiest mode of plundering his ancient master. If inclined to work, he
had no certain prospect of employment, and the Dutch, losing so much by
the sudden Emancipation Act, resolved on working for themselves. So the
virtuous redeemed slave had too many temptations to remain virtuous. He
was hungry--so was his wife--so were his children; and he must feed
them. How? No matter.

And the aged slave! He sat himself down on the hearth to which he had
been accustomed, but he had no longer a right to the shelter of the
roof-tree under which he had lived and his children had been born. He,
too, must beg for food; but he was so old he could hardly crawl. He
grew sick; there was none to take care of him but the charitable; and,
fortunately for the poor, the aged, and the sick, there _was_ charity in
the land. Of what availed the slave's freedom, under such
circumstances? Still, some were harmless. It was the vicious negro who
rejoiced in his freedom, and taught the Kaffir how best to rob and
murder, till most probably the Kaffir murdered him, or made him toil
harder than he had ever done under the Boer.

Then, the Dutch grumbled not so much at the emancipation, as at the
manner of it. Even when they were willing to hire those who had been
their slaves, they hesitated to receive as servants those over whom the
law gave no control. As an indemnification for the loss of their
slaves, the owners obtained, on the average, about one-third of the
value of them. From their not being paid their compensation-money in
the colony, but being obliged to draw it from England, their loss by
agencies and misunderstanding was very great.

The discontented Dutch, who had been gradually irritated by these
proceedings, now began to migrate with their families over various
branches of the Orange River, to the north-east of the colony. They
were forbidden to take their apprentices with them; but in many
instances they disregarded this order, and parties of military being
sent after them, to bring the apprentices back to the colony, this
measure increased the feelings of resentment already excited in the
minds of the Dutch towards the English, and the commanders of such
military parties ran imminent risks of their lives in the execution of
these duties. Having established themselves in various localities
beyond the north-eastern boundary, and having no legal executive among
themselves, the Boers occasionally returned to the colony when any
appeal to justice was required; but, by degrees, the stream of
emigration having set steadily outwards, it swelled to such an extent
that it called for more room in its progress, and, spreading itself
beyond the limits of British jurisdiction or restraint, at length
reached Natal. The most determined emigrants came to a resolution to
establish for themselves, in the neighbourhood of that port, a colony
totally independent of British rule, and regulated by their own laws.
Meanwhile the Kaffir war had been, by the energy and decision of Sir
Benjamin D'Urban and Colonel Smith (now Sir Harry Smith, the hero of
Aliwal, and the Governor of the Cape), brought to an end. The
aggressors were driven from the colony, and also from a neighbouring
district between the Keiskama and the Kei, which was erected into a
province called Adelaide, and stringent measures taken to prevent their
again bursting into the colony. But these measures were disapproved of
by Lord Glenelg, then the Colonial Secretary, the new district was
abandoned, Sir Benjamin D'Urban resigned, and, under the auspices of Sir
Andries Stockenstrom, the Lieutenant-Governor of the eastern province,
new treaties, since known by his name, were formed, which public opinion
in Africa almost universally condemns as the real cause of the late
deplorable warfare. Since then, the policy that framed them has been
abandoned, and the statesmanlike views of Sir Benjamin are at the
present day being carried out by his former coadjutor, Sir Harry Smith.

About the year 1841 the settlement of the emigrant Boers had attained
something like the appearance of a regular state. They had, partly by
force and partly by purchase, obtained possession of a considerable
tract of country, and had founded a town, which they called
Pietermaritzburg, and after some correspondence with the Government at
the Cape, they declared themselves independent. On this a small British
force was despatched to Port Natal, but it was unable to effect anything
against them until the arrival of reinforcements, when the Boers
promised submission to the Queen's authority; but soon after they began
again to move onward, under their general, Pretorius, and it was not
until Sir Harry Smith came among them, at the close of the Kaffir war,
that they could be considered as fully under the control of the British
Government. Even up to the present time their position with regard to
it is anything but satisfactory, as the following extract from a letter
recently received from the Cape (September 14, 1850), will
show:--"Matters have looked a little portentous over the Orange River.
The Boers, far beyond Bloem Fontein, under Pretorius, are determined
that no one shall pass through their territory to the newly-discovered
lake (Lake Ngami), and have already fined some severely. The lake will
be easy of access down the Limpopo (river), which runs through the
Boers' country into it, as is believed; all other ways, as far as is
known, are through deserts, and the ignorant people (Boers) will not
suffer the missionaries to teach the natives about them. It would be
unsafe to send any expedition under seven hundred men there, as
Pretorius is more than 250 miles beyond any military station."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. The Boers, however, had little liking for this arrangement,
which severed them from their parent country, and their hearts yearned
towards a reunion with it. Of this I had a positive assurance before it
was my fate to visit the colony myself. In the year 1838 I had the
honour of making the acquaintance of H.R.H. Prince William Henry of
Orange, who was on his voyage home in the "Bellona" frigate from Java,
_via_ Saint Helena. He dwelt with great pleasure on the circumstance of
several Dutch families having travelled many miles from the interior to
meet him at Cape Town, when he touched there. Aged men and women, who
had scarcely moved out of their farm sitting-room for years, hastened to
meet a Prince from their beloved Fatherland.

Note 2. Shortly after Lord Charles Somerset succeeded to the government
of the Cape, in 1817, Graham's Town being attacked by Makanna, the
pretended Kaffir prophet, a witch-doctor, Colonel, now Major-General Sir
Thomas Wiltshire, after defeating a horde of these savages, followed up
his success by pursuing them into their own country, where he forced
them to sue for peace. This was granted, on condition of their
surrendering Makanna, and giving up in atonement for their past, and as
security against future offences, that tract of country lying between
the Fish and Kat Rivers on the one side, and the Tyumie and Keiskama on
the other.

PART ONE, CHAPTER FOUR.

THE KAFFIRS AND THE ABORIGINES.

Though the publications on the Cape colony are already so numerous, and
they all more or less profess to describe the native inhabitants, it is
certain that we yet know very little of their real character; more
especially of the character of the Kaffirs. These are often painted as
an aboriginal race, "a pastoral and gentle people." They are neither
the one nor the other. They are intruders on the lands that they
occupy; their habits are the most savage imaginable; [see Note 1] their
treachery is well-known to all who have been unfortunate enough to come
in contact with them, and the conversions among them in ninety-nine
cases out of the hundred have no other existence than in the warm
imaginations of the well-meaning but ill-informed members of Missionary
Societies. What converts there are, are principally from the despised
slaves of the haughty Kaffirs, the Fingoes.

There are some missionary stations within a ride of Fort Peddie,--one of
them, D'Urban, being scarcely a mile from the post. I rode over there
one day, to see a Fingo congregation. Among them, indeed, were some
Kaffirs; in foot, it was composed of many shades of colour, the
pale-faced Englishman, the dingy children of fair-haired mothers and
dusky fathers, the sallow, stunted Hottentot, the merry-eyed Fingo, and
the more dignified Kaffir. On our approach to the building, we
distinguished a loud monotonous voice holding forth in the Kaffir
language, without the smallest attention to intonation, or emphasis.
This was the interpreter. In the missionary's absence, an assistant
preached in Dutch, which was translated, sentence by sentence, into
Kaffir. The unconcerned air of the interpreter, and his reckless bawl,
were much at variance with the wrapt air of attention bestowed on the
exhortations by the congregation. Some of the Kaffirs and Fingoes were
well-dressed, in homely costume, indeed, but clean and neat, consisting
of moleskin or fustian jackets and trousers, felt hats, like those worn
by English waggoners, and strong shoes. Others reclined on the floor,
with their blankets, or karosses, draped round them, and ornamented with
strings of beads, whose gaudy colours contrasted finely with their dark
skins. Another day, I witnessed the baptism of fourteen Fingoes. Both
men and women seemed to feel the solemnity of their position, the women
particularly evinced extraordinary emotion. Some were unable to
restrain their sobs, and one aged being affected me much by the manner
in which she sought to subdue her feelings, wiping the tears quietly
away as they followed each other down her dark cheek. All were decently
clothed, and particularly intelligent in their appearance.

At the close of the service, the missionary permits any of his
congregation to ask questions concerning such sacred matters as they may
at first find difficult to understand. Some of their arguments evince a
singular disposition to subtle reasoning, and prove how arduous a task
is undertaken by those who endeavour to convert these poor savages to
Christianity. One day, after the missionary had dwelt on the misery
arising from sin, and had expatiated on the natural proneness of man to
vice rather than virtue, and on the dreadful consequences of
disobedience manifested in the fall of our first parents, and its
terrible results, ameliorated only by the hope of heaven through the
merits of a Redeemer, in whose power to save and mediate we alone can
trust, a Kaffir, who had given his whole attention to the discussion,
begged leave to ask a few questions. It was granted, and he began.

"You tell us," said he, in the measured and gentle tone peculiar to his
language, "that all the world is wicked--dreadfully wicked; that man is
condemned to punishment, except he be redeemed by faith. You tell us
that every one is wrong, and God alone is right?"

"Certainly," replied the missionary; "except we believe in and obey God,
we cannot be saved."

"And you are sure," continued the Kaffir, "that man is very wicked, and
God alone is good?"

"Quite sure," replied the missionary.

"And there have been thousands--millions of men, and many, many
countries far away and beyond the waters," pursued the savage, "full of
sin, who cannot be saved, except they love and fear God, and believe in
him and in all these mysteries which none of us can understand, and
which you yourself even cannot explain?"

"It is but too true," said the missionary.

"And there is but one God?" pursued the Kaffir, in a tone of inquiry.

"But one God," was the solemn answer.

The savage pondered some minutes, and then observed, "What proof have
you that God is right, and men are wrong? Has no one ever doubted that
One being wise and the other being weak and sinful? How strange that
the word of your One God should be allowed to weigh against the will and
inclination of the whole world! Your cause is hardly a good one, when
hundreds and millions are opposed in deed and opinion to one! I must
consider your arguments on Christianity well before I decide on adopting
your creed."

Another remark of one of these natural logicians equally illustrates
their determination not to be persuaded to anything without having their
own reasons for it. Wherever their inclination leads them, they possess
such an art of defending themselves as would be an invaluable addition
to the talents of a special pleader in a criminal court. One Kaffir who
had become a Christian, at least apparently so (for I doubt the decided
conversion of any, except the Chief, Kama)--was striving, for reasons of
his own, to bring others to the creed he had adopted. After much
argument, one, who grew tired of it, closed it by observing that "since
such punishments were in reserve for those who neglected the laws of the
Master whom they engaged to serve, he preferred enjoying the world as
much as he could while living, rather than becoming a subject of one
whose laws were irksome, and whose punishments were so terrible."

This art of reasoning, however it may lead them into discussions as full
of sophistry as ingenuity, may be the means of converting some of them
to Christianity. It makes them keen listeners; and, since the Word of
God is so plain, that "he who runs may read," may not these poor people
be persuaded to that which must teach them that wisdom and power, and
mercy, and unbounded benevolence, are the attributes of that God whom
they are invited to worship? Sometimes, I hope this, and then some
proof of Kaffir treachery makes me wonder how I can ever form such a
hope.

I should say, with Fingoes, Kaffirs and Hottentots, persuasion and quiet
reasoning would work the will of God before all the threats relative to
that dreadful world where sinners are described as in everlasting
torment. This is hardly the place for such discussion, but I cannot
help saying, that I think the creed of many who profess to explain the
Word of God, a fearful one: instead of holding up our beneficent Creator
as a Being worthy to be served for love, they dwell too much on the
punishment of sin, rather than on the reward of virtue. It is by some
deemed wiser to frighten the ignorant into serving God, than to lead
them by gentle means to love Him, to honour and to put their whole trust
in Him. What a mistake! I have often pondered on the difference (if I
may so express it) of the two sources of religion--the one proceeding
from fear of our great spiritual enemy (and which, after all, is a
fallacious kind of worship)--and the other from love of the Almighty!

Tell the savage that God is infinitely wise and powerful, and good to
those who serve Him, and he will at least listen further; by which means
much may be done. Talk to him of a dreadful place of punishment, he
will turn his back on you, and refuse to enlist under the banners of
those whose chief arguments are based on such threats. Begin with
reference to God as merciful, as well as just, and the savage will soon
acknowledge the necessity of punishment for evil deeds in an equal
degree with rewards for virtue. It is right he should know that eternal
suffering awaits the sinner, but, before he is thus threatened, teach
him "the beauty of holiness," and "praise God as one worthy to be
praised."

On my journey into Kaffirland, our road one day lay through a pleasant
country, where the grass was green, and the mimosas bright with their
golden clusters of flowers. At the spot where we outspanned, a waggon,
driven by Fingoes, had halted: it was drawn close up to a bush, and the
party in charge of it, consisting of two men, three women, and their
children, were seated in the shade. To our surprise, we observed that
one man was reading aloud to the party; and, anxious to hear the
language, which is peculiarly soft and liquid, we walked up to the
group. Our surprise was increased when we found that the book occupying
their attention was the Bible, translated into the Kaffir language,
which, by the way, scarcely differs from the Fingo. The sight of this
dusky group so employed, had a strange effect, and the flowing ease and
beauty of the language in which the Word of God was explained to the
attentive listeners, increased the interest we felt in the scene. None
of them could speak English; but the reader, pointing to the book,
uttered the single word "Good" impressively.

It is singular enough that Barrow and other travellers do not allude to
the race of Fingoes; this oversight is probably owing to their having
been, till of late years, the slaves of the Kaffirs. [See Note 2.] The
following account of them I have gathered from a work compiled by the
editor of the "Graham's Town Journal," and published in 1836:--

"It appears that the term `Fingo' is not their national appellation, but
a reproachful epithet, denoting extreme poverty or misery,--person
having no claim to justice, mercy, or even life. They are the remnants
of eight powerful nations, which have been destroyed or driven out of
their country by the destructive wars carried on amongst the natives of
the interior. Five of these nations were destroyed by the cruel
Matawana, and the rest by the notorious Zoola Chief, Chaka, or some of
the tribes tributary to them. The names of these nations were:

"1. The Amalubi,--signifying a people who tear and pull off.

"2. The Amazizi,--a people who bring. About twenty years ago, they, as
a powerful nation, inhabited the country on the north-east of Natal.

"3. The Amabile,--people of mercy.

"4. The Amazabizembi,--axe-vendors.

"5. The Abasaekunene,--right-hand people.

"6. The Amantozakive,--people whose things are their own.

"7. The Amarelidwani,--no definite meaning.

"8. Abashwawo,--revilers or reproachers.

"These nations being broken up and dispersed, many of those who escaped
flew westward, and thus came into collision with the Amakosa Kaffirs,
but principally with the tribes of the late Hintza, whose death is
graphically described by Sir James Alexander, 14th regiment, in his
account of the last Kaffir irruption in 1834 and 1835. They became
slaves, herds, `hewers of wood, and drawers of water,' as well as
tillers of the ground. They were oppressed in every way; when by
industry they had gathered together a few head of cattle, they were
either forcibly taken away from them, or, being accused of witchcraft,
their property was confiscated. In short, their lives and property were
held on the same precarious tenure, the mere will of their capricious,
cruel and avaricious taskmasters.

"This state of bondage at last became utterly intolerable, and its
victims only looked for an opportunity to throw off the yoke. Their
attention had been anxiously turned towards the colony, and
communications had been made to the frontier authorities long before the
irruption in 1834, urgently praying for an asylum within our boundary:
but this application was kept a profound secret, from a conviction that
were their intentions known to the Kaffirs, the indiscriminate massacre
of the poor Fingoes would be the consequence."

The war, of which many histories are given, delivered these poor
creatures from their bondage, and they are now a happy people, with
their own independent possessions of cattle, Sir James Alexander
supplies an interesting description of their deliverance from captivity.

They are a fine muscular race, bearing a great resemblance to the
Kaffirs, yet easily distinguishable from them: unlike the Kaffirs, they
are a cheerful race. The moonlight nights seem their seasons of
festivity; and their wild chant, now rising loud and shrill, from the
huts opposite Fort Peddie, and now felling into a low muttered chorus,
now led by a single voice, and again sinking into indistinctness, has a
singular effect on civilised ears, not the less extraordinary from its
being sometimes united with a running accompaniment of wolves howling
about the cattle-kraals, and dogs yelling after them. At such times,
the wild chorus generally ceases, lights are carried to and fro in the
kraal [see Note 3], or hamlet, and there is a sound of a hunt, such as
one might fancy would be ably illustrated by Retzsch's wondrous pencil.
After successive shouts from the Fingoes, and yells from the dogs, the
yelp of the wolf is heard further off, and changes to a smothered whine,
till it ceases altogether. The dogs continue barking for some time, the
torches are extinguished, and, as all again becomes quiet, the strange
chant recommences. Sometimes the noise of clapping of hands,
resembling, from the distance at which it is heard, the sound of the
tom-tom, or rude drum, may be distinguished, marking time probably to
the steps of the untiring dancers, for their revelry generally lasts
till morning's dawn.

Neither Fingoes nor Kaffirs seem to take much note of time: they sing
and dance when they are merry, sleep when fatigued, eat and drink when
hungry and thirsty. Days, weeks, months, and years pass by unnoticed,
and uncounted. If in want of comforts which must be purchased, they
work to earn money; if well provided, they will do nothing. In cold
weather, they will not leave their huts even to milk their cows.

One of the most interesting anecdotes I have heard, was told me one day,
relative to a Fingo man, tallying well with the scene I have alluded to
of the group reading the Bible under the shade of the mimosa-bush. A
poor Fingo had made several applications, from Graham's Town, to a
missionary nearly fifty miles off, for a Bible; but for some time there
had not been a sufficient number printed to meet the devout wishes of
those "who would become Christians." Two years elapsed from the time
this man first asked for the Bible. At last one day, he suddenly
appeared at the station, and asked the missionary for one. The latter
replied, that he was afraid he yet had none to spare; "but," said he to
the Fingo, "if you will do what business you may have on hand in the
neighbourhood, and come to me before you leave it, I will endeavour to
procure you one, if such a thing is to be had;" but the poor traveller
surprised the missionary when he said he had no business to transact
there, save the one thing which had brought him so far. He had come all
the way from Graham's Town, on foot, for the Bible; he would wait till
one was found, or even printed for him. So the missionary was
constrained to seek for one immediately, which he succeeded in
obtaining; and the Fingo then offering 2 shillings 6 pence (the price of
the book being 1 shilling 6 pence), the missionary offered the 1
shilling in change, but the traveller waited not. With the precious
book which had cost him so much toil to obtain, in one hand, and his
knob-kiurrie (war-club) in the other, away he trudged, light of foot,
and certainly light of heart. He evidently considered his prize as more
to be "desired than gold, yea than fine gold." Such instances of
sincere conversion are very rare.

There seems little doubt that Barrow's idea of the origin of the Kaffir
tribes in this country is a just one. He imagines them to be the
descendants of those Arabs known to us by the name Bedouin. "These
people" says he, "penetrated into every part of Africa. Colonies of
them have found their way into the islands of Southern Africa, where
more difficulties would occur than in an overland journey to the Cape of
Good Hope. By skirting the Red Sea, and turning to the southward, the
great desert of sand, which divides Africa into two parts, would be
avoided, and the passage lies over a country inhabited, as far as is
known, in every part." The circumstance of their having short hair,
would seem to militate against their Arabic origin; but their
intermixture with the Hottentots and other nations along the coast may
have produced this. Barrow adds, "Their skill in music is not above the
level of the Hottentots."

The latter have a most perfect ear for music, and cannot resist dancing
and chorussing to a tune that pleases them. I have never heard the
Kaffirs evince any disposition to sing, unless I except the monotonous
drawl which the women utter for the men to dance to. Of the Fingo
evensong, I shall have occasion to speak by and by.

It is already well-known that the Bosjemen and Hottentots are the
aborigines of the whole of this part of South Africa. As one great
proof of this, we find the names of the rivers are in the Hottentot
language, between which and the Kaffir there is no affinity. It may, by
the bye, be observed, that the Bosjeman and Kaffir languages have one
thing in common,--a singular click, varying in its sound according to
the letter pronounced: thus, C, T, R, and Q, appear to be the letters
uttered in clicks--T is uttered between the teeth, like _teh_; the R
also resembles T in its pronunciation; Q is produced by a click nearer
the front of the teeth than is requisite for the pronunciation of the C,
which in its turn resembles the noise made in imitation of drawing a
cork, and when two Kaffirs, Fingoes, or Bushmen, are conversing together
on any subject that excites them to unusual rapidity of speech or
gesticulation, the effect is extraordinary.

I desire not to lengthen my work with long quotations from other
writers, though to do so with that experience which a residence in the
country must give, would be to compile a useful and entertaining
chapter; but by here and there comparing what I see of these wild people
with what I have read, much may be gathered together that will throw a
light on matters connected with them in their present domestic state, if
such a term may be applied to a who are not yet tamed, and who, I doubt,
never will be so. Like the lion, the tiger, the panther, and all the
roaming tenants of the bush, the mountain, or the kloof, the Kaffir has
become identified with the country to which he now belongs; and, though
here and there one or two may be brought to understand the meaning of
good principle, as a body, the Kaffirs will fulfil the destiny of their
great progenitor, Ishmael, of whom it has been decreed by God, that his
descendants shall "have their hands against every man, and every man's
hand against them." Even though a man be brought up among Christians
from his youth, and accustomed to his dress by day, and his bed by
night, in manhood he will most joyfully return to his kraal, his kaross,
and his mat. The daughter of Cobus Congo (Konky) is a striking instance
of this. Educated in the house of an excellent missionary, taught the
value of principle, Konky is now married to a chief who has many other
wives; she wears the kaross, and rides an unsaddled horse, after the
same fashion as her husband and his cortege. If, however, the
missionaries fail generally in the one grand object of converting the
Kaffirs and Fingoes to Christianity, many among them may be brought to
some degree of civilisation. Already those who have been prevailed upon
to learn to read (the difficulty lies in getting them to learn at all,)
are diligent, and thirst for knowledge; as they progress in this, their
communion with Europeans becomes more intimate, gradually they may
acquire a wish to be clothed, and this may be of consequence to our
manufactories. Already the English blanket, greased till it becomes the
colour of ochre, begins to supersede the skin kaross; and the common
brown coverlid is another favourite drapery of the Kaffir. A printing
press is established at D'Urban [a missionary station near Fort Peddie];
and, besides the translation of the Bible, a periodical is published
monthly, containing articles suited to the taste, comprehension, and
habits of the native.

I have imagined that if some profitable employment were set on foot
among them it would have a beneficial effect; but I understand that
wool-combing was tried, which would have added to their cattle flocks of
sheep, besides promoting habits of industry; but this failed,--their
idleness is incorrigible. The principal articles of our manufacture
coveted by them are fire-arms. There was before the late war some
ill-devised and worse-executed law for the prevention of the sale of
these, but it was of small effect. Even assegais made in England have
been sent out here, but the Kaffirs object to our manufacture of iron,
as being too malleable, preferring that prepared at their own primitive
forges. I have heard it remarked that the bellows they use in forging
are proof of their having sprung from a race more skilled in the arts of
civilisation than themselves. Two pieces of hide are sown together in
the form of a pointed bag; the wide part at top is stretched open by two
sticks; in the point at the bottom, also open, is inserted a bullock's
horn, filed at the point, through which passes the air, which is
admitted by opening and shutting the bellows at the wide end.

To enter upon a minute description of Kaffir habits, customs,
ceremonials, and superstitions, would be to exceed my limits. I prefer
confining myself to the results of my personal observations, which,
however, from my long residence in Kaffirland, will embrace many points
left unnoticed by writers who have merely travelled through the country.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. Even in their hunting expeditions, the Kaffirs exhibit a
peculiarity which goes far to prove that the sight of blood renders them
unnaturally ferocious. At the death of a jackal, a buck, or any large
game which, they have run down, each hunter presses on to give a last
stab at the victim, even after death. I observed this also among the
Fingoes, in their war-dance, as afterwards described. Captain Harris
alludes to it in his "Sporting Expedition in Africa," when he so
graphically describes the death of a young eland. "The savages came
up," he says, "and in spite of my remonstrances, proceeded with
cold-blooded ferocity to stab the unfortunate animal, stirring up the
blood, and shouting with barbarous exultation as it issued from each
newly-inflicted wound."

Note 2. The term "Kaffir," is by no means recognised by the Kaffirs
themselves. It was bestowed on them by the Portuguese. The word is
from the Arabic, and signifies "Infidel."

Note 3. The word "kraal" applies either to the group of huts forming a
village, to a single hut, or the fold for the cattle.

PART ONE, CHAPTER FIVE.

THE KAFFIRS--THEIR SUPERSTITIONS.

The Kaffirs have no idea of a future state, and many can hardly be
taught to believe that there are countries beyond their own. Some have
a crude idea that Europeans, particularly the English, live on the
waters in ships. Even to their own chiefs, and people who have been in
England, they will give no credence. A Kaffir believes only what he
sees. Latterly, they have become more inquisitive, and ask questions,
wondering "if the Queen of England is like other human beings!"

They are so exceedingly superstitious that the more cunning members of
their community take advantage of a weakness common to all, but
possessed in a greater degree by some than by others. The system of
"eating-up," as it is called, arises from the prevalence of
superstition, and may be thus described. A man, who, from his knowledge
of herbs and practice among the sick, is considered and denominated a
doctor, entertains, perhaps, a spite against some individual. He hears
that another is sick,--if a chief so much the better for his purpose,--
or perhaps he may employ some nefarious means to injure the health of a
man by whom he intends to be employed. The chief, then, falls sick,
naturally, or by foul means; meanwhile, the "doctor" has not been idle,
he has carried to some hiding-place some herbs, skin, or something of
this kind, and has buried it in a nook. Soon after comes the summons
for him. He goes. The patient is suffering, and the mode of
questioning the sick man is singular enough. With a grave face and
solemn air, the doctor begins his inquiries,--"Does his head ache?"
"No." "Has he a sore throat?" "No." "Pain in the shoulders?" "No."
"In the chest?" "No." "In the arms?" "No." And so on, till the part
affected is touched. Then the pain is acknowledged, and there is a long
pause. No one ventures to speak, save the doctor and the patient. At
last, the former asks the invalid who has bewitched him? All disease is
looked upon as the effect of magic, from their total ignorance of a
Providence. The patient replies, he does not know. It is not
improbable, indeed, he may be leagued with the doctor; or, if he be a
chief, that he may have resolved on possessing himself of some poor
dependent's cattle, and therefore bribes the doctor to assist him in his
scheme. All the inhabitants of the kraal are summoned. They come.
Perhaps, they expect a feast, unless they are aware of the chief's
illness. The doctor moves through the assembly, examines the
countenances of this man and that, retires, deliberates, returns, and at
last points out the unfortunate man who has already been devoted to
ruin. The victim protests his innocence. It is of no avail. The wise
doctor can prove where he has hidden the charm which works the mischief.
He goes to the nook where he himself has concealed it. The people
follow. Wonderful;--he discovers it--brings it to the chief, who orders
the victim to pay so many head of cattle, the tax imposed being always
so heavy as to injure the unfortunate creature beyond redemption.
Frequently, he is condemned to death, and frightful cruelties are to
this day practised on men and women accused of witchcraft, who, with
their heads smeared with honey, are bound down on an ant-hill, and at
their feet a blazing fire. Unable to move, they lie for days enduring
this torture, till they are released or die. In the former case even,
they are crippled for life. A case came to my knowledge, in which a
rain-maker, a character similar to that of the doctor, but whose
business is curing the weather, caused a poor creature to be put to
death; and, strange to say, on the following day, though we had not had
a drop of rain for nearly four months, and were very short of water, the
torrents which fell deluged the country, and filled the tanks and rivers
beyond what had been seen for a considerable time.

I confess that, as I have ridden through the kraals, and seen the groups
of Fingoes, or Kaffirs, sitting about the fires, surrounded by their
children, cooking their corn, chattering and laughing, while at a little
distance young boys basked in the sun, playing with pebbles at some
game, or, lying on the grass, idle, and happy in their idleness, without
a thought beyond the present, any more than the herd that cropped the
green herbage round them, I have said to my companions, "How can we
expect these happy wretches to be other than savages?" The earth yields
them food, and their cattle, milk and clothing. Trees provide them wood
for the frame-work of their huts, and their fires, and the clay on which
they sit is shaped into utensils for their use. Wise in their own
conceit, they must be but too happy and independent to change their
condition of their own free will. They have no idea of the sin of a
theft, or a lie, being equal to the folly which permits it to be found
out.

I shall have occasion by and by to describe a council at which I was
present, wherein Umhala, a Kaffir chief, was summoned by the
Lieutenant-Governor, to show cause why he had threatened to "eat up"
Gasella, another chief, his step-brother. The secret of the threat was
said to lie in Gasella's friendly feeling towards the English, and his
consequent determination to prevent the inroads of the Kaffirs upon the
colony, for the purpose of abstracting cattle; but I strongly doubt the
existence of such a feeling in any Kaffir whatever. The constant thefts
of cattle give rise to "Commandos" to recover them, and after a
successful one, a military party in charge of cattle, conducting them
into Graham's Town, is not an unamusing sight. How would some
aristocratic papas and mammas be horrified at seeing their gentlemanlike
sons heading the party, and playing the part of principal herdsman on
the redoubtable occasion! Such expeditions require the utmost caution,
and are frequently attended with danger; and, though it would be no
addition to the soldier's wreath of glory to be assegaied, or shot, in
the execution of such a duty as that of driving cattle, he would be not
the less killed "for a' that,"--dead,--lost to his sorrowing friends and
his unsympathising country for ever.

The restless desire for plunder among the Kaffirs speaks much in favour
of their Arab origin. So do their tent-shaped huts, their riches
consisting in herds of cattle, and their wandering habits. The Kaffirs'
principal instrument of war is the spear, or assegai. Such, a weapon is
now in especial use among the Arabs. The poising and hurling this spear
constitute a trial of dexterity which they love to exhibit; and there
could not be a finer subject for a painter than a tall Kaffir,
majestically formed, with one foot firmly planted before him, his head
thrown back, his kaross draped pound him, leaving the right arm and foot
free and unfettered, in the act of poising an assegai before he sends it
flashing through the sunlit air. Their wearing clothes will be an
excellent thing for our manufactories, but will help to enervate the
savage.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

I cannot avoid reverting to the fact that writers have never, in their
descriptions, separated the Fingoes from the Kafirs. There is no doubt
that they once formed one vast nation, but are now not only distinct but
opposed to each other. In advertisements relative to servants, and
setting forth Government ordinances, mention is made of all the tribes
of Kaffirs to the utmost limits of the known territory, also of
Hottentots and Bushmen, but no reference is made to Fingoes, who differ
from the Kaffirs in appearance as well as in habits.

Mr Shepstone, the Government agent, has kindly written down, from what
he has gathered from them in conversation, the idea of the Kaffirs
respecting their own origin. He says--

"The traditions among the native tribes on the south-eastern coast of
Africa, which essay to describe the origin of the human race, are as
various as the tribes themselves. Perhaps, the one most curious in its
detail is the following:--It assumes the pre-existence of the sun, moon,
and stars, etc, as also of our earth, with everything in it as it at
present exists, with the exception of men and cattle. It then describes
two chasms in the earth, from one of which emerged three descriptions of
men; first, the Kaffir; second, the Bushman (the original Hottentot);
and third, the white man. These are the fathers of mankind. Out of the
other chasm came cattle; the greatest part of these were given to the
Kaffir, and he was told they should be `his life and his children's.'
The Bushman `was given the honey-bird,' [Note 1], and was desired to
follow it, as its fortunes should be `_his_ life and _his_ children's.'
The white man was shown the sea, and was told to `try everything.'
Another account represents the white man as having been incited by
curiosity to explore the chasm whence had issued the cattle; that, after
he had entered it, the mouth closed up; but that by extraordinary
exertions he cleared his way out, which explains the cause of his
descendants possessing such persevering ingenuity. Their different
callings being thus defined, they were permitted to increase and
multiply, and live in love with one another. This injunction was
followed for a considerable period, when one morning, when the sun shone
as brightly as usual in the heavens, one of their number was discovered
motionless! speechless! cold! The utmost dismay was the consequence;
all assembled to endeavour to ascertain the cause, and remedy what was
felt to be a serious evil; some ran with water, to sprinkle the lifeless
form; others hastened with broad-spreading leaves, to fan the rigid
countenance, and every effort was made to restore their companion so far
as to be able to tell the cause of such fearful apathy. All was in
vain--not a ray of hope was left--despair took possession of their
breasts. The form of their friend and fellow creature began to
moulder.--Nothing remained at last but the more substantial parts of the
person once familiar to them. Then a voice came and named it `Death!'
It is curious to observe," remarks Mr Shepstone, "in all this the
recognition of a superintending and benevolent power, independent of
man; whereas, in every other tradition, the fortunes of the human race
are represented as under the control of the good and evil spirits of
their forefathers, whichever may, circumstances, predominate at the
time."--Fort Peddie, May 19th, 1843.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. A small bird, which, attracting the notice of travellers by its
cry, guides them to the wild bees' nests in trees, or clefts of rocks.

PART TWO, CHAPTER ONE.

FIVE YEARS IN KAFFIRLAND--THE VOYAGE OUT.

There was nothing very pleasant in the prospect before me of leaving
England just as summer was opening her gates, and exhibiting her
flower-strewn paths and fragrant hedgerows. My health was not good, and
to my mode of travelling I looked forward as anything but agreeable;
since a troopship can never be considered as affording even convenient
accomodation for a lady, and the miseries of a sea-life must of
necessity be enhanced by being shared with a crowd of fellow-sufferers
of various classes.

Nevertheless, on reaching Ireland, (land of green spots and generous
hearts!) my spirits rallied; my soul could not but respond to kindly
sympathies and disinterested hospitality, and by the time the troopship,
"Abercrombie Robinson," arrived in Kingstown Harbour, whence we were to
embark (in all upwards of 700 souls) for the Cape of Good Hope, I had
shaken off my unavailing regrets in a great degree, and was prepared to
meet my destiny with a fortitude worthy of a soldier's wife,--a
fortitude, indeed, earned by experience in my encounter with "perils by
sea and land."

But people now don't care for rhymes romantic,
And I must cease to think of former years.
This, my third trip across the vast Atlantic,
Hath taught me to subdue a world of tears;
For worse than idle, on a joyous track,
Were the vain sorrow earned by looking back!--_My Journal_.

The inhabitants of Dublin, "in the merry month of May," 1842, emigrated
by instalments to visit the "Abercrombie Robinson,"--a ship of 1400 tons
being rarely seen in Kingstown Harbour. A few short months after, she
lay a wreck upon the sands of Africa, a true type of the littleness of
man's works, and of the power of Him who "blew with his winds and they
were scattered."

We embarked, and for a day or two enjoyed the balmy breezes of the
summer sea as we lay in harbour. His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant
came on board in the barge, to see the ship, the barge being steered by
the agent, Lieutenant J.R. Black, R.N. The guns saluted, the yards were
manned, bands were playing, colours flying, soldiers cheering, etc, etc.
The Lord Lieutenant congratulated us on our fine prospects, and drank
our healths, wishing us prosperity (and I am sure he was in earnest);
and his Aides-de-Camp looked as civil as they could, considering they
were very much bored: and, when we had all played at company and
propriety for a given time, his Excellency left the ship, steered as
before, and there was a repetition of guns firing, soldiers shouting,
etc; and the people on the shore, no doubt, thought it very fine indeed.

We were better off with regard to accommodation than we had been as
inmates of a transport on a former occasion, when we went to Saint
Helena. Our ship was strong, apparently, as a castle, and our
accommodation very superior. With the first favourable breeze we spread
our canvass, and sailed out of Kingstown Harbour, hundreds cheering us
from the shores of green Ireland, while our men responded to their
shouts.

The voyage was dull enough, only varied by a due quantity of parades,
roll-calls, mustering of watches, with a running accompaniment of
bugles, bagpipes, and drums. Our party, in general, was an agreeable
one; the average quantity of ill-humour being small in proportion to our
number, and therefore falling harmlessly enough on those who were
willing to make the best of every thing. We paid by the way a visit to
Madeira.

The view of this beautiful island (or rather of Funchal, the principal
town) in some magazine, is the best representation of it I have seen.
The town is prettily situated, but deplorably spoiled by the narrowness
of its streets. [Note 1.] I was, unfortunately, too much indisposed,--
suffering as I was from the effects of a species of scarlet fever,--to
visit the interior of the island; but even the outskirts of the town
were most refreshing. There was a sound of running waters, a waving of
green boughs, scenting the air with their fragrance, and making me
imagine myself, in my weak state, fanned by the kindly wings of unseen
angels. The last fortnight on shipboard had been passed in great
discomfort: heavy sickness at all times is a severe tax on our patience,
but at sea, in a narrow cabin, where one's weak voice is often drowned
by the creaking of masts, the dashing of the waves, and the hoarse calls
of the seamen, it is beyond all conception to those who have not
similarly suffered. My little tour in my tiny palanquin at Madeira was,
therefore, most delicious. First I lingered in the square, under the
trees, looking at the 11th regiment of Portuguese troops on parade.
Well-dressed, well drilled, well appointed, and withal well looking,
they had every appearance of being an efficient body of men. Then their
harmonious band (no one instrument being heard distinctly above another)
exceeded in sweetness any regimental band I ever heard in our service.
The big drum, instead of being struck with violence, merely swelled in
accompaniment; and, when the fifes took up the strain, the brazen
instruments lowered their tone in perfect unison with the powers of the
lesser ones. This over, I was carried onwards through alleys green with
the foliage of the graceful vine; the distant hills made me long for
refreshing landscapes and "spicy gales," but these were denied me, and
my bearers carried me into a garden adjoining a house which we
understood belonged to the English Consul, but which we found was
tenanted by Lady Harriet D--, who was residing at Madeira for the
benefit of her children's health. On learning this, as we were about to
retire, a man-servant followed, begging us, in his lady's name, to
proceed. We did so, and under a group of trees we discovered Lady
Harriet, surrounded by books and work, and apparently intent on the
instruction of two sable pupils. The sound of her voice as she rose to
meet me, bespoke her pity for my pale looks and exhausted frame, and the
refreshment we accepted at her ladyship's hospitable hands enabled me to
endure the fatigue of returning to the town better than I should
otherwise have done.

The gun from the "Abercrombie" announced her being under weigh, and we
were obliged to depart in haste, the heavy surf and constant swell of
the sea at Madeira rendering the passage from the shore to the ship
always tedious and more or less difficult.

Almost every one has heard of Clementina, the beautiful nun, at the
Convent at Madeira. Her name has been so often before the public that
there can be no possible harm in relating a singular incident of which
she was the heroine, and which occurred while we were there. A large
party (from the English frigate lying like ourselves at anchor) landed
and paid a visit to the convent. Among the group assembled in front of
the grafting, behind which the nuns appear to receive visitors, was a
Mr H. As Clementina advanced she caught sight of this gentleman, and
had no sooner done so than with a sudden scream she fainted. Every one
was amazed, Mr H as much so as any. On recovering her senses, the fair
nun inquired if the gentleman who had caused her emotion bore the name
of H? On being answered in the affirmative, she almost relapsed into a
state of insensibility; but on recovering herself, she begged further to
know if he was the Mr H with whom she had formerly eloped from the
convent? It was explained that the Mr H she now saw was the cousin of
her lover, to whom he bore an extraordinary resemblance. On learning
this, she requested him to be the bearer of a letter from her to his
cousin, which she afterwards forwarded to him, and then the curtain
dropping between the nuns and the visitors closed this singular and
romantic interview.

Again we set sail, and the same monotonous routine continued with little
variation. Occasionally, we fell in with a passing ship looking like a
thing of life upon the solitary world of waters, which brought us the
consolation of being able to write homewards. Homeward letters! Ah!
what eager hearts at home were wishing for those letters! How much of
affection, and sorrow, and anxiety, and prayerful love was in them I
thought, as the bag, ere the boat departed for the "Homeward bound" lay
at my feet upon the senseless deck! It is the habit of tracing the
common things of life back to their sources, be they sad or sweet, which
has sometimes given me pleasure, oftener pain. There moved off the
gallant ship, there rang the cheers of our soldiers, there sounded the
reckless voices of the young, the gay, the heartless, and the
high-spirited, and while they perhaps were little thinking of the
parents, the friends, the sisters, to whom they had sent home letters,
my eyes were filling as:

"Eager memories rushed upon the heart
And burst oblivion's cloud."

On the 22nd of August there was a cry of "land!" and, on the following
morning, the vast mountains forming the boundary of part of the
south-western coast of Africa, lay stretched before us. Then Table
Mountain and its smaller companions reared their cloud-capped crests;
and the white villas at Green Point tantalised us with their proximity,
from which, owing to the wind, we were obliged to bear away constantly.
For two days we hovered in the offing, but on the evening of the 25th,
we hailed the sound of our anchor-chains. It was a most lovely night,
the unclouded moon illuminating the white houses in Cape Town, and the
lofty mountains standing out in strong relief against the clear sky;
while our bugles, drums, and fifes, made merry music on the poop of our
gallant ship. How we lingered about, unwilling to retire to rest, so
anxious were we for the morning! It came at last, and the commanding
officer went ashore to report in due form our arrival to the Governor.
On his return in a few hours, we learned that all of us, except the
Colonel and the Major, were to proceed, by way of Algoa Bay, to the
frontier. The flank companies and the band were to be brought from
thence to Cape Town, and the three companies expected from Saint Helena
were to be detained there on their arrival. Many of our party,
especially the gentlemen, rejoiced at this; liking the prospect of an
active and sporting life infinitely better than that which would be
merely varied by lounging about Cape Town, attempting races, or
philandering at the balls. We were to remain in harbour about five days
for water and provisions, (our stock being quite exhausted) then to
proceed on our voyage.

On Saturday morning, the 27th of August, all the officers not for duty
obtained permission to go on shore; the command of the troops on board
devolving on Captain Gordon, 91st regiment. All landed but six; my
husband was one of those to remain, consequently I did not accept the
kind invitation of a friend to accompany him with my little girl to his
house near Cape Town. Afterwards, in the hour of danger, and in the
time of extreme terror, I had a strange undefinable satisfaction in
having remained, though the sight of my child made me wish I had sent
her on shore in the morning. Towards evening, the wind increased
considerably; but, though there was a heavy sea and every prospect of a
gale, our captain depended on his anchors. The Agent, Lieutenant Black,
R.N., had gone on shore on duty at four o'clock in the evening, and
being invited to dine with the Governor at seven o'clock, was in
consequence prevented, by the impossibility of boats getting off, from
returning on board, The whole responsibility, therefore, devolved on the
Master, Mr John Young. The wind and sea rising caused at first but
little alarm; at twelve o'clock, however, the ship shivered; apparently
from being struck by a heavy sea. She trembled in every joint, and the
same sensation being almost immediately after felt again, it was evident
the vessel touched the bottom and with some violence. I rose from my
bed, and dressing my child and myself, we proceeded with my husband to
the cuddy, where some of the officers were assembled round the stove,
the night being bitterly cold. The captain, still depending on the
strength of his anchor-chains, saw no great cause of alarm, and having
put my child to sleep on a chair, which Captain Gordon kindly prepared
for her, I retired again to my berth, and being quite worn out, soon
fell fast asleep. I was awoke by my husband bidding me rise and come on
deck immediately, the anchor-chains having both snapped one after the
other. My little Isabel stood beside her father partly dressed, and
pale and silent. I have no distinct recollection of what happened for
the first half hour after this awful intelligence. I remember hearing
the water splashing about my cabin, and seeing our little lamp swinging
violently backwards and forwards. I remember being dragged in unshod
feet along the wet deck, up the steerage hatchway, while my husband
carried my child. I can remember, too, her little voice issuing from my
bed, into which she had crept to fasten on her warm boots, and begging
me not to be frightened.

"How calm she is!" said I, to my husband.

"Poor thing!" he whispered, "she does not know her danger."

"Yes, I do," she answered, overhearing us; "but mamma has often told me
that God Almighty can take care of us if He pleases; and I keep saying
that to myself, and then I am not half so frightened."

I remember the very height of the storm, when the noise of the thunder
could scarcely be distinguished from the roar of the waters, and the
torrents of rain,--when the elements in fact howled wildly and angrily
at one another,--when the lightning pouring, as one may call it, on our
decks, blazed in at the fore windows of the cuddy, being horror-stricken
at the ghastly faces assembled under the uncertain and flickering light
of a broken lamp. I can remember when the water rose up to my knees,
being carried between decks with my child, through rows of shrieking
women and silent soldiers. The conduct of our men was beyond all
praise.

For some time, I sat on a chest with my child, near the fore-hatch, the
ship continuing to drive, every moment striking against the sand, and
our only hopes resting on the coming of the dawn, which would show us
where we were, the floods of rain preventing the lightning--vivid as it
was--from doing this distinctly. About six in the morning, the master
came down among us with some comfort, saying he hoped the ship was
making a bed for herself in the sand. In truth, she had been all night
like some great creature scratching her way through it with restless
impatience. The rudder had been carried away from the first, the stern
cabins knocked into one, and the sea bubbling up like a fountain in the
after part of the ship. We were yet uncertain of our safety, for there
were rocks not many hundred yards from us on which the "Waterloo"
convict ship had already struck; but of her anon. Meanwhile, our people
attaching a rope to a shot, fired it on shore, but in vain. All night
the guns from the fort and other vessels had been giving awful warnings
to the town, while the constant roll of musketry onboard the convict
ship, led us to imagine that the convicts were mutinous. This was,
however, discovered afterwards not to be the case; they had been
loosened from their bonds on the first alarm, and desired to make use of
the first possible means of escape.

At length, as we neared the coast, which for some time had been crowded
with spectators, we were enabled, through God's mercy, to get a boat on
shore with a rope attached to the ship, and afterwards fastened to an
anchor driven in the sand. As the surf-boats put off, the first of
which brought Lieutenant Black, the Agent, on board, our men gave nine
hearty cheers, and in a few minutes we commenced our disembarkation; the
women and children being lowered into the boats first: I waited for the
third boat. Such a noble example had been shown by the officers to
their men, and its effects on the latter had been so important, that, in
spite of my anxiety to land, I felt unwilling to exhibit it by hurrying
from the ship to the shore, and thus creating unnecessary fears among
the poor uneducated women, whose terrors I had witnessed during the
awful hours of the night. As I was carried between decks, I had been
struck, in spite of my fears, with the scene that met my view there.
Pale women, with dishevelled hair, stretched themselves from their beds,
wringing their hands, and imploring me to comfort them. Some prayed
aloud; others, Roman Catholics, called on the Virgin and their favourite
saints to help them in their peril; and many bent in silent but eloquent
agony over their unconscious infants. One woman who had, during the
whole voyage, been considered as dying of deep decline, sat up in the
hammock which had been carefully slung for her, and with a calm voice,
which was yet distinguishable from the noise around her, imparted a
certain confidence in the power of the Almighty to all who were willing
to listen to her, or at least prepared them to view their possibly
approaching fate with more resignation. That calm, steady voice sounded
strangely amid the cries of fearful women, the hoarse voices of reckless
sailors, and the crashing of timbers; while, above all, still rolled on
the sound of musketry from the convict ship, "Waterloo," now beating
violently against the rocks, and beyond immediate help; while the
appearance of hundreds on the beach striving, some to get their boats
off, and others with daring spirit urging their horses through the surf,
formed a scene difficult to describe, even by the pen of a mere
looker-on.

Our ship was a stout vessel, and held well together. I embarked at last
in a surf-boat with my child (my husband of course waited for his
company), and with a heart full of earnest gratitude to the Almighty, I
approached the land. Had I dreamt of the awful calamity which
afterwards befell our unfortunate neighbour, the "Waterloo," I should
not have felt the exhilaration of spirit I did as the Lascars bore me
from the boat to the shore through the surf, while Mr Dalzell, of the
27th, carried my child gallantly through it before him on his saddle.
Mr Jenkins' carriage stood waiting for us on the beach; and having had
the satisfaction of witnessing my husband's disembarkation with his men,
we started for our kind friend's charming villa, in the neighbourhood of
Cape Town. As we drove on, the sight of the "Waterloo's" inverted flag,
half-mast high, made me shudder; but, as the tide was falling (which,
by-the-by, increased the danger of her position, but of this I was
unaware), I trusted the boats might be enabled to reach her, and thus
hoped for the best. In half an hour afterwards, her mainmast fell over
her side, the ship parted in four different places, and in less than ten
minutes upwards of 200 unfortunate beings were precipitated into the
raging surf. About 70 escaped by swimming on shore; among them Mr
Leigh, of the 99th regiment; many were crushed beneath the falling
spars; ghastly faces gleamed up from the boiling waters, and with
outstretched arms implored help from the shore. Eyes, glazed with agony
and despair, burst from their sockets as the rising heads of the
sufferers got jammed between floating timbers; and mothers, with infants
clinging to their bosoms, were washed off the rafts to which they vainly
strove to cling, whilst:

"--The bubbling cry
Of some strong swimmer in his agony,"

rose above the roar of the elements, and in a moment was smothered by
the dash of the raging waters over his helpless limbs. Only one woman
was saved: she, poor creature, had seen her husband and child swept away
before her; On being brought into the barrack square at Cape Town, where
the Governor and his Staff were assembled, the unfortunate woman flung
herself at the feet of the former, and embracing his knees exclaimed,
"Can you not help me? you have power here; can you not give me back my
husband and my child? you look a good man; can you do nothing for me?
Ah! I know you will help me. Sir, I beseech you to give me back my
husband and my child!" And this was only one of many scenes of
distress.

Great praise was afterwards deservedly bestowed on our men for their
steady conduct and ready obedience to their officers. The detachments
of the 27th and Cape Mounted Riflemen deserved equal praise. Young men,
too, they were--the average age of the battalion being scarcely more
than twenty-one years. Many of them had never been drilled--never even
had arms in their hands;--almost all the rest were volunteers from
different regiments, and consequently little known to their superiors.
The real cause, however, may be traced in the example shown them by
their officers; and too much praise cannot be bestowed on Captain Bertie
Gordon, to whose charge they fell on the senior officer's leaving the
ship. Young in years, and comparatively so in experience, he acted with
a calmness, decision, and judgment, that give high promise of future
good. Much more could I say on this subject, but that (as is the case
with all high and generous spirits) he who most deserves praise is
always the most unwilling to have it blazed abroad. All, however, must
have esteemed themselves fortunate in falling under the command of one
so able to do his duty under such trying circumstances.

It may not be irrelevant to say a word or two here on the subject of the
frequent wrecks in Table Bay during the winter months, viz, in May,
June, July, and August. Ships during these months are ordered to go
round to Simon's Bay, but this cannot always be done, as in our case.
There had been a great deal of sickness on board during the whole of our
voyage; three days before we made the land, three men belonging to the
91st regiment had died of typhus fever in the short space of thirty-one
hours and a half, their bodies and their bedding being committed to the
deep without one moment's unnecessary delay. Fresh provisions and
vegetables were thus most desirable, especially for the invalids.
Simon's Bay being between forty and fifty miles by sea, and twenty-three
by land, from Cape Town, it was a point of great importance to disembark
the troops if possible at the latter place. It must be remembered that
it was only on arriving in Table Bay, when the commanding officer
communicated with the Governor, that we learned we were to proceed to
the frontier. It was also necessary to take in fresh stock.
Furthermore, the wind (after we had been beating about the offing for
three days in a calm) became favourable for entering Table Bay, the
weather was remarkably fine, and the winter season at its close.

Our vessel was one of Soames' finest ships, and for nearly a month after
the wreck lay firmly imbedded in the sand; but the pieces of the hull of
the "Waterloo" which were picked up on the beach, crumbled to dust in
the hands of those who tried their strength. I have said thus much of
ourselves, and I have said it impartially, because, in cases of
shipwreck, the captain is frequently blamed for what he cannot help--for
what, in fact, is a visitation of the Almighty. To the master of the
troopship, as well as to Lieutenant Black, R.N., we were indebted,
during the whole of the voyage, for the utmost attention and kindness;
the more so as, from the unanimity subsisting between them, they were
enabled to act together for the benefit of us all; and I think I cannot
close this part of my narrative better than by publishing a letter
written to Captain Young a few days after the wreck by Captain Bertie
Gordon. [One equally complimentary was written to our esteemed friend
Lieutenant Black.]

"Main Barracks, Cape Town, August 31, 1842.

"My dear Sir,

"As commanding the reserve battalion of the 91st Regiment at the time of
the wreck of the transport `Abercrombie Robinson' in Table Bay, I feel
myself authorised to express my sense of your coolness, intrepidity, and
readiness of resource, during those anxious hours of responsibility,
when, from eleven o'clock on the night of the 27th of August, to
daylight on the morning of the 28th, the lives of seven hundred souls
depended, under God, on your firmness and seamanship. They are
qualities essential in the commander of a ship at all times, and must be
more than ever necessary when several hundred soldiers, women, and
children, crowd his decks.

"They conspicuously distinguished your conduct throughout that night,
whose scenes were too full of danger not to have impressed every one
with the near possibility of destruction.

"The question of life or death seemed often to hang on each minute's
duration; but, through God's mercy, your able conduct brought us safely
through a host of perils.

"On the part of the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of
the reserve battalion 91st Regiment, and of the detachments of the 27th
Regiment and Cape Mounted Riflemen, then on board, I beg to offer our
united acknowledgments of the praise and gratitude which your exertions
so highly merited.

"I remain, my dear Sir,

"Very truly yours,

"Bertie E.M. Gordon, Capt. 91st Regt.

"The undersigned officers of the 91st Regiment, on board the
`Abercrombie' at the time of her being driven ashore on the morning of
the 29th of August, beg to subscribe their names to the above letter of
thanks.

"J. Ward, Captain 91st Regt.

"J.C. Cahill, Paym. Res. Batt. 91st Regt.

"J.H.E. Stubbs, M.D., Asst.-Surg. 91st Regt.

"J. McInroy, Ensign 91st Regt.

"Robt. Lavers, Ensign 91st Regt."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. An inhabitant of Madeira gave an excellent reason for this
apparent fault, viz, that the houses being built closely together
afforded a shade from the sun that wide streets would not have have
done.

PART TWO, CHAPTER TWO.

MARCH TO GRAHAM'S TOWN.

After six months' residence at the Cape, at last we were suddenly
hurried on board a transport for Algoa Bay, on the afternoon of the 24th
of February, 1843; The agent, for the transport declared her quite ready
for sea, but such proved not to be the case, and we were detained in
harbour for three days, subject to many most unnecessary expenses and
annoyances, as will appear from a few extracts from the journal that I
began on shipboard.

"February 24th,--Hurried on board, in consequence of the signal for
sailing being fired, and the agent for the owner of the ship sending us
word she was ready for sea, and would sail in the afternoon. The heat
quite overpowering, a hot wind prevailing--what a day for embarking at
half-past two p.m.! The troops have already been on board
four-and-twenty hours. Wind quite fair for getting out of harbour, with
the prospect of a north-wester, which would suit us exactly if we were
once out at sea. Much disappointed at not finding the Captain on board,
and no prospect of even getting up the anchor. Asked the agent why he
had fired the signal for sailing in the morning; he replied, `Because
the ship and the troops were quite ready for sea.' The `Malabar' has
just got under weigh, and is clearing the harbour with a fine breeze.

"Sunday, February 26th.--Cold and wet--the ship shockingly dirty. No
prospect of the Captain. Some of the officers have got leave to go on
shore. A wretched day, a heavy sea prevailing. Many people sick,
especially on the lower decks, which are dark, crowded, and ill
ventilated.

"A violent north-west gale all day and all night. I spent many hours of
terror in remembering our wreck in Table Bay, in the `Abercrombie
Robinson,' in August. Ships should not be detained in Harbour in Table
Bay without efficient reasons, especially troopships, containing
hundreds crowded together.

"Monday, February 27th.--A man found dead on the lower deck, suffocated
from the effects of drunkenness. Had we sailed when we ought to have
done so, he would have had little chance of procuring liquor. The
Captain of the ship, and the officers who obtained leave to go on shore
yesterday, have come on board. Some prospect of sailing. Dead soldier
sent on shore to be buried.

"Sailed at one o'clock.

"March the 1st.--We observed this evening a singular streak of light in
the sky; no one able to account for it; it bore north-west from our
position, steering as we were along the coast to the eastward.

"March 2nd.--The meteoric light greatly increased in size and
brilliancy.

"March 4th.--Anchored in Algoa Bay, at eleven o'clock, a.m. The
meteoric light, which has puzzled us all so much, turns out to be a
comet, and increases in brilliancy every evening. Landed in the
evening, in a private boat. The troops will land to-morrow, in
surf-boats. We have reached the shore by the jetty, which reminds me of
the one at Herne Bay, only that it is on a smaller scale, but is
exceedingly creditable to the place, and a proof of its prosperity in
trade." [Note 1.]

"March 5th.--The single inn much crowded. The regiment has landed, and
the little encampment formed on the green opposite the windows is very
picturesque. How strangely the wild, dusky-looking savages contrast
with the soldiers; the latter busy in their preparations for their
comforts, the former lounging idly in their skins and blankets, draped
not ungracefully round their dark forms!"

On Tuesday, the 7th of March, we started from Port Elizabeth for
Graham's Town.

The evening before we departed, I accompanied my husband into the
Commissariat Yard, to see the waggon which was to be the abode, by day,
of my little girl and myself for nearly a week. I was already all the
worse for having been condemned, with my husband and child, to a cabin
on board the vessel, certainly not more than _nine feet by five, if so
large_. On seeing the huge machine in which we were to travel, I could
not help remarking to the Commissary, who was so good as to point it out
to me, that there were but two alternatives to decide between, ere the
bugles sounded in the morning, and the tents were struck, preparatory to
the troops moving off--these being suicide, or mirth. In a state of
quiescence the thing looked "horrible, most horrible;" but the "start,"
between the disposition to laugh, and the inclination to cry at the
discomfort, was enough to make any one hysterical; and the remembrance
of friends at home, who could never by any possibility be brought to
comprehend the miseries one undergoes here, was strangely blended in my
mind with the sights and sounds of outward objects; with the bellowing
of oxen, the shouts of Hottentot drivers, the screams of children and
scolding voices of their mothers in the neighbouring waggons, and the
mingled oaths and laughter of the soldiers, as they picked up stray
baskets, tin mugs, puppies, and babies, the latter animating the scene
by occasionally tumbling off the waggons.

We left Port Elizabeth at eleven o'clock a.m. The first day of the
march was fine, yet cool; the sky remaining overcast, yet without
symptoms of rain. The first thing we approached worth notice was a
salt-pan, looking more like a frozen lake upon which snow-heaps had been
scattered, than anything else. It is not to my purpose to describe
these singular works of nature here; I mention this one, lying about
four miles from Port Elizabeth, to call the attention of travellers to
the sight; as, being rather below the road, it often escapes the
observation of those who are enclosed within that "narrow receptacle for
the living," a bullock-waggon.

We reached the Zwart-kops, the spot appointed for our out-spanning for
the night, [unyoking the oxen and turning them out to graze] at about
five o'clock. The scene was certainly very beautiful. Imagine a vast
plain of fair green meadow-land, intersected, and in fact divided into
parterres, by tall thick bushes, which here and there grew in clumps and
copses, giving the ground the appearance of a vast park laid out with a
great deal of taste,--an amphitheatre of hills and mountains rising one
behind another, till the summits in the distance blended with the
clouds, gorgeously illuminated by the rays of the declining sun, whose
glory was soon succeeded by the milder light of the "gentle moon,"
beside which the comet, in strange contrast, spread its long and fiery
tail. One by one the tents had risen "side by side in beautiful array."
Arms were now piled; the younger soldiers, tired with their first
march, lounged on the ground in clusters, till roused by the older and
more experienced men, who despatched them to gather wood and fetch
water; and more than a hundred fires soon lit up the camp.

In a short time our own preparations for comfort, refreshment, and
repose had been made. The tent was pitched, the fire lit in the nearest
bush, and the kettle and gridiron put on. We had brought with us an
Indian kitchen [Jones's Patent Indian Kitchen], a most compact thing;
but, unfortunately, it had been packed up in a chest too securely to be
got at without much trouble; and, as we were only a party of three, we
resolved on doing without it as long as we could. For any number of
persons it is invaluable, but for two or three a gridiron, kettle, and
saucepan are, or ought to be, enough. Our servant had also put away the
bellows and the hatchet; and, though the wind sometimes served us in
lieu of the one, we were frequently obliged to borrow the other, when we
halted. Having cold fowls, tongue, bacon, bread, butter, tea, sugar,
and a bottle of milk [Note 2], and good store of wine, in our
provision-basket, we did uncommonly well, roasting our potatoes in the
ashes, comforting ourselves on the cold grass (not having thought of a
tent-mat or table), with some warm negus. A piece of string wound round
the pole of the tent, held a wax candle, but the wind rendering its
light flickering and uncertain, we stuck a bayonet in the ground, and it
made a very convenient and certainly characteristic candlestick. The
meal and its fragments having been cleared away, our beds were made in
the tent, which had been comfortably pitched (by an old soldier of the
27th, long used to the colony), with its back to the wind; we were thus
screened from that, and could not well be inconvenienced by a shower.

Comparative quiet and much order now reigned in the camp. Every tent
became more clearly defined as the evening advanced, and the sky formed
a darker background for the moon, the stars, and the refulgent comet.
Round the fires were assembled groups of soldiers, women resting
themselves, as they called it, poor creatures, with babies on their
knees,--Hottentots playing their rude violins, and merry voices joining
in the chorus, led by neighbouring singers. Sounds of mirth issued from
the tents of others; and the steam of savoury soup gave evidence of the
proximity of the mess-tent and the talents of "little Paddy Farrell,"--
the incomparable cook. Dinner there was always late, the officers never
sitting down to solace themselves with good cheer till their men had
been well cared for, and their different positions established for the
night. Now and then the brazen tongue of a bugle intruded its call upon
the stillness of the hour, and helped to disperse the groups gathered
round the fire for a time, till the duty to which it had summoned them
being done, they either returned to the social circle they had left, or
secured a corner in a tent "licensed to hold fifteen inside" to sleep
in. Gradually, the voices of the singers became mute; the feeble cries
of sleepy infants superseded the monotonous tones of the Hottentot
fiddles. Snoring "matches" seemed to be "got up," as it were, between
sundry waggon-drivers and their neighbours, they having their mats
spread under the waggons; the peals of laughter among the revellers
became less frequent, and at length ceased altogether. The fires grew
dim, and the moon and her companions in the sky alone lit up the scene;
tents were closed and the sound of the last bugle died away in the
hushed night air, leaving all silent, peaceful, and at rest.

Although only fifteen miles from Port Elizabeth, I had been led to
expect that I should hear the distant cry of the jackal, and the howl of
the wolf; but, in spite of the bed being spread upon nothing but grass,
in spite of the more than "whispers of the night breeze" which would be
heard from under the flap of the tent, I never slept so soundly in my
life.

I was up and dressed with my child, ready for the march, at half-past
five. The scene of that morning, though of a different character,
almost equalled in beauty the one we had so much admired on the
preceding evening. The regiment was drawn up on a natural parade of
smooth green turf, bounded by bush, and the background of the eastern
hills was glowing at the approach of the sun, who, as he advanced in
radiant majesty, tipped with gold the glittering arms and appointments
of the soldiers, and shed an acceptable warmth upon us as we left the
dewy grass, for the rough and stony mountain road before us. Up this
hill the regiment wound, preceding the waggons,--now presenting a
glittering cluster of arms, and now being altogether lost to the sight
in the thick bush with which the ascent was clothed. A long line of
nineteen waggons brought up the rear, and, as we proceeded, four hundred
men in advance--women, children, and baggage, wending their way slowly
and steadily after them, I could not but commune in my own mind on the
ways of that inscrutable and unquestionable Providence, by the working
of whose will, England, from her original state of ignorance,
insignificance, and barbarism, is now the chief ruling power in the
world, and sendeth her ships and her soldiers, (in defiance of what to
other countries would perhaps be insurmountable obstacles, when we
consider the dangers and difficulties arising from climates and
localities ill-suited to European habits and constitutions), "even to
the uttermost parts of the earth."

The day (March 8) became dreadfully hot; towards noon the sun had full
sway. Not a cloud shaded the heavens; and, though the country we passed
through was rich in bush, there were no shady trees, and water was
extremely scarce.

The men being much fatigued with the previous day's march, it was
determined to divide the next long march of thirty-two miles into two;
and such an arrangement was not only merciful but absolutely necessary,
as man by man fell by the roadside overpowered with the heat, foot-tired
and faint for want of water. About one hour before we halted on the
second day, we came suddenly upon a pool, where a large herd of sheep
and goats (the property of a neighbouring farmer) were drinking. The
men shouted aloud joyfully; and rushing precipitately to the pool, put
their lips to the element, (which, though muddy, was to them most
grateful), and drank copiously of the unwholesome draught. Several
became ill after doing so; and, instead of being refreshed by it, were
rendered less capable of proceeding than before. Fifteen stragglers
fell out of one company, and were probably only induced to crawl after
the battalion that evening by the dread of wild beasts. On reaching
Sunday River, we learned that such a fear was not without a foundation,
as five lions had, within the last few days, been seen drinking at the
river side. Most gladly did I find, on reaching the "Outspan," that a
bed could be obtained at the snug, small house of Mr Rose, the
Field-Cornet, close to the encampment: there, too, we obtained fresh
butter, a leg of mutton, and some good English ale and porter, but
rejoiced most in copious ablutions and clean bedding. My companions
laughed much at my increased admiration of an encampment by moonlight
that night, as I left it for a comfortable roof. "It certainly," said
I, "is a very pretty sighted--_at a distance_."

We were up with the dawn next morning, and crossed the beautiful ford of
the Sunday River, at sunrise. "Who would imagine," thought I, "that
such a scene of peace and beauty should be one of the fastnesses for
wild beasts?" Green boughs met each other across the stream. Down such
a pleasant-looking river I had often glided in "merry England," singing,
by the way, with young companions, to the gay music of our guitars,
while the plash of oars kept time to the measure of our happy voices.
There, in our own happy land, no lions prowled in our neighbourhood, no
panthers could we fancy glaring on us from the bush, no venomous
reptiles awaited our feet as we stepped upon the green sod from the
boat. A South African climate is beautiful all the year round, except
when visited by terrific thunderstorms, with their usual accompaniments
of hail, rain, and lightning. Ah! that word "except;"--"except" for our
dark November days and painful frosts, England would be an
unexceptionable residence; still, even with these outward discomforts,
look at our fire-sides!

But why go dreaming back from the brimming, shady Sunday River to the
"stately homes of England!" On, on! and let us be thankful, that so far
from home there is yet so much to be thankful for, and to enjoy. Oh!
for the blessed philosophy which teaches us to make light of every
thing! Truly, content is riches! In a moral point of view, may it not
be considered as bearing an analogy to the story of the philosopher's
stone, (always remembering the one to be theory, the other practicable),
which was supposed to possess the gift of transmuting whatever the
possessor of it touched into gold?

On, then, through the river! The sun is up upon the hills; the troops
are refreshed, the oxen willing, the day balmy, and the road better than
I expected. How the mimosa-bushes scent the air! and here and there
some, taller than the others, fling down a pleasant shade, affording
cool resting-places for the travellers.

At night we outspanned on the Quagga Flats, not so beautifully
picturesque as the spots we had hitherto selected, but still pretty well
wooded and watered. Here, for the first time, owing to the rain, which
began to fall in torrents, we slept in the waggon,--an arrangement I did
not at all like; its narrow and close shape give to an excitable mind
the idea of the German story of the "Iron Shroud." I was awakened in
the middle of the night, by the lowing of the cattle and the rattling of
the horse's halter, by which he was fixed to the wheel. We soon found
that the restlessness thus manifested by the poor animals arose from the
noise of neighbouring wolves, which are always more likely to approach
the dwellings of man in wet than in favourable weather. The rain poured
in torrents, the violence of which can only be understood by those who
have experienced it. Fortunately, the morning proved tolerably fine,
and we proceeded, in the usual order, through the Addo Bush, the scenery
decreasing in beauty as we advanced, but still affording a tolerable
supply of wood and water at the spots where we outspanned. I had read
and heard much of steenboks, and other noble game, but we saw nothing of
the kind, not even a monkey; nor did we even hear the laugh of the hyena
at night. Others said they had done so; but we did not.

Among some of the most remarkable things we observed were the ant-hills,
that were scattered all over the face of the country through which we
passed. On a green plain they reminded us of hay-cocks in England,
being about that size. Their similarity in shape to the huts built by
the Fingoes, Kaffirs, and, indeed, almost all savage nations, is not the
least curious feature in their appearance. I had imagined that the ants
themselves were the only architects of these ingenious buildings, but I
was told by the Hottentot drivers that they take possession of a hole
which has been forsaken by the mole (which, indeed, they sometimes
attack and hunt out of its domicile), and thus obtain a foundation, on
which to begin the upper works of their establishment.

In consequence of the second day's march having been divided into two,
we did not reach Sly Kraal (twelve miles from Graham's Town) till
Saturday. Ere we did reach it, however, we were overtaken by the most
terrific thunder-storm I had ever witnessed, save on the night of our
memorable wreck in Table Bay. Those who have never witnessed one can
have no idea of such storms as those to be met with in South Africa.
All the artillery of heaven seems opening at once, while floods of light
struggle for mastery with torrents of rain and hailstones. The
knowledge that such storms are often attended with danger, makes their
approach more awful. The place where we were overtaken by the one to
which I allude was a barren spot, only varied by rocky eminences here
and there, and scattered over with loose stones and pieces of rock. The
horizon was bounded by vast mountains, the tops of which were vividly
illumined by the continued blaze of the lightning. The ground soon
became so slippery that it was considered almost unsafe to proceed; men
and officers were drenched to the skin, and there, in the height of the
storm, we, poor helpless crowd, were obliged to await its progress and
abatement. The waggon conductor, Pullen, (a most amusing character, as
well as a useful and obliging man), was as much to be pitied as any one,
since many who were annoyed with the detention, would not listen to
reason, and were very much inclined to quarrel with him for it. As for
me, I could hardly bear to see the little flasks of brandy handed about
among the few to whom it could be distributed, while the weary, thirsty,
shivering soldiers stood by, looking on. The violence of the hail and
rain decreased at last, and we essayed proceeding, but had not gone far
before we were obliged to descend from our vehicles, as one of the
passes had become dangerous, from the softness of the earth in
consequence of the rain. Well may it be said, "God tempers the wind to
the shorn lamb!" Many who might have caught cold in moving from one
room to another less heated, awaited the passing of the waggons up to
their insteps in water, and went on their journey with damp feet, and
with rain drops pattering through the tops of the waggons.

Wet, weary, and hungry, we reached Sly Kraal at last. Here we were to
rest till Monday; for the waggon conductor would not suffer them to
proceed on the Sunday, and we thus passed two nights and a day in the
camp.

The kindness of Providence is manifested in providing the South African
traveller with wood that is not the less capable of ignition from being
wet. Our tents, saturated as they were, were soon pitched; but we were
again obliged to sleep in the waggon, which we did most soundly, after a
welcome meal of carbonatje [meat toasted on a wooden prong before the
fire, or broiled on the ashes], brown bread, and warm negus. The sun
burst into the waggon in all his glory, the next morning, and, although
within so short a distance of Graham's Town, I cannot but admit that I
was glad of one day's rest before my _entree_ into the capital of the
frontier. We had, indeed, been so thoroughly knocked up, that, though
refreshed by sleep, the having time for ablutions and the selection of
clean linen was a great treat on such a journey. The Sabbath of the
12th of March was thus passed in camp. The ground we had taken up
reminded me of the grouse moors in Scotland, and in the wildest parts of
Yorkshire, and we were told there was abundance of game about; at
dinner, indeed, we were regaled with some hare-soup, sent to us from the
mess-tent. As we approached the end of our journey, I could not but
acknowledge how much better we had got through it than I had
anticipated; and, accustomed to judge of things by comparison, to seek
content, in fact, by measuring my own case, with that of those who are
worse off, rather than those who have more apparent luxuries than
myself, I felt thankful, in spite of the anxiety and fatigue I had
encountered, for all the benefits bestowed on us; and, while I pondered
gratefully, as I rested on cushions spread on a mat within the shadow of
the tent, I learned that a poor woman had been confined the evening
before, just as the waggons came to their resting-places. I went to
visit her immediately, though the sight would have been enough to make
one weep, had it not been for the cheerful voice of the poor soldier's
wife herself. She sat up in the waggon with her husband's cloak and a
blanket under her for a bed, a small red handkerchief round her neck,
her new-born infant in her arms, and three other children gathered round
her. But, oh! the kind voices and ready hands which helped and cheered
her! and, instead of repining at her fatigue and trouble, she looked up
at the sky, and observed, "it was a blessed, gladsome day." I left her,
satisfied that that wretched vehicle contained lighter hearts than many
a darkened room, where closed shutters and costly draperies shut out the
noise of the uncaring world, and the glare of a too saucy sun from the
heirs of vast possessions.

On Monday, at six o'clock we started on the last day's march, and
reached the hill above Graham's Town, a little before nine a.m. Here we
were met by crowds of Hottentot women: some of them young, rather
pretty, and decidedly graceful. They came bounding on to meet the drums
and fifes, and with their red-handkerchief head-dresses, gay-coloured
clothes, and glittering ornaments, formed a picturesque group, as they
danced on in front of the battalion, to the great entertainment of the
soldiers. At the very top of the hill, the band of the Cape Mounted
Rifles awaited our approach; their appearance, in their plumed shakos
and scarlet trousers, being very showy. A little further on, we were
met by the band of the 91st (attached to the first battalion), and that
of the 75th; and in this gay order we entered Graham's Town, the bands
relieving each other, and playing the liveliest airs. Here, a Hottentot
woman tossed her arms aloft, and spun round to the tune of "Nix my
dolly, pals," there, a driver snapped his fingers to "Rory O'More."
These two tunes, and the "Sprig of shillelah," seemed their especial
favourites; and, if the dancers did not move with the stateliness of
Taglioni, or the airy grace of Cerito, they certainly rivalled them in
the activity of their limbs and the steadiness of their heads; for they
whirled round and round, like the Dervishes in the Arabian Nights. The
sun illuminated the town, lying within its sheltering circle of hill and
mountain, the rabble shouted welcome, and all looked glad as they
approached their destination (although only a temporary one for some of
us), and the well-spread table, and cleanly appearance of the apartments
provided, truly gave promise of "ease in mine inn."

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Note 1. This fine jetty was destroyed in a gale of wind, in 1847, by a
ship, which, having broken from her moorings, was driven, stern
foremost, right through the fabric. The unfortunate crew, jumping from
the ship to the lower end of the jetty, had congratulated themselves on
their escape from the raging waves, when another vessel coming in
contact with the wood-work, carried the whole of it away with its
unhappy and ill-starred freight into the boiling surge beneath!

Note 2. It is very unsafe, when travelling in Southern Africa, to trust
to procuring _anything_ on the road; such a chance is very uncertain.
Milk, boiled with plenty of white sugar, will keep good if bottled, for
three days at least.

PART TWO, CHAPTER THREE.

SOJOURN AT FORT PEDDIE.

We left Graham's Town for Fort Peddie, on the 22nd of March, 1843, the
waggon allowed by the Commissariat being only half the size of the one
we obtained at Port Elizabeth. Just as we were about to start, we were
ordered to halt and await further orders; and then I had to listen to a
variety of reports. Some said another regiment had arrived at Cape
Town, and we were to proceed to Natal; others whispered something about
the Isle of France. At all events, important despatches had reached
Graham's Town from the seat of Government. So there was I, in my
waggon, hired and packet for Fort Peddie, the troops under arms, the
commissariat preparations made for the march, the tents struck, etc, and
a probability of all these arrangements being upset. At last, a mounted
orderly arrived, full of important haste, and breathless, as becomes a
herald of South African counter-orders. The detachment was to be
detained--for an hour--I forget what for, something about a few extra
men, or arms, and we were thus delayed till the afternoon, when we
proceeded as far as we could, and pitched our tents on the top of one of
many hills, between which the wind came rushing in gusts that threatened
to withdraw our shelter from over our heads. My child I screened a
little from the chilling wind by placing a saddle in an angle at her
head--a novel addition to the couch of a young lady.

The next day's journey led us over grassy plains, in which the mimosa,
with its bright golden clusters, abounded; and on the third day from
Graham's Town we reached Trumpeter's Drift. Here we were detained for
two days, owing to the swollen state of the river. When we crossed it,
we sent the waggons before us, ere we took our seats in the ferry-boats,
as it is not an unusual thing to be wrecked in the Great Fish River,
although seated in a ponderous waggon drawn by fourteen oxen. The
following ingenious mode of crossing a river was once displayed by a
Kaffir who had for some time stood watching the vain attempts of a party
of soldiers to struggle across the stream at a time when to ford it was
attended by considerable danger. After smiling at their efforts with
that sardonic expression remarkable among these savages, he quietly
raised a heavy stone, placed it on his head, and then walked, with
perfect ease, through the torrent to the opposite side.

Another instance of Kaffir ingenuity has been related to me. A
missionary and his family were travelling in severely cold weather; now
and then they lighted fires, warmed themselves, and then went on. The
Kaffir drivers snatched brands from the fires, running on in advance,
setting fire to the bushes on the roadside, returning to the waggons,
again advancing, and so on, till they left a long line of fiery bushes
in the track they had passed over.

One of our waggons stuck in the mud on its way; the drivers shouted, the
dogs barked, the oxen struggled, but all in vain till the soldiers lent
their assistance.

It is said that Trumpeter's Drift is so called from a trumpeter of the
21st Light Dragoons having been lost in the river one dark night. It is
a small post about twenty miles from Graham's Town. The little barrack
for the soldiers and the officer commanding, faces inwards upon a
quadrangle, and makes but a dull abode, the windows looking into the
little square, and the air being admitted through loop-holes in the
outward walls. This gives the quarters a dreary appearance; but, in a
land of savages determined to annoy us whenever they dare, and in whom
no faith should be placed, prevention is better than cure.

Fort Peddie, from a distance, reminds one of Cooper's descriptions of
groups of buildings erected by settlers in the prairies of America. The
Fingo huts scattered all round favour the delusion, especially at night,
when dark figures stalk to and fro, dimly seen in the light of their
fires, and the chant I have endeavoured to describe rises and falls on
the air. It was worthy of English philanthropy to rescue the Fingoes
from their captivity, under their hard taskmasters, the Kaffirs; but
their idleness is almost incredible. It is true that on occasion they
are able assistants to the Government agents in rescuing stolen cattle;
but for this they are amply rationed. The Missionaries are
indefatigable in teaching them their catechism; but no attempt is made
to fit the women for service. Idle they are, and idle they will be; and
we foster their idleness by protecting them with troops, while they
absolutely refuse to milk the cows, unless they want money at the
moment.

As Fort Peddie is on the eastern side of the Great Fish River, which is
frequently impassable from its swollen state, we were often without the
comforts of butter, rice, flour, wine, etc. The mutton, of the Cape
breed, is indifferent, and the beef execrable. The bread was of the
coarsest description. Poultry could only be obtained, when the Fingoes
took the trouble to catch their fowls and sell them.

Since the Kaffir war, a tower has been built here, on the top of which
is a six-pounder. An excellent barrack has been built for the Cape
corps, and another for the troops of the line, but as yet no officers'
quarter. The houses which are scattered about the plain on which the
fortifications stand, (for, besides the barracks, there is another
temporary fortress thrown up from the earth, and protected by a ditch),
give a picturesque air to the spot, and the thatched cottages and white
chimneys rising above the few trees which have thriven round them, make
a tolerable picture to look at, however little comfort there is to be
found within them. The climate is certainly good, especially in the
winter, which reminds one of our English autumnal days. The hot winds
occasionally prevailing in the summer, when the thermometer is at 120
degrees, are most unpleasant; but the house may be kept cool by closing
and darkening doors and windows. These winds never last many days. I
must not omit to mention our simple barometer, which saves us the
trouble of carrying one about. Thus, take a bottle with a wide neck--a
large anchovy bottle for instance--and fill it nearly up to the neck
with water; into this insert an inverted empty salad flask, or bottle of
such description, and in the neck of the flask place a loose piece of
cork, of a size that will admit of its free movement up and down. The
falling of the cork indicates the approach of wet or windy weather,
while the rising of it foretells it will be fair. Mention is made of
such a barometer in some old Dutch manuscript lately brought under
observation at the Cape.

And now, having given an abstract of particulars relative to the
inhabitants of this land, in order to explain their relations to our
Government, and the character of the people among whom England has
established settlers and soldiers, I shall begin to relate such
occurrences as I witnessed during my sojourn on the eastern side of the
Great Fish River; I shall not confine myself strictly to either the
diary or the narrative form, but shall use either as it may seem best to
answer my purpose of giving my reader a lively idea of the events that I
attempt to describe.

In looking over my rough journal, I find the part best worth
transcribing is dated April 12th, 1843, and opens with a description of
the "Entrance of Sandilla to Fort Peddie."

"I was sitting at my work one morning in my low cottage room, when the
tramp of horses' feet, long continued, like troops on a march, attracted
my attention. I looked out, and saw across the plain a crowd of
wild-looking horsemen. A young man was at the head of them, preceded by
an advanced guard, armed and mounted. Forty others followed their
chief, the young Sandilla, son of old Gaika, and head of the Gaika
tribe, his mother being Sutu, a Tambookie; he is also nephew to Macomo,
at present _nominally_ our ally. The appearance of this troop was
certainly picturesque; a bright handkerchief formed the head-dress of
each, save one, whose head was shaved in token of mourning. The corners
of the handkerchiefs hanging down on the left side, gave a jaunty air to
the said head-gear; the kaross concealed the form but the feet and right
arm, the right hand carrying the war allowance of seven assegais. They
rode on in great precision, the advance guard alone preceding the chief,
who was professedly on his way to visit Mr Shepstone, but was supposed
to be sent out of the way of a council at Beaufort, under some pretext,
by Macomo, as it was well-known that Mr Shepstone was absent.
Sandilla, being of royal blood, great jealousy is felt towards him; he
is imagined by some to be a fool, by others a knave. He has always an
Imrad (councillor) at his elbow, who watches him, and, as he speaks no
English, interprets for him, and is no doubt his principal guide in
words and deeds.

"Not long ago, a picture was exhibited in London of Sandilla, in his
boyhood, and a note appended to the picture informed the curious that
`this young prince might be considered a fortunate youth, since, in the
first instant of his birth, he stood a chance of being destroyed in
consequence of his left foot being withered, but that during the war, he
was concealed, and taken care of; otherwise, but for his extreme youth,
he would have been sought out and murdered by some of his uncles, who
would gladly have established themselves in his government, which is
superior to most others; the Gaika Chief being head of many other great
tribes, each having their chiefs with petty chiefs under them.' His
uncle, Bothman, long ago seceded from Sandilla, establishing a tribe for
himself, despising him as a chief on account of his youth: he is now
barely one and twenty.

"Sandilla and his followers hung about the post for two or three days,
and were remarkably insolent in their demands; asking for rations as a
right, and carrying off as much firewood as they wanted on their
bivouac, from the wood-stacks of the inhabitants. They went to every
house with the usual cry of `Baseila!' and asking for wine and tobacco.

"I was standing with my husband on the green, round which the fort,
tower, barracks, and outbuildings are erected, at Fort Peddie, when
Sandilla, himself on horseback, but with two followers on foot, came up
to us at full tilt. When in front of us he reined in his horse, and,
leaning forward in his sheepskin saddle, took a quiet survey of us.
There was something singularly wild and almost interesting in his
demeanour. For a minute, he sate with his gleaming eyes glancing from
one to the other with an intensely earnest look, and helplessly at his
horse's side hung down his withered foot and ankle, no larger than a
child's. Near him, in silence, stood his two followers,
magnificent-looking creatures, with complexions of dark olive, set off
by their bright blue head-dresses. Their attitudes, as they leaned on
their assegais, were easy and graceful. So they stood, till their young
chief had finished his survey, while we repaid him glance for glance.
Sandilla then spoke in a low, muttered tone to his followers, who
repeated, as if demanding a right, `Baseila!' But we had nothing with
us, and, after another examination of our countenances, Sandilla turned
his horse away, and galloped off without further salutation, his running
footmen keeping pace with his swift steed. They then established
themselves at our cottage-garden gate; but at last, getting tired of
waiting for us, the crowd of savage cavalry withdrew to the position
they had fixed on for the night, about a mile from the post. In a few
days, they departed, in the same order as they came.

"Our most interesting visitor is the Christian Kaffir Chief, Kama; his
habits and demeanour are those of a gentleman, his dress is of good,
though plain materials, and his mild voice, coupled with his smooth and
gentle language, is pleasant to listen to. He has long been a convert
to Christianity, and is so conscientious that, some time ago, he created
a dangerous party against himself by sending back to her country a
Tambookie woman [the Tambookies are considered as a royal race of
Kaffirs]--who had been offered him as a wife--saying that the religion
he had embraced permitted him only one wife. On the Tambookies
complaining to his brother-in-law, Macomo, the latter declined
interfering, whether from from policy or good feeling is doubtful. So
uncertain is Kama of the good faith of his brothers, Pato and Cobus
Congo, that he is about to remove to the Bechuana country, where he
intends putting himself under the protection of Mosheesh, the Basoota
Chief, and having, like Mosheesh, a house built in the English style.
So far, Mosheesh is civilised; but on my asking how many wives he had,
he replied, `Perhaps a hundred!'

"We showed Kama, the other day, a six-barrelled revolving pistol, and an
air-cane. What wonder and admiration were depicted in his fine
countenance! The Kaffir seldom expresses open surprise; all that he
says is `Soh! soh!' repeated slowly, and with a reflective air. Kama
was more delighted with the workmanship of the pistol, than with the
wonderful power of the air-cane.

"One day, while we were seated at dinner, with the door open, the day
being warm, Cobus Congo walked in. He had on an old artillery uniform,
which belonged to the late Colonel Storey. On that day, as it was
Cobus's first visit, we did not turn him out, but we resolved on not
following the foolish custom of permitting the Kaffirs to take, with us,
liberties which are not suffered among themselves. Old Pato, also, with
his panther eyes, came up to the door, begging, as usual; and, when they
had obtained the tobacco we gave to get rid of them, off they walked, no
doubt thinking us great fools for our pains."

Another entry in my journal refers to the dispute between Umhala and
Gasella, which was considered of sufficient importance to bring the
Lieutenant-Governor, with a hundred men of the 71st, and fifty of the
Cape Corps, to Fort Peddie. I find the account of the quarrel and its
consequences in my journal tally so exactly with that given in the
"Graham's Town Journal," that I quote the latter:--

"The outline of the facts connected with this affair, is as follows:--
The youths of two neighbouring tribes, as is often customary when they
happen to meet, had engaged in a fray, in the course of which some of
them were hurt, and one of them is said to have been killed. On this,
the father of one of these boys, a petty chief, belonging to Sandilla's
tribe, proceeded to the kraal of Gasella, to whom he demeaned himself so
insolently, that the chief, irritated beyond endurance, knocked him
down, and commanded him to be driven from the place. This appears to
have been seized upon as a sufficient pretext for carrying into
execution the design long entertained of crippling the power of Gasella,
and driving him from his present position, where, with his well-known
friendly disposition towards the colony, he has been a most vexatious
check upon the forays of the neighbouring tribes upon the cattle and
horses of the colonial farmers.

"To understand this matter aright, it may be necessary to explain that
Gasella resides in the very centre of Kaffirland, his kraals occupying a
tract of open country at the base of the Amatola Mountains, at the
extreme point of the range which then turns towards the Tambookie
country. These mountains are of a most impracticable character, rugged,
encumbered with impervious thicket, and acclivitous,--and hence, the
spot occupied by Gasella, just at the apex of the bend, is the key or
high-road into Hintza's country, and also into the interior of
Tambookie-land. It will appear very evident from this sketch, that such
a position, occupied by a chief so friendly disposed towards the colony
as Gasella has proved himself to be, must be a continual source of
annoyance to those tribes who consider the plunder of the colonists as
nothing more than a kind of primitive commerce, and who appear to think
that the colonists should supply them, without grumbling, with beef and
mutton, and saddle-horses, whenever they may please to require them.

"The present moment appears favourable for disabusing the Kaffirs, and
their apologists, of these notions, and we have now to learn whether the
Government will permit the design in question to succeed, or whether, by
prompt and efficient interference, the Kaffirs shall be taught to
respect British authority--and be convinced that those who act
faithfully towards the colony will not be suffered, for their fidelity,
to be crushed by their refractory and dishonest countrymen. Gasella has
long requested the support of the British Government, and it is
important to remember that there is no point in Kaffirland where a force
might be placed with so much advantage to the colony and so well
calculated to secure the peace of Kaffirland, as the territory from
whence an attempt is now being made to drive the chief in question.

"It is creditable to the Lieutenant-Governor that he appears resolved to
act with determination in this matter, and to sustain Gasella against
his enemies. His Honour is now at Fort Peddie, whence a message had
been sent by him to Umhala, requiring his attendance. The messengers
returned on Tuesday with Umhala's reply, viz--`I am also a chief,
therefore I will not come at the bidding of his Honour. I say so
because I have not yet heard who has complained of me to the Government,
and because I know not for what reason I am called--_therefore I will
not come_!!' Another message has been sent him, to the effect that his
Honour holds him responsible to the British for the welfare of Gasella,
and requires Umhala's attendance at Fort Peddie forthwith, and that if
he does not appear, he (the Lieutenant-Governor) will enter his country
with troops, and he (Umhala) must abide the consequences. In the
meantime, more troops are ordered from Fort Beaufort on this
expedition."

Colonel Hare and his aide-de-camp arrived at Fort Peddie on the 24th of
April, 1843, drenched to the skin, and without even a change of clothes,
till the Orderly and saddle-bags arrived. The 91st and the Cape Corps
had been hurried away from church parade; and one could not but admire
the example of a man in Colonel Hare's position in not staying to
provide himself with personal comforts, which were even permitted to the
soldier; for the Lieutenant-Governor, with the possibility of being
obliged to proceed into Kaffirland before him, had neither tent nor
waggon at command for his own personal convenience.

More troops were under orders at Fort Beaufort. Day after day, during
the week, some subtle message was received from Umhala. He was
evidently delaying his march till his spies brought him intelligence
from Fort Peddie, and till, as he himself expressed it (affecting
courtesy, but intending insolence), he had collected a force of
sufficient number to meet Colonel Hare's assemblage. Umhala, as was
afterwards proved, was lingering in the neighbourhood, conferring with
his brother Umki, and his nephew Sandilla, both of whom are bitterly
opposed to Gasella. It was said by many worthy of credence, that these
plots had long been concocting between the parties; hence, probably,
arose Sandilla's unexpected and protracted visit to Fort Peddie, whither
he was accompanied by Umki.

On Saturday, April 29th, Colonel Hare, learning that Umhala was resting
at a missionary station four miles from Peddie, with the intention of
advancing to the council on the following Monday, resolved on leaving
the meeting to the arrangement of Major Lamont, next in command; and,
having become acquainted with the leading features of the case, returned
to his duties at Graham's Town. Umhala had at first proposed to bring
his followers to Peddie on Sunday, but this was not to be permitted, nor
was he at all events to approach nearer to it than Somerset Mount, about
four miles off. Having ascertained from Mr Shepstone that the meeting
would be a peaceable one, I was prevailed on to accompany my husband and
his brother officers to the conference, and at nine in the morning of
the 30th of April we rode out, keeping pretty close to the Cape Corps,
the _Roed Batjes_, or red-jackets (as they term the British troops on
the frontier) being left at Fort Peddie in reserve. It was a lovely
morning, resembling in its temperature the opening of one of our warm
spring days. The mimosa-bushes, more powerful than our own May, yet
reminded us of its redolence; but there were no singing-birds. This is
one of our wants in South Africa. A kind of swallow, though, which
built its long bottle-mouthed nest in our verandah, occasionally
enlivened us with its merry chirrup and long trill, clear as a silver
bell.

I own to feeling a little bewildered; the arrival of more troops at Fort
Peddie had been sudden, and the total want of provision for comfort
among the officers, called forth activity in at least making them
welcome to such refreshments as we could offer; while the determination
to witness the proceedings of the conference having been a thing of a
moment, produced a certain degree of excitement not easily to be
subdued. As we proceeded, the advance guard hastened on in front, and I
confess that, when they made a sudden halt, and called out in Dutch that
the Kaffirs were in sight, my heart fluttered. As a corrective to this,
I gave my horse his head at once, and kept up, at a little distance from
the road, with the hand-gallop of the troops. Be it remembered, in
defence of my womanly attributes, which I would not abjure for the
world, that I had the greatest faith in Mr Shepstone's assurance that
the Kaffirs would be peaceably disposed as long as we remained so, and I
knew his information, from his knowledge of their character and policy,
to be correct. Still, I own to the beating of my heart, and a slight
coldness about the lips. On, however, I went, determined to resist the
feeling; and the fresh morning air, the sight of English officers, and
the knowledge of the effectiveness of the accompanying troops, soon
dissipated my nervous feelings. Before us, advancing down the hills,
was Umhala, mounted, and surrounded by his followers, also mounted, in
number about two hundred. As soon, apparently, as they had obtained a
full and fair view of us, enabling them to estimate pretty accurately
our number, they dismounted. Away went their horses, none being
saddled, nor, apparently, bridled, to enjoy the sweets of the fresh
grass. Then the Kaffir chief and his people formed themselves into a
phalanx, certainly of most warlike appearance; each man bearing his war
allowance of seven assegais, and carrying a musket in his right hand.
Now, too, I remarked that the blanket and brown coverlid had almost
superseded the kaross. In a short time, they formed themselves into a
semicircle, six or eight deep, Umhala himself, in European costume--
resembling a mechanic's Sunday coat and trousers, and with a hat to
match--being seated in the centre. Down they all squatted, with their
arms close by them, for use in case of need. The English commissioners
(for so we may term Major Lamont and Mr Shepstone) shook hands with
Umhala, as he rose from his seat and advanced to give them a civil
greeting, as the latter did also with his adversary, Gasella, who had
ridden with us to the conference.

Umhala then retired to his position, and there was a silence of some
minutes, the Kaffirs examining us with their keen glances, and we, in
turn, looking at them in true English style, "straight in the face." At
last, after a long pause, Mr Shepstone entered upon the business of the
meeting, by reading to them a translation, in the Kaffir language, of
Colonel Hare's letter, demanding Umhala's reason for annoying and
letting his people annoy Gasella, etc, etc. After due deliberation, and
sundry whispers between his Hemraaden, or councillors, and himself,
Umhala began his reply by apologies for keeping Colonel Hare at Fort
Peddie, in expectation of his arrival. He said "the weather had been
severe, the rains had made the roads heavy for his horses, his people
were unable to hurry themselves," and so forth; and all this apology was
delivered in a cold sarcastic tone, indicative of a contempt he scarcely
cared to conceal. He denied much that Gasella had stated, though the
story was well authenticated; and, though I could not understand the
language, the characters of the two chiefs were manifested in their
deportment. Umhala spoke slowly and deliberately, having listened
patiently (with an occasional ejaculation of "Soh," "Soh," at each
period) to Mr Shepstone's address. Now and then he smiled scornfully,
and with an air of mock civility, towards Gasella, and the whole import
of his speech appeared to me to mean this--"I hate you--you are the ally
of the English; we dare not touch you now, as you are surrounded by
them, but this is only temporary, we will annihilate you whenever a good
opportunity offers." I found afterwards that my translation was
wonderfully literal.

Gasella, in replying, rather lost his temper, and no wonder, finding
that Umhala denied everything, and persisted that his adversary had
seriously injured the Imrad, though he had taken care to leave the said
Imrad at the kraal, where he had been seen a day or two before, by an
agent of Mr Shepstone's, and was reported perfectly free from injury.

Finding the meeting such a peaceful-looking affair, another officer's
wife who was of the party, proposed that she and I should ride on half a
mile farther, to the missionary station, but it was thought unadvisable;
and it was as well we remained where we were, for we learned that the
peaceful valley behind the site of the council contained a thousand
armed Kaffirs, Umhala fearing we might attempt to take him prisoner.
The sight of those savages would have been unpleasant, though, without a
signal from their chief, they would not have molested us. On each
hill-top, looking gigantic, as the clear sky threw out their forms in
strong relief, were scouts--their blankets or karosses flying in the
wind, and their assegais over their shoulders--placed there, no doubt,
to watch our proceedings, and alarm Umhala's "reserve battalion," in the
event of our displaying hostile intent.

Umhala asked several times, in a tone of quiet impertinence, "by what
right Colonel Hare had summoned him at all? What proof was there of his
hostility towards Gasella?" and thus Umhala sneered, and Mr Shepstone
remonstrated, and little shabby Gasella scolded, and then the council
was dissolved, it being decided that Gasella, having already paid a
heavier fine of cattle than he ought to have done, should pay no more,
although Umhala had demanded fifty head above what Gasella had given, as
compensation for the Imrad's pretended injury.

As we returned from the scene of the council, which had taken place on
an elevation crowned with mimosa-bushes, the phalanx rose, and one fired
a musket in the air, a genuine _feu de joie_, no doubt, at our peaceful
departure.

Gasella returned to Fort Peddie with us, and, in the afternoon, the
troops marched back to Graham's Town. Though Gasella gained his point
in not paying the cattle demanded by Umhala, it would eventually be
taken openly, or stolen from him. In short, the meeting between these
two adverse chiefs reminded me of two quarrelsome boys being summoned
before the master, reprimanded, and sent away, both being more bitter
enemies than before, and the stronger one resolved to have his revenge
on the weaker as soon as he gets him into a quiet corner.

I was rather amused at the "introduction" of the chief Gasella to me, on
the evening before the council was to meet. I was sitting over the
fire, chatting with an officer, when, Pato and an inferior Kaffir came
in, followed by a dirty, miserable little man, in a threadbare surtout,
broken hat, etc. On my asking Pato some question relative to the
quarrel with the chiefs, which had sent the troops a three days' march
in miserable weather, he pointed to the wretched little object who had
advanced to my elbow, and said, "There--Gasella." I stared, and,
feeling some sympathy for the creature, gave him a chair. Both asked
for wine and tobacco; I gave them some cigars. At this moment Kama
arrived, and, seeing they intended lighting their cigars at my
sitting-room fire, he pointed out the impropriety of it, and they
departed. Gasella is less civilised even than Pato, and very unlike a
Kaffir in appearance.

We could not but observe Kama's cautious bearing, as we questioned him
concerning Umhala. It was evident, however, that he had been entrusted
with no political secrets. Every trait in Kama was interesting; his
gentleness, consistence, patience, and hazardous position between his
richer brothers, Pato and Congo, made him, indeed, an object of our care
and protection. Nevertheless, poor Kama gave us very little trouble,
asked for no presents, being resolved on quieter establishing a position
for himself on the other side of the Orange River, or the Keiskama.

May 4th. Every day brings accounts of cattle-stealing about Beaufort,
in the more immediate neighbourhood of Graham's Town, and the outposts
nearest to it. The news that has arrived from England concerning Natal,
is promising, though some inquire what compensation is made for the loss
of such promising officers as Lieutenants Wyatt and Prior, who were just
as much killed in action as any of those "brave and lamented soldiers
who fell in the late disastrous affair of Afghanistan?" How such
leniency will operate, remains to be proved. Already the Boers about
Colesberg are beginning to creep off to the other side of the Orange
River, ostensibly to attack Panda, the Zoola chief, but in reality to
assist the insurgent Boers at Natal.

May 26.--Chief Kama, the only Christian Kaffir chief--I believe the only
Christian Kaffir--is passing through Peddie, with his family, baggage,
followers, and fifteen hundred head of cattle. His life is not safe in
the neighbourhood of his brothers, Pato and Cobus Congo. He is bound
for the Bechuana country, on the other side the Orange River; but, until
spring commences, he will make a halt near Beaufort, and act under the
protection of our nominal and drunken ally, Macomo, uncle of Sandilla,
and a chief of the Gaika tribe.

The post of to-day brings, as usual, accounts of continued depredations,
and the Fingoes of this neighbourhood, the people we are protecting,
have been made to render up more than three hundred head of cattle which
they had appropriated to themselves, from the kraals of various people.

PART TWO, CHAPTER FOUR.

A "COMMANDO."

The even tenour of our life at Fort Peddie has just been diversified by
a "foray" into the lands of a redoubtable cattle-stealer of the
I'Slambie tribe, named Tola, against whom repeated complaints had been
made by the settlers in various parts of the district of Lower Albany,
of depredations committed on their farms, and among their cattle. The
Lieutenant-Governor resolved on sending a body of troops against him, in
order to rescue the stolen cattle, and break up that chief's government
and tribe. Before, however, the troops had assembled at the
rallying-point, Fort Willshire [Note 1], Tola had sent the plunder away
either into the interior of Kaffirland, with his wives, children, and
people, or into secluded kloofs, under the care of herds belonging to
the tribes of some of those very chiefs who acted as allies and guides
to the British troops on the occasion. There stood the offender's kraal
consisting of scattered and empty huts, and there was the "grand army,"
(upwards of five hundred strong) in array against "Tola's country;"
while Tola himself was taking an occasional peep at the proceedings from
his lurking-places in the bush, smiling, no doubt, at so many of Her
Majesty's soldiers being sent out to hunt him,--he--a Kaffir Chief--on
his own wild ground, in many places inaccessible to European infantry,
or Hottentot cavalry!

At first setting out on the "Commando," as the campaigns are called, the
affair promised to be pleasant enough; the weather was delightful,
though the month of June is our first winter month here. One company of
the 91st had obeyed orders to the letter of the law, and had taken the
field in "light marching order:" but the rest had a certain number of
waggons and tents, and it was amusing to see the comforts with which
some had surrounded themselves--canteens, easy chairs, bedsteads,
tables, mats, cooking utensils, etc. These resolved on making the best
of the matter, turning what at first appeared a warlike expedition into
a pic-nic party; though others were content to lie in the bush, and fare
no better than the men they commanded.

Never, however, had been seen such times of marching, counter-marching,
bivouacking, and eating and drinking, since the days when the City Train
Bands and the Westminster Volunteers were called into active service on
Wimbledon, Kennington, and Clapham Commons, where they encamped to
little purpose, except to eat sandwiches, and drink the King's health in
"London particular." About a fortnight after the troops had assembled
at Willshire, a division of them, consisting of upwards of two hundred
of the 91st, and the same number of the Cape Corps, were ordered to Fort
Peddie, to halt and refresh themselves; but the springs, owing to the
want of rain, were nearly dry (and a sentry is always placed on the
principal tank at Peddie [Note 2]); so the 91st remained in the
neighbourhood of the kraal belonging to Eno, a dependent chief of the
Gaika tribe, and the Cape Corps came on. There was brack (salt) water
enough for the horses.

Sunday was spent peacefully at Peddie, and on Monday morning, June 6th,
1843, as the two corps were to meet six or seven miles from the post, I
was induced to ride out, with another lady and a party, to the
rendezvous. Although I by no means think the head of a brigade in array
for the field an eligible place for ladies in general, my friend and I
did not regret having yielded to the various solicitations, that we
should proceed a little further with the expedition, which had no chance
of becoming in reality a warlike one.

The morning resembled the one I have described in my account of Umhala's
affair. Certainly a South African morning is incomparably beautiful.
The want of rain had taken from the turf much of its freshness; still,
the mimosa is always green, and the perfume of its bright yellow
blossoms most delicious. We kept to the grass, smooth as velvet, and
gently undulating here and there, with wooded kloofs to the right and
left of us; while the Cape Corps, in dusky array, filled the high-road.
Nothing can be more efficient than the appearance of the Hottentot
soldier, though I confess to laughing heartily at one or two immediately
in advance of us.

There he is, in his bush-coloured jacket, clay-coloured leather
trousers, seated on his sturdy little steed, as though nothing had ever
parted, or could ever part, the horse and his rider. Before him, on his
light dragoon saddle, is rolled his cloak; behind him, his blanket,
corn-sack, and nose-bag; a slight change of shoes, trousers, etc, is
carried, in the haversack in light marching order, and in a valise on
other occasions. His double-barrelled percussion carbine, wrapped in
sheepskin, rests its muzzle in a holster adapted for the purpose; and
across his shoulder is slung his belt, a pouch containing twenty rounds
of ammunition, and, occasionally, a canteen. When it is remembered that
the average height of a Hottentot soldier is five feet one, and that he
is slight in proportion, it may be imagined what a figure he cuts when
accoutred for the field; but he is the most efficient soldier for this
colony for all that. He is keen-witted and intelligent, patient of
hunger, thirst, and fatigue, active as a monkey, and possessed of a
perfect knowledge of the country, and occasionally of the Kaffir
language. Add to this, the officers of this corps have either been long
residents in the colony, or are the sons of people who have known no
other home for many years. Fit commanders, then, are they for such
troops.

Over the turf we cantered, the delicious air imparting spirits to
ourselves and to our steeds, and, as we advanced, we left the
green-jackets winding along the road behind us, while down between two
green hills came the 91st, the shrill bagpipes sounding strangely indeed
among these far plains and echoing valleys of Africa. Here we all
halted for a few minutes, till I was persuaded to go on to the banks of
the Keiskama, where one party was to encamp for some time, and the other
to bivouac and dine, previously to crossing the river into Kaffirland.
Our little private party then proceeded, with those who were to take up
the ground for the encampment. A beautiful spot was selected; nothing
could be more picturesque. On a mound, commanding an extensive view of
the country, the 91st were to establish themselves. Up the hill
followed the division of the red-jackets, a long line of waggons, camp
sutlers, Fingoes, Commissariat people, servants, led horses, etc,
bringing up the rear. In a few moments, the white tents dotted the
ground; fires were lit, and, in an incredibly short time, there was
savoury evidence of carbonatje. My head ached with the fatigue of the
ride, and, perhaps, the excitement of the scene; but that was nothing.
A table was spread for me near a kindly bush, and a breakfast that would
have satisfied an epicure craved attention. I rejoiced over some
deliciously-made coffee, and then took a survey of the scene beneath.
On a beautiful and level plain the Cape Corps had bivouacked: some
lounged and slept in the centre of the square which had been formed by
piling each man's saddle, blanket, etc; others snatched their
hastily-cooked meal near a cluster of bushes. The laugh of the
merry-makers ascended gaily up the hill, and the brazen call of the
trumpet, or bugle, was given back by the echoes from the tall grey rocks
bounding the opposite side of the Keiskama, whose quiet waters glided
peacefully on under the shadow of overhanging boughs on one side, and on
the other stately cliffs variegated with mimosas and euphorbias. On its
green banks reclined a crowd of Fingo warriors, in their war attire of
plumes, assegais, shields of bullock-hide, and their karosses draped
gracefully round them. The chiefs wore tiger-skins. Indolent they
looked, basking in the sunshine, smoking dagha, the seed of a kind of
wild hemp, having much the same effect as opium on the senses. In the
field these people are useful assistants, and most formidable opponents
to their former severe taskmasters, the Kaffirs. Their rain-makers and
doctors cut a conspicuous and grotesque figure, with their strange
fantastic head-dresses of jackal's and monkey's tails. The mischief
these wretches do I have already described.

Presently, the quiet of the scene was disturbed; the trumpet of the Cape
Corps gave forth its brazen signal to upsaddle; men and horses were soon
in their ranks; few waggons were were in the train of this corps, so
accustomed to the field, and so fitted to its duties; and, ere half an
hour had elapsed, the ground, which had presented so animated an
appearance, was unoccupied. The sound of the Keiskama's gently flowing
waters remained undisturbed, the Fingo phalanx had moved onwards, and
the little mound on which the 91st were encamped, formed a lively
contrast to the profound repose of the valley below. As the afternoon
advanced, we too thought of upsaddling and away.

Writers are often accused of "inventing a moonlight" on occasion; but I
protest that in many of our rambling expeditions here, the moon has
especially favoured us. Indeed, we seldom ventured to make excursions
in this country of early sunsets and no twilight, without the prospect
of a moon for our homeward ride at night. We left the camp at three
o'clock; and, as we proceeded from the spot, we looked back. We could
now see both parties; the white tents and scarlet jackets of the 91st,
and the long array of the Cape Corps, which, having crossed the
Keiskama, was now wending its way into Kaffirland. The evening air was
growing chilly, and we were fain to advance instead of glancing back.
When we reached the missionary station, within four miles of Peddie, we
found that the hospitable family there had been watching our approach,
for their table was spread with goodly refreshment, and never was poor
creature more grateful for anything than was I for Mrs Tainton's
fragrant cup of tea, so kindly and readily bestowed.

It must be observed that the troops crossed the Keiskama entirely with
the nominal concurrence of the chiefs, with the exception of Sandilla,
as they affected to be much annoyed at Tola's continued contempt of the
treaties, and his repeated inroads on the property of the colonists. It
has since been proved, as might have been expected, that, while the
chiefs were accompanying the troops into the field, they were constantly
misguiding them, and giving them wrong information relative to the
cattle.

The troops were soon afterwards dispersed; some went back to Graham's
Town, some to lonely outposts, and some to Beaufort; all very tired of
the business, and some seriously ill, from sleeping in the bush at the
end of the "campaign," when the rain fell in torrents, and the ground
was saturated. Great part of the cattle was rescued by the Fingoes, who
came into Peddie in phalanx, singing their song of triumph, a low, deep,
solemn chant, each voice modulated to the others, in perfect unison.
Their appearance was indeed warlike. It is worthy of remark, that while
the colony remained in this unsettled state, the Kaffir and Fingo women
went about armed with assegais.

The crossing of the Keiskama gave great offence to Sandilla, the son of
Gaika, and head of the tribe. Yet, what could be done? Not only had
the greater number of the chiefs agreed to it, but some of the cattle
had been traced, and it was necessary to rescue it: but this was more
proposed than done, and the most provoking feature in the case was, that
while we permitted the Kaffirs to occupy the ground they held on
sufferance, they took advantage of the indulgence to plunder the
settlers.

From this time till war was proclaimed in 1846, the colonists were
engaged in perpetual warfare with the tribes. The farmers could not
stir without arms; murder stalked through the highway in open day,
robberies were too common to be always recorded, and Commandos were
marched through the country to punish recreant chiefs; but the latter
invariably eluded the troops and escaped with the cattle.

The Dutch, who had long been discontented, declared their intention of
breaking beyond the boundary; but the English settlers were anxious to
"hope against hope," and, on the arrival of Sir Peregrine Maitland in
1844, who came with authority to improve the system of public finance,
their drooping spirits revived, and in the spirit of unshaken loyalty
they placed the most favourable construction on every step proposed to
avert those calamities which subsequently overwhelmed

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