History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas

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Title: History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas

Author: Philip Ainsworth Means

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Most recently updated: January 6, 2021

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST OF YUCATAN AND OF THE ITZAS ***

Produced by Charles Bowen, from page scans provided by the Web Archive.

Transcriber's notes:
1. Page scan source:
http://www.archive.org/details/historyspanishc01canogoog
2. [=a] represents a with a macron above it.
3. The "open o" symbol ( like a reversed "c") is used here to
represent the sound of [ts] (following Gates); this is the
unicode &#390 and &#596.
4. [va], [vi] represents "a", "i" with an caron.
5. Errata have been corrected in the text as indicated.

PAPERS
OF THE

PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND
ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Vol. VII

* * * * *

HISTORY OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST
OF YUCATAN AND OF
THE ITZAS

BY
PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

* * * * *

Cambridge, Mass.
Published by the Museum
1917

The University Press, Cambridge, Mass.

ERRATA

Substitute the accompanying page for the preliminary Note on Page iii.

Page 25. For the last two lines read "Cozumel. They also visited las
Mugers which takes its name from the female idols found there by the
Spaniards. This."

Page 58, note. For "may be" read "was."

Page 104, line 2 and elsewhere. For "Arumendi" read "Arismendi."

Page 180, line 30. For "was destroyed" read "were devastated."

NOTE

This Paper is the result of work carried on by Mr. Means as a graduate
student in the Division of Anthropology during the years 1915-1917. It
consists mainly of translations of early Spanish books and manuscripts.

It is gratifying to note that this is the first publication by the
Museum based upon the large collection of photographic reproductions of
early manuscripts from Mexico and Central America brought together by
Professor W. E. Gates of Point Loma, California, and presented to the
Museum by Mr. Charles P. Bowditch. Among these manuscripts is
Avendano's account of his journey to Peten, the greater part of which
is included in the present paper. The original of this manuscript is in
the British Museum. Cano's account of a trip to Guatemala is also given
here. This manuscript is in the Brinton Collection at the University of
Pennsylvania. It is through the kindness of Dr. George B. Gordon,
Director of that Museum, and of Miss Adela C. Breton, who copied the
manuscript, that it is possible to publish it at this time. The
Avendano and the Cano manuscripts were translated by Mr. Bowditch and
Senor G. Rivera.

CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY
_Director_

INTRODUCTION

In the library of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University there is an
invaluable collection of photographs of old manuscripts relating to
Middle America. These photographs, made by Professor William E. Gates
of Point Loma, California, were given to the Peabody Museum by Charles
P. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston. One of the volumes contains a
photographic reproduction of an original manuscript entitled _Relacion
de las dos Entradas que hize a Peten Ytza_. The author, Fray Andres de
Avendano y Loyola, of the Order of Saint Francis, will receive much of
our attention later. Fortunately Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Guillermo Rivera
have deciphered and translated the crabbed old text, so that we have at
hand an account of the subjection of the Itzas of Tayasal, or Peten
Itza, which is not only invaluable as being the work of an eyewitness
of that subjection, but which also is filled with a rare charm. It was
largely with a view to bringing this old manuscript to the attention of
students that Mr. Bowditch and Dr. Tozzer asked me to work it up into a
study of the Itzas of Tayasal. At the same time we must not neglect to
notice here the translation, made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera, of
another inedited work on the same subject. I refer to the account by
Fray Alonso Cano, which will be of great use to us later.

Though Avendano and Cano are, so to speak, the prime reasons for the
writing of this study, they have been supplemented in no inconsiderable
degree by two other early Spanish writers on the history of Yucatan and
its people, Diego Cogolludo and Juan de Villagutierre y Sotomayor. A
few comments on the works of these two authors will later prove useful
to the reader.

Though Villagutierre's Spanish style is far superior to that of such
writers as Fernando Montesinos and Antonio de la Calancha, it is,
nevertheless, atrocious. Although he wrote about 1700, Villagutierre's
style is excessively archaic; his grammatical construction can hardly
be called construction at all, so formless and ambiguous is it.
Villagutierre never hesitates to write several long sentences without a
single main verb between them, nor does he often refrain from going on
and on for a page or so without using a period. In the use of capitals
he is most whimsical; usually he has them when they are called for, but
he has many that are out of place as well.

The style of Cogolludo, on the other hand, is very good, and that, be
it noted, despite the fact that Cogolludo wrote prior to 1688. One
remarks with considerable surprise that in several cases Villagutierre
and Cogolludo use almost the same words. For example, in speaking of
the visit which Cortes made to the island of Tayasal, Cogolludo says:
"... _y aun la ida de Cortes se tuvo por ossadia, y demasiada
confianza...._" Villagutierre, in the same connection says: "... _que
lo tenian a grandissima temeridad, y ossadia, y por demasiada
confianza...._" This is an interesting point, and perhaps it is
significant that Cogolludo's book was published in 1688, whereas that
of Villagutierre was not brought out until 1701. It is to be noted that
Cogolludo, the earlier writer, uses only two epithets, and that
Villagutierre, the later writer, uses the same two, plus a new one of
his own. I know of two other cases where equally close and significant
similarity exists between the two. It is possible, then, that
Villagutierre copied (not to say plagiarized) the work of Cogolludo
without giving credit for it. But the important point for us in this
matter does not concern the personal integrity of Villagutierre. Rather
does the importance of the matter lie in this: if Villagutierre was
acquainted with the history of Yucatan by Cogolludo to such a degree
that he frequently borrowed whole phrases from it, he must have had a
very good reason for diverging widely now and again from the version of
events given by Cogolludo. Such a reason could only be supplied by the
fact that Villagutierre possessed information which he regarded as
superior to and more official than that of Cogolludo. Therefore, since
in several instances (as in his account of the events leading up to the
visit of Cortes to Tayasal) Villagutierre occasionally departs from the
footsteps of Cogolludo, we may safely assume that he was at once more
critical and better informed than the latter, whom, however, he valued
enough to be willing to draw from his work much of his information and
even some of his phraseology.

The virtues and defects of Avendano and of Cano are less subtle; so
much so, indeed, that it would be absurd to attempt a criticism of them
here. The reader will have ample opportunity to see their qualities for
himself in the body of the book.

A word as to the method adopted in translating is in order. In the
various passages taken from Cogolludo and Villagutierre I have
preserved the spelling and capitalization of proper names that appear
in the text. All passages from Avendano and Cano are from the
translations made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera.

All the other works used are so well known that comment on them is
superfluous.

Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. Bowditch and to Dr.
Tozzer, both of whom have spent much time and thought in going over the
manuscript of this work. Among the others who have shown me kindness
and courtesy during the preparation of this study are Mr. Putnam of the
Library of Congress; Dr. George Byron Gordon of the University Museum,
Philadelphia; Professor Holmes of the United States National Museum;
Dr. Edward Luther Stevenson of the Hispanic Society of America, New
York; and, lastly, my mother, Mrs. James Means. These and others have
generously given me much of their time and information.

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

February 23, 1917

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I

THE PRE-COLUMBIAN HISTORY OF THE MAYAS
AND OF THE ITZAS, 1445

Migratory period
The Golden Age or Old Empire of the Maya
The Colonization period
Transitional period
Renaissance or League period
The period of the Toltec mercenaries
Disintegration
Note: Cogolludo's account of the early history of the Mayas and
of some of their customs

CHAPTER II

THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL, AND GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF
THE ITZA STATE DURING THE PERIOD OF 1445-1697

The significance of the Itzas
The location of Peten or Tayasal
Description of Peten and its surroundings
The lake neither rises nor falls
The temples of Tayasal described by Avendano
The palace of Canek, Chief of the Itzas
The districts of Peten Itza
Extent of the Itza dominion under the Chief Canek
Quincanek
Further information about the region
The Itzas described

CHAPTER III

THE FIRST SPANISH ENTRADAS INTO YUCATAN, 1517-1526

The first Spaniards in Yucatan
Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, 1517
Juan de Grijalva and others, 1518
Cortes in Mexico, 1519
Villagutierre's account of the entrada of Cortes, 1524-1525
Cortes starts for Honduras
Cortes arrives at Izancanac
Description of a large town
The Spaniards suspect treachery
The Indians explain why their town was deserted
Cortes takes leave of them in a friendly spirit
The deer hunt
The army of Cortes proceeds on its way
The lake
They capture an Indian
The Indian is sent to Tayasal
Some Indians come to Cortes from Tayasal
Canek himself comes and is courteously received
Canek hears Mass and promises to put away his idols
Cortes goes to Tayasal with Canek
The Itzas give Cortes news of Olid
Cortes takes leave of Canek, leaving Morzillo
Idols not burnt
Cortes arrives in Honduras
Comparison of Villagutierre with other authorities
Canek's attitude toward Cortes

CHAPTER IV

THE ENTRADA OF FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO AND HIS SON,
AND THE ARRIVAL OF THE FRANCISCANS, 1526-1542

Francisco de Montejo and his son
Montejo's preparations and sacrifices
He sets out
Montejo and his men go along the shore of Yucatan
Description of the campaign
Davila and Vazquez search vainly for gold in the region of Chetemal
Foundation of Villa Real de Chetemal
Hardships of those who were at Chichen
Continual misfortunes
Chichen Itza and Villa Real both deserted
Davila goes to Honduras
The Elder Montejo goes to Tabasco in 1535
The Franciscans enter Yucatan, 1535
Renewal of the subjection of Yucatan by Montejo, 1537
Hostility of the Indians
The Elder Montejo's instructions to his son
The Younger Montejo founds Campeche, 1540-1541
Tutul Xiu of Mani offers his aid
Foundation of Merida and of Valladolid, 1542-1543
Bishop Bartolome de las Casas arrives in Yucatan

CHAPTER V

THE ENTRADA OF PADRES FUENSALIDA AND ORBITA, 1618

The name Canek
Increased power of the Itzas
The mock embassy from Tayasal
The mock embassy considered to be a rebellion
A new period in the history of the Itzas
Fuensalida and Orbita
Preliminaries to the departure of the Padres
Briceno's opposition
The Padres set out
Their route
The journey up the river from Tipu
Arrival at Tipu
Events at the village of Tipu
The friendliness of Carrillo and the Indians
Don Christoval Na, Cacique of the Indians of Tipu
Francisco Cumux goes with an embassy to Canek
Cumux returns from Canek with two chiefs of Tayasal
The two chiefs are cordially received
The Padres prepare to travel to Tayasal
Delays; the Padres' anger
The return to Tipu
All precautions taken, they set out once more
Lake Yaxha is crossed; arrival at Lake Zacpeten
The Padres camp beside Lake Peten
The Padres arrive at Tayasal and are well received
Mass is said
Fuensalida preaches; Orbita destroys an idol
The Padres urge the Itzas to be Christians
They refuse because the appointed time has not come
After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal

CHAPTER VI

THE ENTRADA OF PADRE FRAY DIEGO DELGADO AND THE
EVENTS THAT FOLLOWED, 1621-1624

Padre Fray Diego Delgado's offer to christianize the Itzas
Delgado travels to the convent of Xecchacan
He is well provided with guides and other Indians
Zaclun
The proposal of Mirones
Mirones and the Governor make an agreement
Mirones raises an army for his entrada
Mirones arrives at Zaclun
The wanton and foolish oppression caused by Mirones
Delgado opposes Mirones
Delgado determines to anticipate Mirones
Delgado's message to Canek
Delgado receives permission from Canek to come to Tayasal
The treachery of the Itzas
Delgado and others are put to death
Mirones sends Ek after Delgado
Revolt of the Indians
An epidemic of apostasy; the third phase of the conquest of the Itzas
begins

CHAPTER VII

THE EARLY HISTORY OF GUATEMALA AND THE ENTRADA
FROM THAT COUNTRY, 1694-1695

The Indian tribes of Guatemala
Account of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche
The government and the cities of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche
Spanish conquest
Gallegos and Delgado
The Indians are friendly to them
The route taken by the two Padres
Several villages founded
The Dominicans and the Franciscans
Struggles between the Dominicans and the Indians
The inception of the plan to subdue the Itzas, 1689
Soberanis ordered to cooperate
Ursua to succeed Soberanis in office
A letter from Ursua y Arizmendi to the King of the Spains
The King grants all that Ursua asks
President Barrios aids in the undertaking
Arrangements for the entrada; supplies, etc.
The voluntary contributions
Quarrels between Soberanis and the Bishop of Yucatan
President Barrios decides to join the entrada in person
The expedition sets out from Guatemala City
Events at Huehuetenango
Ursua's activities
An army sets out from Yucatan for the Montana
Padres Cano and Avendano y Loyola
Cano's account of the entrada from Guatemala
The route followed by Cano
The Chols and the Mopanes
From Mopan to the lake
Cano advises return
Explanations of their withdrawal sent to Guatemala
The decree of the General Assembly
Quarrels among the soldiers and the officials
The writers of the decree punished

CHAPTER VIII

THE FIRST AND UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT MADE BY FRAY ANDRES
DE AVENDANO Y LOYOLA TO REACH THE ITZAS
OF TAYASAL, 1695-1699

Preamble
Preparations for the journey
The start
Indian singers
Arrival at Cauich
Departure from Cauich
Aguada of Hobon Ox; Chunzalam, Vecanxan
Nohhalal, Th[=a] Ayn, Sucte
Ix Kata-Kal
Nohku
Nohvecan
Hardships suffered by the Padres
Oppol; a bridge built across a river
Tanche
Deserted village of Temchay
Nohpek
Nohthub
Bacechac
Buete
Lack of supplies
Paredes seizes some farms
Fifty-one Indians of Buete surrender
Avendano argues with Paredes about his plundering
The royal decrees are mentioned by Avendano
Paredes promises to return the plunder
Paredes fails to keep his word
Tzucthok, once before reduced, had rebelled
The Padres endeavor to instruct the Indians
The captains promise to give warning before fighting
A skirmish
The avarice of Paredes
Chunpich is reached
Zuviaur goes to the Itzas; the Padres return
Further troubles
The Padres determine to get to the Itzas some other way
Letter to the captains
Governor Ursua vexed by the captains' letter
Return to Merida

CHAPTER IX

THE SECOND ENTRADA OF PADRE AVENDANO

Orders of the Governor
Departure of Avendano
The same route followed as before; Batcab is reached
Chuntuci
The hardships of the journey
Approaching the Itzas
Tan Xuluc Mul; temples on a great height
Chakan Itza
The Chakan Itzas
Treatment of the natives
The Padres please other Indians by means of little gifts
The Padres renew their march
Nich
Indians arrive from Tayasal
Bravery of Avendano
The landing at Tayasal; the idol
At the temple
The Padres read the letters
The curiosity of the Itzas
A baptism performed
Other Caciques arrive
The Caciques in war paint
Avendano makes inquiries as to their manner of reckoning time
Avendano explains the prophecies
Objection of Covoh
Discussion with Canek and others
Friendliness of Canek
Demonstrations against Canek
Leniency promised by the Padres
Avendano takes steps to protect the Itzas from further molestation
The letter of counsel
Before leaving Tayasal, Avendano shames Covoh
The hatred of the Chakan Itzas for the Padres increases
Canek helps the Padres to escape
Paredes' stupidity; the plot of the Chakan Itzas
The Chakan Itzas are foiled by God
The departure of the Padres from Tayasal
Avendano goes eastward to Yalain
Trouble with soldiers
The Padres suffer hardships and lose their way
Hard travel in the wilderness for fifteen days
Miracle of the bent branch
An uncomfortable night
Great want of food
The situation grows still worse
They find some miraculous honey
Two Padres go ahead
A desperate situation
They find some edible thistles
Some hills are reached
Deserted buildings
False hopes; further hardships
They face starvation
A sign from our Lady of the Apparition
They climb some high hills
Avendano left alone
The miracle of the sapote
Rescued
What had happened to the Indians whom Avendano sent off
The messenger from Tayasal
Reasons for Avendano's distrust

CHAPTER X

THE CONSUMMATION OF THE CONQUEST OF TAYASAL
BY THE SPANIARDS, 1695-1696

The expedition from Guatemala reaches Cahabon
Preliminary movements and plans
The fate of Diaz de Velasco; Amezquita follows him
Conclusion of the subjection of the Itzas begun
Paredes is ordered to march to Los Dolores
Canek's ambassador, Can, arrives at Merida
Zuviaur goes to the lake
Ursua determines to take vigorous measures
Lawsuits between Soberanis and Ursua
Captain Paredes at Tzucthok
Captain Hariza at Tipu
The Cacique Cintanek's villages
Can's report
The commands of King Charles II
Soberanis and Ursua in agreement at last
The part to be taken by Indian villages
The road completed as far as the lake
Quincanek feigns friendliness
The hostilities begin
The captains urge Ursua to fight; the battle
Tayasal becomes a Spanish possession
Later history of Tayasal

APPENDICES

I The Question of Orthography

II The Dialect of Peten. (From an unpublished manuscript by Dr. Berendt
in the Brinton Collection in the University Museum, Philadelphia)

III The Maps of Yucatan, 1501-1800

IV Itinerary of Avendano, together with geographical information

BIBLIOGRAPHY

LIST OF PLATES

Ia Avendano's Map of Lake Peten, circa 1697.

Ib Avendano's Map with English translation.

II Peten Itza in the Middle of the Eighteenth Century.

III Lake Peten and Flores.
n
IV Sketch (with English translation) of a Map of Yucatan, circa
1566, found with the Landa MS.

V Sketch (with English translation) of another Map of Yucatan,
circa 1566, found with the Landa MS.

VI Map showing Entradas to Lake Peten.

HISTORY OF THE SPANISH CONQUEST OF
YUCATAN AND OF THE ITZAS

CHAPTER I

THE PRECOLUMBIAN HISTORY OF THE MAYAS
AND OF THE ITZAS, 1445

In general it may be said that the Maya culture occupied the peninsula
of Yucatan, portions of the states of Tabasco and Chiapas in Mexico,
Guatemala, and the northern part of Honduras. That branch of the Mayas
who called themselves the Itzas and who form the chief subject of this
work occupied the southern portion of Yucatan and the greater part of
what is now the Department of Peten in Guatemala.

A few decades ago it was the fashion to credit the aboriginal peoples
of America with a civilization of enormous antiquity. But the whole
trend of modern scientific investigation tends to prove that the
American continent was one of the last parts of the world to be settled
and that, at the time of the Spanish conquest, the aboriginal cultures
were certainly not more than three thousand or so years old. Even this
estimate should be understood to include centuries of migratory
shiftings and centuries of development along lines which eventually led
to the erection of the earlier types of high culture in Middle and
South America. Roughly speaking, the time of Christ coincides with the
period at which the earliest high cultures in this hemisphere began to
flourish.

For the sake of convenience we shall follow the chronology suggested by
Mr. Morley (1915) and divide the pre-Columbian history of the Maya race
into eight periods. The first seven of these periods we shall discuss
briefly in this opening chapter; the eighth will furnish the subject
matter for the remainder of the book. The dates given should be
regarded as merely approximate.

APPROXIMATE DATES PERIODS
PERIODS A.D.

I Migratory period ?-200
II Golden Age or Old Empire 200-600
III Colonization period 450-700
IV Transitional period 700-1000
V Renaissance or League period 1000-1200
VI The period of the Toltec mercenaries 1200-1450
VII Disintegration 1450-1541
VIII Period of wars with Spain 1519-1697

Before taking up our review of the first seven periods we must remind
ourselves that the prehistoric cultures of Middle America have a
certain unity, showing beyond doubt that they were all of a common
origin. It is impossible to tell at what epoch the Maya became separate
and distinct from the other highly cultured peoples scattered over
Mexico and Central America. Fortunately, however, owing to the
investigations in the Valley of Mexico, we have abundant material for
the reconstruction of the sequence of cultures. Three successive strata
of occupation have been found in the Valley of Mexico. The earliest of
these, the Archaic, is also found in many other places throughout
Mexico and Central America. There is some reason to suppose that this
culture was at one time fairly uniform throughout the greater part of
Middle America. The local developments seen in the Maya, the Zapotec,
and the early Mexican cultures may have been the result of
modifications of the Archaic culture. Above this Archaic stratum in the
Valley of Mexico is found the Toltec or Teotihuacan culture. This is
synchronous with late Maya of the sixth period on our table.
Manifestations of its art are found in the latest buildings at Chichen
Itza.

I. Migratory Period (?-200 A.D.). The two earliest dated Maya
inscriptions that we have are those on the Tuxtla statuette and on the
Leyden plate. (Morley, 1915, p. 194 ff.; Holmes, 1916.) The former is
dated, in the Maya system of chronology, 8.6.2.4.17. (about 100 B.C.);
the date on the latter is 8.14.3.1.12. (about 50 A.D.).[1] Although, as
Mr. Morley points out, these are the earliest dates we know of from the
Maya area, it is to be noted that they do not differ essentially from
the more recent inscriptions. They ought, therefore, to be regarded as
introductory to the historic period, and it may be assumed that they
were themselves preceded by many decades of development during which
the first attempts at writing were gradually elaborated until the
extremely complex Maya hieroglyphics were evolved in the form in which
we know them.

II. The Golden Age or Old Empire of the Maya (200-600 A.D.). This
period extended, roughly, from 9.2.10.0.0. (210) to 10.2.0.0.0. (600).
In this time many cities rose, flourished, and fell. Of these Palenque,
Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, Tikal, Seibal, Quirigua, Copan, and Nakum
are some of the more important. Like Seibal on the east and Piedras
Negras and Yaxchilan on the west, Tikal and Nakum were not far from the
Peten region to which our attention will be chiefly directed.[2]
Indeed, Lake Peten lies in what is almost the geographical center of
the area formerly occupied by the Old Empire. It is significant,
therefore, that Mr. Morley has found at the modern town of Flores (in
Lake Peten) two stelae dated approximately 10.1.0.0.0. and 10.2.0.0.0.
(580 and 600).

The various elaborate architectural features of the Old Empire cities
have been fully examined by many writers, and it is, therefore,
needless for us to speak of them except in the most general terms. One
predominating feature of all the ruins is the excessive use of
ornamentation. Because the country was devoid of any great natural
elevations which would give an effective setting for their buildings,
the people often used substructures of varying heights and
superstructures of several sorts. If one may judge from the sculptures
left by the inhabitants of the early cities, their life was mainly
taken up with an extremely involved ritualistic religion which, in the
hands of a priestly body, was at once the means by which they were
ruled and the outlet for the artistic gifts which they undeniably had.
Very probably the over-elaborate religion was responsible for the
tremendous mass of detail to be seen in so many of the ruined cities.
So great was the eagerness for space upon which to crowd ornamentation
that an architectural feature which served no purpose other than that
of affording more ample space for decoration was evolved. The roof-comb
is found in a high degree of development at Yaxchilan and elsewhere.
(Spinden, 1913, p. 112, fig. 148.) Sometimes, as at Tikal, this
cumbersome construction was carried to such lengths that the area
covered by walls was out of all natural proportion to that covered by
rooms.

One can only conjecture what brought about the downfall of these
ancient cities in which a very advanced culture once flourished. It is
not impossible that the priesthood became so oppressive that an
emigration took place; or, owing to a lack of proper agricultural
knowledge, the fields probably became spent so that the people were
forced to seek new homes; possibly also there was some sort of an
invasion from the west or east. Any one or all of these causes may have
brought about the succeeding period, one which lies within and at the
end of the Golden Age.

III. The Colonization Period (450-700 A.D.). This period is chiefly
notable for us because it marks the beginning of documentary history
and because the Itzas are first specifically mentioned in connection
with it.[3]

About 450 Ziyan Caan or Bakhalal was built, to be occupied only some
sixty years. (Spinden, 1913, Table 2; Brinton, 1882, Chr. I.) According
to Chronicle V the use of the name Itza dates from the founding of
Chichen Itza, an event which took place about 510.[4] At this time
there also occurred important changes in the calendar system, an event
symbolized in the Chronicles by the phrase "Pop was set in order."

There is, then, in this period of colonization, a well-defined
migration northward. The ancient cities in the south did not die out at
once, and we may suppose that the sixth century of our era was a time
of great cultural activity. It is interesting to know that the old Maya
culture and the Tiahuanaco culture (the two greatest American
civilizations) were probably in part at least contemporaries. (Cf.
Means, 1917.)

The Chronicles are vague and divergent on the question of how long the
first occupation of Chichen Itza lasted. Chronicle I says 120 years;
Chronicle II says 200; Chronicle III says 240. As two of the three
important Chronicles place the length of occupation at 200 years or
more, we may assume that it lasted from about 500 to 700 of our era.

To this period we may confidently attribute some of the structures at
Chichen. It has been shown that the Casa de Monjas at Chichen underwent
several periods of construction. It is what Mr. Thompson has called
"Old Chichen," however, that is most surely associated with the period
we are now discussing. In that portion of the ruins Mr. Thompson found
a lintel dated 10.2.9.1.9. (about 610). As the building in which the
lintel was found is one of a group that is quite distinct from the rest
of the ruins, it may be believed that they all date from the first
occupation.

We have, of course, no satisfactory data from which to derive an
opinion as to the territorial expansion of the kingdom ruled from Old
Chichen (if, indeed, it was ruled from there). Spinden (1913, p. 201),
however, has found ample reason for believing that Xcalumkin, Xlabpak,
Sayil, Kabah, and Tabi were flourishing at this period. Briefly, the
presence of a modified form of the "manikin scepter" and of the stela
(both characteristic of the ancient cities) convinces him that all
these places were erected before the influence of the Old Empire cities
had died out.

IV. Transitional Period (700-1000 A.D.). The Maya-Itza stock now
reentered upon their migrations. They moved, about 700, to Chakanputum,
where they stayed until about 950. The Chronicles all agree as to the
length of time the Itzas were at Chakanputum. Of this site we know
little beyond the fact that Cortes, when he visited it in 1519, found a
large village there.

Just before the Itzas left Champoton, or perhaps just after, Uxmal was
founded by Ahcuitok Tutul Xiu, who, according to the tradition,
probably came from the west. The lords of this city were destined to
have an important part to play in the history of the Itzas. About the
year 1000 the cities of Uxmal, Chichen, and Mayapan formed a
confederation which has been called the League of Mayapan. After three
or four hundred years of unrest after the disintegration of the Old
Empire a New Empire was about to begin its career.

V. Renaissance or League Period (1000-1200 A.D.). In the Golden Age or
Old Empire the civilization of the Maya race had centered about Lake
Peten, in the extreme south of the peninsula of Yucatan. In the time of
the New Empire the old cities in the south were gradually forgotten and
new ones, quite as remarkable, sprang up in the northern portion of the
peninsula. Three cities probably shared the sovereign power, forming,
by their alliance, the celebrated League of Mayapan. These cities were
Uxmal, ruled by the Xiu family, Mayapan, possibly ruled by the Cocom[5]
family, and Chichen Itza. The latter is, of course, our chief concern;
but as it has been often described we will only say that it may have
had, at one time, as many as one hundred thousand inhabitants and that
the culture that throve there was of a high order.

The political features of the League of Mayapan are difficult to
describe with accuracy. Each of the three great cities had its ruling
family. Below these was an order of personages called _batab_, each of
whom held and ruled a portion of the country. The _batab_ stood in much
the same relation to the ruler of the large city as a medieval baron to
the king. Doubtless each _batab_, ruling from his own city, had a
hierarchy of officers under him. Probably Labna, Kabah, Chacmultun,
Sayil, Hochob, Ake, Tihoo, Acanceh, Tinum, Kewick, and all the other
cities in northern Yucatan were once seats of _batabs_ who were more or
less intimately connected with the ruler of one of the three great
cities. There was ample machinery for the administration of justice,
and crimes were fittingly punished. Such positions as the Halach Uinic
(Real Man, i.e., king) of Mayapan and the office of batab of some
lesser city usually were inherited according to the rules of
primogeniture, but this custom could, for sufficient cause, be set
aside.[6]

VI. The Period of the Toltec Mercenaries (1200-1450 A.D.). However much
in the dark we may be as to the details of the events which brought
about the downfall of the League of Mayapan, we are in no doubt as to
the main causes of its disruption. Speaking in very general terms, the
situation was as follows. The ruler of Mayapan seems to have been the
trouble maker. Becoming ambitious to extend his power over the other
Halach Uinicil, he called in a number of mercenaries from Mexico. With
the aid of these allies the Halach Uinic of Mayapan made himself master
of the whole northern part of Yucatan, but he had to pay a heavy price
in the shape of giving Chichen Itza to his allies.

During all these troubles the Xius at Uxmal seem to have preserved a
certain amount of independence; certainly as time went on and as the
power of Mayapan became more and more tyrannically oppressive, the Xius
gradually became the champions of the oppressed. It was but natural
that those of the Itza _batabs_ who still remained at Chichen should
resent the alien dominion placed over them. If we may believe Chronicle
I, they made at least one attempt to get back their old power. The
discontent of the Itza element of the population, a discontent always
shared in by the Xius at Uxmal, continued to increase during two
hundred and fifty years. In that period Chichen Itza, under the
influence of its Toltec rulers, witnessed its final period of
architectural development. The Ball Court, the Castillo, the Group of
the Columns, and other buildings were erected under Toltec influence.
It is easy to recognize and identify the structures of this period
because they are usually distinguished by such features as serpent
columns, _tlaxtli_ or ball courts, Atlantean supports, feathered
monsters, and speech scrolls.

About 1450 the inevitable revolution against the tyranny of the Toltecs
took place, and with it civilization of the highest type came to an
end.

VII. Disintegration (1450-1541 A.D.). Centralized feudalistic
government destroyed, Yucatan fell into a sad plight. Where one or two
strong states had been before there were now a score of weak ones. In
the wars of this period the once great cities of the League were
destroyed and abandoned; new and far less advanced cities were founded
to take their place. The remnant of the Xiu family retired to Mani; the
Cocom became lords of Zotuta. Itzamal seems to have become a sacerdotal
state under the dominion of the Chel family. The Itzas, in whom our
chief interest lies, probably withdrew far to the south and founded
their power in the region about Lake Peten. Brinton (1882, p. 25.)
gives this list of the small independent states found by the Spaniards:

1 ACALAN (Bahia de Terminos)
2 TIXCHEL (Telchac)
3 KIN PECH (Campeche)
4 CHAKANPUTUN (Champoton)
5 CANUL
6 HOCABAIHUMUN
7 CEHPECH (Merida region)
8 ZIPATAN (northwest coast)
9 CHOACA (northeast coast)
10 EKAB (opposite Cozumel)
11 CONIL (north coast, west of Choaca)
12 -- -- -- -- -- --
13 CHETEMAL (southern end of east coast)
14 TAITZA (Itza, Peten district)
15 AH KIN CHEL (Itzamal region)
16 ZOTUTA (Cocom state, between Merida and Valladolid)
17 MANI (Xiu state, southwest of Zotuta)

In number 14 we recognize the Itzas of Peten. The close of this period
of Disintegration (period VII) ushers in the eighth period, which will
take up the remainder of our attention.

NOTE
COGOLLUDO'S ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE
MAYAS AND OF SOME OF THEIR CUSTOMS

It is well to present the account of the pre-Columbian history of the
Mayas as given by Cogolludo. It will be seen to differ greatly from the
more scientific view just given, but it presents points of interest. It
will be found in lib. iv, cap. 3.

"Neither from the peoples who populated this Kingdom of Yucatan nor
from their ancient Histories have I been able to find more than I shall
say here. In some writings which those who first learned how to write
left behind them, and which are in the native idiom (which is still
used among the Indians), it says that some of the people came from the
East and some from the West. With those who were from the Occident was
one who, as it were, was a Priest of theirs, called _Zamna_; and they
say that he it was who gave the names by which they are called in that
tongue to all the Ports of the Sea, points of land, estuaries, coasts,
and all the regions, sites, mountains (forests), and all the places of
this entire land; and certain it is that it is a thing worthy of
admiration if it was so, for such a division did he make of everything
in order that each spot might be known by its own name that there is
scarcely a palm of land which has not a name in their tongue. The
opinion that the settlers came to this land from the Occident (although
they do not know who they were nor how they came) is in accord with
what Padre Torquemada says in his Monarquia Indiana. (Lib. iii, cap.
13.) This is, That the Teochichimecas, after that terrible battle with
the Huexotzincas, remained lords of the territory of Tlaxcalan, and
made peace with the other nations on account of the fame of that
victory of theirs. These Teochichimecas must needs found their towns
and distribute their lands in such a manner that they were constantly
increasing their power and gradually occupying the country in such a
way that in a little more than 300 years they had spread through the
greater part of New Spain from one coast on the North to the other on
the South, a territory which includes all the inland regions which are
to the East, and especially those of this province of Yucathan as far
as the province of Hibueras or Honduras. From this it seems that the
Yucatecs are descended from Chichimec and Aculhua families which,
coming from the West by way of the stopping-places told of by Father
Torquemada in his first books, settled New Spain.

"If from the Orient came other peoples who settled in this land, there
is among the people now there neither tradition nor writing telling
with certainty from whence they came nor what people they were,
although, however, it is said (by some) that they came from the Island
of Cuba. Difficulty arises now, for some came from some regions and
others from very different ones, yet all speak a very ancient tongue,
nor has there been any information saying that any other has existed in
the land. But this might have been occasioned by some tribes being more
numerous than others, or by reason of war, or by trade and
communication which, by strengthening the relations of the one race
with the other, may have caused the idiom, usages, and customs of those
who were of the greatest number to prevail over and obliterate those of
the less numerous people. From the very differences which exist between
the Yucatec tongue and the Mexican, it seems that the Settlers of this
land must have been they who came from the East; and they may even have
been the most ancient people since the Indian Zamna who came with them
was he who first gave names to the places and lands, as has been told
already, for if the others had been the first, they would have done so.
Padre Lizana says the opposite because, first calling attention to the
fact that these Indians call the East _Cenial_, and the West,
_Nohnial_, the first of which signifies Small Descent and the second
Large Descent, he says: 'And it is a fact that they relate that from
the East descended upon this land a small race and from the West a
large one; and by that phrase do they understand little and much, East
and West, few from the one, many from the other.' The Reader will judge
which seems to him the better.

"This land of Yucathan, which the natives of it call _Maya_, was
governed for a long time by a Supreme Lord, and the last descendant of
these Lords was Tutul Xiu, he who was Lord of Mani and its neighborhood
when, voluntarily, he came to do homage, making himself a friend of the
Spaniards on the day of San Ildefonso, 1541, as has been told. Thus it
appears that there has ever been in the land a Monarchical government
which, according to the most weighty opinion among Writers, is the best
for the conservation of Realms. This King had for the capital of his
Monarchy a very populous City called Mayapan (from which must have been
derived the name of this land, Maya); this capital, through wars and
discords between the King and his vassals, and because justice lay only
in the greatest power among them (unhappy the times in which the
Supreme Lord has not a power equal to his justice), this government
came to an end; many of the Lords and Caciques rebelled, each
dominating the greatest amount of land he could, and being always
engaged in continuous wars; thus the Spaniards found them (divided into
estates, like Dukes and Counts, albeit without recognizing any
Superior). When Yucathan was left entirely without a Supreme Lord, then
the ambition of private persons who united their forces and banded
together to effect their will, resulted in their ordering the
destruction of the City of Mayapan, Capital of the Kingdom; they
demolished it about the year of Our Lord fourteen hundred and twenty
(according to the computation of the ages [_Ahaus?_] of the Indians)
and about the 260th year of their establishment. By this rebellion he
who was King and Supreme Lord of all Yucathan was left only with the
Lordship of Mani whither he retired upon the destruction of the City of
Mayapan which was where now are to be seen the ruins of buildings, near
the Village of Telchaquillo. They left him with this small power partly
because of the fidelity of those vassals who did not deny him obedience
due, and partly because of the permission given by the rebels who knew
that he had not now more strength than any of themselves....

"When the Lords of the City of Mayapan were ruling all the land was
tributary to them. The tribute was in small cotton mantles, native
fowl, some cacao in those places where it was got, and a resin which
served as incense in the Temples, and all told it was very small in
quantity. All the citizens and dwellers who lived within the City of
Mayapan were free from tribute; and in the city all the nobles of the
land had houses; and by the year 1582 (in which was written the
relation from which all this is drawn) it is said that all those who
were held to be Lords and nobles of Yucathan still remembered, in that
place, their old lots. Now with the change of government and because of
the slight estimation in which they are held ... the descendants of
Tutul Xiu, who was King and by right natural Lord, if they do not work
with their hands at labor, have nothing to eat, and toil does not now
seem to them unworthy of consideration. In ancient times, the nobles of
Mayapan were wont to serve in the Temples of the Idols in the
ceremonies and feasts which were by right assigned to them, assisting
by day and by night; and though many themselves had vassals, they
recognized the Supreme Lord, and served him in his wars.

"They who dwelt without the City and in the rest of the Province were
vassals and tributaries, not being of those who had houses there in the
capacity of land-holders; but they were greatly favored by their Lords
because they themselves served them as Advocates looking out for their
welfare with great solicitude whenever anyone asked that it be so. They
(the vassals and tributaries) were not obliged to live in assigned
Villages since they had license to live and to marry with whomsoever
they wished; the object of this was to ensure multiplication, for they
said that if the people were hampered, there could not fail to result a
diminution. Lands were held in common, and so between the Villages
there were no boundaries or landmarks to divide them; although it is
true that between one Province and another because of wars, save some
fields for sowing fruit-bearing trees and land which had been bought
for some purpose of improvement [incomplete sentence in the Spanish].
Also the salt-works which are on the Shores of the Sea were held in
common, and those who dwelt nearest to them were wont to pay tribute to
the Lords of Mayapan with salt which they had got....

"The Lords were absolute in power and caused their orders to be
executed with severity. There were Caciques placed in the Villages, or
some other leading person to hear suits and public demands. This
officer received the litigants or disputants, heard the cause of their
coming, and, if the matter were a grave one, talked it over with the
Lord. In order to try the case, other Ministers were appointed who were
like Advocates and Constables and who always attended in the presence
of the judges.... They were not in the habit of writing down the
lawsuits, although they had characters (of which many are to be seen in
the ruins of their buildings). All was set forth in words by means of
the Ministers before referred to, and what was then and there
determined remained valid and permanent without either of the parties
venturing to work against it. But if the affair which was to be tried
concerned many, they had a great meeting of all the interested
together; then the gist was communicated, upon which followed the
decision of the matter.

"In sales and contracts they had neither writings to oblige them to
keep their word nor promissory notes with which to give satisfaction,
but still the contract remained valid provided only that the parties
drank together publicly before witnesses. This was particularly the
usage in sales of slaves or of cacao-lands, and even today (it is said)
they use it still among themselves in the sale of horses and cattle.
The debtor never denied the debt even though he could not pay at once;
but all was made certain by the debtor's confessing his debt, for the
wife, children and relatives of the debtor would pay the debt after his
death....

"In the wars which because of their ambition they made upon one
another, some were taken prisoners, those of the conquered who were
taken remaining slaves. In this situation they were very rigorous,
treating the enslaved with asperity, and making use of them in all
sorts of bodily labor.

"In food-supplies there were no bargains, because they were always
fixed at one price, save Maize, which was wont to go up when crops were
poor, but it never passed what it is now worth, a _real_ or so, the
load (which is half a Castillian fanega).

"The money that they used was little bells and jingles of copper, which
had value according to their size, and some red shells, which were
brought from far away from this land, which they strung, after the
manner of rosaries. Also they used as money grains of cacao, and of
these they made the most use in commerce, and certain precious stones
and discs of copper brought from New Spain which they exchanged for
other things, as happens elsewhere...."

Cogolludo (lib. iv, cap. 5) continues with the following account of the
customs:

"For display and on gala occasions, they used to scarify themselves
with certain small points of stone on the breasts, arms and thighs;
they even went so far as to draw blood, and in the wounds they rubbed a
black earth or powdered carbon. When they scarified with these knives
the scars remained, shaped like Eagles, serpents, birds and animals,
and they perforated the nose as well.... The Cupules, who are the
people of the territory of the Town of Valladolid, used this practice a
great deal.

"In the times of their heathenry, as now, they danced and sang after
the manner of the Mexicans, and they used to have, as indeed they still
do have, a chief Singer (or Chanter) who intones, and who appoints what
they shall sing; and him they venerate and reverence, giving him an
honorable seat in Church, and at their assemblies and weddings. They
call him _Holpop_, and in his charge are the kettle-drums or _Tuncules_
and other musical instruments, such as the flutes, little trumpets,
tortoise-shells, and others that they used. The _Tuncul_ is of thick
wood, and there are some so large that they can be heard at a distance
of two leagues to leeward. To the accompaniment of these instruments
they sing their fables and old legends; all this will be reformed, or
rather, the Religious have already done so in many places, giving the
Indians Histories of Saints and some of the Mysteries of the Faith to
sing, at least at public dances, Easter celebrations, and festivities,
so that the ancient times will be forgotten.

"They have Babblers [Farfante = babbler, boaster; may mean jester,
buffoon] who repeat fables and ancient Histories, which I am certain
would be well done away with, or at least the costumes in which they
are represented, because it appears that they are like those of their
Heathen Priests; and when there is no worse harm than the preservation
among them of that memory, it appears a very pernicious thing, for it
inclines them all the more to the idolatrous practices which they
indulge in when wearing the costume; but every one will have his own
opinion in this matter, conformable, more or less, to what his
observation has taught him. The babblers are apt to be graceful at
mottoes and in the witty sayings which they tell to their elders and
Judges if they are over-rigourous, ambitious, avaricious, laying before
them the events that have taken place and even that which concerns the
officer's own duties. They thus speak to the officers' very faces, and
sometimes they rebuke them with a single word. But he who would
understand them must be a great linguist and must listen well. They are
very dangerous, these representations, when they are held at night and
in the Indians' own houses, for God knows what goes on there, and at
the very least many of them end up in drunkenness. They call these
Farfantes _Balzam_, and they apply the word metaphorically to him who
is talkative and scurrilous; and in their representations they mimic
birds.

"They held, and still do hold, banquets on the occasion of weddings and
betrothals, using up in one day many turkeys that they have been
breeding for a whole year. Those who are leaving the office of Alcalde
entertain those who are entering it, on the pain of disgrace, and on
election nights there is much drunkenness.

"The Indians of this land were and are very dextrous with the bow and
arrows, and so they are mighty huntsmen, and they grow dogs so that
they may fetch deer, wild boar, badgers. Tigers, some little Lions,
rabbits, armadillos, iguanas, and other animals. They shoot with their
arrows peacocks [sic], some birds they call _faysanes_ [pheasants], and
many others.

"At present they are great imitators of all the different sorts of
handiwork that are made, and so they learn all the trades with ease.
There are many Indians in their villages, beside those who live in the
City and in the Towns, who are great workers as smiths, locksmiths,
bridlemakers, shoemakers, carpenters, wood-carvers, sculptors,
saddlers, tradesmen who make many curious things out of shell,
bricklayers, stonecutters, tailors, painters, and so on. What causes
wonder is that there are many Indians who work at four or six trades
where a Spaniard would have but one ... but with that almost innate
coolness for work they supply their wants and turn out good work, which
they sell more cheaply than the Spaniards do, so that those tradesmen
who go to Yucathan fare badly at their trades; so there are but few of
them, and they seek other means of earning a livelihood.

"They wear clothes of very white cotton, of which they make shirts,
breeches, and certain mantles a vara and a half square which they call
_tilmas_ or _hayantes_. These can be made to serve as capes by drawing
the two corners up on the shoulder and making a knot; indeed, very many
people use ones made out of somewhat coarse woven wool, and even many
of stuffs brought from Spain, such as damasks and other silks. Some use
jackets, and many wear shoes and hempe sandals. The usual custom,
however, is to go barefoot, especially in their own houses and fields,
but the opposite is true of some Caciques and leading men, and of
women. Most of the men wear hats of straw or palm-leaves, and nowadays
many buy felt hats. The women use _Uaipiles_, which is a garment that
falls from the throat to the middle of the leg, with an opening at the
top, where the head goes, and two others at the top of the sides for
the arms, which are covered half-way down. Because this garment is not
tied in at the waist, it also serves as a shirt. From the waist to the
feet is another garment called _Pic_, and it is like petticoats and
goes under the outer garment. Most of these are worked with blue and
red thread, which makes them sightly. If a Spanish woman is seen in
this dress it looks, on her, most improper. Little Indian girls who are
growing up with Spanish women become great embroiderers, seamstresses,
and patchers, and they make things that are sold at large prices and
much esteemed.

"For Sundays and Feast-days when they go to Mass, and when they are to
be confessed, both men and women have cleaner and neater clothes, which
they keep for this. Other customs and things of theirs will be learned
through the laws that have been given to remedy them, which will be
related in the Fifth Book.

"There were Indians in the past days of their ancestors who had larger
bodies than those now common, bodies which were found in the sepulchres
of this land and which had gigantic stature. In 1647 in the village of
Vecal, on the royal road of Campeche, Padre Fray Juan de Carrion (now
Provincial Commissioner for the next General Chapter) ordered his
Indians to make an arbor for a reception he was to hold. They had just
set up the sticks with which it was to be made when the tools hit upon
a very large sepulchre made of flag-stones placed one over another
without any peculiarities of carving whatever. The Indians ran away
from it and went to call the Padre, who, on arriving, ordered them to
take out whatever was in the sepulchre. The Indians did not want to do
this, saying that it was prohibited for them to touch anything of that
sort. So the Padre, with the aid of a small boy, got out the bones of a
man of formidable size. There were in the sepulchre three bowls of very
fine pottery having three hollow balls in place of feet, and there was
a small black box of what appeared to be jasper. The Padre burned the
bones, threw them away, and filled up the hole, rebuking the Indians
for not wishing to touch it, on the plea that it was forbidden to them
to do so...."

CHAPTER II

THE POLITICAL, SOCIAL, AND GEOGRAPHICAL
FEATURES OF THE ITZA STATE DURING
THE PERIOD OF 1445-1697

The Significance of the Itzas. The dates of the Itza dominance over the
region around Tayasal are roughly those given above. Although the
Spaniards became a factor in the lives of the Itzas about 1525, their
presence does not alter the fact that this tribe was so powerful as to
be able to preserve its independence for a long time. The Itzas may be
considered as presenting, in diminished form, all the more important
political and social conditions that had formerly characterized the
great Maya states in the northern part of the peninsula. We will now
study these conditions so as to understand better the problems the
Spanish conquerors were called upon to meet and to solve later on. In
spite of the proximity of the Spaniards, it is doubtful whether the
Itzas changed much during the two hundred and fifty years they occupied
the Peten or Tayasal region.

The Location of Peten or Tayasal. The Itza stronghold was located at
Peten or Tayasal.[2.1] The present city of Flores, located on a small
island in the Lake of Peten, is sometimes thought to be the site of
ancient Tayasal. Others think that Tayasal was really on the peninsula
north of Flores. This latter opinion is held by Mr. Morley and Dr.
Tozzer, who have been on the spot. The former believes that the lake
was formerly higher than now, which would explain how the present
peninsula, formerly an island, attained its present condition. The
island of Flores is scarcely more than half a mile in diameter;
Avendano says that Tayasal was half a league long. The reader is urged
to compare Plates II and III for the purpose of seeing how the modern
appearance of Tayasal or Peten is different from its appearance a few
centuries ago. As visitors to Tayasal usually either came or left by
way of Tipu, the distance from Tayasal to the shore which they
generally traveled was that from the village to the eastern end of the
lake, a journey often said to be six leagues in length, which is
approximately correct. Perhaps the most important piece of evidence is
that given by Avendano's sketch map (Pls. Ia, Ib). He gives three
_cayos_ or islands in the lake. They are arranged in such a way that
the Cayo Grande (Tayasal) is to the east; just northwest of it is Otro
Cayo (Another Cayo). I believe that after the general level of the lake
fell these two _cayos_ were united and formed the present peninsula.
Flores is on the _cayo_ shown by Avendano as just south and east of
these two. Maler, who is among those who have used the name Tayasal,
says that the name means "in the midst of green waters."

Description of Peten and its Surroundings. We will now give Padre
Avendano's account of the region occupied by the Itzas and ruled by
their king, Canek: "Before we leave the said Peten Ytza, it is well to
give the clearest information about it, its territories and its people,
so that, in the future, historians may have clear light about it and
may give in full the necessary information. Peten Ytza is situated in
the middle of a great lake and there are not only this one on which the
King lives, but also four other _Petens_, or islands which also lie in
the said lake. Others say that these _Petens_ are seven in number, and
still others that there are thirty, and that this lake also surrounds
the seven, as some say, as well as the thirty which the others speak
of. What is certain is that I stopped there and asked purposely what
number of people and _Petens_ the Ytzalana nation contained, and they
told me that there were only five _Petens_. The lake which surrounds
them is large, its length I have not measured, nor have I gone over
more than the part of it by which I came, which was three leagues
across, more or less (entering it at the West and going eastward), till
one reaches the _Peten_ on which the King lives. But the length of the
said lake which runs from North to South (as far as we could see it),
although we did not succeed in seeing to its end, was probably from
eight to ten leagues.[2.2] There are some who say that the said lake is
sixty leagues long. If it is true that it surrounds the above thirty
_Petens_, it is not improbable that it is of that length. The principal
_Peten_ or island (the court where the King lives) must be more than
half a league long and is a high island from which many hills are seen
all around. The situation is very pleasant on account of these hills
being in sight, as well as the five _Petens_ which the lake encloses,
so that from the said _Petun_ any one is seen who comes across the lake
from a distance from any one of the four directions, as well as those
who go fishing on the lake...."

The Lake neither Rises nor Falls. "I asked them why they had their
houses so close to the shore of the lake, and if they had any trouble
with its risings and fallings. They told me that they had no trouble,
since the lake never rose or fell. From this it is inferred that
it is also true that no river enters it or flows out of it on the
surface,--either of rapid or gentle current, as many who speak of this
lake try to show; since, if such a stream entered it, or left it, it
could not fail to increase with the freshets, as in dry times to grow
smaller; although we should not be able to deny the hidden and
subterranean connection of this lake with other neighboring lakes,
because of its permanent preservation of level...."

The Temples of Tayasal Described by Avendano. "In order to worship the
... idols[2.3] there are nine very large buildings, made in the form of
the churches of this Province,--all new, with traces of others which
had been burned, although they built them again, as I saw in the case
of two which had been rebuilt. All such buildings have a wall about a
yard and a half high and of the thickness of six quarters; the bench or
seat all around, which stands out from the middle inwards, is three
quarters thick and the rest, which stands out above, is three quarters
thick; so that both together form two rows of seats around the said
churches, and all repainted and polished."

The Palace of Canek, Chief of the Itzas. "Of this same workmanship is
the hall[2.4] which the King or Ah Canek has as a vestibule to his
house, in which he receives his guests as he did us, although in
addition it has the floor covered with bitumen and polished, which the
said temples do not have. At the entrance of the said hall stands a
large stone table more than two yards long and proportionally broad,
placed on stone columns, with twelve seats of the same around it for
the priests. This is the table of sacrifice, which they call in their
language _Mayactun_,--the first object which our eyes perceived in that
first reception, from which, with the preceding attempts on the lake,
we were able to conjecture that they would put us to death; and the
more so when we saw that the number of people who ran together at the
novelty of seeing us was so great, that besides filling all the hall
inside, those who could not find a place there, obstructed on the
outside all the light which the hall had, and which came in all around
it, so that they left us in such gloomy darkness, that, being seated,
as I was, in the midst of my companion Padres, we could only perceive
one another by the touch; but such a thing did not come into our
minds, but rather we understood that here was the room of welcome for
all...."

The Districts of Peten Itza. "I asked them how many districts that
_Peten_ had on which we were, and counting by the fingers on their
hands and the toes on their feet, they told me there were twenty-two,
which they went on to describe by their names, and they are as follows:

"Districts of Peten Ytza on which the King Ah Canek lives--

That of King Ahcanek That of Ach Cat Baca
That of noh ah chata That of ach cat halach Vinic
That of Ah tze tzin batab That of ach cat Mulcah
That of the cacique nohche That of ach cat Kinchil
That of ach chatan ek That of ach cat Kinchan
That of ach cat Cixban That of ach cat Kayom (?)
That of noh tzo can Punab That of ach cat Cit can
That of noh tzo can noh That of ach cat Ytza
That of tzo can tzic That of ach cat Pop
That of ach can Matan cua That of ach cat Camal
That of ach cat Batun That of ach cat Mas Kin

"These towns or districts bear the names of the cacique or head who
rules them, as seen by the table above, although all have separate
names of their own, and all are subject, as are also the other
_Petens_, to the King Ahcanek, and also all the communities which are
found in Cha Kan Ytza, besides those who are found on the main land
towards the East situated around the said _Petens_. This kingdom came
to him by inheritance, and so their Kings are always Ah Can Eks. But
not because of this are all the Caneks of royal blood or relations of
one another; since also all those of his own town or district are
called Caneks, and not on this account are they his relations, since
they also bear their lawful names and only have this one because of the
chief who rules them. It is well known to the King that he holds this
place through blood, since it is certain that he and his family have a
rare character and goodness, since he is so very good that all treat
him with some boldness, so that he is not able to govern what he
possesses...."

Extent of the Itza Dominion under the Chief Canek. It is from the
Franciscan Fray Alonso Cano, who wrote about 1696, that we derive the
clearest information as to the extent of the Itza dominions. He says:
"... The other forty-five leagues from Mopan to the Lake one travels
(though with various windings) from South to North, with some little
tendency to the North-west. This land belongs to the Mopanes and
Ahizaes, and it stretches to the East as far as the sea-coast ... Of
the boundaries of the Ahiza nation on the North the men of Yucatan will
give trustworthy information."

All the foregoing leads one to believe that the influence of Canek,
petty chief of the Itzas, and of his immediate subjects was felt
throughout the region east of Lake Peten, the region in which are
located Alain (or Yalain), San Clemente, Yaxha, and Tipu. Indeed
Villagutierre (p. 460) leaves us in no doubt as to the fact that
Chamaxculu, the aged chief of Alain, was the direct vassal of Canek.

Quincanek. So far we have been considering only the political aspect of
the Itza state. There was an important sacerdotal organization as well.
As to its exact nature there is, unfortunately, some confusion.
Villagutierre says that the head of the priesthood was the oldest
brother of Canek and that he bore the title of Quincanek. Cano says
that Cuin Kenek was the chief of Peten. Pedro Sanches de Leon,
writing in the eighteenth century, says (p. 146 ff.): "In that time
(1700-1703), or a little before, the conquest of the Lake of the
Ahitzaes took place, and the Indian kings were seen to enter Guatemala
as prisoners; they were called after baptism Don Jose and Don Francisco
Canek, and with them also was the high-priest of this nation, who was
also called Canek...." Maler uses the terms Canek and Kincanek
interchangeably. The question is not an important one, and I shall make
no attempt to solve it.

Further Information about the Region. "... In the northerly direction
lies the Kingdom of Yucathan; towards the South, the road which the men
of Gautemala have opened, starting from Vera Paz; on the West, Cha Kan
Ytza and the Cehaches; on the East, slightly North, the nation of the
men of Tipu; in the direction of the South, running from East to West,
are very high ridges, which are really the Sierra Madre, from which (in
New Spain) they exploit mines, and as there are mines there, there is
no doubt that there are some here, since it is one and the same ridge.
There must be mines in the environs of this nation of the Ytzaes,
because the most of the Indians (in some large ear drops which they
wear) have roses of silver hanging down, and others of silver and gold,
and as the Spaniards do not come to this nation, nor the Indians of
this Province of Yucathan, nor of the other provinces, because they are
afraid of them, I do not know where they could get this gold and silver
unless they took it from some mine. In the said southerly direction
running towards the East, the said Peten Ytzaes have their farms and
tilled fields on the main land; and in said fields they have their
houses as in Peten, so as to live there all the time that the
cultivation lasts, so that the houses are doubled in number as well as
the families. From this, people imagine that this nation is more
numerous than it really is.

"The largest and best calculation which I can make of this nation was
from the account which the King and his chiefs gave me, and this was
that the _Peten_ in which we stopped consisted of twenty-two districts
and towns, and they did not know how to give me the count of each town,
since they know how to count only up to twenty, and in going beyond
many twenties, they do not know how to explain it, for it appears to
them an infinite number.[2.5] I did not have much time to verify this,
for I preferred to employ the little time I had in baptizing; but
nevertheless from what I saw and understood of the number of the people
of all ages, I say that Peten Ytza, with the other _Petenes_, Cha Kan
Ytzaes and Tuluncies (?), with the communities, which are found on the
main land, will all come up to twenty-four or twenty-five thousand
souls,--a thousand more or less. This computation I make from the
_Peten_ on which the King lives, for he told me that all the _Petens_
were equal in the number of people, with but little difference."

The Itzas Described. "These Ytzaes are well-featured and, like
mestizos, nearly all of a light complexion and of very perfect stature
and of natural gifts. But the Devil has compelled them, in their
weakness, to make themselves hideous and witches, because it appears to
them a greater feat to frighten by their appearance than to conquer by
their strength. And so most of them have their faces cut and rubbed in
with black, and some streaked like black negroes. And this hideousness
many women also show in their ear lobes, so that it is not possible for
them to wear ear drops or pendants. Painting themselves or cutting on
their faces the form of the animal which they have as a charm, the men
consider themselves as more genteel than the women; and as they are of
this opinion, they dress themselves in this way, tying up their hair
with bands of cotton which are made by them, woven with many curious
designs of various colors, with cords and tassels at the ends, made
very beautifully. They clothe themselves with something like jackets
with half sleeves, and all from top to bottom woven at intervals with
stripes of various designs and incorporated in the same woof,--very
lovely to look at. And with all these elegantly ornamented clothes,
they always paint themselves red and black. All this vanity and
effeminate care to decorate themselves so much is a sign of what many
believe, that it is [due to] the wicked vice which is common among
them; for the women do not go about well clothed nor do the men pay
much attention to them; for the women wear only some skirts of cotton
from their waist down, but from the waist up they go bare and
uncovered, with their hair rolled up without as much care as the men.
The latter always go with little stools under their arms to sit on
wherever they go; and at night they muffle themselves up with sheets
woven of various stripes and designs of different colors, like cloaks;
their drink is always _posole_ or _saca_, which is a drink made of
cooked maize, and they always drink it lukewarm, but they never like to
drink clear or cold water...."

CHAPTER III

THE FIRST SPANISH ENTRADAS INTO YUCATAN

The First Spaniards in Yucatan. Although Fernando Cortes was the first
Spaniard to penetrate the region occupied by the Itzas, he was not, of
course, the first of his race to become acquainted with Yucatan and its
inhabitants. It will be remembered that Columbus received a hint of the
existence of Yucatan from some Indian traders at the Isla de Guanajo
(Isla de Pinos) in the year 1502. (Cogolludo, lib. i, cap 1.)[3.1]
Although he failed to find it, we may say that from July, 1502, Yucatan
was known to the Spaniards. The first Spaniards who actually coasted
the shore of Yucatan were Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yanez Pinzon,
in the year 1506.

In 1511 or 1512 Vasco Nunez de Balboa, whose expedition was in Darien,
found it necessary to send to Hispaniola for supplies. He chose a
certain Valdivia for the errand, intrusted him with a caravel, and sent
him off. Valdivia was shipwrecked on Las Viboras, a reef near Jamaica,
and only about twenty of his men escaped. (Molina, p. 11 ff.;
Montesinos, vol. ii, p. 28 ff.; Landa, p. 15.) They were all captured
by some Indians from Yucatan, who sacrificed all except Jeronimo de
Aguilar and Gonzalo Guerrero. The latter of these learned the language
and went to Chectemal, where he married an Indian woman and became a
member of the tribe. (Landa, pp. 14-16. Chectemal = Salamanca = Bacalar
= Bakhalal.)

Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, 1517. All the Spaniards mentioned thus
far are connected only very remotely with our subject. In 1517,
however, under the auspices of Diego Velazquez, Governor of Cuba, an
expedition was fitted out under the command of Don Francisco Hernandez
de Cordoba. (Bernal Diaz, vol. i, p. 11; Landa, p. 16 ff.) As this and
one other expedition immediately preceded the entrada of Cortes, and as
they both came in contact with members of the Maya race, it is well
that a short account of the expeditions of Cordoba and of Grijalva
should be given.

Cordoba, with three ships provided by himself. Lope Ochoa de Caicedo,
and Cristoval Morante, left Cuba on February 8, 1517. The avowed
purpose of the expedition was to capture slaves for the Cuban market,
and although it was directly against the royal will, Velazquez himself
was interested in the project. After a sail of twenty-one days the
three ships sighted a large town some two leagues from shore. This spot
was named Cape Catoche by the Spaniards. A brisk fight took place there
between the natives and the white men, in which the latter were the
victors. Many Indian towns and settlements were seen as the Spaniards
went along the shore toward the west. Everywhere the Indians crowded
out of their houses, temples, and idol houses to see the newcomers. At
length the town of Champoton was reached. There, it will be remembered,
the Itzas had lived for many years. However demoralized the Maya race
may have become elsewhere, here at least it was vigorous enough, for
the Indians of Champoton or Potonchan inflicted a great defeat on the
Spaniards. (Bernal Diaz, vol. i, p. 24; Landa, p. 20.) The party went
back to Cuba very shortly, and Cordoba reported to Velazquez as to what
had been found.

Juan de Grijalva and Others, 1518. In the spring of 1518 Velazquez
caused another expedition to be fitted out. Juan de Grijalva was to be
the commodore, and Alonso de Avila, Francisco de Montejo, and Pedro de
Albarado were each to have command of a ship. From our point of view
the most important thing this expedition did was to visit the island of
Cozumel. They also visited las Mugers which takes its name from the
female idols found there by the Spaniards. This party also touched at
Champoton and even went as far as San Juan de Ulloa and the Rio
Panuco.[3.2]

Cortes in Mexico, 1519. The next year, 1519, witnessed the setting out
of Fernando or Hernando or Hernan Cortes. His achievements in Mexico in
the years 1519-1524 in nowise concern us. In the latter year, however,
he inaugurated the bold project of reaching Honduras by land from
Mexico. As an inevitable result of this plan he entered the territory
of the Itzas. Villagutierre's account (lib. i, caps. 7, 8) of this
expedition is so complete that it is best for us to quote it in full.
The reader is urged to study Plate VI in order to learn the routes
followed by Cortes and others.

Villagutierre's Account of the Entrada of Cortes, 1524-1525. "The
Itzalana nation, having reached its place of retirement, was now
fortified in those Islands and Lakes which they occupied in the midst
of many other barbarous forest nations, for none of the rest was as
powerful as they.... After much fighting, Don Fernando Cortes had, by
force of arms and with many brilliant deeds, captured the Great City of
Mexico, Capital of the Northern American Empire. Also he had subjugated
many other regions, nearly all of New Spain, by 1521.

"In 1524, being desirous of settling Hibueras or Honduras, which is a
very good land, albeit far from Mexico, he [Cortes] had armed five
ships and a brigantine, all well provided with every sort of equipment.
In these he sent off four hundred Spaniards and thirty horses[3.3]
under the charge of Christoval de Olid, who had orders to take on at
Havana as many more troops as were ready to go. Afterwards they were
all to go and settle on the coast of Honduras, which was the purpose of
the voyage. But Christoval de Olid rose in rebellion with the ships and
soldiers. At length he arrived in Honduras, having taken prisoner Gil
Gonzalez de Avila. When all this was learned by Don Fernando Cortes he
sent Francisco de las Casas with two ships and some soldiers against
the rebel. Him also did Christoval de Olid take prisoner. Afterwards
occurred the great revolts, quarrels and murders which the historians
relate, but which I will not repeat."

Cortes Starts for Honduras. "Don Fernando Cortes was greatly enraged
that Christoval de Olid, his old friend, should thus have risen up
against him, causing so much ruin. So he determined to go in person to
punish Olid. Nor did the thought of the great loss his absence would be
to Mexico suffice to dissuade him....

"No arguments in the least changed his decision. He assembled all the
Spaniards he could; there were more than four hundred infantry and
cavalry, besides much artillery and baggage. In addition, there were
between three and four thousand Indian warriors from Mexico, among whom
were King Quatemoz, the successor of the great Motezuma,... and the
Lords of Tacuba and Tezcuco, cities on the Lake of Mexico, and other
Mexican Lords. With these, Cortes took his march by land, and through
regions so rough and impenetrable that they had never been pressed by
human feet. They forced their way through the forests, opening paths
and building very large bridges of wood so disproportionately thick
that some of them are still standing today and are called 'Bridges of
Cortes.' Cortes and his followers suffered hunger, bruises, illnesses,
hard roads, worse lodgings, and other insupportable trials, so that to
tell them all entire books would be needed."

Cortes Arrives at Izancanac. "Don Fernando Cortes and those who were
with him arrived at the city of Izancanac[3.4] in the Province of
Acalan. There was discovered the plot which King Quatemoz, the Lord of
Tacuba, and other Mexican chiefs had made between themselves to attack
the Spaniards while they were crossing some river or marsh. When all
the Spaniards were killed, the Mexicans planned to recover their
dominions, breaking forth from their captivity. Having held a trial
(although some say he did not do so) Cortes gave orders that Quatemoz
should be hanged, together with the Lord of Tacuba, his cousin, and
other principal Mexicans. Eight, it is said, were hung...."

Description of a Large Town. "When these events had been completed, and
while the army was marching forward over bad roads, they came upon a
pueblo very large and new, in which the houses had been but recently
completed. The place was surrounded with very thick stockades of logs
and of very sturdy planks. Before the entrance were deep trenches. This
wall encircled the town in two rings, both very high. One was like a
barbican, having towers and loopholes for the archers. In another
place, but near the town, on some lofty rocks, were their watch-towers
of stone, worked by hand and provided with adequate railings. On
another side was a deep marsh, and all these things served to make the
pueblo a great fortress.

"The Spaniards entered the town without hindrance and found it deserted
and lonely. The Indians, its inhabitants, receiving news that the
Spaniards were coming, had withdrawn to some large marshes some
distance from the pueblo. On inspecting the town and entering the
houses our men found in all and each one of them a great quantity of
turkeys all prepared and dressed for eating by those Indians. Besides
these things they also found much corn-bread and other supplies such as
drinks, and a dish made of meat mixed with corn-bread called by those
Indians _tamales_. They were all amazed at seeing such a novelty, and
they were, at the same time, delighted to see so much good food, as
they had suffered so much from hunger and lack of nourishment."

The Spaniards Suspect Treachery. "All this set them to thinking,
because it was such a new state of affairs, and they were puzzled to
know the plans of the Indians of that town, as much because of the
novelty of the situation as because they found in the middle of the
village a house full of lances, bows, arrows, _macanas_, and other arms
used by those Indians in their wars. And going out to see if any troops
were to be found outside of the village, they found no one, nor was
there, in the _milpas_ or farms, a single grain of maize or any other
vegetable; so that the Spaniards were all the more confounded, and they
marveled, asking one another what it could mean.

"While the Spaniards were in this suspense, fifteen Indians came from
outside the town who, as it was learned afterward, were very important
men; and when they arrived they went into the presence of Don Fernando
Cortes. Placing their hands upon the ground, and kissing the earth with
great humility, and half weeping, they begged Cortes to favor them by
not burning their village, for they had come there but recently to
fortify themselves against some other Indians called Lacandones,[3.5]
who were their enemies. These had been making a cruel war upon them,
killing many men and leveling and burning their villages, which they
had formerly had on the plains, as the Spaniards would see for
themselves...."

"Don Fernando Cortes assured them by means of the Indian, Dona Marina
(whom he had had with him ever since he entered Tabasco), that no harm
should be done them, nor would he permit any of his men to misuse
anything which was theirs. Thereupon the Indians recovered their
upright position, and then Don Fernando Cortes asked, with great
curiosity, why so many turkeys and fowls and all sorts of food had been
prepared for his coming."

The Indians Explain why their Town was Deserted. "The Indians replied
promptly that it was because they had been expecting their mortal
enemies, the Lacandones, who were coming to attack them. If the
Lacandones won in battle, they knew that all their property and fowls
would be taken away. If the outcome was of that sort, they did not want
their enemies to enjoy and avail themselves of their goods, so they had
intended to eat them themselves. For if they should conquer the
Lacandones in battle, they would go to their villages and take away all
that they had, so that they would feel no lack of what they had already
eaten in their own houses."

Cortes Takes Leave of them in a Friendly Spirit. "Don Fernando Cortes
said to them that he was much grieved by their wars and quarrels, and
that, because he was forced to continue his journey, he could not stop,
nor could he aid them and defend them against those enemies of theirs.
But, he added, had the situation been otherwise, he would have done so,
and they would see, what they could not well imagine, how he would
leave the Lacandones well punished and these Indians in peace and
security in their houses."

"With these affectionate speeches, and seeing that no harm was done to
them, those Indians were greatly contented. They gave thanks, after
their fashion, to Cortes and his men, and at the same time, they gave
him guides so that he might proceed with his army, which he did. Other
large pueblos were encountered which, like this one from which they
started out, they called the Mazotecas. This is the same as Villages of
Deer, and the name was given because of the large numbers there are in
that level country whence they set out."

The Deer Hunt. "The deer ran away so little and were so free from
fright at the men that our soldiers on horseback were able to come up
with them and kill them as they wished. In this way the men killed many
of them and ate them for some days after. The Indian guides, who were
showing the Spaniards everything and all those villages of their people
which had been burned and razed, on being asked why it was that having
so many deer at hand, they permitted them to be so tame. The Indians
replied that in their villages they held the deer to be gods, for their
greatest idol had appeared to them in that form and commanded them not
to kill the deer, nor frighten them. They had executed this command,
and as a result the deer were not easily scared, nor did they flee from
the soldiers, and they were very numerous...."

"Cortes and his men set forth from these villages of the Mazotecas and
from the province of Acalan (which in after years, during the conquest
of the Kingdom of Yucatan, was subjected by Captain Francisco de Tamayo
Pacheco, who had come out in quest of it from the City of Merida)...."

The Army of Cortes Proceeds on its Way. "Once more the army of Cortes
went forward through rough and broken country. As always, he sent
camp-scouts ahead on horseback and single soldiers afoot; these
encountered two Indians from another village further on, who were out
hunting and were carrying a large lion [puma, jaguar?] as well as a
great quantity of iguanas, which are a kind of small serpent and very
good to eat. These Indians led them [the army] to their village, and
from there the army took its road towards the mountains, asking all
whom they met whether they had seen bearded men like them, for they
were seeking them. Some of the Indians who were questioned replied,
saying: That those of whom they spoke were ahead, and were journeying
in the same direction...."

The Lake. "When the army left the place where it had spent the night,
and while it was mounting the slope of the mountains, but a short time
had elapsed when those in the vanguard began to catch glimpses of great
Laguna, in the middle of which was an island with a large town, which,
as was afterwards learned, was the chief place of that whole Province
of Itza. [These were the people who had withdrawn one hundred years
before from Yucatan, as has been said.] And it was possible to enter
this town only by means of boats."

They Capture an Indian. "The camp-scouts had by now reached the shore
of the Lake itself, and they brought to Cortes an Indian whom one Pedro
de Ayuda, one of the explorers, had taken from a canoe. Then Cortes
asked this captured Indian (as he did to all the rest) whether or not
the Spaniards or Bearded Men, like him and his men, had been through
that region or were still in it, as he had been given to understand was
the case.

"The Indian replied that in that town nothing was known of such men as
they. He added, that if they wished to go to the town, there were some
cultivated fields near the largest arm of the Lake where they could
take many boats from the laborers who were tilling their fields, and he
offered to lead them thither if it pleased them that he should do so.

"Don Fernando Cortes, with twelve crossbowmen, followed this Indian on
foot by a very bad path which, after passing for a long distance
through swamps with mud up to the knee, at length led to the water. And
because the party had delayed a long time in reaching the farms, on
account of the badness of the path, it was discovered by the laborers,
who, judging that harm was intended, fled into their canoes and made
for the island in the Lake, rowing as hard as possible.

"The army encamped in the farms on the shore of the Lake and fortified
itself very well, because that Indian guide had told Cortes that the
Itzas were a people well skilled in war and that they were feared by
the whole region. And also this Indian told the Spaniards that if they
would let him go he would cross to the city in his canoe and would
speak to Canek, Lord of those Lands of the Itzas, and would tell him of
their intention, and of their arrival."

The Indian is Sent to Tayasal. "Cortes acceded to this request, and
gave orders that he should be set free. At midnight the Indian returned
to the army. As it was two leagues from mainland to the Island or
_Peten_ (as they called it), he could not return earlier. He brought
with him two chiefs of that City who came to visit Cortes by order of
Canek, who had told them to see on his behalf the Captain General of
that army and learn from his lips what it was he wished."

Some Indians Come to Cortes from Tayasal. "Don Fernando Cortes gave
these personages some Spanish soldiers as hostages, so that the Canek
or Lord might be able to come to the Royal camp. And after Cortes had
treated them with so much courtesy, kindness, and graciousness that
those Indians were delighted with him, as well as with the Spaniards'
beards, clothes, arms, and horses, he took leave of them and they went
away. And on the following day Canek came to the camp with thirty-two
chiefs and many _Zamaguales_ or common people, who came in their
canoes, bringing with them the Spanish hostages and without showing any
signs of fear or of hostility."

Canek himself Comes and is Courteously Received. "Don Fernando Cortes
received Canek with much love and urbanity. After saluting one another,
and speaking by means of interpreters, Cortes, to honor him and to show
Canek how the Christians adored their God, had a mass sung with all
solemnity to the sound of the reed instruments, sackbuts, or flageolets
which he had with him, and he had out his best table ornaments, so as
to treat Canek with great majesty."

Canek Hears Mass and Promises to Put away his Idols. "Canek listened to
the mass with great attention and took good notice of the Ceremonies,
decorations, and the altar-service, and he derived much pleasure from
what was shown him. He praised highly the music, saying that such a
thing had never been heard before, and those who were with him were
astonished and fascinated at seeing and hearing it.

"And when the religious and clerics had finished the divine office,
they preached to Canek, urging him to put away his idols and see how
good was the Law of God.... They told Canek that his idols were but
pieces of stone or old wood harboring demons and that he was deceived
in them and that all who believed in them would lose their souls and
would be carried to the Infernal regions.

"Canek replied that he would willingly leave his Idols and that he
wished to know the manner in which they venerated the True God of whom
they told him and whom they declared unto him, and he asked for a cross
in order to place it in his village. Don Fernando Cortes told him that
soon it would be given to him, as it had been done in the other pueblos
through which they had passed. The Padres said the same and added that
as soon as possible men should be sent to him to instruct him and all
his vassals in the Faith of Christ our Lord, for at present it could
not be done, as many important things were pressing....

"Don Fernando Cortes made to Canek a very full and eloquent speech
about the Emperor Charles V and his many dominions and his great
sovereign power; Cortes begged Canek and urged him with affectionate
arguments to be the vassal of the Emperor, as were already the Lords of
the great Kingdom of Mexico and many others. Canek replied, saying that
he thus gave himself up; for, many years before, men of Tabasco, when
passing through his lands into the wilderness, had told him that
certain Strangers had arrived at their villages and that they fought
much and well, for they had conquered the Tabascans in three battles.

"And Cortes told Canek that he himself was the Captain of those of whom
the Tabascans spoke, and that he had conquered them and subjected them
to his will. Thereupon the conversation came to a close and they all
sat down to eat with much ostentatious magnificence. And it was
suitable that it should be so, in order that those Indians might come
to esteem and fear the Spaniards, and thus know how majestic was their
King.

"Canek ordered his vassals to bring from the canoes birds, fishes,
cakes, honey, and gold (though only a little of the latter), and beads
of red snail-shells, which the Indians value highly. They ate, and
Cortes gave Canek a shirt, and a cap of black velvet, and some little
things of iron, such as scissors and knives.

"Once again Don Fernando Cortes asked Canek about some Spaniards of his
who should be on the coast of the sea, not far from there. To this
Canek replied that he indeed had news of them and that he would give
Cortes a man who should lead him to where they were without wandering
from the road, although it was rough and bad on account of the great
forests, rivers, and marshes that had to be traversed; once the sea was
reached the going would not be so difficult."

Cortes Goes to Tayasal with Canek. "Don Fernando Cortes thanked him
very much, but told him that the horses could not go in the canoes in
order to cross the Lake and continue their journey. Canek replied that
after a matter of three leagues the Lake would be left behind, and he
begged that while the army was marching around by land Don Fernando
Cortes should come with him to his city to see him burn the idols. Don
Fernando Cortes did so, against the advice of all his captains, who
held that he was of great foolhardiness and overconfidence."

The Itzas Give Cortes News of Olid. "Cortes embarked with thirty
crossbowmen, Canek, and the chief Indians for the town on the Island,
which town was very large, and from a long way off they saw the
whiteness of its many houses and adoratoria. And on reaching the town
Canek received Cortes with great rejoicing, regaling him, as well as he
could, with a present of poor gold of little value (for it is not found
in that country) and some mantles. And there the Indians informed
Cortes of where the two villages of the Bearded Men (as they call the
Spaniards) were. They said that one of them was called Pueblo de Nito
(Ferns) and was on the coast to the north, while the other was called
Pueblo de Naco and was inland.

"This news brought great joy to Cortes and his men on account of the
great desire they all had to find the Spaniards in search of whom they
had undertaken this perilous journey.

"Those of the army who were marching along the shore of the Lake went
with great care, being suspicious lest the affability of Canek was but
a piece of premeditated craftiness to enable him to perpetrate some
treachery."

Cortes Takes Leave of Canek, Leaving Morzillo. "But things did not take
such a course as they had feared. Indeed, Don Fernando Cortes was ahead
of time (at the meeting place) with all his crossbowmen, and when he
joined with the main body of his army he rid the rest of all the
anxiety they had suffered during his absence.

"He took leave of Canek and the Itza Indians who had accompanied him to
the mainland. He left in their charge his horse Morzillo, which had
been injured in the ankle, charging them to take good care of him, and
to cure him. Cortes said that he would send after the horse from the
place where he should meet those Spaniards for whom he was seeking.
Such horses were, he said, esteemed highly, for it was a good horse."

Idols not Burnt. "There was no burning of the idols, nor anything else
of the sort, in that city of Tayasal (as they call it) or Chief City of
Canek. Some say, however, that the idols were burnt in the presence of
Cortes, but in truth, from the time when he left his horse among the
Itza Infidels, they had a worse and more abominable idol than they had
had before, as we shall see later...."[3.6]

Cortes Arrives in Honduras. "With ... innumerable other excessive
trials, at the end of many days, they arrived at Honduras and met the
Spaniards in search of whom they had come, in the villages of Naco and
Nito, which Gil Gonzalez de Avila and Christoval de Olid had settled
with Spaniards. The town of Nito was founded by Avila and was called
San Gil de Buena Vista. All that happened is to be found and read in
the Histories of the Indies and it does not concern this History.

"Only this concerns us: on account of a variety of circumstances Don
Fernando Cortes neither returned himself through the land of the Itzas,
nor did he send after his horse, nor did he send the Missionary Fathers
to the Itzas, as he had offered to do.... So that that wretched little
ruler, Lord of the Itzas or Canek, and all his subjects, remained as
barbarous and idolatrous as they were before, and even daily grew more
so, as well as becoming more horrible, cruel, atrocious, and
formidable. And in this state we must leave them until the time comes
for us once more to speak of them...."

Though this account of the entrada made by Cortes into the country of
the Itzas seems full enough, it differs, nevertheless, from some of the
others.

Comparison of Villagutierre with Other Authorities. In the first place
Villagutierre tells us that the motive which led Cortes into sending an
expedition to Honduras was that "it was a very good land," and when,
because of Olid's treachery, it became necessary for him to go thither
himself, Villagutierre says he took four hundred Spaniards and thirty
horses. Bernal Diaz (vol. iv, p. 283 ff.) differs widely from this
account in several respects. He says that Cortes hoped to find a
passage to the Spice Islands, and that it was for that purpose that he
sent out Olid, on whom he believed he could rely. Olid, though brave
enough, was not a wise or faithful man. He fell a victim to the
machinations of Diego Velazquez, Governor of Cuba, who was a mortal
enemy of Cortes.

According to Cogolludo (lib. i, cap. 13) it was very much against the
advice of his associates in Mexico that Cortes went in person to
Honduras. He tells us that the vanguard of the Spaniards, after
capturing ten Indian men and two Indian women, who were treated kindly,
sent one of their canoes to the island of Tayasal with six Indians and
two Spaniards, who were to give Canek some small Castilian presents. As
a result of this, when the main body of the army, under Cortes himself,
reached the shore of the lake, Canek and several of his chiefs were
waiting for them. The rest of the account of Cogolludo is the same as
that of Villagutierre.

In his Fifth Letter, Cortes furnishes some interesting details with
which we will complete our account of the first entrada into the Itza
territory. He tells us (The Letters of Cortes to Charles V, MacNutt's
translation, vol. ii, p. 259) that Apospolon. Lord of Izancanac, first
pretended to be dead, being in fear of Cortes, but that later he took
the Spaniards to Izancanac, which was "quite large, and has many
mosques." This Apospolon was a sort of merchant prince and had
widespread trading connections. At Nito, where Cortes met Gil Gonzalez
de Avila, a whole quarter "was peopled with his agents under command of
one of his brothers." The articles of trade were, of course, only such
things as cocoa, mantles, red shells, and dyes. As the people of
Izancanac were near neighbors of the Itzas, and as the latter lay
between them and Nito, it seems as if it must have been almost
inevitable that the two tribes, the subjects of Apospolon and those of
Canek, should have had much in common.

When Cortes left Izancanac he passed through the fortified village, the
name of which no one mentions, and later came to that of Tiac, which
was still larger and very well built. From the province of Mazatlan (in
which was Tiac) to that of Taiza (Itza) was a matter of four nights. At
length he reached the lake, which he thought to be an arm of the sea,
and from the shore he saw Tayasal. He found that his scouts had
captured an Indian, who gave valuable information. From this point the
account of Cortes agrees absolutely with that of Villagutierre, even to
the number of the crossbowmen (twelve) whom Cortes took with him.

Now that we have compared all the important accounts of this entrada we
must summarize our impressions. In the first place it is clear enough
that a possibility may exist of Villagutierre having copied Cogolludo
minutely. In the second place it is equally clear that in those
instances where Villagutierre puts aside Cogolludo he draws from
someone else of even more authority. Therefore we may safely believe
that in quoting the accounts of various events given by Villagutierre
we shall be availing ourselves of the best possible information.

Canek's Attitude toward Cortes. At the time when Cortes was at Tayasal
(1525) a tolerant attitude toward the white men was prevalent. Far from
resenting the proposed change in religion, the Canek of that day seems
rather to have welcomed the new faith, and one can readily believe that
had Cortes been able to do all that he promised, an early
Christianization of the Itzas would have taken place. Instead, however,
as we shall see, their idolatrous ways were to continue for many
decades, and their attitude was to suffer a great change which, we must
concede, is largely to be accounted for by Spanish brutality and bad
faith.

The foregoing is all in harmony with what Gomara says. He especially
emphasizes the friendly attitude of Canek. (Gomara, 1826, vol. ii, p.
136 ff.)[3.7]

CHAPTER IV

THE ENTRADA OF FRANCISCO DE MONTEJO AND
HIS SON, AND THE ARRIVAL OF THE
FRANCISCANS, 1526-1542

Francisco de Montejo and his Son. Although northern Yucatan was reduced
to the condition of an orderly Spanish possession some one hundred and
fifty years before the Peten region, it was done, nevertheless, only at
the cost of many years of desperate struggling. Two men, Don Francisco
de Montejo the Elder and Don Francisco de Montejo the Younger, his son,
were the leading figures in the undertaking. The elder Montejo seems to
have been a man of gentle birth and of fairly good property. He came to
America about 1514 under Pedrarias Davila. Soon after that, however, he
left Davila and settled in Cuba, where he served under Velazquez. He
also served, a few years later, under Cortes in Mexico.

Soon after the granting of a patent or general order Francisco de
Montejo the Elder set forth on his undertaking. Several officials were
appointed to accompany him. Alonso Davila was Contador (Paymaster),
Pedro de Lima was Tesorero (Treasurer), and Hernando Moreno de Quito
was Veedor de las Fundiciones (Overseer of the Smelters). (Cogolludo,
p. 73.)[4.1] Of these three offices the last was a sinecure by reason
of the absence of mines in Yucatan. Davila had taken an active part in
the conquest of Mexico.

Montejo's Preparations and Sacrifices. The expedition numbered some
four hundred soldiers, in addition to the crews who manned the four
ships. The expense, all borne by Montejo, was heavy. To furnish the
necessary arms, horses, and munitions the Adelantado found himself
obliged to sell a Mayorazgo (entailed estate) yielding one thousand
ducats a year ($2500, equal to about $10,000 of modern money). The
seamen received pay, but the rest of the expedition received no money,
depending on their fortune in the New World for remuneration. Only one
cleric, Francisco Hernandez, accompanied the expedition; he was its
chaplain. He later attributed the failure of the expedition to the lack
of priests.

He Sets out. Setting out in 1527, the expedition arrived at Cozumel,
where a landing was effected. There, as elsewhere, the Spaniards found
themselves at a great disadvantage in having no interpreter. By various
makeshifts, however, they made themselves understood, and poor Montejo,
misled by the seeming docility of the natives, flattered himself that
he had an easy task before him.

Montejo and his Men Go along the Shore of Yucatan. Skirting the eastern
shore of Yucatan, the fleet arrived at a point near the first site of
Valladolid, where all the soldiers landed, leaving the seamen to guard
the ships and supplies. What seemed a sufficient number of horses,
munitions, and provisions was taken. As usual on such occasions, the
first thing to be done was to take formal possession of the land for
the King of Castile. Accordingly appropriate ceremonies were carried
through, and the standard bearer, Gonzalo Nieto, unfurled the royal
banner. Cogolludo is very definite as to the region in which the
conquest of Yucatan had its beginning. Valladolid,[4.2] not Bakhalal or
Campeche, is, he says, the site of the first operations. He quotes as
his authority on this point the Bachiller Valencia, a native of
Valladolid, whose Relacion was made in 1639. Coni, a village in the
province of Choaca,[4.3] was reached. Some of the chiefs of the region
came to see the Adelantado and were well received; they, however, were
treacherously minded, but their attempt to kill or injure Montejo was
foiled. From Coni the Spaniards went to the village of Choaca, where
their real trials began.

Description of the Campaign. In their early wanderings the Spaniards
suffered greatly from lack of proper water and from bad roads. Often
they found the villages deserted by their inhabitants or, still worse,
bristling with armed warriors. Led by an Indian whom they had picked up
at Coni, Montejo and his followers traveled through the province of
Choaca to a place called Ake. On the way they ran into an ambush of
armed Indians. The weapons of these latter consisted of arrows hardened
by fire, lances with sharp flint points, two-handed swords of very hard
wood, and shields made of very large tortoise shells adorned with snail
shells and antlers; their bodies were naked save for breech clouts of
flimsy material, and they were all painted. Since the Indians were as
stubborn as they were brave, and as the Spaniards found themselves at a
disadvantage, being unable to use their horses properly on account of
the rough country, the fight was a fierce one; the Adelantado himself
acted well, showing the less experienced of his followers the best way
to combat the Indians. The Spaniards, greatly outnumbered, kept up the
fight all day, receiving many lance wounds in their faces and bodies;
many died; more were seriously wounded. The horses and bloodhounds also
suffered greatly. Only after a second day of fighting did the Indians
finally flee, leaving twelve hundred of their companions dead behind
them. This first victory over the Indians took place in the last weeks
of 1527. Cogolludo dwells at great length on the errors of Herrera
(Dec. ix, lib. iii, cap. 3) concerning the founding of Tihoo or Merida
and of Chichen Itza. According to Herrera, Montejo went to Tihoo, where
he came into contact with the Cheles, who showed him Chichen Itza,
seven leagues away. The Tutul Xiu, Lords of Mani, were then ruling
there, and with them, Herrera says, the Spaniards made a peaceful
arrangement. All this, according to Cogolludo, is wrong. In the opinion
of Cogolludo, events were as follows. After the battle of Ake, Montejo
determined to proceed cautiously and to endeavor by peaceful means to
win over the natives to obedience to the king. Slowly he made his way
to Chichen Itza, which, by reason of its great buildings, seemed to him
a suitable place for one of the two fortresses he was to build. Having
fortified himself against attacks, he set about subduing the country.
He managed to win the friendship of the Indians of that neighborhood. A
village of Spaniards with houses built after the native plan was
erected. The dwellings were made of vertical wooden logs and had
palm-leaf roofs. One hundred and seventy Spaniards were left in the new
settlement. One of the first things done was to divide the land among
them. Cogolludo thinks that the name first given to the new village was
that of Salamanca. Misled by the seeming peacefulness of the Indians,
Montejo determined to divide them up into _encomiendas_. The plan was
carried out, to the secret disgust of the Indians, who determined to
get free as soon as an opportunity offered.

Davila and Vazquez Search vainly for Gold in the Region of Chetemal.
From the map which Montejo had with him it was learned that there were
gold mines in the vicinity of Bakhalal, which place the Indians called
Vaymil or Chetemal. Because no sign of gold had been seen in that part
of the country through which they had hitherto been, the soldiers were
getting downhearted, and Montejo determined to send a party in search
of mines. Captain Alonso Davila, the Royal Paymaster, with fifty
Spaniards and sixteen horses, was sent to found a village at a place
called Tulma (Tuloom?) in the province of Cochva. A mine expert, one
Francisco Vazquez, accompanied the party in the hopes of earning the
reward of three hundred ducats which Montejo offered to the discoverer
of gold mines. When Tulma was reached it was found to be entirely
unsuitable for a village, and the explorers went on to the now deserted
town of Chable, which was a place reported to have gold mines. The
cacique of Chable received them well; but the cacique of Chetemal was
bellicose and would give no aid when Montejo sent to find out whether
there were gold mines at Bakhalal, a town in his domain. With twenty
men and eight horses the Adelantado set forth to punish this chief. At
the end of a hard journey he found Chetemal deserted.

Foundation of Villa Real de Chetemal. Chetemal, however, seemed to have
been admirably adapted for the site of a town, and so, when the rest of
his men, together with some Indians, had arrived from Chable, the town
of Villa Real de Chetemal was established by Davila. The cacique of
Chetemal was treacherous in his intentions; several skirmishes took
place between his men and the Spaniards, in which the latter, through
superior arms, were the victors. An attempt made by Davila to get to
Montejo a report of all that had been done in the last two months was
foiled by some Indians, who killed Davila's messengers.

Hardships of those who Were at Chichen. Meanwhile those Spaniards who
had remained behind with the Adelantado in Chichen Itza were also in
grave straits, not only because of the hostility and ill-will of the
Indians, but also because of the lack of various things they had
brought from Spain but had been left behind in their ships which were
not now to be reached. Their condition daily grew worse.

Davila and his men wandered back and forth between Villa Real and
Chable (where the Indians were more or less friendly) in search of gold
and in the hope of establishing their power. At length even the Indians
of Chable grew weary of them, and the Spaniards under Davila set off on
their journeys once more. Finally they came to Bakhalal, where some
seemingly friendly Indian chiefs offered to carry letters to Montejo.
They, however, like all the rest, were traitorous, and the Indians of
the province of Cochva were so turbulent that Davila determined to make
war on them. To do this he had the help of the chief men of Vaymil, and
he hoped for that of those of Chable. When he returned to the latter
place, he found that it had rebelled against his authority.

Continual Misfortunes. In the events which follow one note, misfortune,
makes itself heard above the confusion. Battles, skirmishes, and
murders filled the lives of Davila and his men. Their wanderings lay
mainly in the region of the province of Bakhalal. (Cogolludo, lib. ii,
cap. viii.) Chable and Villa Real de Chetemal were the places they most
often visited. In many cases villages were found to be deserted. All
through the discouraging period Davila was seeking for some means of
letting Montejo know the straits he was in. Once more he found Indians
whom he believed to be willing to act as messengers, and once again he
was tricked. Worse even than this was the unmistakable evidence that
the Indians were making elaborate preparations to attack Villa Real.
The fact that one of their own chiefs was being held as a hostage for
the safe delivery of the letters did not seem to deter them in the
least. One fortunate circumstance, however, does appear in this mass of
misfortunes: Davila was forewarned of his danger, for he sent out
Francisco Vazquez with ten men in seven canoes to get supplies. Two of
the party were killed by Indians; the remainder returned to Villa Real
with at least a small amount of supplies.

If Davila and his men were badly off in Villa Real, Montejo and his
party at Chichen Itza were equally if not more precariously situated.
The chief causes of their misfortunes were the lack of men, and of the
most common necessities, the want of certainty as to the best course to
be followed, and the knowledge on the part of the Indians that the
number of the Spaniards was daily growing less on account of the
ceaseless skirmishes. Food was so scarce that parties had to be formed
on purpose to make sallies from the fortifications in search of it. As
Cogolludo (p. 86) graphically puts it, "Their dinners now cost them
their life-blood."

Although, as we have already seen, centralized power was at an end long
since in the peninsula, a revival of the old-time feeling of unity is
to be seen in the determination the Mayas had to get rid of the
Spaniards. Cogolludo (p. 87) says, "For this purpose almost all the
people of that land had made an agreement, so that the multitude [of
Indians] was very great. The Indians who led the attack were of a
vigorous and proud nature, and so, confident in their great number,
they surrounded the Spaniards, who, in no direction, could be reached
by help." At length, seeing themselves faced with the choice of dying
by inches from starvation or of being put to death fighting their
enemies bravely, the Spaniards determined to make a sally when as good
an opportunity as possible should present itself. Both sides were
desperate: the invaders were fighting for their lives; the Indians for
their liberty. The havoc wrought by the superior arms of the Spaniards
was, however, more than counterbalanced by the overwhelming numbers of
the Indians. At last, seeing the utter hopelessness of further efforts,
Montejo gave the signal to retreat. One hundred and fifty soldiers died
at the hands of the Indians in this engagement. An anecdote which
Cogolludo tells as an explanation of the unity and determination of the
Indians is a possible light upon the cause of their resistance. A
cacique named Cupul, in the early days of the Spanish occupation of
Chichen Itza, feigned friendliness toward the invaders and went about
freely among them. One day, when Montejo was off his guard, Cupul went
up behind him, snatched his sword away, and tried to kill him.
Fortunately a Spaniard, one Bias Gonzalez, cut off Cupul's arm just in
time to prevent the blow. It was to avenge the injury thus done to a
chief that the Indians shut off the Spaniards' food supply.

Chichen Itza and Villa Real both Deserted. For our purpose it is
unnecessary to give further details of the first expedition of Montejo.
We need only say that both the settlements made by the Spaniards,
Chichen Itza and Villa Real de Chetemal, were deserted for the time
being. Cogolludo, after reviewing the various accounts of the further
wanderings of Montejo and his son, Francisco Montejo the Younger, comes
to the conclusion that the son remained at a port called Zilam, while
his father went by sea to Campeche (Kin Pech), where he remained till
1534 without entirely deserting Yucatan. He did go, however, to New
Spain in an effort to get more men so that he might continue the
conquest. Those whom he already had remained at Campeche. Cogolludo's
authority for these statements are the depositions written by Gonzalo
Nieto and Bias Gonzalez, who were two soldiers of the Adelantado's
forces.

Davila Goes to Honduras. Captain Alonso Davila stayed in Villa Real de
Chetemal until 1532, constantly suffering from hunger and his struggles
with the natives. His efforts to communicate with the Adelantado were
constant. Finally it was decided to move to some place nearer Honduras.
As no suitable place for a settlement was found, Davila and his
followers went to the town of Trujillo in Honduras. On the journey they
lacked for every comfort and even for proper food. When they reached
Trujillo they found the people there little better off than they.
Davila agreed with Andres de Zerezeda, who was governing Trujillo, that
a vessel should be built to be sent out in search of the Adelantado and
also for things from Spain. At about this time two ships from Cuba
brought news of the discovery of Peru, and in one of these ships Davila
and his men went off. Ultimately they rejoined the Adelantado at
Campeche.

Even after he was rejoined by Davila and his followers at Campeche,
Montejo still had plenty of trouble with the natives. Like all the
rest, the Indians of Campeche were bitterly opposed to the Spaniards
and gave them much trouble. It is pleasant to know that Queen Juana
recognized the sacrifices made by Montejo in a cedula given at Ocana on
April 24, 1534.

The Elder Montejo Goes to Tabasco in 1535. Nothing daunted by all his
misfortunes, the Adelantado bought some ships and gathered some
soldiers to continue his conquest. In New Spain, also, he obtained new
supplies of munitions and other necessary things. Apparently Montejo
the Elder was ordered to pacify the province of Tabasco, which was in
revolt. As a result of this Tabasco became, and for a long time
remained, a part of the province of Yucatan. The ships, under Gonzalo
Nieto, went on to Campeche to get all the Spaniards there were in
Yucatan and bring them to Tabasco, for the subjugating of that province
was found to be more difficult than had at first been thought. The
motive which led Montejo thus to make sure of his grasp on Tabasco
speaks well for his generalship: he knew only too well how few were the
men available as fighters, and so he wished to make sure that there
were no revolted provinces in his rear at the time when he should begin
again his attack on Yucatan.

In the year 1535 the Spaniards deserted Yucatan proper, retiring to
Champoton[4.4] and to Tabasco.

The Franciscans Enter Yucatan, 1535. At this juncture a very important
incident took place: the Religious of the Order of San Francisco
entered Yucatan. (Cogolludo, lib. ii, cap. 12.) At that time,
1534-1535, Antonio de Mendoza[4.5] was in possession of the post of
Viceroy of New Spain, and he had long before received orders from Queen
Juana signed at Madrid, September 22, 1530, to the effect that
Religious must at once be sent to Yucatan to fulfill the conditions
under which that province had been granted to Francisco de Montejo. As
there were no Religious in Yucatan there was nothing for Mendoza to do
but send some from his own dominions. When the project was made known
it was answered by Fray Jacobo de Testera, who, although he was the
occupant of a high post in Mexico, offered to go to Yucatan to
evangelize the country. In 1531 he, with Fray Lorencio de Bienvenida
and two others, went to Tabasco. On March 18 of the same year they
reached Champoton. Having asked leave of the natives to enter, the
Mexican Indians in the party were welcomed by those of Champoton. The
beginning was fortunate enough; the end of the mission was unfortunate.
The cause of the change was the resentment the Indians felt against the
Padres, who burned up their idols. Campeche was the farthest point from
Mexico that they reached. (Remesal, lib. v, cap. 6.) Disgruntled by
their failure, the Padres finally returned to Mexico. Cogolludo is very
explicit as regards the exaggeration of Spanish cruelty by some
writers, notably Remesal, Las Casas, and others.

In 1536 another band of friars, led by Fray Antonio de Ciudad-Rodrigo,
preached in Coazacoalco, Santa Maria de la Victoria de Tabasco,
Xicalango, Champoton, and Campeche, returning to New Spain two years
later.

Renewal of the Subjection of Yucatan by Montejo, 1537. Cogolludo (lib.
iii, cap. 1) expatiates upon the difficulty of setting an accurate date
for the renewal of the pacification of Yucatan. It is plain enough,
however, that Montejo wisely decided to begin this time with Tabasco,
on which he already had a hold. This was accomplished with the aid of
Diego de Contreras with a ship, men, and supplies. The task was
completed by 1537. In all his undertakings Montejo seems to have been
hampered by a scarcity of men, which may, as Cogolludo suggests, be
accounted for by the recent discovery of Peru, with its alleged great
wealth. There is some doubt as to whether Francisco de Montejo or his
son led this second expedition; Cogolludo suggests that the former may
have gone to Yucatan in person to start the work and that he may then
have returned to Tabasco, leaving his son in charge.

Hostility of the Indians. Champoton was the place selected for the
Spanish headquarters. The camp was established there in 1537.
Mochcovoh, Halach Uinic of the place, treated them well at first.
(Landa, pp. 82-83.) Before very long, however, the latent hostility of
the Indians burst out and there was a battle which resulted in the
flight of the Indians. The Spaniards foolishly neglected to follow up
this advantage, preferring to bury their not numerous dead. In the days
which followed there was a cessation of hostilities, which seems to
have misled the Spaniards, who thought that the Indians were cowed. As
a matter of fact they were forming a great army composed of warriors
from many neighboring districts. In the battle which was soon
precipitated the Spaniards were driven to their ships, and the royal
camp was sacked. Stung and enraged by the insults of the seemingly
victorious Indians, the Spaniards turned and faced them so boldly that
the victory, in the end, was a Spanish one. Most of the Spaniards went
home to their lands in New Spain after this battle; nineteen, however,
remained at Champoton waiting for an opportunity to proceed with the
conquest. Several of the names of these intrepid adventurers are given
by Cogolludo (p. 117). They all speak, In their Relaciones, of the
younger Montejo as a good leader.

Matters continued for some time in very much the same way as
heretofore. Towns were founded; troubles with the Indians occurred; the
Adelantado went back and forth between Tabasco and Champoton; Don
Francisco Montejo the Younger went to New Spain to get more soldiers,
things went on in a fairly satisfactory manner until 1539, when, with
some twenty cavalrymen from New Spain, Don Francisco went to Campeche.
At about this time the chief command and the powers laid upon him by
the king were passed by the Adelantado Francisco de Montejo to his son
of the same name. The Instructions of the Adelantado are so important
that we will give an extract of them paragraph by paragraph as
described by Cogolludo.

The Elder Montejo's Instructions to his Son

1. You, my son Don Francisco de Montejo, are to do the following in
your conquest of Yucatan and Cozumel and in your fulfillment of the
powers which I hold from His Majesty.

2. You are to see that your men live like good Christians and speak
well of God, and you are to punish wrong-doers.

3. On your arrival at San Pedro (Champoton) you are to punish any who
may have enslaved Indians against their will, and you are to thank the
Indians of Champoton for having treated our men so well for two and
one-half years.

4. Leaving the Indians of Champoton well contented, and taking with you
some of their chief men, you will go to Campeche, where you will tell
the leaders that you have come to take that land in His Majesty's name
and mine in order to win it for the Holy Faith. You will punish those
who will have no knowledge of God and who will not obey His Majesty.
Those who do come into the faith and are obedient you will favor and
shelter. Then, taking two chiefs of the said _Pueblo_ and two of that
of Champoton, you will let the rest go home; thereupon you will enter
the province of Acanul, taking great care to do no harm to the natives.

5. In this province you will endeavor to meet a Lord called Vua
Chancan, who has always been a friend of the Christians and most
helpful in time of war. You will treat him very well, and will try to
find out through the other leaders of the province whether they wish
war. And if they do, you will give them to understand that you come in
peace and that if they receive you in His Majesty's name and mine they
will be well treated and favored. If they do not yield you will have to
make war upon them.

6. Having arrived at the _Pueblo_ of Tihoo, which is in the province of
Quepeche, you will establish there a _Cabildo_ and Government if it
seems to you that the region is such as to favor it. There you will
labor to bring the whole land to peace, and if some hold back you will
make war upon them in fulfillment of His Majesty's commands.

7. Afterwards you are to pacify the provinces which are to serve the
said City. They are those of Acanul, Chacan, Quepeche, Kin Chel,
Cocola, Tutul Xiu, and Kupules; these are the greatest provinces of the
land.

8. You are to give _repartimientos_ to not more than one hundred men
because the land is large and the Indians many. This city is to be the
chief of all. Besides the _repartimientos_ which you make and besides
that which I have kept for myself, you will leave a number of villages,
without giving them permanently, for the use of persons who most
forward the service of His Majesty. It is customary to do so in new
lands.

9. And you are to make a general inspection of all that you conquer in
the provinces hereinbefore mentioned; you will especially be informed
of the number and quality of villages and houses. In each village you
will establish Spanish citizens suitable for each village. You will
also make _Cedulas_ of _encomienda_ and _repartimiento_ wherever you
think best, in fulfillment of His Majesty's command.

10. And having done all this, you will labor to see to it that all
build their houses and other buildings well, and you the first of all,
so that others may take your example. And you will endeavor to see that
the Indians are well treated and taught our Holy Catholic Faith and are
made to lose their bad habits.

11. At the same time you are to open roads to the sea and between all
the principal cities. In all this you will place all the diligence and
care possible, because I trust you. Signed in this Royal City of
Chiapa, 1540.

12. Furthermore you will grant me again the provinces of Tutul Xiu,
Techaque, Campeche and the village of Champoton.

The Younger Montejo Founds Campeche, 1540-1541. Before setting out with
the main body of his forces Don Francisco de Montejo, the son, sent
four picked men in advance to Campeche to ascertain the attitude of the
Indians. At a place called Cihoo in the province of Telchac (Cogolludo,
pp. 126, 127) these scouts found some Indians fortified. They warned
the army of the danger. A fight took place in which the Spaniards were
the victors. They took the Indians' deserted town and recuperated there
for a number of days. From Cihoo, Montejo went to Campeche, where he
established the town of San Francisco de Campeche in 1540 or 1541.

All that was necessary for the establishment of government at Campeche
having been done, it was time for Don Francisco to attend to the
founding of Merida at Tihoo. He sent his cousin with fifty-seven or so
men to conquer it; he himself remained behind. There was some trouble
with the Indians, and it transpired that the friendship of a chief
named Na Chancan, Lord of Acanul, was feigned. The Spaniards passed
through the village of Pokbac.

Tutul Xiu of Mani Offers his Aid. Having reached Tihoo, the Spaniards
established their camp on a hill near the present cathedral.
(Cogolludo, lib. iii, cap. 6.) They had not been there long when some
Indians brought the news that a large war-party was about to attack
them. The Spaniards resolved to be the aggressors; they went in search
of their enemies and beat them in a sharp fight. On his return to
Tihoo, Montejo set his followers to work building the town. They were
soon interrupted once more, this time by the arrival of the Lord of
Mani, who came in peace. Voluntarily he submitted to Spanish authority
and asked to be made a Christian. As it was the day of San Ildefonso,
Archbishop of Toledo, the new town was placed under his patronage
because of this good fortune. The date was February 23, 1541. Tutul Xiu
said that he had been won over by the valor of the Spaniards.

Accompanying the Lord of Mani (Tutul Xiu) were numerous vassals whose
names are interesting for us. I give the spelling of Cogolludo (pp.
130-131). They were: Ah Na Poot Xiu, son of Tutul Xiu; Ah Ziyah, a
governor; and Ah Kin Chi, a priest. These three are said to have been
lieutenants of Tutul Xiu at Mani itself. Others of the vassals were: Yi
Ban Can, Governor of the pueblo of TeKit; Pacab, Governor of Oxcutzcab;
Kan Caba of Panabchen, which is now deserted; Kupul of Zacalum; Nauat
of Teab; Uluac Chan Cauich, whose home is unknown; Zon Ceh of Pencuyut;
Ahau Tuyu of Muna; Xul Cumche of TipiKal; Tucuch of Mama; Zit Couat of
Chumayel. Just before he left, Tutul Xiu promised to send ambassadors
of his to other great lords in the country urging them to accept
Christianity and Spanish sovereignty. He did as he said he would.
Ambassadors were sent to the Cocomes of Zotuta and to other chiefs. The
chief of Zotuta at this time was Nachi Cocom; he killed all the
ambassadors save Ah Kin Chi, who was sent back to Mani with the news.

While the Indians of Mani and those of Zotuta were at odds, a number of
Indians from the country around Tihoo came to yield obedience to the
Spaniards. Warned by their ally, the Spaniards learned that Nachi Cocom
had made a league against the Spaniards, comprising all the people from
the country east of Tihoo as far as Ytzamal. In the end, according to
Cogolludo (p. 137), no less than seventy thousand hostile Indians came
against the Spaniards. As a result of the great battle that took place
the main part of the Indians' resistance was destroyed.

Foundation of Merida and of Valladolid, 1542-1543. On the Feast of the
Kings, January 6, 1542, Senor Don Francisco de Montejo and Rodrigo
Alvarez, scrivener, established the city of Merida with the entire
province of Quepech subject to it. Aside from its Indian population,
however, Merida had only one hundred citizens. Cogolludo (p. 137) gives
a complete list of the first Alcaldes and Regidores.

On March 13, 1542, Montejo made arrangements for the founding of the
city of Valladolid, a task which he intrusted to one of his relatives.
In May of the same year he himself set forth from Merida to subdue the
Cocomes of Zotuta or Sotuta, while at the same time another relative
went to conquer the province of Choaca, the inhabitants of which were
very warlike. After more or less resistance the Cocomes were beaten and
the city of Zotuta fell into Spanish hands.

On January 1, 1543, the Cabildo elected the second set of municipal
officers for Merida. From that time the city increased in permanency;
_solares_ or lots were given out; the Spanish rule was firm.

On May 28, 1543, the city of Valladolid in the province of Choaca was
founded and a church was established, the town being placed under the
protection of Nuestra Senora de los Remedios. Cogolludo (lib. iii, cap.
14) gives a full list of all the officers and citizens.

It is uncertain where the site of the first settlement of Valladolid
is. It is quite certain, however, that the city was soon moved from its
first position "six leagues from the sea." The reason why the site was
changed was the unhealthful locality in which the first settlement was
placed. The new site was the _pueblo_ of Zaqui, where the present city
of Valladolid now stands. In 1544 the city of Salamanca de Bacalar was
founded on or near the site of Bakhalal.

Bishop Bartolome de las Casas Arrives in Yucatan. At this time,
1544-1545, Bishop Bartolome de las Casas and his friars of the Order of
Santo Domingo arrived in Yucatan, going first to Campeche and later
spreading their influence through the country, the natives of which
greatly needed improvement. From this time onwards we may consider that
the Spanish rule was firmly established throughout the northern
portions of the peninsula, although, as we shall see, a long time was
still to pass before the southern regions were subjected. Montejo and
those associated with him came no nearer to the Itzas than Bakhalal.
All this is not meant to imply that there were no further revolts and
resistance against Spanish authority, for there still were sporadic
efforts on the part of the Indians to maintain their freedom. In
Valladolid, for example, in the year 1546, there was a very serious
rebellion, which was crushed only with great difficulty. (Landa, p.
93.) In general, nevertheless, Spanish power daily grew more firm, and
the power of the Religious grew constantly greater, despite hostility
from both Spaniards and Indians.

CHAPTER V

THE ENTRADA OF PADRES FUENSALIDA AND
ORBITA, 1618

The next entrada was made by two members of the Franciscan Order, which
has done so much in many parts of the world to bring unbelievers into
the Church. As we shall very shortly see, their coming inaugurated a
new period in the conquest of the Itzas.

From lack of any sort of information we must assume that from 1524 to
1614 the Itzas of Tayasal or Peten were unmolested by Spaniards. There
are numerous hints of their formidableness during this period, and the
event of which we shall soon learn shows that they were not without a
certain grim humor.

The Name Canek. Cortes, when he visited Peten, found the governmental
power in the hands of a personage bearing the name or title of Canek.
Cogolludo and Villagutierre both say that this term was a name arrived
at by combining the family names of the ruler's parents. This seems to
me difficult to believe. Rather, I think the word Canek to be a title.
My reason for so thinking is this: in 1524 the ruler was called Canek,
and ninety years later the then ruler was also Canek. It could hardly
have been the same individual, and it is equally unlikely that the
parents of two rulers should have exactly the same name. It is
possible, of course, that the first king of Peten or Tayasal had the
name of Canek, derived as the two historians suggest, and that this
family name later took on the attributes of a title. The same thing
happened in the case of the Pharaohs, the Seleucidae, the Roman
emperors (Caesar), and the Incas.

While the northern part of the peninsula was being made a Spanish
dominion, the southern woodland remained unconquered, causing much
annoyance to the authorities. If we look upon the year 1545 as marking
the completion of the conquest of northern Yucatan, we may say that a
century and a half elapsed before the subjection of the Itzas was
consummated. To gain an idea of the events of the time we can do
nothing better than to give Villagutierre's account. (Lib. ii, cap. 1.)

Increased Power of the Itzas. "It is now many years that the Barbarous
Itzaex,[5.1] more than any other Nation of Infidels, have been
terrifying all those Provinces. For, since the time when D. Fernando
Cortes passed through their land and those events which have already
been told happened to them, no further attempts had been made to bring
about their Reduction or to make war upon them in order to subjugate
them, and this was on account of the prohibition given by the King in
Cedulas and orders.

"They had increased greatly in numbers, pride, cruelty and Power,
making war upon and capturing and eating others of the Gentile Nations
who dwelt in those Mountains and Forests, and also infesting, by their
Raids, the Reduced and quiet Villages on the Confines of their Lands,
and especially those of the Province of Yucatan, destroying them, and
causing the Indians and Spaniards great agitation.

"They trusted in the great Fortress and the great security they had in
their Lake, and especially at the City or Great Village of Tayassal
which was situated on the Peten or Island in the Lake; because of which
nothing molested them nor was it possible even to pass near their
Confines. And although the Governors of the Province of Yucatan
regretted this extremely, yet they did not venture to make war upon
them because the King had prohibited it by his orders and Royal
Cedulas, as has been said elsewhere."

The Mock Embassy from Tayasal. "In the year 1614, while Don Antonio de
Figueroa was governing those Provinces of Yucatan, some of the Itzaex
came to the City of Merida, feigning an embassy (?) in order to cover
other and more private ends. Or perhaps because it seemed to them that
they could thereby make derision or sport of the Spaniards, they gave
out that they had come voluntarily to render obedience to His Majesty,
and in his Name to the Governor of those Provinces, saying that their
King and Lord, Canek, and all his Vassals, were desirous of the
Friendship of the Spaniards and were coming to ask for Peace.

"As nothing was to be lost thereby the Governor believed them, and
received their obedience which they gave. He appointed Justices from
among themselves, and gave them the usual Staffs of Alcaldes; and
having shown them all sorts of kindness he let them go, well pleased.
And the Governor was well-satisfied, judging that now they would
voluntarily be his subjects and that they would be Christians. But
later it was seen that all this was a fantastic make-believe, poured
out in the Mould of their mendacious evilness, which they frequently
indulged in, as we shall see further on.

"The Governor, considering it as an insult to His Majesty and to
himself, or else being zealous or piqued by the sly treatment given by
those Barbarous Infidels, in order to convert them and knowing that he
could not make war upon them, he appealed to the Council of the Indies,
asking that the Authority be granted to him to overcome and subject
them by force of arms. And he pointed out the continuousness of their
wickedness, the perfidy of their idolatry, the wariness of their
tricks, the terror and fear in which they held those Provinces, and
what was necessary in order to punish and subject them by force."

The Mock Embassy Considered to be a Rebellion. "Especially, since they
had now given their obedience (though pretendingly) and since they had
departed from it, the prohibition to make War on them was at an end.
For, if His Majesty had indeed so prohibited War, these Indians were
now Vassals of the King, and failure in vassalage was a species of
Rebellion and Uprising. And if they had given their obedience
feigningly and craftily or with any improper end, it was a piece of
rudeness worthy of not being left without very severe chastisement.[5.2]

"It does not appear whether this Governor divined what was to occur in
the future from the obstinacy, cruelty, and malevolence of these
Barbarians, and how many efficacious Means were to be insufficient to
reduce them to Peace; but that of War (is the best). But he pressed for
permission to make use of it in order to bring them to subjection."

Here it may be well to compare Cogolludo's account of these same events
with that of Villagutierre. Cogolludo (lib. ix, cap. 1) says that these
events took place in the reign of Bishop Don Fray Gonzalo de Salazar.
In 1609 a great plague did much harm in Yucatan. In 1610, at the end of
August, Salazar arrived to take the post of Bishop of Yucatan. At about
that time two Indians called Alonzo Chable and Francisco Canul gave out
that they were respectively the Pope and the Bishop, and they made the
wretched Catholic Indians venerate them as such. All the most sacred
mysteries of the Church were profaned by them, even the Host itself.
This deplorable state of affairs was brought to an end by the
intervention of the Governor of the village of Tikax in the sierra. He
was one Don Pedro Xiu, a descendant of Tutul Xiu, Lord of Mani. Owing,
perhaps, to the influence of a convent in his region, this chief was a
good Christian, and he severely punished the offenders for their
sacrilege. He even forced the Spaniards to attend Mass. In short his
virtue was such as to earn him the hatred of all malcontents. Finally,
being pursued by his enemies, the cacique sought refuge in the convent
of Tikax, the guardian of which was the Reverend Padre Fray Juan de
Coronel.[5.3] Xiu was hidden behind the sacristy altar while the search
was going forward. In due time the more orderly portion of the Spanish
population came to the aid of the cacique, and his enemies were put to
death by order of the Governor of Yucatan, who at this time was the
Mariscal Don Carlos de Luna y Arellano. His qualities as a governor
receive the following terse tribute from Cogolludo: "His term of
office completed, he came forth from his post in debt, whereas others,
in a short while, pay great debts and come forth very rich." Luna had
been rich when he went into office.

A New Period in the History of the Itzas. We have now reached a sort
of natural break in our history. Beginning with a review of the
pre-conquest history of the Mayas and of the Itzas, we have studied the
entradas of Cortes, of Montejo, and of Davila into the regions formerly
occupied by them. We have seen the manner in which the northern
portions of Yucatan and of the Maya-Itza stock were made subject to the
crown of Castile; we have just examined the best two accounts of the
events leading up to the conquest of the southern tribes, and
especially of the Itzas of Tayasal. From the year 1614, which we have
now reached, the main interest centers about the small nation whose
chief town was at Tayasal on Lake Peten. They and their subject tribes
resisted the Spanish onslaughts from 1614 to 1697. It took eighty-three
years for the Spaniards to subject this nation, which cannot have
numbered more than one hundred and fifty thousand souls. The Itzas
resisted successfully for a much longer time a power more their
superior than was that of Caesar to that of the Gauls.

Having noticed the beginning of a new period, we will continue the
translation of Villagutierre. We shall thus see how the conquest of the
Itzas began as a more or less desultory evangelical affair, and how no
real vigor was injected into it until a commercial motive (the building
of the Yucatan-Guatemala road) was introduced.

Fuensalida and Orbita. The account continues thus:

"Three or four years later, when the year 1618 was already running its
course, on the 25th of March, while Francisco Ramirez Briceno was
governing these Provinces, the Provincial Chapter of the Religious
Order of San Francisco was held in the City of Merida; before it, ...
Padres Fray Bartolome de Fuensalida and Fray Juan de Orbita offered to
go and preach the Holy Evangel to the Itzaex; both of these were
Learned Men and of consummate Virtue, they were Priests well versed in
that Maya Tongue which was natural to those Itzaex as to the Yucatecs,
where they had been before.

"... It was determined that they should set forth on that Holy Errand;
and they, well pleased, and trusting in God, determined to depart
without delay and without other arms than the loving force of the
Divine Word, thus fulfilling the will of the King that only Religious
should go, and without the clangor of Soldiery. The Provincial gave
them their patents which were presented before the Bishop, Don Gonzalo
de Salazar, who was so overjoyed at their holy resolution that had his
presence not been needed for the Government of his Bishopric, he would
have gone with the Padres.

"Since this could not be, the Bishop despatched to them with great
pleasure very ample Authority, in which he gave them as much Power over
the Spaniards as they would have had if he had been present with them;
and especially in regard to the People of the Town of Salamanca de
Bacalar and its territory, commanding the Beneficiado of that Town and
District, which includes Tipu, under penalty of the greater
Excommunication, in no manner direct or indirect to embarrass or to
expel the Religious while they were in Tipu, from which point they were
to make ready for their Entrada to the Itzaex."

Briceno's Opposition. "And the Bishop perceived that the Religious were
going without attention to temporal matters, for the Governor Francisco
Ramirez Briceno, in spite of His Majesty's command that in such Cases
the Necessary Funds for the Divine Worship and the Viaticum for the
Religious should be given from the Royal Chest, did not wish to give
anything to these men; nor did he wish to give them even the Despatch
for which they asked in order that the Villages through which they
passed might give them assistance, his excuse being that he did not
have orders from the King, and that if they were killed by the
Barbarians or by some Native Indians they had with them, or if any
other misfortune should come to pass, the Blame would be upon him. The
Bishop gave them, beside the Appointment, orders and aids which I have
spoken of, many Crosses, Knives, Shears and other trifles and Charms
from Spain so that they might treat the Indians well; and he comforted
them, and put new life into their zeal for this good purpose.

"The Citizens of Merida joined the Bishop in his joy and also in giving
the Padres increased Alms; and the Former Governor Don Antonio de
Figueroa gave them Rosaries, and Glass Beads, and the Citizens gave
them these and many other things, and still others were bought with the
Alms contributed by the _Encomenderos_. Even the Indians of the City
and the Villages through which they later passed, the Chiefs, and
Indian Women, gave them Clothing of the sort they were wont to use for
the improvement [of the Itzas], in order that they might be given to
the King Canek and to his Wife and to the other Chiefs of the Itzas."

The Padres Set out. "The present Governor alone, Briceno, gave them
nothing, and he even swindled them out of the Despatch of Favor and
Assistance, saying that he would give it to them the day of their
departure; then he said that they should wait for it at the Convent of
Tikax, which is the last one in the Sierra. So that without the
Despatch, but with the Blessing of God and that of the Bishop and their
own Prelate, and asking all to recommend to God the good outcome of the
Voyage, they set out from Merida for Bacalar, rejoicing, and on naked
feet.

"In a short space of time they arrived at the Convent of Tikax, for
they feared that the rains would begin. When they had waited some days
for the Despatches of the Governor, they received only a letter from
him in which he said that he did not intend to give them the Despatches
for the reasons he had already given them. The Padres greatly regretted
the coldness on the part of the Governor merely because they feared
that they would not have in Bacalar good Aid without the orders of the
Governor; for it was necessary to take Boats from there to go up the
Rivers from that Town to the Village of Tipu, where they were to make
their Headquarters, according to the instructions of the Bishop."

Their Route. "But nevertheless, and confiding only in God, they
continued their journey accompanied by some Indian Singers and
Sacristans who were at the Convent and whom God moved to offer
themselves as companions, although they knew the perils of the journey,
and thus they went alone, without human defense, to place themselves in
the hands of those Barbarous Caribes,[5.4] of whom it was known for
certain that they ate human Flesh; but they placed all fear behind
them.

"And the Padres, seeing that they had with them those who would aid
them to celebrate the Divine Services solemnly, traveled very
contentedly. They arrived at Calotmul, five leagues from the Convent.
And on leaving this Village, they traversed the Sierra to the Village
of Chunhuhub, which is another fifteen leagues of deserted country full
of swamps and marshes very difficult to cross. From there they
journeyed to Pacha, another fifteen leagues of deserted country, with
roads even worse than those before on account of their very swampy
nature, which is so great that in the rainy season it is necessary to
take to Canoes in order to pass those Places, and in the dry season the
Canoes are beached there.

"From the Village of Pacha they went to another called Xoca, almost
another ten leagues. This place was later deserted and overgrown with
trees. From Xoca they went to the Town of Salamanca de Bacalar, which
is five leagues. And there they were regaled and favored by the
Alcalde, who, at that time, was Andres Carrillo de Pernia, a Citizen of
the Town of Valladolid de Yucatan, who showed so much hospitality and
kindliness while they were there to them and to the Indians whom they
had with them, that in nowise were they made to feel the want of
Despatches from the Governor of Yucatan; for he gave them more favors
and assistance then and later, this Alcalde, than if they had carried
the Commands, orders and Despatches of all the Tribunals of the World.

"Notwithstanding the great favors which the Alcalde Carrillo showed to
the Missionaries, they desired to set forth with all speed for Tipu so
as not to be overtaken by the Rains; and as they found themselves, like
true Sons of Saint Francis, without any money with which to pay the
Indian Rowers who were to conduct them, and with which to buy the
ship-stores necessary for all in order to navigate the Rio Nohukun,
which means Rio Grande, in order to go up by the river to Tipu, and not
being able to ask aid of the Alcalde because of the absence of orders
from the Governor, they were saddened and became exceedingly
disconsolate.

"But the Noble Zeal of that Honorable Creole, Alcalde Carrillo, once
more aided them. Learning the cause of their sadness, because the Holy
Eagerness which they had was not cooled, he provided a _Piragua_ of his
own, very capacious, with Indian rowers and Supplies necessary for all.
And not content with having fitted them out, he embarked with them and
accompanied them in person as far as Tipu so that the Indians should
not leave them, and so that aid should be offered more promptly; and
all this was done at the expense of his estate without being
necessitated by orders from any Superior."

The Journey up the River from Tipu. "They made the Navigation of that
great River and of others which flow into it, with great contentment on
account of the deliciousness of its Banks, Isles, great and wide-spread
Lagoons, Woodlands, Forests, and Pine Groves which spread away as far
as New Spain. And what caused them no less diversion was the Indians of
the _Piragua_, who, without stopping the boat, continually captured
Fishes with Harpoons; the only thing that annoyed them was the
multitude of Mosquitoes which there are thereabouts and which caused
them much pain and disquiet.

"To refer in detail to the Events and Places through which they passed
either by Water or by Land, would be too much of prolixity, and it is
not intended to do more than to let it be known from what will be said
later, that from the City of Merida to the District and Village of Tipu
it is a very long, and at times, toilsome Journey. And so it is
sufficient to say that in three days, (after many of Traveling), they
mounted the ascent to Tipu by the River which comes from there and
which is very full. And as the going is against the current, which is
of so much violence, in those twelve leagues that to go up to Tipu the
Oars are not sufficient and it is necessary to go up by means of Poles;
and at every mischance the Water whirls the Canoes backward; and at
times the Indians throw themselves upon them with arms outstretched to
stop them and to draw them forward...."

The account of these events given by Cogolludo (lib. ix, caps. 4, 5, 6)
is almost identical. The place names mentioned by Villagutierre are all
to be found on Costello's map (MacNutt, 1908, vol. ii, p. 232) save
Pacha (between Chunhuhub and Xoca). The distances from place to place
are inaccurately given by Villagutierre, being invariably too short.

Arrival at Tipu. We will now continue by translating Villagutierre.
(Lib. ii, cap. 2 ff.)

"The Alcaldes, Caziques and Chief Men of Tipu learned before their
arrival that the Padres were coming to their Village, and they set
forth with their Canoes to go more than two leagues down the River to
receive them with Refreshments in Food and a Drink called _Zaca_, which
they make of Cacao and Maize. They saluted the Padres with much
contentment and joy, and they returned with them to the Landing place,
a stone's throw from the Village, and there they had prepared Dances
according to their usage, and to the accompaniment of these and much
rejoicing, they took the Padres to the Church, where they offered up to
God their thanks for having permitted them to arrive safely at that
Village on the outskirts of Christendom and the Plaza de Armas of
valiant Spirits."

Events at the Village of Tipu. "And when they had said their Orisons,
the Indians quartered the Padres in the house of the _Beneficiado_ next
to the Church and the Alcalde Carrillo was placed in the house of a
leading Indian woman, called Dona Isabel Pec, who was the Widow of the
Cacique Don Luis Mazun, who had died while a prisoner for Idolatry in
Merida. When the Religious reached this Village there were Vespers of
the Feast of the Holy Ghost...."

The Friendliness of Carrillo and the Indians. "The Alcalde Carrillo
inspected the Village as it was of his jurisdiction, and not having
anything further to do there because the Citizens aided the Padres even
more than was necessary, he wished them well and took leave of them
all, returning to Salamanca de Bacalar.

"The Padres now remained alone with the Indians of Tipu, but they were
very much the companions of God and of His fervent Spirit and of the
gladness which it caused them to see those Indians so occupied with the
affairs of good Christians such as attending with much punctuality the
Divine Services, sending their Children to all the classes for the
Catechism. (What passed in their hearts God alone knows, as will be
told later.) The Padres saw that the Indians aided them with much
generosity as time went on and until they set forth for the Itzaex,
because the people of Tipu were very rich and got much Cacao, Vanilla
and other things of a noble sort."

Don Christoval Na, Cacique of the Indians of Tipu. "There were then in
the Vicinity of the Village of Tipu more than one hundred
Citizens,[5.5] all Indians. Don Christobal Na, their Cacique, was very
devoted to the Religious. There was another Chief Indian called Don
Francisco Cumux, who was a Descendant of the Lord of the Island of
Cozumel, who received Don Fernando Cortes when he passed to the
Conquest of New Spain. This man in his Habits, and actions showed very
well his Nobility and good Blood, although he was but an Indian. He was
very much the Servitor of the Padres and a great Singer, and he was
often present in the Church, singing the Offices, as if he were a
common Indian."

It was decided to send Cumux to the Itzas to ascertain their attitude
toward the Padres. "... Cumux accepted the Embassy with a very good
will, although he was not eager for the danger; and when all had been
made ready he set forth with the Indians that were assigned to him. The
contents of the message were: To say to the Canek how the two Padres
had remained in Tipu and that the reason they had gone thither was to
pass to [the Itzas] to see and communicate certain things which were
for the good of Canek and his people; and so the Ambassador was to ask
him to assemble his Captains in order that they might see that their
coming was a peaceful one, without Soldiers or arms, only two Poor
Padres of San Francisco; and Canek was urged to send his Chief Men to
see them at Tipu, and they said that they would like, with his leave
and permission and safe-conduct to pass to see him, and that if he gave
it, as they hoped, it would give them great pleasure, for without his
consent they would do nothing."

Francisco Cumux Goes with an Embassy to Canek. "Don Francisco Cumux set
forth on his Journey, very well-pleased; he traversed those Mountains
and deserts, leaving the Padres in the hands of God and making
continual Sacrifices and Orisons. He was six days in arriving at the
Island, Capital of the Itzas; and when he was brought into the presence
of Canek, he was received with affability, and he gave his message as
he had been ordered. The Itzaex entertained him and those whom he
brought with him according to the quality of each one. Then Canek
called to Council all his Captains and Chiefs in order to consider what
he should reply to the message and Letter which the Religious had sent
him.

"And as some of those Indians already knew a little of what the
Religious were, through having seen them in the City of Merida, at the
time when they went there to give that false obedience of which I have
spoken, and they also knew that they could do them no harm if they were
alone as Don Francisco Cumux asserted, they resolved not only to give
License to come and see them, but also the Canek sent two Captains of
his, together with some Indians, in company with Don Francisco and his
Indians, in order that they might visit the Padres in his behalf and
tell them that they might come with all safety to his Land whenever it
might please them, for he and his men were ready to receive them and
talk with them in good feeling. And with this good Reply, farewells
were said by Don Francisco Cumux, who set forth at once very happily,
returning with the rest to Tipu."

Cumux Returns from Canek with Two Chiefs of Tayasal. "He arrived in the
presence of the Religious fifteen days after he had set out from there,
greater speed being impossible because the road was closed up and
surrounded with marshes. In his company came the two Itza Captains, one
was called Ahchatappol, and the other Ahauppuc, with more than twenty
other Indians. The two Captains bore their Lances with points of Flint,
like ours, which differ from them only in being of Steel, and at the
heads of them are many Plumes of divers and beautiful colors like the
Ribbons our Standard-bearers use on their darts; and the points are as
much as a quarter of a vara long and have two cutting-edges, and the
point is like a very sharp Dagger.

"The other Itzaex Indians bore their Bows and Arrows with which they
always march when they come forth from their Island and Territory in
case they meet the Chinamitas, a Nation for whom they have always had
enmity, and continual wars; for they hold themselves as brave warriors
like the Itzas themselves."

The Two Chiefs are cordially Received. "As soon as they arrived, the
two Captains saluted the Religious according to their usage (which is
to throw the right arm over the shoulder as a sign of Peace and
Friendship). The Religious replied with many urbanities and courtesies.
The Captains were quartered in the house of the Cacique and the rest in
the houses of the Chiefs of that Village of Tipu, care being taken to
regale them as had been done in their Island to our Indians.

"And later Don Francisco Cumux gave the Religious an account of how he
had been received by Canek and by the other Chiefs and Heads of the
Districts of the City, and of how they had shown joy and of what had
gone forward, and of the opinion that they had that the Padres should
go to see the Itzas. The Padres were full of joy, and they thanked Don
Francisco and his companions for the trouble they had had on that
Journey, and they told them that it was certain that God would reward
them, for they had gone in His service and in His Holy Name...."

A rather verbose account of the services held for the benefit of the
Itzas closes this chapter. The account of Cogolludo (lib. ix, caps. 7,
8) is much the same. Villagutierre (lib. ii, cap. 3) continues his
description of the entrada of Fuensalida and Orbita:

The Padres Prepare to Travel to Tayasal. "The Religious tried, after
the Itzaex Indians had gone thence, with their Indians of Tipu, to make
ready for the Journey and to prepare the necessary food for traveling.
This was done in a short while; so that on the Day of the Assumption of
Our Lady, 15 August, 1618, they set forth from Tipu in company with the
Cacique of that Village, Don Christoval Na, and with more than twenty
important Indians besides those others which were needed as servants,
their _Maestro de Capilla_, their Singers and their Sacristans, all of
whom had offered to go with them from the Province....

"Two leagues from Tipu, in the direction of the Itzas, there was a
Great River which, because the Waters had not risen greatly, it was
possible to wade; and the Cacique, Don Christoval Na, who was a very
corpulent man of great personal strength, placed the two Religious on
his shoulders [and carried them across]. The River having been crossed,
they journeyed some eight or ten leagues, and came upon a Great Lake
which they called Yaxhaa. And finding no Canoe with which to traverse
the Lake's two leagues of length, the Indians told the Religious that
they should return to the Village of Tipu, since they could not go
forward on account of the necessity of crossing the Lake, and because
of the lack of Vessels."

Delays; the Padres' Anger. "The Padre Commissario Fuensalida became
exceedingly angry with them, saying that it was not possible that they
should have been ignorant of that Impediment, since they were so well
versed in that Land and Road, and that they should have remedied it;
and he declared that he would not go back upon the Road so well begun
and that he would continue upon his Journey until he reached the
Itzaex, for which place he and his Companion had set forth. And so, as
to think of floating on any makeshift was to think of the impossible,
and as to the left of that Lake it appeared that one might break
through the Forest and proceed by opening a Road [through the jungle],
passing around the edge of the Lake, they decided that they might thus
continue their Voyage in a straight line.

"The Indians made this seem to be very difficult and they replied that
it was far, and that it would be too toilsome to open a Road through
the places the Father mentioned, and that the Supplies that they had
with them were not sufficient for so many days, and they would want for
them later on. Besides the time was coming on when it would be
necessary for them to take in their crops from the fields and they said
that while they were doing that a Canoe should be built on purpose for
them all to cross the Lake and that they would carry the Padres with
much pleasure and little toil to the Itzaex."

The Return to Tipu. "Padre Fuensalida insisted and persisted that what
he had first proposed should be executed, namely, to cut around the
Lake. And the Indians asked Padre Juan de Orbita to dissuade the Padre
Commissario since what they said was more fitting. It seemed, at last,
indeed to be so, and that the Indians were right, and all agreed to
return to Tipu, and to build there a Canoe in which to pass across the
Lake as they offered to do.

"When they had returned to Tipu, the Cacique Don Christoval soon sent
Indian, carpenters who, on the very shore of the Lake, were to make
ready the wood for a very good Canoe. There are in that region great
logs of Cedar and other trees from which can be made and are made many
large Canoes. They built it very capacious and suitable; and the other
Indians, in the interim, gathered in their crops and assembled new
provisions in order to set out once more with the Padres for the Land
of the Itzaex."

All Precautions Taken, they Set out Once More. "Once more they all set
out as before from Tipu. They crossed the Rio Grande, which is two
leagues away, with much more trouble than before because the Waters had
risen and were still rising, as it was already near the end of
September. And having arrived once more at the Lake of Yaxhaa, where
the Canoe was in readiness, the Persons who were journeying and all
that they had with them were carried across the two leagues of water in
four trips."

Lake Yaxha is Crossed; Arrival at Lake Zacpeten. "Everything and
everybody being now on the other bank, they continued their march by
Land for some fifteen leagues as far as another Lake, which was called
Zacpeten (which is the same as saying White Island), which was shorter
than the other, being not more than a league in length...."

Here follows a short passage describing how the devil made the Indians
choose the wrong path. The reason for this suggested by Villagutierre
seems plausible, namely, that the Tipuans did not want the Itzas
converted, because if they were the Tipuans would have no place to take
refuge should they themselves become apostates.

"When the Tipuan Indians saw the Constancy of the Padres (for, although
they knew the malice of the Indians, they bore it with patience, and
encouraged them, saying that God would bring them out on the right Road
since He had brought them there) and perceiving that the intention of
the Padres not to turn back was unchanged, or else, because they saw
that the Spirit of the Padres became more determined the greater the
difficulties they experienced on the way, the Indians at length brought
them out upon the right road. And after they had followed it for two
days and eighteen leagues, they came upon the Great Lake of the Itzaex
called Chaltuna, with great relief and joy."

The Padres Camp beside Lake Peten. "They encamped on the Shore of the
Lake and there built a very capacious Ranch in which they set up an
altar in order to say Mass. Then they sent off a very important Indian
of Tipu (who later was Cacique) with some others who were in his
company, with orders to say to the Canek that the Religious were there,
and to hand over to him a present of the trifles that had been given
them in Merida for this purpose and also a little _Cacao_ from Tipu,
which was very fine (and is so even today), and a very good _hanger_
(cutlass). They warned the messenger also to tell the Canek to send
them good Canoes for them to cross to his Island, and some of his Chief
men who should take them thither.

"The Important Indian, Don Gaspar Cetza (for so he was named), set
forth for the Island with the others who were going with him. And when
eight days had been spent in waiting (which caused the Padres anxiety)
Don Gaspar returned, accompanied by the Captains Ahchatappol and
Ahauppuc, who had been in the Village of Tipu, and by other Itzaex
Indians, as well as by four large Canoes which Canek sent in order that
all might cross over in one trip.

"With this good provision they embarked, all feeling very contented and
happy, on that same day after having said Mass and eaten. And with the
Itza Captains and the other Indians, they navigated, in good time, the
length of that Lake to the Island which, from that direction, is some
six leagues. The Itzaex, who were in sight in order to see when they
were approaching the Island, and others who in Canoes came out to a
great distance for the same purpose, gave notice to the Canek of how
the Religious were already arriving and were approaching. And the Canek
sent a son-in-law of his with others of his Family, in two Canoes, who
came out more than two leagues to salute the Padres and receive them in
his name."

The Padres Arrive at Tayasal and are well Received. "They brought them
some of that Drink which is called _Zaca_, together with frothed
_cacao_, which is highly esteemed among them (and, in short, though
they were Barbarians, they did not fail to have their own sort of
politeness in some matters and signs of urbanity and good manners).
They arrived at the Landing place very near the Village, and there was
the Petty King or Cacique Canek with his Chiefs and a great crowd who
had come out to receive them. And it was already about ten at night
when they arrived at the Island, but there were many lighted torches of
_Ocote_ or Candlewood: so that all was clear and visible.

"When the Religious had set foot on Land, Canek received them with
demonstrations of great love and good will, and with much content. He
invited the Religious to a House which he had made for them, although
it was not very large, near his Palace, or rather, large House where he
resided, and which was some twenty paces from that of the Padres, which
was ample for their necessities. Two very good _Barbacoas_ (=?) were
set up, according to their usage as Beds, and all those who were with
the Padres were quartered nearby.

"The House of Canek was some forty paces from the Lake and before it
was a small Square in which was the House which he had had built for
the Religious and with which they were much pleased, seeing how near it
was to his own and how easy it would be to communicate with him
frequently. Besides, the site was a very good one. And on the day after
their arrival they embellished a Room in their House and erected there
an Altar so that they might say Mass; and Padre Fuensalida chanted that
of Saint Paul the Apostle, to whom they gave the Patronage of that
Island."

Mass is Said. "Very many of the Itzaex were looking on from outside
with profound silence and without making a single sound that could
disturb what the Religious were doing. They, after having said Mass,
went to see Canek, and after having saluted him, they remained in
conversation with him a great while, for they knew the Language very
well. They asked his leave to go all through the Village and to see its
Houses and all its _Cues_ or Temples, which were numerous. Canek
conceded it, and gave them important Indians who were to go with them
through the Village and show them all that they wished to see. The
principal purpose of the Padres in soliciting this permission was to
make a beginning to their preaching; from that time on, in the presence
of Canek, of the Chiefs and of a great crowd of _Zamaguales_ or Common
People, they began to preach the Law of God...."

Fuensalida Preaches; Orbita Destroys an Idol. "With great attention the
Indians who were congregated there listened to the discourse of the
Padre Fuensalida...." For a brief time it looked as if the Padres might
attain success in the errand, but as we saw in Chapter III, Padre
Orbita, in anger, destroyed the idol of the horse and also the
tolerance of the Itzas.

"Having returned to the guest house, and having rested a little from
the toil of the Spiritual Battle and of breaking the Idol, the
Religious went to see Canek, who, although he already knew what had
happened in the Temple, and though they themselves spoke of it to him,
did not say a word about it, nor did he show anger on account of it. So
that the other Indians, seeing their Lord calm, became entirely
appeased, and spoke no more of the affair to the Padres. But it is true
that the Canek did not leave off wondering that they should have dared
to do such a thing as that."

The Padres Urge the Itzas to be Christians. "He made them sit down on
something which was like a small throne and on which he was wont to sit
himself; it was then raised and placed in the midst of them, and being
thus raised, the Padres discoursed for a long time concerning the
affairs of God and the Holy Catholic Faith...."

They Refuse because the Appointed Time has not Come. They told the
Canek that a previous Canek had promised Cortes to receive
Christianity. "... Canek replied: That the time had not yet arrived in
which their ancient Priests had prophesied to them they were to
relinquish the worship of their Gods; because the Period in which they
then were was Oxahau, which means Third Period[5.6] ... and so they
asked the Padres to make no further attempts in that direction at that
time, but to return to the Village of Tipu and then, on another
occasion, to come again to see them.

"Despite all this, Canek was the first to receive, with great pleasure,
a Cross which the Padres placed in his hands, and afterwards some of
his men received others. Canek gave the Padres permission, during the
days they were his guests, to chant the Christian Doctrine; they did so
in the seventh Tone as they were accustomed to chant it in the Province
of Yucatan."

After a Few Days the Padres Leave Tayasal. "In this way several days
passed, and the Religious, perceiving that they could in no wise
proceed with the execution of their good desire, on account of the fact
that the Indians would not change their minds, determined to return to
the Village of Tipu in order to obtain the benefit of the good-will of
the people there with their suavity and patience.

"They imparted this determination to the Infidels, who readily agreed
to it. The Indians who had come with them made ready a Canoe; and the
Itzas gave the Religious some figures of their Idols, which they took
to Yucatan that they might be seen, and some Clothing of the sort the
Indians use."

The Padres left Tayasal under rather unpleasant circumstances; some of
the Indians seem to have harbored a grudge against them because of the
incident of the idol, and these malcontents hurled insults after the
canoes in which the Padres were going away. They returned to Tipu by
the same way they had come, arriving there at the beginning of
November. The _Beneficiado_ of Bacalar would not let them stay in Tipu;
he was reprimanded by the Bishop for his surliness. Finally Padre
Fuensalida returned to Merida, leaving Orbita In charge of the Indians
at Tipu.

Thus ended the entrada of Fuensalida and Orbita into the country of the
Itzas. One cannot but admire the stanch faith and unswerving loyalty to
their ideals of these two men. They were both of great personal courage
and virtue, but from the foregoing account of their entrada it is easy
enough to deduce that Fuensalida was the greater man of the two. Orbita
was skillful in making effective altar displays, but he was hasty and
unwise in his treatment of the idol of the horse. We must, however,
frankly acknowledge that for two men to go alone and unarmed into the
midst of a powerful nation of barbarians whom they believed to be
cannibals was a deed of very great bravery, especially as they had no
expectations of personal material gain. This entrada of 1618 is just
barely mentioned by Fray Andres de Avendano y Loyola (30 recto), who,
however, speaks of the idol incident as a mistake of policy.

CHAPTER VI

THE ENTRADA OF PADRE FRAY DIEGO DELGADO AND
THE EVENTS THAT FOLLOWED, 1621-1624

Padre Fray Diego Delgado's Offer to Christianize the Itzas. In spite of
the unfortunate turn that events had taken while Fuensalida and Orbita
were at Tayasal, another Franciscan, Fray Diego Delgado, was filled
with a desire to Christianize the Itzas. He set out from Merida;
Villagutierre (lib. ii, cap. 8) relates the story thus:

"... A year and a half, with a slight difference, after the return of
the Padres Orbita and Fuensalida, repulsed by the Itzaex, at a time
when already the year 1621 was running its course and the Provincial
Chapter of the Order of Saint Francis had already been held in the City
of Merida, a proposal was made by the Padre Fray Diego Delgado, of the
same Order and a Son of the Province of Los Angeles, to the new
Provincial of Yucatan, the proposal being dictated by the desires of
his Spiritual Love."

There follows a setting forth of Delgado's belief that the fugitive
Indians were likely to relapse into idolatry. Delgado asked leave to go
and reconvert them; this was given by Arias Conde, Governor _ad
interim_ of Yucatan.

Delgado Travels to the Convent of Xecchacan. "Everything having been
made ready for his journey, the Monk journeyed to that Convent of his
Order which is in the Village of Xecchacan. And when his intention was
known there, several Indians of the Village offered to go with him, for
those of that place are well-versed in the Woodlands. And also certain
other Indians who were Singers and Sacristans of the Convent, as is
customary ..., also promised to go with him."

He is well Provided with Guides and Other Indians. "So that now Fray
Diego Delgado found himself not only with Guides, but with those who
would aid him in celebrating the Divine Services and the Holy Sacrifice
of the Mass. And also some of the Indians of the Sierra came to him
with a great inclination and desire to accompany him on that Voyage.
And together with These and Those, he entered into the Woodlands to the
Southward of that Land of Yucatan.

"And as soon as he began to penetrate the Woods, he kept encountering
many of the Indians who were fugitives from the Villages of the
Province, and who were living without Decency, Towns or Sacraments, but
merely in Huts in several places of that Wilderness."

Zaclun. "He went about, bringing them with flattering caresses and the
great suavity of his holy and loving words, and bearing them to the
Mountains which are called the Mountains of Pimienta (which are very
near the Sierra of Alabaster).... He formed with them a great Village
on the same site as where had been before the village called Zaclun,
which had been depopulated when the Guardians of the Province of San
Francisco, who had gone, in former times, toward those inland Mountain
Places, had been lost.

"He gave the Village the Name of San Felipe or Santiago de Zaclun. And
in virtue of the Power given him by the Governor of Yucatan, to appoint
Justices and Rulers in whatever Villages might be founded, he did this
in the new Village of Zaclun in the Name of his Majesty and of his
Governor of the Provinces of Yucatan, giving the posts to the most fit
of those very Indians he had recently assembled.

"He appointed a Cacique and gave Authority to Alcaldes, Regidores, and
other Officials of Government and of Public Weal, all of whom he
appointed in order that those Indians might live in Justice,
Christianity, and service to God and the King. And when this was done
he gave an account of the whole matter to the Governor of Yucatan,
begging him to confirm the Elections and Appointments that he had made
for that new Village.

"The Governor of those Provinces of Yucatan at the time was Don Diego
de Cardenas, who celebrated with very great merriment the reception of
such news, a delight which was participated in by all the Dwellers in
the City of Merida and even in the rest of that Land and Province of
Yucatan.

"Captain Francisco de Mirones, who was Juez de la Grana [agrarian
officer] of the Territory of the Coast of Yucatan, and a very great
Soldier, and the gallantry of whose Spirit was delighted at this new
turn of affairs, conjectured that it was a fine occasion to enter by
that Village of Zaclun to conquer by Arms the Itzaex; for the
Religious, with all their preaching, had made no headway. Captain
Mirones was persuaded that by way of Zaclun the Conquest would be
easier, on account of the convenience which the nearness of that place
would offer for whatever military operation he might wish to carry out."

The Proposal of Mirones. "He went to communicate this Proposal to the
Governor, adorning the plan with arguments as to its suitableness,
which he well knew how to do; to the Governor it appeared a very good
thing that that Entrada into the Itzaex should be executed even as
Captain Mirones proposed."

Mirones and the Governor Make an Agreement. There follows a passage
relating to the agreement made between the Governor and Mirones. It is
in no way unusual. The remissness of Brizeno at the time of the entrada
of Orbita and Fuensalida is touched upon, and the usual protestations
as to the desirability of converting the Indians to Christianity.

Mirones Raises an Army for his Entrada. "Captain Francisco de Mirones
raised his Banner for the King, and having enlisted as many as Five
hundred Spanish Soldiers, he set forth with them and with some Indians
of War and of Service from the City of Merida to join the rest who were
being recruited at the Village of Oxcutzcab in the Sierra. The journey
through that region led the Guide to tell Captain Mirones that from
Oxcutzcab he had surveyed the highlands of the Itzas of Yucatan, that
in a direct line or through the Air it was a distance of only eighty
leagues, so that more than a half of the Road had already been
traversed; having believed it all to be so, Captain Mirones ... set
forth with his Troops, and many Indian laborers, from the Village of
Oxcutzcab, opening many Roads through the Woods and Thickets and among
the Lakes and Swamps and sterile Lands, lacking water in many places.
So that not only for the Indians who opened the roads, but also for the
Spanish Soldiers, it was very painful work."

Mirones Arrives at Zaclun. "But at last, these difficulties being
overcome, they arrived at the Village of Zaclun, where the Padre Fray
Diego Delgado was established, administering to his Indians recently
collected. In the Village Captain Mirones made a halt, making a Plaza
de Armas so as to wait for the rest of his Troops, who were still being
levied in Merida, in order that, on their arrival, he might begin with
all his forces the Conquest of the Itzas."

The Wanton and Foolish Oppression Caused by Mirones. "The Recruiting of
Troops in Merida could not be concluded in the short space of time
expected by Captain Mirones, and so all the remainder of that year of
1622 was spent thus in the Village of Zaclun waiting for the Levies.
And at that time, failing in wisdom and lacking proper consideration of
the fact that those Indians of Zaclun were people newly reduced and
that it would not be fitting to treat them with the sort of oppression
with which it is sometimes customary to treat others in those parts of
America, that Captain gave himself up to trades and unduly profitable
contracts with them, which did not please them. So they began to be
exasperated and to show some asperity of temper.

"Padre Fray Diego, recognizing the harm, and perceiving that it was not
a good way to maintain his hold over the Indians or to keep the Indians
on the right path, asked the Captain not to persist in those trades and
contracts with the Indians, for the time of Conquests was not the time
for merchandizing. He pointed out to him what he already knew, that the
Indians were getting very much put out, and that grave obstacles to the
carrying on of what had been begun might arise, and that it was not
without cause that our Kings had ordered in so many Laws and
Ordinances, the good treatment of the Indians."

Delgado Opposes Mirones. "The Padre, by these representations, was
unable to procure any change in the Captain, but each day increased the
latter's profits and extortions, so that the Indians of that Village
became increasingly restless.

"The quarrels which the Captain and the Padre came to have over these
questions were now declared in public and even talked of to a certain
extent, and both were displeased with the other, and the Indians were
uneasy and half mutinous. And the disquiet of these latter was
increased by the arrival at that Village of Zaclun of news that Captain
Juan Bernardo de Casanova was now in the Village of Mani on his march
with fifty Soldiers who had been recruited in Merida to join in the
Village of Zaclun with Captain Mirones and those whom he had with him.
All of which gave cause to the unfortunate events which I shall now
describe."

Villagutierre (lib. ii, cap. 9) has an account of how Fray Diego
complained to his Provincial of Captain Mirones and his actions. The
Provincial, urging the illegality of Mirones' projected entrada to the
Itzas, and especially that of his intention to conquer them by arms,
advised Fray Diego to depend for advice as to the course he should
pursue solely upon heavenly inspiration.

Delgado Determines to Anticipate Mirones. "When Padre Fray Diego
received this Reply, he determined (although with great secrecy) to
leave Captain Mirones and to go himself to the Itzaex. And so he did,
nor did he lack the company of most of the Indians who had come with
him from Xecchacan. He undertook his journey, directing his steps
toward Tipu; and although there were many trials and hardships on
account of the Woods and rough country entirely without Roads, Villages
and rest from fatigue, his Indians bore him thither.

"Being suspicious, and knowing the Road that the Padre had taken,
Captain Mirones dispatched twelve Soldiers after him with their Leader,
who was the Standard-bearer Acosta, in order that they might catch up
with him and persuade him to return to the Captain's company, and, in
case the Padre did not wish so to return, they were to follow after him
and escort him wherever he might go.

"The Squad came up with the Religious just before he reached Tipu. But
the more they insisted that he return to Zaclun, the more impossible
did it become to convince him and to make him return, so they
accompanied him, forming an escort for him, as far as the Village of
Tipu, which they entered with him and with the Indians who were with
him.

"The Chief of the Soldiers dispatched a report from Tipu to Captain
Mirones of the invincible resolution in which Padre Fray Diego
persisted, because the Soldiers had orders not to desert the Padre.
There is but little doubt what the feelings of the Infidel Indians
would be, wherever he passed with those Soldiers, and that so long as
he was accompanied by them, the Indians would not dare to maltreat him."

Delgado's Message to Canek. "Padre Fray Diego Delgado determined to
send to the Itzaex and to their King Canek to say that he was in the
Village of Tipu, and that with their Permission, he would come to see
them. An offer to bear this Message was made by the good Cacique Don
Christoval Na, who had gone with the Padres Orbita and Fuensalida to
the Itzaex both times, as has been seen. In effect, he went to
Chaltuna; crossed to the Island; delivered his Message. And when the
Itzaex and their King and Lord Canek were informed of the small number
of Spaniards who were with Padre Fray Diego in Tipu, Canek and his
Chiefs gave Permission and Safe-conduct to the Padre so that he might
come to the Island."

Delgado Receives Permission from Canek to Come to Tayasal. "And when
the Cacique Don Christoval had returned with this Reply, and when the
provisions had been made ready as usual and when all the other things
necessary for the Journey had been prepared [the Padre set out] taking
with him the Spaniards and eighty Indians from his Village to carry the
supplies and baggage of the Spaniards. All went by the accustomed Road.
And so they were spied upon by the Itzaex, who were on the lookout and
who sent to the landing-place some very good Canoes so that they might
cross to the Island."

The Treachery of the Itzas. "Padre Fray Diego, the Cacique of Tipu, and
alt the other Spaniards and Indians embarked. On landing on the Island
the Itzaex received them in Peace and without any sign whatever of
contrary feelings. But all this was pretence and evil deceitfulness and
perfidy, because as soon as they had them in their power, all the
Troops of the Village attacked the unprepared Spanish Soldiers; the
Indians from Tipu were unable to defend themselves: the Itzaex manacled
them all and even the Padre Fray Diego himself."

Delgado and Others are Put to Death. Villagutierre tells in detail how
the soldiers must have been armed, because they would not be so foolish
as to trust to the honor of natives; they were, however, but thirteen
in number. All the soldiers were killed, and their hearts were torn
from their breasts, while their heads were set up on stakes around the
village. Later they took Fray Diego, cut him up into pieces, and set
his head on a stake also. The fate of Cacique Na, whom, no doubt, the
Itzas regarded as a traitor to his own race, was no better.

Mirones Sends Ek after Delgado. Meanwhile Mirones had received no word
from the men he had sent as an escort to Padre Diego Delgado. He sent
two Spaniards from Zaclun with an Indian servant of his who was very
cunning and who was to act as an interpreter and guide. His name was
Bernardino Ek. These three were to go to Tipu and learn all that they
could of the whereabouts of the Padre and the soldiers. On their
arrival at that village they were told that Delgado and the rest had
gone to the Itzas. The three determined to follow; they did so, and
directly they had reached the lake, canoes came in response to a smoke
signal and bore them to the island, where they were all shut up in a
corral and kept under guard. They made an attempt to escape, Ek leading
the way. He succeeded in getting out on the lake in a very bad canoe
which he found on the beach, but the two Spaniards found themselves
greatly hampered by their bonds and were recaptured. Ek hid in the
woods from those who were pursuing him and eventually made his way to
Salamanca, where he told all that had happened. A report was sent to
Governor Don Diego de Cardenas in Merida, and Ek himself was sent to
Captain Mirones at Zaclun. The latter straightway entered a complaint
against Fray Diego for having done anything so foolhardy as to go to
the Itzas. The upshot of the report made by Mirones' agent, Juan de
Eguiluz, was that the Provincial of the Order of San Francisco in
Yucatan sent to Zaclun one Padre Fray Juan de Berrio, a native of
Castile. Villagutierre continues (lib. ii, cap. 10): "He, having been
there [at Zaclun] a matter of fifteen days, because he did not well
agree with the affairs and actions of the Captain and the Soldiers,
returned to Merida without saying anything to them, and he went to the
presence of his Provincial, who, being informed of all that was going
on, considered his retreat to that City [Merida] a deed well done.

"A second time Captain Mirones made complaint through Contador Eguiluz,
and he asked, as he did the first time, for another Friar. The
Provincial refused to give him one because of what had occurred with
the other two whom he had sent before...." As a result of these
wranglings two Creole monks were finally sent to Zaclun.

Revolt of the Indians. After they had been ordered to go to Zaclun,
they proffered various excuses, and the matter was ended at last by one
Padre Fray Juan Enriquez, who offered to go thither himself. He was
well received by Mirones; at about that time Bernardino Ek arrived with
the news of the death of Delgado and his companions. Mirones would not
believe him. He soon had ample cause to do so. On the Day of
Purification, 1624, when all the Spaniards of Zaclun were at Mass, the
Indians rose in revolt and put most of them to death.

Some time later Padre Fray Juan Fernandez and Captain Juan Bernardo
came to Zaclun by way of Mani. The latter joined him at Mani, and as
both were made suspicious by some Indians leading a mule of which they
could not give a satisfactory account, Fernandez and Bernardo
determined to go to Zaclun. When they reached that place they found the
bodies of their compatriots, who had died "by the very arms with which
they had thought to go against the Itzaex, in opposition to the orders
and will of the King." (Villagutierre, p. 144.) A Christian burial was
given to the dead, after which Fernandez and Bernardo returned to
Merida to report on what they had found. Eventually an Indian captain
named Don Fernando Camal captured many of the aggressors, the chief of
whom, Ahkimpol, with several others, was beheaded in Merida.

An Epidemic of Apostasy; the Third Phase of the Conquest of the Itzas
Begins. A direct result of this insurrection was a general epidemic of
apostasy which especially affected such villages as Tipu. There, a few
years later, a general exodus of the Indians into the mountains and
woods took place, and a widespread relapse into idolatry occurred.

By a cedula of March 29, 1639, the King (Philip III) reiterated his
desire that henceforth all efforts to reduce provinces should be
carried on by means of spiritual methods only. These were not enough. A
series of misfortunes and mutinies occurred at Bolonchen, Zahcabchen,
Petenecte, and elsewhere. (Villagutierre, p. 147.)[6.1]

We have now, with the year 1624, reached the close of the second phase
of the Spanish conquest of the Maya-Itza stock. The first phase, an
exploratory one, began with Cortes in 1524 and ended with Montejo in
1545 or thereabouts. The second phase, a proselytizing one, began with
the year 1614, when the feigned submission of the Itzas took place,
giving rise to the entrada of Fuensalida and Orbita. It came to a dose
about 1624 as a result of the mournful events following upon the
entrada of Delgado and the mercenary meddling of Mirones. The third and
last phase, a commercial and military one, we shall consider in Chapter
VIII. It had its inception about 1692.

CHAPTER VII

THE EARLY HISTORY OF GUATEMALA AND THE
ENTRADA FROM THAT COUNTRY, 1694-1695

Hitherto all our attention has been absorbed by the Maya-speaking
peoples of Yucatan and northern Guatemala and with the entradas made
from Yucatan into the Peten region and to Tayasal. Now, however, we are
to consider, first, the early history of the Maya-speaking peoples of
southern Guatemala and the entradas made from that region into the
northern parts of the country in search of Lake Peten and Tayasal.

The Indian Tribes of Guatemala. The two chief tribes were the highly
cultured Cakchiquel and Quiche. They lived in what may be described as
the central portion of modern Guatemala. To the north of them dwelt the
Choles, Lacandones, Mopanes, and Itzas; to the south, along the Pacific
coast, were the Pipiles. With the exception of the latter, all these
people spoke dialects of Maya. It is well to note, however, that both
Fuentes y Guzman (1882) and Stoll (1884) arrived at the conclusion that
at least two thousand years must have elapsed to permit of the
development of the differences that exist between the Maya of Yucatan
and the Maya of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche.

Account of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche. The migration myths of the
Cakchiquel and of the Quiche show that they came originally from the
region of Mexico. Much later the Pipiles, a Nahuatl tribe, formed trade
colonies on the Pacific coast.

The Government and the Cities of the Cakchiquel and of the Quiche. The
ruler was chosen alternately from two families, the Zotzil and the
Xahil. In like manner the early Colombian chiefs of Tunja and of
Muequeta alternately chose from among their relatives the chief of
Suamo. The title of the ruler was Ahpo-Zotzil or Ahpo-Xahil, as the
case might be. The word _ahpo_, like the Quichua word _apu_, which it
resembles, means "Great Chief." There was a marked division into
classes among the Cakchiquel and the Quiche. In addition the sacerdotal
body was strongly intrenched in the social system. The Annals of the
Cakchiquel (Brinton, 1885) throw some light on the history of these
people. These Annals were written by a member of the Xahil family. The
mythical accounts go back to the reign of King Gagavitz, who flourished
about 1380. Sometime early in the fifteenth century the Cakchiquel came
into violent contact with the Quiche, and Quikab, King of the Quiche,
made good, for a time, his rule over the Cakchiquel. Later the latter
regained their freedom and founded Iximche.

Spanish Conquest. What Cortes was to Mexico and Montejo was to Yucatan,
Pedro de Albarado or Alvarado was to Guatemala. He was sent to that
country by Cortes, with whom he had been in Mexico. Leaving Mexico on
November 13, 1523, he went to Guatemala with about eighty adventurous
followers, an abundance of munitions, and some ships. He reduced the
whole region of the Cakchiquel-Quiche peoples to a Spanish province.
(Cortes, apud MacNutt, 1908, vol. ii, p. 178; Fuentes y Guzman, 1882,
vol. i, p. 46.) On July 25, 1524, the official title of this city
became Santiago de los Cavalleros de Goathemala. In 1533 the King
ordered Alvarado, whom he had made Governor of Guatemala, to make to
him a full report concerning the country and its people and their
customs. In 1541 Alvarado died at Guatemala, having in the meantime
been to Peru. From that time down to about 1675 the city and Audiencia
of Guatemala enjoyed a fair measure of prosperity under the usual type
of Spanish rule. In 1675 some Chol Indians arrived there, asking the
Dominican Provincial of Guatemala, Padre Maestro Fray Francisco
Gallegos, for missionaries to teach them the Christian faith.
(Villagutierre, p. 150 ff.)

Gallegos and Delgado. As a result of this Gallegos himself and Padre
Fray Joseph Delgado set off from Guatemala and traveled twenty-three
leagues through very rough country. At length they came upon some
Choles, whom they formed into three small villages called San Lucas,
Nuestra Senora del Rosario, and Santiago. They later made these
villages one and placed in it the thirty or so Indians whom they had
baptized. As the other Indians had withdrawn further to the north, the
Provincial and Delgado determined to go after them. The Indian converts
objected to this, but the missionaries overcame their fears. In due
time they came to a certain hill which the natives worshiped as God of
the Mountains. Some Indian lads they had with them as servants urged
the Padres to place an offering of copal before this god in order to
propitiate him and prevent him from destroying them all. Of course the
two priests refused to give in to the superstitious fears of their
servants. They said Mass instead. As a result all their followers, save
tw

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