First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology
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Title: First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology
Editor: John Wesley Powell
Contributor: James Owen Dorsey
Albert S. Gatschet
Edward S. Holden
Garrick Mallery
James Constantine Pilling
Stephen Return Riggs
Charles C. Royce
H. C. Yarrow
Release date: June 20, 2010 [eBook #32938]
Most recently updated: November 10, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FIRST ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY ***
[This e-text includes characters that will only display in UTF-8
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Ē ā ē ī ō ū (vowel with macron or “long” mark)
Ă Ĕ Ĭ ă ĕ ĭ ŏ (vowel with breve or “short” mark)
Ś ś ć (s, c with “acute”:
mainly in Recording Indian Languages article)
ⁿ (small raised n, representing nasalized vowel)
ɔ ʞ ʇ (inverted letters)
‖ (double vertical line
There are also a handful of Greek words.
Some compromises were made to accommodate font availability:
The ordinary “cents” sign ¢ was used in place of the correct form ȼ,
and bracketed [¢] represents the capital letter Ȼ.
Turned c is represented by ɔ (technically an open o).
Bracketed [K] and [T] represent upside-down (turned) capital K and T.
Inverted V (described in text) is represented by the Greek letter Λ.
If your computer has a more appropriate character, feel free to replace
letters globally.
Syllable stress is represented by an acute accent either on the main
vówel or after the syl´lable; inconsistencies are unchanged. Except
for special characters noted above, and obvious insertions such as
[Illustration] and [Footnote], brackets are in the original. Note that
in the Sign Language article, hand positions identified by letter
(A, B ... W, Y) are descriptive; they do not represent a “finger
alphabet”.
Italics are shown with _lines_. Boldface (rare) is shown with +marks+;
in some articles the same notation is used for +small capitals+.
The First Annual Report includes ten “Accompanying Papers”, all
available from Project Gutenberg as individual e-texts. Except for
Yarrow’s “Mortuary Customs”, updated shortly before the present text,
the separate articles were released between late 2005 and late 2007. For
this combined e-text they have been re-formatted for consistency. Some
articles have been further modified to include specialized characters
shown above, and a few more typographical errors have been corrected.
For consistency with later Annual Reports, a full List of Illustrations
has been added after the Table of Contents, and each article has been
given its own Table of Contents. In the original, the Contents were
printed _only_ at the beginning of the volume, and Illustrations were
listed _only_ with their respective articles.
Errors and inconsistencies are listed separately at the end of each
article and after the combined Index. Differences in punctuation or
hyphenization between the Table of Contents, Index, or List of
Illustrations, and the item itself, are not noted.]
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FIRST ANNUAL REPORT
of the
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY
to the
Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution
1879-’80
by
J. W. POWELL
Director
[Illustration]
WASHINGTON
Government Printing Office
1881
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau of Ethnology,
_Washington, D.C., July, 1880._
Prof. SPENCER F. BAIRD,
_Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution_,
_Washington, D.C._:
SIR: I have the honor to transmit herewith the first annual report of
the operations of the Bureau of Ethnology.
By act of Congress, an appropriation was made to continue researches in
North American anthropology, the general direction of which was confided
to yourself. As chief executive officer of the Smithsonian Institution,
you entrusted to me the immediate control of the affairs of the Bureau.
This report, with its appended papers, is designed to exhibit the
methods and results of my administration of this trust.
If any measure of success has been attained, it is largely due to
general instructions received from yourself and the advice you have ever
patiently given me on all matters of importance.
I am indebted to my assistants, whose labors are delineated in the
report, for their industry; hearty co-operation, and enthusiastic love
of the science. Only through their zeal have your plans been executed.
Much assistance has been rendered the Bureau by a large body of
scientific men engaged in the study of anthropology, some of whose names
have been mentioned in the report and accompanying papers, and others
will be put on record when the subject-matter of their writings is fully
published.
I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
J. W. POWELL.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.
Page.
Introductory xi
Bibliography of North American philology, by J. C. Pilling xv
Linguistic and other anthropologic researches,
by J. O. Dorsey xvii
Linguistic researches, by S. R. Riggs xviii
Linguistic and general researches among the Klamath
Indians, by A. S. Gatschet xix
Studies among the Iroquois, by Mrs. E. A. Smith xxii
Work by Prof. Otis T. Mason xxii
The study of gesture speech, by Brevet Lieut. Col.
Garrick Mallery xxiii
Studies on Central American picture writing,
by Prof. E. S. Holden xxv
The study of mortuary customs, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow xxvi
Investigations relating to cessions of lands by Indian
tribes to the United States, by C. C. Royce xxvii
Explorations by Mr. James Stevenson xxx
Researches among the Wintuns, by Prof. J. W. Powell xxxii
The preparation of manuals for use in American research xxxii
Linguistic classification of the North American tribes xxxiii
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
Page.
ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE, BY J. W. POWELL.
Process by combination 3
Process by vocalic mutation 5
Process by intonation 6
Process by placement 6
Differentiation of the parts of speech 8
SKETCH OF THE MYTHOLOGY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY J. W. POWELL.
The genesis of philosophy 19
Two grand stages of philosophy 21
Mythologic philosophy has four stages 29
Outgrowth from mythologic philosophy 33
The course of evolution in mythologic philosophy 38
Mythic tales 43
The Cĭn-aú-äv Brothers discuss matters of importance
to the Utes 44
Origin of the echo 45
The So´-kûs Wai´-ûn-ats 47
Ta-vwots has a fight with the sun 52
WYANDOT GOVERNMENT, BY J. W. POWELL.
The family 59
The gens 59
The phratry 60
Government 61
Civil government 61
Methods of choosing councillors 61
Functions of civil government 63
Marriage regulations 63
Name regulations 64
Regulations of personal adornment 64
Regulations of order in encampment 64
Property rights 65
Rights of persons 65
Community rights 65
Rights of religion 65
Crimes 66
Theft 66
Maiming 66
Murder 66
Treason 67
Witchcraft 67
Outlawry 67
Military government 68
Fellowhood 68
ON LIMITATIONS TO THE USE OF SOME ANTHROPOLOGIC DATA, BY J. W. POWELL.
Archæology 73
Picture writing 75
History, customs, and ethnic characteristics 76
Origin of man 77
Language 78
Mythology 81
Sociology 83
Psychology 83
A FURTHER CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF THE MORTUARY CUSTOMS OF THE NORTH
AMERICAN INDIANS, BY H. C. YARROW.
List of illustrations 89
Introductory 91
Classification of burial 92
Inhumation 93
Pit burial 93
Grave burial 101
Stone graves or cists 113
Burial in mounds 115
Burial beneath or in cabins, wigwams, or houses 122
Cave burial 126
Embalmment or mummification 130
Urn burial 137
Surface burial 138
Cairn burial 142
Cremation 143
Partial cremation 150
Aerial sepulture 152
Lodge burial 152
Box burial 155
Tree and scaffold burial 158
Partial scaffold burial and ossuaries 168
Superterrene and aerial burial in canoes 171
Aquatic burial 180
Living sepulchers 182
Mourning, sacrifice, feasts, etc. 183
Mourning 183
Sacrifice 187
Feasts 190
Superstition regarding burial feasts 191
Food 192
Dances 192
Songs 194
Games 195
Posts 197
Fires 198
Superstitions 199
STUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE WRITING, BY E. S. HOLDEN.
List of illustrations 206
Introductory 207
Materials for the present investigation 210
System of nomenclature 211
In what order are the hieroglyphs read? 221
The card catalogue of hieroglyphs 223
Comparison of plates I and IV (Copan) 224
Are the hieroglyphs of Copan and Palenque identical? 227
Huitzilopochtli, Mexican god of war, etc. 229
Tlaloc, or his Maya representative 237
Cukulcan or Quetzalcoatl 239
Comparison of the signs of the Maya months 243
CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE UNITED STATES, BY C. C. ROYCE.
Character of the Indian title 249
Indian boundaries 253
Original and secondary cessions 256
SIGN LANGUAGE AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS, BY COL. GARRICK MALLERY.
Introductory 269
Divisions of gesture speech 270
The origin of sign language 273
Gestures of the lower animals 275
Gestures of young children 276
Gestures in mental disorder 276
Uninstructed deaf-mutes 277
Gestures of the blind 278
Loss of speech by isolation 278
Low tribes of man 279
Gestures as an occasional resource 279
Gestures of fluent talkers 279
Involuntary response to gestures 280
Natural pantomime 280
Some theories upon primitive language 282
Conclusions 284
History of gesture language 285
Modern use of gesture speech 293
Use by other peoples than North American Indians 294
Use by modern actors and orators 308
Our Indian conditions favorable to sign language 311
Theories entertained respecting Indian signs 313
Not correlated with meagerness of language 314
Its origin from one tribe or region 316
Is the Indian system special and peculiar? 319
To what extent prevalent as a system 323
Are signs conventional or instinctive? 340
Classes of diversities in signs 341
Results sought in the study of sign language 346
Practical application 346
Relations to philology 349
Sign language with reference to grammar 359
Gestures aiding archæologic research 368
Notable points for further researches 387
Invention of new signs 387
Danger of symbolic interpretation 388
Signs used by women and children 391
Positive signs rendered negative 391
Details of positions of fingers 392
Motions relative to parts of the body 393
Suggestions for collecting signs 394
Mode in which researches have been made 395
List of authorities and collaborators 401
Algonkian 403
Dakotan 404
Iroquoian 405
Kaiowan 406
Kutinean 406
Panian 406
Piman 406
Sahaptian 406
Shoshonian 406
Tinnean 407
Wichitan 407
Zuñian 407
Foreign correspondence 407
Extracts from dictionary 409
Tribal signs 458
Proper names 476
Phrases 479
Dialogues 486
Tendoy-Huerito Dialogue. 486
Omaha Colloquy. 490
Brulé Dakota Colloquy. 491
Dialogue between Alaskan Indians. 492
Ojibwa Dialogue. 499
Narratives 500
Nátci’s Narrative. 500
Patricio’s Narrative. 505
Na-wa-gi-jig’s Story. 508
Discourses 521
Address of Kin Chē-Ĕss. 521
Tso-di-a´-ko’s Report. 524
Lean Wolf’s Complaint. 526
Signals 529
Signals executed by bodily action 529
Signals in which objects are used in connection with
personal action 532
Signals made when the person of the signalist
is not visible 536
Scheme of illustration 544
Outlines for arm positions in sign language 545
Types of hand positions in sign language 547
Examples 550
CATALOGUE OF LINGUISTIC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BUREAU OF
ETHNOLOGY, BY J. C. PILLING.
Introductory 555
List of manuscripts 562
ILLUSTRATION OF THE METHOD OF RECORDING INDIAN LANGUAGES. FROM THE
MANUSCRIPTS OF MESSRS. J. O. DORSEY, A. S. GATSCHET, AND S. B. RIGGS.
How the rabbit caught the sun in a trap, by J. O. Dorsey 581
Details of a conjurer’s practice, by A. S. Gatschet 583
The relapse, by A. S. Gatschet 585
Sweat-Lodges, by A. S. Gatschet 586
A dog’s revenge, by S. R. Riggs 587
FIRST ANNUAL REPORT
OF THE
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
BY J. W. POWELL, _Director._
INTRODUCTORY.
The exploration of the Colorado River of the West, begun in 1869 by
authority of Congressional action, was by the same authority
subsequently continued as the second division of the Geographical and
Geological Survey of the Territories, and, finally, as the Geographical
and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region.
By act of Congress of March 3, 1879, the various geological and
geographical surveys existing at that time were discontinued and the
United States Geological Survey was established.
In all the earlier surveys anthropologic researches among the North
American Indians were carried on. In that branch of the work finally
designated as the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky
Mountain Region, such research constituted an important part of the
work. In the act creating the Geological Survey, provision was made to
continue work in this field under the direction of the Smithsonian
Institution, on the basis of the methods developed and materials
collected by the Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky
Mountain Region.
Under the authority of the act of Congress providing for the
continuation of the work, the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution
intrusted its management to the former director of the Survey of the
Rocky Mountain Region, and a bureau of ethnology was thus practically
organized.
In the Annual Report of the Geographical and Geological Survey of the
Rocky Mountain Region for 1877, the following statement of the condition
of the work at that time appears:
ETHNOGRAPHIC WORK.
During the same office season the ethnographic work was more
thoroughly organized, and the aid of a large number of volunteer
assistants living throughout the country was secured. Mr. W. H.
Dall, of the United States Coast Survey, prepared a paper on the
tribes of Alaska, and edited other papers on certain tribes of
Oregon and Washington Territory. He also superintended the
construction of an ethnographic map to accompany his paper,
including on it the latest geographic determination from all
available sources. His long residence and extended scientific labors
in that region peculiarly fitted him for the task, and he has made a
valuable contribution both to ethnology and geography.
With the same volume was published a paper on the habits and customs
of certain tribes of the State of Oregon and Washington Territory,
prepared by the late Mr. George Gibbs while he was engaged in
scientific work in that region for the government. The volume also
contains a Niskwalli vocabulary with extended grammatic notes, the
last great work of the lamented author.
In addition to the map above mentioned and prepared by Mr. Dall,
a second has been made, embracing the western portion of Washington
Territory and the northern part of Oregon. The map includes the
results of the latest geographic information and is colored to show
the distribution of Indian tribes, chiefly from notes and maps left
by Mr. Gibbs.
The Survey is indebted to the following gentlemen for valuable
contributions to this volume: Gov. J. Furujelm, Lieut. E. De Meulen,
Dr. Wm. F. Tolmie, and Rev. Father Mengarini.
Mr. Stephen Powers, of Ohio, who has spent several years in the
study of the Indians of California, had the year before been engaged
to prepare a paper on that subject. In the mean time at my request
he was employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to travel among
these tribes for the purpose of making collections of Indian arts
for the International Exhibition. This afforded him opportunity of
more thoroughly accomplishing his work in the preparation of the
above-mentioned paper. On his return the new material was
incorporated with the old, and the whole has been printed.
At our earliest knowledge of the Indians of California they were
divided into small tribes speaking diverse languages and belonging
to radically different stocks, and the whole subject was one of
great complexity and interest. Mr. Powers has successfully unraveled
the difficult problems relating to the classification and affinities
of a very large number of tribes, and his account of their habits
and customs is of much interest.
In the volume with his paper will be found a number of vocabularies
collected by himself, Mr. George Gibbs, General George Crook,
U.S.A., General W. B. Hazen, U.S.A., Lieut. Edward Ross, U.S.A.,
Assistant Surgeon Thomas F. Azpell, U.S.A., Mr. Ezra Williams, Mr.
J. R. Bartlett, Gov. J. Furujelm, Prof. F. L. O. Roehrig, Dr.
William A. Gabb, Mr. H. B. Brown, Mr. Israel S. Diehl, Dr. Oscar
Loew, Mr. Albert S. Gatschet, Mr. Livingston Stone, Mr. Adam
Johnson, Mr. Buckingham Smith, Padre Aroyo; Rev. Father Gregory
Mengarini, Padre Juan Comelias, Hon. Horatio Hale, Mr. Alexander S.
Taylor, Rev. Antonio Timmeno, and Father Bonaventure Sitjar.
The volume is accompanied by a map of the State of California,
compiled from the latest official sources and colored to show the
distribution of linguistic stocks.
The Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of Maryland, has been engaged for more than
a year in the preparation of a grammar and dictionary of the Ponka
language. His residence among these Indians as a missionary has
furnished him favorable opportunity for the necessary studies, and
he has pushed forward the work with zeal and ability, his only hope
of reward being a desire to make a contribution to science.
Prof. Otis T. Mason, of Columbian College, has for the past year
rendered the office much assistance in the study of the history and
statistics of Indian tribes.
On June 13, Brevet Lieut. Col. Garrick Mallery, U.S.A., at the
request of the Secretary of the Interior, joined my corps under
orders from the honorable Secretary of War, and since that time has
been engaged in the study of the statistics and history of the
Indians of the western portion of the United States.
In April last, Mr. A. S. Gatschet was employed as a philologist to
assist in the ethnographic work of this Survey. He had previously
been engaged in the study of the languages of various North American
tribes. In June last at the request of this office he was employed
by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to collect certain statistics
relating to the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territory, and is
now in the field. His scientific reports have since that time been
forwarded through the honorable Commissioner of Indian Affairs to
this office. His work will be included in a volume now in course of
preparation.
Dr. H. O. Yarrow, U.S.A., now on duty at the Army Medical Museum, in
Washington, has been engaged during the past year in the collection
of material for a monograph on the customs and rites of sepulture.
To aid him in this work circulars of inquiry have been widely
circulated among ethnologists and other scholars throughout North
America, and much material has been obtained which will greatly
supplement his own extended observations and researches.
Many other gentlemen throughout the United States have rendered me
valuable assistance in this department of investigation. Their
labors will receive due acknowledgment at the proper time, but I
must not fail to render my sincere thanks to these gentlemen, who
have so cordially and efficiently co-operated with me in this work.
A small volume, entitled “Introduction to the Study of Indian
Languages,” has been prepared and published. This book is intended
for distribution among collectors. In its preparation I have been
greatly assisted by Prof. W. D. Whitney, the distinguished
philologist of Yale College. To him I am indebted for that part
relating to the representation of the sounds of Indian languages;
a work which could not be properly performed by any other than a
profound scholar in this branch.
I complete the statement of the office-work of the past season by
mentioning that a tentative classification of the linguistic
families of the Indians of the United States has been prepared. This
has been a work of great labor, to which I have devoted much of my
own time, and in which I have received the assistance of several of
the gentlemen above mentioned.
In pursuing these ethnographic investigations it has been the
endeavor as far as possible to produce results that would be of
practical value in the administration of Indian affairs, and for
this purpose especial attention has been paid to vital statistics,
to the discovery of linguistic affinities, the progress made by the
Indians toward civilization, and the causes and remedies for the
inevitable conflict that arises from the spread of civilization over
a region previously inhabited by savages. I may be allowed to
express the hope that our labors in this direction will not be void
of such useful results.
In 1878 no report of the Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region was
published, as before its completion the question of reorganizing all of
the surveys had been raised, but the work was continued by the same
methods as in previous years.
The operations of the Bureau of Ethnology during the past fiscal year
will be briefly described.
In the plan of organization two methods of operation are embraced:
First. The prosecution of research by the direct employment of scholars
and specialists; and
Second. By inciting and guiding research immediately conducted by
collaborators at work throughout the country.
It has been the effort of the Bureau to prosecute work in the various
branches of North American anthropology on a systematic plan, so that
every important field should be cultivated, limited only by the amount
appropriated by Congress.
With little exception all sound anthropologic investigation in the lower
states of culture exhibited by tribes of men, as distinguished from
nations, must have a firm foundation in language Customs, laws,
governments, institutions, mythologies, religions, and even arts can not
be properly understood without a fundamental knowledge of the languages
which express the ideas and thoughts embodied therein. Actuated by these
considerations prime attention has been given to language.
It is not probable that there are many languages in North America
entirely unknown, and in fact it is possible there are none; but of many
of the known languages only short vocabularies have appeared. Except for
languages entirely unknown, the time for the publication of short
vocabularies has passed; they are no longer of value. The Bureau
proposes hereafter to publish short vocabularies only in the exceptional
cases mentioned above.
The distribution of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages is
resulting in the collection of a large series of chrestomathies, which
it is believed will be worthy of publication. It is also proposed to
publish grammars and dictionaries when those have been thoroughly and
carefully prepared. In each case it is deemed desirable to connect with
the grammar and dictionary a body of literature designed as texts for
reference in explaining the facts and principles of the language. These
texts will be accompanied by interlinear translations so arranged as
greatly to facilitate the study of the chief grammatic characteristics.
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NORTH AMERICAN PHILOLOGY, BY MR. J. C. PILLING.
There is being prepared in the office a bibliography of North American
languages. It was originally intended as a card catalogue for office
use, but has gradually assumed proportions which seem to justify its
publication. It is designed as an author’s catalogue, arranged
alphabetically, and is to include titles of grammars, dictionaries,
vocabularies, translations of the scriptures, hymnals, doctrinæ
christianæ, tracts, school-books, etc., general discussions, and reviews
when of sufficient importance; in short, a catalogue of authors who have
written in or upon any of the languages of North America, with a list of
their works.
It has been the aim in preparing this material to make not only full
titles of all the works containing linguistics, but also to exhaust
editions. Whether full titles of editions subsequent to the first will
be printed will depend somewhat on the size of the volume it will make,
there being at present about four thousand five hundred cards, probably
about three thousand titles.
The bibliography is based on the library of the Director, but much time
has been spent in various libraries, public and private, the more
important being the Congressional, Boston Public, Boston Athenæum,
Harvard College, Congregational of Boston, Massachusetts Historical
Society, American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, the John Carter
Brown at Providence, the Watkinson at Hartford, and the American Bible
Society at New York. It is hoped that Mr. Pilling may find opportunity
to visit the principal libraries of New York and Philadelphia,
especially those of the historical societies, before the work is
printed.
In addition to personal research, much correspondence has been carried
on with the various missionaries and Indian agents throughout the United
States and Canada, and with gentlemen who have written upon the subject,
among whom are Dr. H. Rink, of Copenhagen, Dr. J. C. E. Buschman, of
Berlin, and the well-known bibliographers, Mr. J. Sabin, of New York,
Hon. J. R. Bartlett, of Providence, and Señor Don J. G. Icazbalceta, of
the City of Mexico.
Mr. Pilling has not attempted to classify the material linguistically.
That work has been left for a future publication, intended to embody the
results of an attempt to classify the tribes of North America on the
basis of language, and now in course of preparation by the Director.
LINGUISTIC AND OTHER ANTHROPOLOGIC RESEARCHES, BY THE REV. J. OWEN
DORSEY.
For a number of years Mr. Dorsey has been engaged in investigations
among a group of cognate Dakotan tribes embracing three languages:
[¢]egiha, spoken by the Ponkas and Omahas, with a closely related
dialect of the same, spoken by the Kansas, Osage, and Kwapa tribes; the
[T]ɔiwere, spoken by the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri tribes; and the
Hotcañgara, spoken by the Winnebago.
In July, 1878, he repaired to the Omaha reservation, in the neighborhood
of which most of these languages are spoken, for the purpose of
continuing his studies.
Mr. Dorsey commenced the study of the [¢]egiha in 1871, and has
continued his researches in the group until the present time. He has
collected a very large body of linguistic material, both in grammar and
vocabulary, and when finally published a great contribution will be made
to North American linguistics.
These languages are excessively complex because of the synthetic
characteristics of the verb, incorporated particles being used in an
elaborate and complex scheme.
In these languages six general classes of pronouns are found:
1st. The free personal.
2d. The incorporated personal.
3d. The demonstrative.
4th. The interrogative.
5th. The relative.
6th. The indefinite.
One of the most interesting features of the language is found in the
genders or particle classifiers. The genders or classifiers are
_animate_ and _inanimate_, and these are again divided into the
_standing_, _sitting_, _reclining_, and _moving_; but in the Winnebago
the _reclining_ and _moving_ constitute but one class. They are suffixed
to nouns, pronouns, and verbs. When nouns, adjectives, adverbs, and
prepositions are used as predicants, _i.e._, to perform the function of
verbs, these classifiers are also suffixed. The classifiers point out
with particularity the gender or class of the subject and object. When
numerals are used as nouns the classifiers are attached.
In nouns and pronouns case functions are performed by an elaborate
system of postpositions in conjunction with the classifiers.
The verbs are excessively complex by reason of the use of many
incorporated particles to denote _cause_, _manner_, _instrument_,
_purpose_, _condition_, _time_, etc. Voice, mode, and tense are not
systematically differentiated in the morphology, but voices, modes, and
tenses, and a great variety of adverbial qualifications enter into the
complex scheme of incorporated particles.
Sixty-six sounds are found in the [¢]egiha; sixty-two in the
[T][c]iwere; sixty-two in the Hotcañgara; and the alphabet adopted by
the Bureau is used successfully for their expression.
While Mr. Dorsey has been prosecuting his linguistic studies among these
tribes he has had abundant opportunity to carry on other branches of
anthropologic research, and he has collected extensive and valuable
materials on sociology, mythology, religion, arts, customs, etc. His
final publication of the [¢]egiha will embrace a volume of literature
made up of mythic tales, historical narratives, letters, etc., in the
Indian, with interlinear translations, a selection from which appears in
the papers appended to this report. Another volume will be devoted to
the grammar and a third to the dictionary.
LINGUISTIC RESEARCHES, BY THE REV. S. R. RIGGS.
In 1852 the Smithsonian Institution published a grammar and dictionary
of the Dakota language prepared by Mr. Riggs. Since that time Mr. Riggs,
assisted by his sons, A. L. and T. L. Riggs, and by Mr. Williamson, has
been steadily engaged in revising and enlarging the grammar and
dictionary; and at the request of the Bureau he is also preparing a
volume of Dakota literature as texts for illustration to the grammar and
dictionary. He is rapidly preparing this work for publication, and it
will soon appear.
The work of Mr. Riggs and that of Mr. Dorsey, mentioned above, with the
materials already published, will place the Dakotan languages on record
more thoroughly than those of any other family in this country.
The following is a table of the languages of this family now recognized
by the Bureau:
LANGUAGES OF THE DAKOTAN FAMILY.
1. Dakóta (Sioux), in four dialects:
(_a_) Mdéwakaⁿtoⁿwaⁿ and Waqpékute.
(_b_) Waqpétoⁿwaⁿ (Warpeton) and Sisítoⁿwaⁿ (Sisseton).
These two are about equivalent to the modern Isaⁿ´yati (Santee).
(_c_) Ihañk´toⁿwaⁿ (Yankton), including the Assiniboins.
(_d_) Títoⁿwaⁿ (Teton).
2. [¢]egiha, in two (?) dialects:
(_a_) Umaⁿ´haⁿ (Omaha), spoken by the Omahas and Ponkas.
(_b_) Ugáqpa (Kwapa), spoken by the Kwapas, Osages, and Kansas.
3. [T]ɔiwére, in two dialects:
(_a_) [T]ɔiwére, spoken by the Otos and Missouris.
(_b_) [T]ɔéʞiwere, spoken by the Iowas.
4. Hotcañ´gara, spoken by the Winnebagos.
5. Númañkaki (Mandan), in two dialects:
(_a_) Mitútahañkuc.
(_b_) Ruptári.
6. Hi¢átsa (Hidatsa), in two (?) dialects:
(_a_) Hidátsa or Minnetaree.
(_b_) Absároka or Crow.
7. Tútelo, in Canada.
8. Katâ´ba (Catawba), in South Carolina.
LINGUISTIC AND GENERAL RESEARCHES AMONG THE KLAMATH INDIANS,
BY MR. A. S. GATSCHET.
Of the Klamath language of Oregon there are two dialects--one spoken by
the Indians of Klamath Lake and the other by the Modocs--constituting
the Lutuami family of Hale and Gallatin.
Mr. Gatschet has spent much time among these Indians, at their
reservation and elsewhere, and has at the present time in manuscript
nearly ready for the printer a large body of Klamath literature,
consisting of mythic, ethnic, and historic tales, a grammar and a
dictionary. The stories were told by the Indians and recorded by
himself, and constitute a valuable contribution to the subject. Some
specimens will appear in the papers appended to this report.
The grammatic sketch treats of both dialects, which differ but slightly
in grammar but more in vocabulary. The grammar is divided into three
principal parts: Phonology, Morphology, and Syntax.
In Phonology fifty different sounds are recognized, including simple and
compound consonants, the vowels in different quantities, and the
diphthongs.
A characteristic feature of this language is described in explaining
syllabic reduplication, which performs iterative and distributive
functions. Reduplication for various purposes is found in most of the
languages of North America. In the Nahuatl, Sahaptin, and Selish
families it is most prominent. Mr. Gatschet’s researches will add
materially to the knowledge of the functions of reduplication in tribal
languages.
The verbal inflection is comparatively simple, for in it the subject and
object pronouns are not incorporated. In the verb Mr. Gatschet
recognizes ten general forms, a part of which he designates as
_verbals_, as follows:
1. Infinitive in -a.
2. Durative in -ota.
3. Causative in -oga.
4. Indefinite in -ash.
5. Indefinite in -uĭsh.
6. Conditional in -asht.
7. Desiderative in -ashtka.
8. Intentional in -tki.
9. Participle in -ank.
10. Past participle and verbal adjectives in -tko.
Tense and mode inflection is very rudimentary and is mostly accomplished
by the use of particles. The study of the prefixes and suffixes of
derivation is one of the chief difficulties of the language, for they
combine in clusters, and are not easily analyzed, and their functions
are often obscure.
The inflection of nouns by case endings and postpositions is rich in
forms; that of the adjective and numeral less elaborate.
Of the pronouns, only the demonstrative show a complexity of forms.
Another feature of this language is found in verbs appended to certain
numerals, and thus serving as numerical classifiers. These verbs express
methods of counting and relate to form; that is, in each case they
present the Indian in the act of counting objects of a particular form
and placing them in groups of tens.
The appended verbs used as classifiers signify _to place_, but in Indian
languages we are not apt to find a word so highly differentiated as
_place_, but in its stead a series of words with verbs and adverbs
undifferentiated, each signifying _to place_, with a qualification, as
_I place upon_, _I lay alongside of_, _I stand up, by_, etc. Thus we get
classifiers attached to numerals in the Klamath, analogous to the
classifiers attached to verbs, nouns, numerals, etc., in the Ponka, as
mentioned above.
These classifiers in Klamath are further discriminated as to form; but
these form discriminations are the homologues of attitude
discriminations in the Ponka, for the form determines the attitude.
It is interesting to note how often in these lower languages attitude or
form is woven into the grammatic structure. Perhaps this arises from a
condition of expression imposed by the want of the verb _to be_, so that
when existence in place is to be affirmed, the verbs of attitude,
_i.e._, _to stand_, _to sit_, _to lie_, and sometimes _to move_, are
used to predicate existence in place, and thus the mind comes habitually
to consider all things as in the one or the other of these attitudes.
The process of growth seems to be that verbs of attitude are primarily
used to affirm existence in place until the habit of considering the
attitude is established; thus participles of attitude are used with
nouns, &c., and finally, worn down by the law of phonic change, for
economy, they become classifying particles. This view of the origin of
classifying particles seems to be warranted by studies from a great
variety of Indian sources.
The syntactic portion is divided into four parts:
1st. On the predicative relation;
2d. On the objective relation;
3d. On the attributive relation; and the
4th. Exhibits the formation of simple and compound sentences, followed
by notes on the incorporative tendency of the language, its rhetoric,
figures, and idioms.
The alphabet adopted by Mr. Gatschet differs slightly from that used by
the Bureau, particularly in the modification of certain Roman characters
and the introduction of one Greek character. This occurred from the fact
that Mr. Gatschet’s material had been partly prepared prior to the
adoption of the alphabet now in use.
Mr. Gatschet has collected much valuable material relating to
governmental and social institutions, mythology, religion, music,
poetry, oratory, and other interesting matters. The body of Klamath
literature, or otherwise the text previously mentioned, constitutes the
basis of these investigations.
STUDIES AMONG THE IROQUOIS, BY MRS. E. A. SMITH.
Mrs. Smith, of Jersey City, has undertaken to prepare a series of
chrestomathies of the Iroquois language, and has already made much
progress. Three of them are ready for the printer, and that on the
Tuscarora language has been increased much beyond the limits at first
established. She has also collected interesting material relating to the
mythology, habits, customs, &c., of these Indians, and her contributions
will be interesting and important.
WORK BY PROF. OTIS T. MASON.
On the advent of the white man in America a great number of tribes were
found. For a variety of reasons the nomenclature of these tribes became
excessively complex. Names were greatly multiplied for each tribe and a
single name was often inconsistently applied to different tribes.
Several important reasons conspired to bring about this complex state of
synonymy:
1st. A great number of languages were spoken, and ofttimes the first
names obtained for tribes were not the names used by themselves, but the
names by which they were known to some other tribes.
2d. The governmental organization of the Indians was not understood, and
the names for gentes, tribes, and confederacies were confounded.
3d. The advancing occupancy of the country by white men changed the
habitat of the Indians, and in their migrations from point to point
their names were changed.
Under these circumstances the nomenclature of Indian tribes became
ponderous and the synonymy complex. To unravel this synonymy is a task
of great magnitude. Early in the fiscal year the materials already
collected on this subject were turned over to Professor Mason and
clerical assistance given him, and he has prepared a card catalogue of
North American tribes, exhibiting the synonymy, for use in the office.
This is being constantly revised and enlarged, and will eventually be
published.
Professor Mason is also engaged in editing a grammar and dictionary of
the Chata language, by the late Rev. Cyrus Byington, the manuscript of
which was by Mrs. Byington turned over to the Bureau of Ethnology. The
dictionary is Chata-English, and Professor Mason has prepared an
English-Chata of about ten thousand words. He has also undertaken to
enlarge the grammar by a further study of the language among the Indians
themselves.
THE STUDY OF GESTURE SPEECH, BY BREVET LIEUT. COL. GARRICK MALLERY,
U.S.A.
The growth of the languages of civilized peoples in their later stages
may be learned from the study of recorded literature; and by comparative
methods many interesting facts may be discovered pertaining to periods
anterior to the development of writing.
In the study of peoples who have not passed beyond the tribal condition,
laws of linguistic growth anterior to the written stage may be
discovered. Thus, by the study of the languages of tribes and the
languages of nations, the methods and laws of development are discovered
from the low condition represented by the most savage tribe to the
highest condition existing in the speech of civilized man. But there is
a development of language anterior to this--a prehistoric condition--of
profound interest to the scholar, because in it the beginnings of
language--the first steps in the organization of articulate speech--are
involved.
On this prehistoric stage, light is thrown from four sources:
1st. Infant speech, in which the development of the language of the race
is epitomized.
2d. Gesture speech, which, among tribal peoples, never passes beyond the
first stages of linguistic growth; and these stages are probably
homologous to the earlier stages of oral speech.
3d. Picture writing, in which we again find some of the characteristics
of prehistoric speech illustrated.
4th. It may be possible to learn something of the elements of which
articulate speech is compounded by studying the inarticulate language of
the lower animals.
The traits of gesture speech that seem to illustrate the condition of
prehistoric oral language are found in the synthetic character of its
signs. The parts of speech are not differentiated, and the sentence is
not integrated; and this characteristic is more marked than in that of
the lowest oral language yet studied. For this reason the facts of
gesture speech constitute an important factor in the philosophy of
language. Doubtless, care must be exercised in its use because of the
advanced mental condition of the people who thus express their thought,
but with due caution it may be advantageously used. In itself,
independent of its relations to oral speech, the subject is of great
interest.
In taking up this subject for original investigation, valuable published
matter was found for comparison with that obtained by Colonel Mallery.
His opportunities for collecting materials from the Indians themselves
were abundant, as delegations of various tribes are visiting Washington
from time to time, by which the information obtained during his travels
was supplemented.
Again, the method of investigation by the assistance of a number of
collaborators is well illustrated in this work, and contributions from
various sources were made to the materials for study. The methods of
obtaining these contributions will be more fully explained hereafter.
One of the papers appended to this report was prepared by Colonel
Mallery and relates to this subject.
During the continuance of the Survey of the Colorado River, and of the
Rocky Mountain Region, the Director and his assistants made large
collections of pictographs. When Colonel Mallery joined the corps these
collections were turned over to him for more careful study. From various
sources these pictographs are rapidly accumulating, and now the subject
is assuming large proportions, and valuable results are expected.
An interesting relation between gesture speech and pictography consists
in the discovery that to the delineation of natural objects is added the
representation of gesture signs. Materials in America are very abundant,
and the prehistoric materials may be studied in the light given by the
practices now found among Indian tribes.
STUDIES IN CENTRAL AMERICAN PICTURE WRITING, BY PROF. E. S. HOLDEN.
In Central America and Mexico, picture writing had progressed to a stage
far in advance of anything discovered to the northward. Some of the most
interesting of these are the rock inscriptions of Yucatan, Copan,
Palenque, and other ruins of Central America.
Professor Holden has devoted much time to the study of these
inscriptions, for the purpose of discovering the characteristics of the
pictographic method and deciphering the records, and the discoveries
made by him are of great interest.
The Bureau has given him clerical assistance and such other aid as has
been found possible, and a paper by him on this subject appears with
this volume.
THE STUDY OF MORTUARY CUSTOMS, BY DR. H. C. YARROW.
The tribes of North America do not constitute a homogeneous people. In
fact, more than seventy distinct linguistic stocks are discovered, and
these are again divided by important distinctions of language. Among
these tribes varying stages of culture have been reached, and these
varying stages are exhibited in their habits and customs; and in a
territory of such vast extent the physical environment affecting culture
and customs is of great variety. Forest lands on the one hand, prairie
lands on the other, unbroken plains and regions of rugged mountains, the
cold, naked, desolate shores of sea and lake at the north and the dense
chaparral of the torrid south, the valleys of quiet rivers and the
cliffs and gorges of the cañon land--in all a great diversity of
physical features are found, imposing diverse conditions for obtaining
subsistence, in means and methods of house-building, creating diverse
wants and furnishing diverse ways for their supply. Through diversities
of languages and diversities of environment, diversity of traditions and
diversity of institutions have been produced; so that in many important
respects one tribe is never the counterpart of another.
These diversities have important limitations in the unity of the human
race and the social, mental, and moral homogeneity that has everywhere
controlled the progress of culture. The way of human progress is one
road, though wide.
From the interesting field of research cultivated by Dr. Yarrow an
abundant harvest will be gathered. The materials already accumulated are
large, and are steadily increasing through his vigorous work. These
materials constitute something more than a record of quaint customs and
abhorrent rites in which morbid curiosity may revel. In them we find the
evidences of traits of character and lines of thought that yet exist and
profoundly influence civilization. Passions in the highest culture
deemed most sacred--the love of husband and wife, parent and child, and
kith and kin, tempering, beautifying, and purifying social life and
culminating at death, have their origin far back in the early history of
the race and leaven the society of savagery and civilization alike. At
either end of the line bereavement by death tears the heart and mortuary
customs are symbols of mourning. The mystery which broods over the abbey
where lie the bones of king and bishop, gathers over the ossuary where
lie the bones of chief and shamin; for the same longing to solve the
mysteries of life and death, the same yearning for a future life, the
same awe of powers more than human, exist alike in the mind of the
savage and the sage.
By such investigations we learn the history of culture in these
important branches, and in a paper appended to this report Dr. Yarrow
presents some of the results of his studies.
INVESTIGATIONS RELATING TO CESSIONS OF LAND BY INDIAN TRIBES TO THE
UNITED STATES, BY C. C. ROYCE.
When civilized man first came to America the continent was partially
occupied by savage tribes, who obtained subsistence by hunting, by
fishing, by gathering vegetal products, and by rude garden culture in
cultivating small patches of ground. Semi-nomadic occupancy for such
purposes was their tenure to the soil.
On the organization of the present government such theories of natural
law were entertained that even this imperfect occupancy was held to be
sufficient title. Publicists, jurists, and statesmen agreed that no
portion of the waste of lands between the oceans could be acquired for
the homes of the incoming civilized men but by purchase or conquest in
just war. These theories were most potent in establishing practical
relations, and controlling governmental dealings with Indian tribes.
They were adjudged to be dependent domestic nations.
Under this theory a system of Indian affairs grew up, the history of
which, notwithstanding mistakes and innumerable personal wrongs, yet
demonstrates the justice inherent in the public sentiment of the nation
from its organization to the present time.
The difficulties subsisting in the adjustment of rights between savage
and civilized peoples are multiform and complex. Ofttimes the virtues of
one condition are the crimes of the other; happiness is misery; justice,
injustice. Thus, when the civilized man would do the best, he gave the
most offense. Under such circumstances it was impossible for wisdom and
justice combined to avert conflict.
One chapter in the history of Indian affairs in America is a doleful
tale of petty but costly and cruel wars; but there are other chapters
more pleasant to contemplate.
The attempts to educate the Indians and teach them the ways of
civilization have been many; much labor has been given, much treasure
expended. While to a large extent all of these efforts have disappointed
their enthusiastic promoters, yet good has been done, but rather by the
personal labors of missionaries, teachers, and frontiersmen associating
with Indians in their own land than by institutions organized and
supported by wealth and benevolence not immediately in contact with
savagery.
The great boon to the savage tribes of this country, unrecognized by
themselves, and, to a large extent, unrecognized by civilized men, has
been the presence of civilization, which, under the laws of
acculturation, has irresistibly improved their culture by substituting
new and civilized for old and savage arts, new for old customs--in
short, transforming savage into civilized life. These unpremeditated
civilizing influences have had a marked effect. The great body of the
Indians of North America have passed through stages of culture in the
last hundred years achieved by our Anglo-Saxon ancestors only by the
slow course of events through a thousand years.
The Indians of the continent have not greatly diminished in numbers, and
the tribes longest in contact with civilization are increasing. The
whole body of Indians is making rapid progress toward a higher culture,
notwithstanding the petty conflicts yet occurring where the relations of
the Indian tribes to our civilization have not yet been adjusted by the
adoption upon their part of the first conditions of a higher life.
The part which the General Government, representing public sentiment,
has done in the extinguishment of the vague Indian title to lands in the
granting to them of lands for civilized homes on reservations and in
severalty, in the establishment and support of schools, in the endeavors
to teach them agriculture and other industrial arts--in these and many
other ways justice and beneficence have been shown. Thus the history of
the tribes of America from savagery to civilization is a history of
three:
First. The history of acculturation--the effect of the presence of
civilization upon savagery.
Second. The history of Indian wars that have arisen in part from the
crimes and in part from the ignorance of either party.
Third. The history of civil Indian affairs. This last is divided into a
number of parts:
1st. The extinguishment of the Indian title.
2d. The gathering of Indians upon reservations.
3d. The instrumentalities used to teach the Indians civilized
industries; and
4th. The establishment and operation of schools.
From the organization of the Government to the present time these
branches of Indian affairs have been in operation; lands have been
bought and bought again; Indian tribes have been moved and moved again;
reservations have been established and broken up. The Government has
sought to give lands in severalty to the Indians from time to time along
the whole course of the history of Indian affairs. Every experiment to
teach the Indians the industries of civilization that could be devised
has been tried, and from all of these there has resulted a mixture of
failure and success.
A review of the century’s history abundantly demonstrates that there is
no short road to justice and peace; but a glance at the present state of
affairs exhibits the fact that these tribal communities will speedily be
absorbed in the citizenship of the republic. No new method is to be
adopted; the work is almost done; patient and persistent effort for a
short future like that of the long past will accomplish all. It remains
for us but to perfect the work wisely begun by the founders of the
Government.
The industries and social institutions of the pristine Indians have
largely been destroyed, and they are groping their way to civilized
life. To the full accomplishment of this, three things are necessary:
1st. The organization of the civilized family, with its rules of
inheritance in lineal descent.
2d. The civilized tenure of property in severalty must be substituted
for communal property.
3d. The English language must be acquired, that the thoughts and ways of
civilization may be understood.
To the history of Indian affairs much time has been given by the various
members of the Bureau of Ethnology. One of the more important of these
studies is that prosecuted by Mr. Royce in preparing a history of the
cessions of lands by Indian tribes to the Government of the United
States. A paper by him appended to this report illustrates the character
of these investigations.
EXPLORATIONS BY MR. JAMES STEVENSON.
In the early exploration of the southwestern portion of the United
States by Spanish travelers and conquerors, about sixty pueblos were
discovered. These pueblos were communal villages, with architecture in
untooled stone. In the conquest about half of the pueblos were
destroyed. Thirty-one now remain, and two of these are across the line,
on Mexican territory. The ruins of the pueblos yet remain, and some of
them have been identified.
The Navajos, composed of a group of tribes of the Athabascan family, and
the Coaninis, who live on the south side of the Grand Cañon of the
Colorado, are now known to be the people, or part of them at least, who
were driven from the pueblos.
In addition to the ruins that have been made in historic times, others
are found scattered throughout New Mexico, Arizona, Southern California,
Utah, and Colorado. Whether the ancient inhabitants of these older ruins
are represented by any of the tribes who now occupy the territory is not
known. These pueblo people were not homogeneous. Among the pueblos now
known at least five linguistic families are represented, but in their
study a somewhat homogeneous stage of culture is presented.
In a general way the earlier or older ruins represent very rude
structures, and the progress of development from the earlier to the
later exhibits two classes of interesting facts. The structures
gradually increase in size and improve in architecture. As the sites for
new villages were selected, more easily defensible positions were
chosen. The cliff dwellings thus belong to the later stage.
From the organization of the exploration of the Colorado River to the
present time, the pueblos yet inhabited, as well as those in ruins, have
been a constant subject of study, and on the organization of the Bureau
much valuable matter had already been collected. Early in the fiscal
year a party was organized to continue explorations in this field, and
placed under the direction of Mr. James Stevenson. The party left
Washington on the first of August last.
Mr. Frank H. Cushing, of the Smithsonian Institution, and Mr. J. K.
Hillers, photographer of the Bureau, with a number of general
assistants, accompanied Mr. Stevenson. The party remained in the field
until early winter, studying the ruins and making large and valuable
collections of pottery, stone implements, etc., and Mr. Hillers
succeeded in making an excellent suite of photographs.
When Mr. Stevenson returned with his party to Washington, Mr. Cushing
remained at Zuñi to study the language, mythology, sociology, and art of
that the most interesting pueblo. An illustrated catalogue of the
collections made by Mr. Stevenson has been printed. It was intended to
form an appendix to this report, but the volume has grown to such a size
that it is thought best to issue it with the next report.
RESEARCHES AMONG THE WINTUNS, BY J. W. POWELL.
During the fall the Director made an expedition into Northern California
for the purpose of studying the Wintuns. Much linguistic, sociologic,
and technologic material was collected, and more thorough anthropologic
researches initiated among a series of tribes heretofore neglected.
THE PREPARATION OF MANUALS FOR USE IN AMERICAN RESEARCH.
In the second plan of operations adopted by the Bureau, that of
promoting the researches of collaborators, aid in publication and, to
some extent, in preparation of scientific papers, has been given, and by
various ways new investigations and lines of research have been
initiated. For this latter purpose a series of manuals with elementary
discussions and schedules of interrogatories have been prepared.
The first is entitled Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages, by
J. W. Powell.
This has been widely distributed throughout North America, and the
collection of a large body of linguistic material has resulted
therefrom.
A second volume of this character is entitled Introduction to the Study
of Mortuary Customs, by Dr. H. C. Yarrow.
This also has been widely circulated with abundant success.
A third hand-book of the same character is entitled Introduction to the
Study of Sign Language, by Colonel Mallery.
This was circulated in like manner with like results.
A second edition of the Introduction to the Study of Indian Languages,
enlarged to meet the advanced wants of the time, has been prepared.
The papers by Dr. Yarrow and Colonel Mallery, and the catalogue of
manuscripts in the Bureau, prepared by Mr. Pilling, appended to this
volume, will illustrate the value of these agencies.
It is proposed in the near future to prepare similar volumes, as
follows:
Introduction to the Study of Medicine Practices of the North American
Indians;
Introduction to the Study of the Tribal Governments of North America;
Introduction to the Study of North American Mythology.
These additional manuals are nearly ready. Still others are projected,
and it is hoped that the field of North American anthropology will be
entirely covered by them. The series will then be systematically
combined in a Manual of Anthropology for use in North America.
SYSTEMATIC CLASSIFICATION OF THE NORTH AMERICAN TRIBES.
There is in course of preparation by the Bureau a linguistic
classification of North American tribes, with an atlas exhibiting their
priscan homes, or the regions inhabited by them at the time they were
discovered by white men.
* * * * *
The foregoing sketch of the Bureau, for the first fiscal year of its
existence, is designed to set forth the plan on which it is organized
and the methods of research adopted, and the papers appended thereto
will exhibit the measure of success attained.
It is the purpose of the Bureau of Ethnology to organize anthropologic
research in America.
* * * * *
* * * *
_Errors and Inconsistencies: Introductory Section_
In the Table of Contents under Sign Language, entries for the individual
Dialogues, Narratives and Discourses were added by the transcriber for
consistency.
Contents:
Witchcraft 67 [Withcraft]
SIGN LANGUAGE ... BY COL. GARRICK MALLERY. [COL GARRICK]
Sweat-Lodges, by A. S. Gatschet 586 [_added by transcriber_]
Linguistic Researches (Gatschet):
2. Durative in -ota. [_hyphen invisible_]
STUDIES AMONG THE IROQUOIS, BY MRS. E. A. SMITH. [_final . missing_]
Gesture Speech (Mallery):
... the representation of gesture signs. [_final . missing_]
Mortuary Customs (Yarrow):
... savagery and civilization alike. [_final . invisible_]
... the bones of chief and shamin; [_spelling unchanged_]
Classification of Tribes:
anthropologic research in America. [_final . missing_]
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
J. W. Powell, Director.
ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE,
As Exhibited In
The Specialization of the Grammatic Processes,
the Differentiation of the Parts of Speech,
and the Integration of the Sentence;
From a Study of Indian Languages.
By
J. W. POWELL.
CONTENTS.
Process by combination 3
Process by vocalic mutation 5
Process by intonation 6
Process by placement 6
Differentiation of the parts of speech 8
* * * * *
ON THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE
* * * * *
Possible ideas and thoughts are vast in number. A distinct word for
every distinct idea and thought would require a vast vocabulary. The
problem in language is to express many ideas and thoughts with
comparatively few words.
Again, in the evolution of any language, progress is from a condition
where few ideas are expressed by a few words to a higher, where many
ideas are expressed by the use of many words; but the number of all
possible ideas or thoughts expressed is increased greatly out of
proportion with the increase of the number of words.
And still again, in all of those languages which have been most
thoroughly studied, and by inference in all languages, it appears that
the few original words used in any language remain as the elements for
the greater number finally used. In the evolution of a language the
introduction of absolutely new material is a comparatively rare
phenomenon. The old material is combined and modified in many ways to
form the new.
How has the small stock of words found as the basis of a language been
thus combined and modified?
The way in which the old materials have been used gives rise to what
will here be denominated THE GRAMMATIC PROCESSES.
I.--THE PROCESS BY COMBINATION.
Two or more words may be united to form a new one, or to perform the
office of a new one, and four methods or stages of combination may be
noted.
_a._ By _juxtaposition_, where the two words are placed together and yet
remain as distinct words. This method is illustrated in Chinese, where
the words in the combination when taken alone seldom give a clew to
their meaning when placed together.
_b._ By _compounding_, where two words are made into one, in which case
the original elements of the new word remain in an unmodified condition,
as in _house-top_, _rain-bow_, _tell-tale_.
_c._ By _agglutination_, in which case one or more of the elements
entering into combination to form the new word is somewhat changed--the
elements are fused together. Yet this modification is not so great as to
essentially obscure the primitive words, as in _truthful_, where we
easily recognize the original words _truth_ and _full_; and _holiday_,
in which _holy_ and _day_ are recognized.
_d._ By _inflection_. Here one or more of the elements entering into the
compound has been so changed that it can scarcely be recognized. There
is a constant tendency to economy in speech by which words are gradually
shortened as they are spoken by generation after generation. In those
words which are combinations of others there are certain elements that
wear out more rapidly than others. Where some particular word is
combined with many other different words the tendency to modify by wear
this oft-used element is great. This is more especially the case where
the combined word is used in certain categories of combinations, as
where particular words are used to denote tense in the verb; thus, _did_
may be used in combination with a verb to denote past time until it is
worn down to the sound of _d_. The same wear occurs where particular
words are used to form cases in nouns, and a variety of illustrations
might be given. These categories constitute conjugations and
declensions, and for convenience such combinations may be called
paradigmatic. Then the oft-repeated elements of paradigmatic
combinations are apt to become excessively worn and modified, so that
the primitive words or themes to which they are attached seem to be but
slightly changed by the addition. Under these circumstances combination
is called inflection.
As a morphologic process, no well-defined plane of demarkation between
these four methods of combination can be drawn, as one runs into
another; but, in general, words may be said to be juxtaposed when two
words being placed together the combination performs the function of a
new word, while in form the two words remain separate.
Words may be said to be compound when two or more words are combined to
form one, no change being made in either. Words maybe said to be
agglutinated when the elementary words are changed but slightly, _i.e._,
only to the extent that their original forms are not greatly obscured;
and words may be said to be inflected when in the combination the
oft-repeated element or formative part has been so changed that its
origin is obscured. These inflections are used chiefly in the
paradigmatic combinations.
In the preceding statement it has been assumed that there can be
recognized, in these combinations of inflection, a theme or root, as it
is sometimes called, and a formative element. The formative element is
used with a great many different words to define or qualify them; that
is, to indicate mode, tense, number, person, gender, etc., of verbs,
nouns, and other parts of speech.
When in a language juxtaposition is the chief method of combination,
there may also be distinguished two kinds of elements, in some sense
corresponding to themes and formative parts. The theme is a word the
meaning of which is determined by the formative word placed by it; that
is, the theme is a word having many radically different meanings; with
which meaning it is to be understood is determined only by the formative
word, which thus serves as its label. The ways in which the theme words
are thus labeled by the formative word are very curious, but the subject
cannot be entered into here.
When words are combined by compounding, the formative elements cannot so
readily be distinguished from the theme; nor for the purposes under
immediate consideration can compounding be well separated from
agglutination.
When words are combined by agglutination, theme and formative part
usually appear. The formative parts are affixes; and affixes may be
divided into three classes, prefixes, suffixes, and infixes. These
affixes are often called incorporated particles.
In those Indian languages where combination is chiefly by agglutination,
that is, by the use of affixes, _i.e._, incorporated particles, certain
parts of the conjugation of the verb, especially those which denote
gender, number, and person, are effected by the use of article pronouns;
but in those languages where article pronouns are not found the verbs
are inflected to accomplish the same part of their conjugation. Perhaps,
when we come more fully to study the formative elements in these more
highly inflected languages, we may discover in such elements greatly
modified, _i.e._, worn out, incorporated pronouns.
II.--THE PROCESS BY VOCALIC MUTATION.
Here, in order to form a new word, one or more of the vowels of the old
word are changed, as in _man--men_, where an _e_ is substituted for _a_;
_ran--run_, where _u_ is substituted for _a_; _lead--led_, where _e_,
with its proper sound, is substituted for _ea_ with its proper sound.
This method is used to a very limited extent in English. When the
history of the words in which it occurs is studied it is discovered to
be but an instance of the wearing out of the different elements of
combined words; but in the Hebrew this method prevails to a very large
extent, and scholars have not yet been able to discover its origin in
combination as they have in English. It may or may not have been an
original grammatic process, but because of its importance in certain
languages it has been found necessary to deal with it as a distinct and
original process.
III.--THE PROCESS BY INTONATION.
In English, new words are not formed by this method, yet words are
intoned for certain purposes, chiefly rhetorical. We use the rising
intonation (or inflection, as it is usually called) to indicate that a
question is asked, and various effects are given to speech by the
various intonations of rhetoric. But this process is used in other
languages to form new words with which to express new ideas. In Chinese
eight distinct intonations are found, by the use of which one word may
be made to express eight different ideas, or perhaps it is better to say
that eight words may be made of one.
IV.--THE PROCESS BY PLACEMENT.
The place or position of a word may affect its significant use. Thus in
English we say _John struck James_. By the position of those words to
each other we know that John is the actor, and that James receives the
action.
* * * * *
By the grammatic processes language is organized. Organization
postulates the differentiation of organs and their combination into
integers. The integers of language are sentences, and their organs are
the parts of speech. Linguistic organization, then, consists in the
differentiation of the parts of speech and the integration of the
sentence. For example, let us take the words _John_, _father_, and
_love_. _John_ is the name of an individual; _love_ is the name of a
mental action, and _father_ the name of a person. We put them together,
John loves father, and they express a thought; _John_ becomes a noun,
and is the subject of the sentence; _love_ becomes a verb, and is the
predicant; _father_ a noun, and is the object; and we now have an
organized sentence. A sentence requires parts of speech, and parts of
speech are such because they are used as the organic elements of a
sentence.
The criteria of rank in languages are, first, grade of organization,
_i.e._, the degree to which the grammatic processes and methods are
specialized, and the parts of speech differentiated; second, sematologic
content, that is, the body of thought which the language is competent to
convey.
The grammatic processes may be used for three purposes:
First, for _derivation_, where a new word to express a new idea is made
by combining two or more old words, or by changing the vowel of one
word, or by changing the intonation of one word.
Second, for _modification_, a word may be qualified or defined by the
processes of combination, vocalic mutation or intonation.
It should here be noted that the plane between derivation and
qualification is not absolute.
Third, for _relation_. When words as signs of ideas are used together to
express thought, the relation of the words must be expressed by some
means. In English the relation of words is expressed both by placement
and combination, _i.e._, inflection for agreement.
It should here be noted that paradigmatic inflections are used for two
distinct purposes, qualification and relation. A word is qualified by
inflection when the idea expressed by the inflection pertains to the
idea expressed by the word inflected; thus a noun is qualified by
inflection when its number and gender are expressed. A word is related
by inflection when the office of the word in the sentence is pointed out
thereby; thus, nouns are related by case inflections; verbs are related
by inflections for gender, number, and person. All inflection for
agreement is inflection for relation.
In English, three of the grammatic processes are highly specialized.
_Combination_ is used chiefly for derivation, but to some slight extent
for qualification and relation in the paradigmatic categories. But its
use in this manner as compared with many other languages has almost
disappeared.
_Vocalic mutation_ is used to a very limited extent and only by
accident, and can scarcely be said to belong to the English language.
_Intonation_ is used as a grammatic process only to a limited
extent--simply to assist in forming the interrogative and imperative
modes. Its use here is almost rhetorical; in all other cases it is
purely rhetorical.
_Placement_ is largely used in the language, and is highly specialized,
performing the office of exhibiting the relations of words to each other
in the sentence; _i.e._, it is used chiefly for syntactic relation.
Thus one of the four processes does not belong to the English language;
the others are highly specialized.
The purposes for which the processes are used are _derivation_,
_modification_, and _syntactic relation_.
_Derivation_ is accomplished by combination.
_Modification_ is accomplished by the differentiation of adjectives and
adverbs, as words, phrases, and clauses.
_Syntactic relation_ is accomplished by placement. Syntactic relation
must not be confounded with the relation expressed by prepositions.
Syntactic relation is the relation of the parts of speech to each other
as integral parts of a sentence. Prepositions express relations of
thought of another order. They relate words to each other as words.
Placement relates words to each other as parts of speech.
In the Indian tongues combination is used for all three purposes,
performing the three different functions of derivation, modification,
and relation. Placement, also, is used for relation, and for both lands
of relation, syntactic and prepositional.
With regard, then, to the processes and purposes for which they are
used, we find in the Indian languages a low degree of specialization;
processes are used for diverse purposes, and purposes are accomplished
by diverse processes.
DIFFERENTIATION OF THE PARTS OF SPEECH.
It is next in order to consider to what degree the parts of speech are
differentiated in Indian languages, as compared with English.
Indian nouns are extremely connotive, that is, the name does more than
simply denote the thing to which it belongs; in denoting the object it
also assigns to it some quality or characteristic. Every object has many
qualities and characteristics, and by describing but a part of these the
true office of the noun is but imperfectly performed. A strictly
denotive name expresses no one quality or character, but embraces all
qualities and characters.
In _Ute_ the name for bear is _he seizes_, or _the hugger_. In this case
the verb is used for the noun, and in so doing the Indian names the bear
by predicating one of his characteristics. Thus noun and verb are
undifferentiated. In _Seneca_ the north is _the sun never goes there_,
and this sentence may be used as adjective or noun; in such cases noun,
adjective, verb, and adverb are found as one vocable or word, and the
four parts of speech are undifferentiated. In the _Pavänt_ language a
school-house is called _pó-kûnt-în-îñ-yî-kän_. The first part of the
word, _pó-kûnt_, signifies _sorcery is practiced_, and is the name given
by the Indians to any writing, from the fact that when they first
learned of writing they supposed it to be a method of practicing
sorcery; _în-îñ-yî_ is the verb signifying _to count_, and the meaning
of the word has been extended so as to signify _to read_; _kän_
signifies wigwam, and is derived from the verb _küri_, _to stay_. Thus
the name of the school-house literally signifies _a staying place where
sorcery is counted_, or where papers are read. The _Pavänt_ in naming a
school-house describes the purpose for which it is used. These examples
illustrate the general characteristics of Indian nouns; they are
excessively connotive; a simply denotive name is rarely found. In
general their name-words predicate some attribute of the object named,
and thus noun, adjective, and predicant are undifferentiated.
In many Indian languages there is no separate word for _eye_, _hand_,
_arm_, or other parts and organs of the body, but the word is found with
an incorporated or attached pronoun signifying _my_ hand, _my_ eye;
_your_ hand, _your_ eye; _his_ hand, _his_ eye, etc., as the case may
be. If the Indian, in naming these parts, refers to his own body, he
says _my_; if he refers to the body of the person to whom he is
speaking, he says _your_, &c. If an Indian should find a detached foot
thrown from the amputating-table of an army field hospital, he would say
something like this: I have found somebody _his foot_. The linguistic
characteristic is widely spread, though not universal.
Thus the Indian has no command of a fully differentiated noun expressive
of _eye_, _hand_, _arm_, or other parts and organs of the body.
In the pronouns we often have the most difficult part of an Indian
language. Pronouns are only to a limited extent independent words.
Among the free pronouns the student must early learn to distinguish
between the personal and the demonstrative. The demonstrative pronouns
are more commonly used. The Indian is more accustomed to say _this_
person or thing, _that_ person or thing, than _he_, _she_, or _it_.
Among the free personal pronouns the student may find an equivalent of
the pronoun _I_, another signifying _I and you_; perhaps another
signifying _I and he_, and one signifying _we, more than two_, including
the speaker and those present; and another including the speaker and
persons absent. He will also find personal pronouns in the second and
third person, perhaps with singular, dual, and plural forms.
To a large extent the pronouns are incorporated in the verbs as
prefixes, infixes, or suffixes. In such cases we will call them article
pronouns. These article pronouns point out with great particularity the
person, number, and gender, both of subject and object, and sometimes of
the indirect object. When the article pronouns are used the personal
pronouns may or may not be used; but it is believed that the personal
pronouns will always be found. Article pronouns may not always be found.
In those languages which are characterized by them they are used alike
when the subject and object nouns are expressed and when they are not.
The student may at first find some difficulty with these article
pronouns. Singular, dual, and plural forms will be found. Sometimes
distinct incorporated particles will be used for subject and object, but
often this will not be the case. If the subject only is expressed, one
particle may be used; if the object only is expressed, another particle;
but if subject and object are expressed an entirely different particle
may stand for both.
But it is in the genders of these article pronouns that the greatest
difficulty may be found. The student must entirely free his mind of the
idea that gender is simply a distinction of sex. In Indian tongues,
genders are usually methods of classification primarily into animate and
inanimate. The animate may be again divided into male and female, but
this is rarely the case. Often by these genders all objects are
classified by characteristics found in their attitudes or supposed
constitution. Thus we may have the animate and inanimate, one or both,
divided into the _standing_, the _sitting_, and the _lying_; or they may
be divided into the _watery_, the _mushy_, the _earthy_, the _stony_,
the _woody_, and the _fleshy_. The gender of these article pronouns has
rarely been worked out in any language. The extent to which these
classifications enter into the article pronouns is not well known. The
subject requires more thorough study. These incorporated particles are
here called _article_ pronouns. In the conjugation of the verb they take
an important part, and have by some writers been called _transitions_.
Besides pointing out with particularity the person, number, and gender
or the subject and object, they perform the same offices that are
usually performed by those inflections of the verb that occur to make
them agree in gender, number, and person with the subject. In those
Indian languages where the article pronouns are not found, and the
personal pronouns only are used, the verb is usually inflected to agree
with the subject or object, or both, in the same particulars.
The article pronouns as they point out person, number, gender, and case
of the subject and object, are not simple particles, but are to a
greater or lesser extent compound; their component elements may be
broken apart and placed in different parts of the verb. Again, the
article pronoun in some languages may have its elements combined into a
distinct word in such a manner that it will not be incorporated in the
verb, but will be placed immediately before it. For this reason the term
_article pronoun_ has been chosen rather than _attached pronoun_. The
older term, _transition_, was given to them because of their analogy in
function to verbal inflections.
Thus the verb of an Indian language contains within itself incorporated
article pronouns which point out with great particularity the gender,
number, and person of the subject and object. In this manner verb,
pronoun, and adjective are combined, and to this extent these parts of
speech are undifferentiated.
In some languages the article pronoun constitutes a distinct word, but
whether free or incorporated it is a complex tissue of adjectives.
Again, nouns sometimes contain particles within themselves to predicate
possession, and to this extent nouns and verbs are undifferentiated.
The verb is relatively of much greater importance in an Indian tongue
than in a civilized language. To a large extent the pronoun is
incorporated in the verb as explained above, and thus constitutes a part
of its conjugation.
Again, adjectives are used as intransitive verbs, as in most Indian
languages there is no verb _to be_ used as a predicant or copula. Where
in English we would say _the man is good_, the Indian would say _that
man good_, using the adjective as an intransitive verb, _i.e._, as a
predicant. If he desired to affirm it in the past tense, the
intransitive verb _good_, would be inflected, or otherwise modified, to
indicate the tense; and so, in like manner, all adjectives when used to
predicate can be modified to indicate mode, tense, number, person, &c.,
as other intransitive verbs.
Adverbs are used as intransitive verbs. In English we may say _he is
there_; the Indian would say _that person there_ usually preferring the
demonstrative to the personal pronoun. The adverb _there_ would,
therefore, be used as a predicant or intransitive verb, and might be
conjugated to denote different modes, tenses, numbers, persons, etc.
Verbs will often receive adverbial qualifications by the use of
incorporated particles, and, still further, verbs may contain within
themselves adverbial limitations without our being able to trace such
meanings to any definite particles or parts of the verb.
Prepositions are intransitive verbs. In English we may say _the hat is
on the table_; the Indian would say _that hat on table_; or he might
change the order, and say _that hat table on_; but the preposition _on_
would be used as an intransitive verb to predicate, and may be
conjugated. Prepositions may often be found as particles incorporated in
verbs, and, still further, verbs may contain within themselves
prepositional meanings without our being able to trace such meanings to
any definite particles within the verb. But the verb connotes such ideas
that something is needed to complete its meaning, that something being a
limiting or qualifying word, phrase, or clause. Prepositions may be
prefixed, infixed, or suffixed to nouns, _i.e._, they may be particles
incorporated in nouns.
Nouns may be used as intransitive verbs under the circumstances when in
English we would use a noun as the complement of a sentence after the
verb _to be_.
The verb, therefore, often includes within itself subject, direct
object, indirect object, qualifier, and relation-idea. Thus it is that
the study of an Indian language is, to a large extent, the study of its
verbs.
Thus adjectives, adverbs, prepositions, and nouns are used as
intransitive verbs; and, to such extent, adjectives, adverbs,
prepositions, nouns and verbs are undifferentiated.
From the remarks above, it will be seen that Indian verbs often include
within themselves meanings which in English are expressed by adverbs and
adverbial phrases and clauses. Thus the verb may express within itself
direction, manner, instrument, and purpose, one or all, as the verb _to
go_ may be represented by a word signifying _go home_; another, _go away
from home_; another, _go to a place other than home_; another, _go from
a place other than home_; one, _go from this place_, with reference to
home; one, to _go up_; another, to _go down_; one, _go around_; and,
perhaps, there will be a verb _go up hill_; another, _go up a valley_;
another, _go up a river_, etc. Then we may have _to go on foot_, _to go
on horseback_, _to go in a canoe_; still another, _to go for water_;
another _for wood_, etc. Distinct words may be used for all these, or a
fewer number used, and these varied by incorporated particles. In like
manner, the English verb _to break_ may be represented by several words,
each of which will indicate the manner of performing the act or the
instrument with which it is done. Distinct words may be used, or a
common word varied with incorporated particles.
The verb _to strike_ may be represented by several words, signifying
severally _to strike with the fist_, _to strike with a club_, _to strike
with the open hand_, _to strike with a whip_, _to strike with a switch_,
to strike with a flat instrument, etc. A common word may be used with
incorporated particles or entirely different words used.
Mode in an Indian tongue is a rather difficult subject. Modes analogous
to those of civilized tongues are found, and many conditions and
qualifications appear in the verb which in English and other civilized
languages appear as adverbs, and adverbial phrases and clauses. No plane
of separation can be drawn between such adverbial qualifications and
true modes. Thus there may be a form of the verb, which shows that the
speaker makes a declaration as certain, _i.e._, an _indicative_ mode;
another which shows that the speaker makes a declaration with doubt,
_i.e._, a _dubitative_ mode; another that he makes a declaration on
hearsay, _i.e._, a _quotative_ mode; another form will be used in making
a command, giving an _imperative_ mode; another in imploration, _i.e._,
an _implorative_ mode; another form to denote permission, _i.e._, a
_permissive_ mode; another in negation, _i.e._, a _negative_ mode;
another form will be used to indicate that the action is simultaneous
with some other action, _i.e._, a _simulative_ mode; another to denote
desire or wish that something be done, _i.e._, a _desiderative_ mode;
another that the action ought to be done, _i.e._, an _obligative_ mode;
another that action is repetitive from time to time, _i.e._, a
_frequentative_ mode; another that action is caused, _i.e._, a
_causative_ mode, etc.
These forms of the verb, which we are compelled to call modes, are of
great number. Usually with each of them a particular modal particle or
incorporated adverb will be used; but the particular particle which
gives the qualified meaning may not always be discovered; and in one
language a different word will be introduced, wherein another the same
word will be used with an incorporated particle.
It is stated above that incorporated particles may be used to indicate
direction, manner, instrument, and purpose; in fact, any adverbial
qualification whatever may be made by an incorporated particle instead
of an adverb as a distinct word.
No line of demarkation can be drawn between these adverbial particles
and those mentioned above as modal particles. Indeed it seems best to
treat all these forms of the verb arising from incorporated particles as
distinct modes. In this sense, then, an Indian language has a
multiplicity of modes. It should be further remarked that in many cases
these modal or adverbial particles are excessively worn, so that they
may appear as additions or changes of simple vowel or consonant sounds.
When incorporated particles are thus used, distinct adverbial words,
phrases, or clauses may also be employed, and the idea expressed twice.
In an Indian language it is usually found difficult to elaborate a
system of tenses in paradigmatic form. Many tenses or time particles are
found incorporated in verbs. Some of these time particles are
excessively worn, and may appear rather as inflections than as
incorporated particles. Usually rather distinct present, past, and
future tenses are discovered; often a remote or ancient past, and less
often an immediate future. But great specification of time in relation
to the present and in relation to other time is usually found.
It was seen above that adverbial particles cannot be separated from
modal particles. In like manner tense particles cannot be separated from
adverbial and modal particles.
In an Indian language adverbs are differentiated only to a limited
extent. Adverbial qualifications are found in the verb, and thus there
are a multiplicity of modes and tenses, and no plane of demarcation can
be drawn between mode and tense. From preceding statements it will
appear that a verb in an Indian tongue may have incorporated with it a
great variety of particles, which can be arranged in three general
classes, _i.e._, pronominal, adverbial, and prepositional.
The pronominal particles we have called article pronouns; they serve to
point out a variety of characteristics in the subject, object, and
indirect object of the verb. They thus subserve purposes which in
English are subserved by differentiated adjectives as distinct parts of
speech. They might, therefore, with some propriety, have been called
adjective particles, but these elements perform another function; they
serve the purpose which is usually called _agreement in language_; that
is, they make the verb agree with the subject and object, and thus
indicate the syntactic relation between subject, object, and verb. In
this sense they might with propriety have been called relation
particles, and doubtless this function was in mind when some of the
older grammarians called them transitions.
The adverbial particles perform the functions of voice, mode, and tense,
together with many other functions that are performed in languages
spoken by more highly civilized people by differentiated adverbs,
adverbial phrases, and clauses.
The prepositional particles perform the function of indicating a great
variety of subordinate relations, like the prepositions used as distinct
parts of speech in English.
By the demonstrative function of some of the pronominal particles, they
are closely related to adverbial particles, and adverbial particles are
closely related to prepositional particles, so that it will be sometimes
difficult to say of a particular particle whether it be pronominal or
adverbial, and of another particular particle whether it be adverbial or
prepositional.
Thus the three classes of particles are not separated by absolute planes
of demarkation.
The use of these particles as parts of the verb; the use of nouns,
adjectives, adverbs, and prepositions as intransitive verbs; and the
direct use of verbs as nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, make the study of
an Indian tongue to a large extent the study of its verbs.
To the extent that voice, mode, and tense are accomplished by the use of
agglutinated particles or inflections, to that extent adverbs and verbs
are undifferentiated.
To the extent that adverbs are found as incorporated particles in verbs,
the two parts of speech are undifferentiated.
To the extent that prepositions are particles incorporated in the verb,
prepositions and verbs are undifferentiated.
To the extent that prepositions are affixed to nouns, prepositions and
nouns are undifferentiated.
In all these particulars it is seen that the Indian tongues belong to a
very low type of organization. Various scholars have called attention to
this feature by describing Indian languages as being holophrastic,
polysynthetic, or synthetic. The term synthetic is perhaps the best, and
may be used as synonymous with undifferentiated.
Indian tongues, therefore, may be said to be highly synthetic in that
their parts of speech are imperfectly differentiated.
In these same particulars the English language is highly organized, as
the parts of speech are highly differentiated. Yet the difference is one
of degree, not of kind.
To the extent in the English language that inflection is used for
qualification, as for person, number, and gender of the noun and
pronoun, and for mode and tense in the verb, to that extent the parts of
speech are undifferentiated. But we have seen that inflection is used
for this purpose to a very slight extent.
There is yet in the English language one important differentiation which
has been but partially accomplished. Verbs as usually considered are
undifferentiated parts of speech; they are nouns and adjectives, one or
both, and predicants. The predicant simple is a distinct part of speech.
The English language has but one, the verb _to be_, and this is not
always a pure predicant, for it sometimes contains within itself an
adverbial element when it is conjugated for mode and tense, and a
connective element when it is conjugated for agreement. With adjectives
and nouns this verb is used as a predicant. In the passive voice also it
is thus used, and the participles are nouns or adjectives. In what is
sometimes called the progressive form of the active voice nouns and
adjectives are differentiated in the participles, and the verb “to be”
is used as a predicant. But in what is usually denominated the active
voice of the verb, the English language has undifferentiated parts of
speech. An examination of the history of the verb _to be_ in the English
language exhibits the fact that it is coming more and more to be used as
the predicant; and what is usually called the common form of the active
voice is coming more and more to be limited in its use to special
significations.
The real active voice, indicative mode, present tense, first person,
singular number, of the verb to eat, is _am eating_. The expression _I
eat_, signifies _I am accustomed to eat_. So, if we consider the common
form of the active voice throughout its entire conjugation, we discover
that many of its forms are limited to special uses.
Throughout the conjugation of the verb the auxiliaries are predicants,
but these auxiliaries, to the extent that they are modified for mode,
tense, number, and person, contain adverbial and connective elements.
In like manner many of the lexical elements of the English language
contain more than one part of speech: _To ascend_ is _to go up_; _to
descend_ is _to go down_; and _to depart_ is _to go from_.
Thus it is seen that the English language is also synthetic in that its
parts of speech are not completely differentiated. The English, then,
differs in this respect from an Indian language only in degree.
In most Indian tongues no pure predicant has been differentiated, but in
some the verb _to be_, or predicant, has been slightly developed,
chiefly to affirm, existence in a place.
It will thus be seen that by the criterion of organization Indian
tongues are of very low grade.
It need but to be affirmed that by the criterion of sematologic content
Indian languages are of a very low grade. Therefore the
frequently-expressed opinion that the languages of barbaric peoples have
a more highly organized grammatic structure than the languages of
civilized peoples has its complete refutation.
It is worthy of remark that all paradigmatic inflection in a civilized
tongue is a relic of its barbaric condition. When the parts of speech
are fully differentiated and the process of placement fully specialized,
so that the order of words in sentences has its full significance, no
useful purpose is subserved by inflection.
Economy in speech is the force by which its development has been
accomplished, and it divides itself properly into economy of utterance
and economy of thought. Economy of utterance has had to do with the
phonic constitution of words; economy of thought has developed the
sentence.
All paradigmatic inflection requires unnecessary thought. In the clause
_if he was here_, _if_ fully expresses the subjunctive condition, and it
is quite unnecessary to express it a second time by using another form
of the verb _to be_. And so the people who are using the English
language are deciding, for the subjunctive form is rapidly becoming
obsolete with the long list of paradigmatic forms which have
disappeared.
Every time the pronoun _he_, _she_, or _it_ is used it is necessary to
think of the sex of its antecedent, though in its use there is no reason
why sex should be expressed, say, one time in ten thousand. If one
pronoun non-expressive of gender were used instead of the three, with
three gender adjectives, then in nine thousand nine hundred and
ninety-nine cases the speaker would be relieved of the necessity of an
unnecessary thought, and in the one case an adjective would fully
express it. But when these inflections are greatly multiplied, as they
are in the Indian languages, alike with the Greek and Latin, the speaker
is compelled in the choice of a word to express his idea to think of a
multiplicity of things which have no connection with that which he
wishes to express.
A _Ponka_ Indian, in saying that a man killed a rabbit, would have to
say the man, he, one, animate, standing, in the nominative case,
purposely killed, by shooting an arrow, the rabbit, he, the one,
animate, sitting, in the objective case; for the form of a verb to kill
would have to be selected, and the verb changes its form by inflection
and incorporated particles to denote person, number, and gender as
animate or inanimate, and gender as standing, sitting, or lying, and
case; and the form of the verb would also express whether the killing
was done accidentally or purposely, and whether it was by shooting or by
some other process, and, if by shooting, whether by bow and arrow, or
with a gun; and the form of the verb would in like manner have to
express all of these things relating to the object; that is, the person,
number, gender, and case of the object; and from the multiplicity of
paradigmatic forms of the verb to kill this particular one would have to
be selected. Perhaps one time in a million it would be the purpose to
express all of these particulars, and in that case the Indian would have
the whole expression in one compact word, but in the nine hundred and
ninety-nine thousand nine hundred and ninety-nine cases all of these
particulars would have to be thought of in the selection of the form of
the verb, when no valuable purpose would be accomplished thereby.
In the development of the English, as well as the French and German,
linguistic evolution has not been in vain.
Judged by these criteria, the English stands alone in the highest rank;
but as a written language, in the way in which its alphabet is used, the
English has but emerged from a barbaric condition.
* * * * *
* * * *
* * * * *
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION--BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
J. W. Powell, Director.
SKETCH
of the
MYTHOLOGY OF THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
By
J. W. POWELL.
CONTENTS.
The genesis of philosophy 19
Two grand stages of philosophy 21
Mythologic philosophy has four stages 29
Outgrowth from mythologic philosophy 33
The course of evolution in mythologic philosophy 38
Mythic tales 43
The Cĭn-aú-äv Brothers discuss matters of importance
to the Utes 44
Origin of the echo 45
The So´-kûs Wai´-ûn-ats 47
Ta-vwots has a fight with the sun 52
* * * * *
SKETCH OF THE MYTHOLOGY
of the
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS.
* * * * *
THE GENESIS OF PHILOSOPHY.
The wonders of the course of nature have ever challenged attention. In
savagery, in barbarism, and in civilization alike, the mind of man has
sought the explanation of things. The movements of the heavenly bodies,
the change of seasons, the succession of night and day, the powers of
the air, majestic mountains, ever-flowing rivers, perennial springs, the
flight of birds, the gliding of serpents, the growth of trees, the
blooming of flowers, the forms of storm-carved rocks, the mysteries of
life and death, the institutions of society--many are the things to be
explained. The yearning to know is universal. _How_ and _why_ are
everlasting interrogatories profoundly instinct in humanity. In the
evolution of the human mind, the instinct of cosmic interrogation
follows hard upon the instinct of self-preservation.
In all the operations of nature, man’s weal and woe are involved. A cold
wave sweeps from the north--rivers and lakes are frozen, forests are
buried under snows, and the fierce winds almost congeal the life-fluids
of man himself, and indeed man’s sources of supply are buried under the
rocks of water. At another time the heavens are as brass, and the clouds
come and go with mockery of unfulfilled promises of rain, the fierce
midsummer sun pours its beams upon the sands, and blasts heated in the
furnace of the desert sear the vegetation; and the fruits, which in more
congenial seasons are subsistence and luxury, shrivel before the eyes of
famishing men. A river rages and destroys the adjacent valley with its
flood. A mountain bursts forth with its rivers of fire, the land is
buried and the people are swept away. Lightning shivers a tree and rends
a skull. The silent, unseen powers of nature, too, are at work bringing
pain or joy, health or sickness, life or death, to mankind. In like
manner man’s welfare is involved in all the institutions of society.
_How_ and _why_ are the questions asked about all these
things--questions springing from the deepest instinct of
self-preservation.
In all stages of savage, barbaric, and civilized inquiry, every question
has found an answer, every _how_ has had its _thus_, every _why_ its
_because_. The sum of the answers to the questions raised by any people
constitute its philosophy; hence all peoples have had philosophies
consisting of their accepted explanation of things. Such a philosophy
must necessarily result from the primary instincts developed in man in
the early progress of his differentiation from the beast. This I
postulate: if demonstration is necessary, demonstration is at hand. Not
only has every people a philosophy, but every stage of culture is
characterized by its stage of philosophy. Philosophy has been unfolded
with the evolution of the human understanding. The history of philosophy
is the history of human opinions from the earlier to the later
days--from the lower to the higher culture.
In the production of a philosophy, phenomena must be _discerned_,
_discriminated_, _classified_. Discernment, discrimination, and
classification are the processes by which a philosophy is developed. In
studying the philosophy of a people at any stage of culture, to
understand what such a people entertain as the sum of their knowledge,
it is necessary that we should understand what phenomena they saw,
heard, felt, discerned; what discriminations they made, and what
resemblances they seized upon as a basis for the classification on which
their explanations rested. A philosophy will be higher in the scale,
nearer the truth, as the discernment is wider, the discrimination nicer,
and the classification better.
The sense of the savage is dull compared with the sense of the civilized
man. There is a myth current in civilization to the effect that the
barbarian has highly developed perceptive faculties. It has no more
foundation than the myth of the wisdom of the owl. A savage sees but few
sights, hears but few sounds, tastes but few flavors, smells but few
odors; his whole sensuous life is narrow and blunt, and his facts that
are made up of the combination of sensuous impressions are few. In
comparison, the civilized man has his vision extended away toward the
infinitesimal and away toward the infinite; his perception of sound is
multiplied to the comprehension of rapturous symphonies; his perception
of taste is increased to the enjoyment of delicious viands; his
perception of smell is developed to the appreciation of most exquisite
perfumes; and his facts that are made up of the combination of sensuous
impressions are multiplied beyond enumeration. The stages of discernment
from the lowest savage to the highest civilized man constitute a series
the end of which is far from the beginning.
If the discernment of the savage is little, his discrimination is less.
All his sensuous perceptions are confused; but the confusion of
confusion is that universal habit of savagery--the confusion of the
objective with the subjective--so that the savage sees, hears, tastes,
smells, feels the imaginings of his own mind. Subjectively determined
sensuous processes are diseases in civilization, but normal, functional
methods in savagery.
The savage philosopher classifies by obvious resemblances--analogic
characters. The civilized philosopher classifies by essential
affinitives--homologic characteristics--and the progress of philosophy
is marked by changes from analogic categories to homologic categories.
TWO GRAND STAGES OF PHILOSOPHY.
There are two grand stages of philosophy--the mythologic and scientific.
In the first, all phenomena are explained by analogies derived from
subjective human experiences; in the latter, phenomena are explained as
orderly successions of events.
In sublime egotism, man first interprets the cosmos as an extension of
himself; he classifies the phenomena of the outer word by their
analogies with subjective phenomena; his measure of distance is his own
pace, his measure of time his own sleep, for he says, “It is a thousand
paces to the great rock,” or, “It is a hundred sleeps to the great
feast.” Noises are voices, powers are hands, movements are made afoot.
By subjective examination discovering in himself will and design, and by
inductive reason discovering will and design in his fellow men and in
animals, he extends the induction to all the cosmos, and there discovers
in all things will and design. All phenomena are supposed to be the acts
of some one, and that some one having will and purpose. In mythologic
philosophy the phenomena of the outer physical world are supposed to be
the acts of living, willing, designing personages. The simple are
compared with and explained by the complex. In scientific philosophy,
phenomena are supposed to be children of antecedent phenomena, and so
far as science goes with its explanation they are thus interpreted. Man
with the subjective phenomena gathered about him is studied from an
objective point of view, and the phenomena of subjective life are
relegated to the categories established in the classification of the
phenomena of the outer world; thus the complex is studied by resolving
it into its simple constituents.
There is an unknown known, and there is a known unknown. The unknown
known is the philosophy of savagery; the known unknown is the philosophy
of civilization. In those stages of culture that we call savagery and
barbarism, all things are known--supposed to be known; but when at last
something is known, understood, explained, then to those who have that
knowledge in full comprehension all other things become unknown. Then is
ushered in the era of investigation and discovery; then science is born;
then is the beginning of civilization. The philosophy of savagery is
complete; the philosophy of civilization fragmentary. Ye men of science,
ye wise fools, ye have discovered the law of gravity, but ye cannot tell
what gravity is. But savagery has a cause and a method for all things;
nothing is left unexplained.
In the lower stages of savagery the cosmos is bounded by the great plain
of land and sea on which we tread, and the firmament, the azure surface
above, set with brilliants; and beyond is an abyss of--nothing. Within
these bounds all things are known, all things are explained; there are
no mysteries but the whims of the gods. But when the plain on which we
tread becomes a portion of the surface of a great globe, and the domed
firmament becomes the heavens, stretching beyond Alcyone and Sirius,
with this enlargement of the realm of philosophy the verity of
philosophy is questioned. The savage is a positive man; the scientist is
a doubting man.
The opinions of a savage people are childish. Society grows! Some say
society develops; others that society evolves; but, somehow, I like to
say it grows. The history of the discovery of growth is a large part of
the history of human culture. That individuals grow, that the child
grows to be a man, the colt a horse, the scion a tree, is easily
recognized, though with unassisted eye the processes of growth are not
discovered. But that races grow--races of men, races of animals, races
of plants, races or groups of worlds--is a very late discovery, and yet
all of us do not grasp so great a thought. Consider that stage of
culture where the growth of individuals is not fully recognized. That
stage is savagery. To-day the native races of North America are agitated
by discussions over that great philosophic question, “Do the trees grow
or were they created?” That the grass grows they admit, but the orthodox
philosophers stoutly assert that the forest pines and the great
_sequoias_ were created as they are.
Thus in savagery the philosophers dispute over the immediate creation or
development of individuals--in civilization over the immediate creation
or development of races. I know of no single fact that better
illustrates the wide difference between these two stages of culture. But
let us look for other terms of comparison. The scalping scene is no more
the true picture of savagery than the bayonet charge of civilization.
Savagery is sylvan life. Contrast _Ka-ni-ga_ with New York. _Ka-ni-ga_
is an Indian village in the Rocky Mountains. New York is, well--New
York. The home in the forest is a shelter of boughs; the home in New
York is a palace of granite. The dwellers in _Ka-ni-ga_ are clothed in
the skins of animals, rudely tanned, rudely wrought, and colored with
daubs of clay. For the garments of New York, flocks are tended, fields
are cultivated, ships sail on the sea, and men dig in the mountains for
dye-stuffs stored in the rocks. The industries of _Ka-ni-ga_ employ
stone knives, bone awls, and human muscle; the industries of New York
employ the tools of the trades, the machinery of the manufactories, and
the power of the sun--for water-power is but sunshine, and the coal mine
is but a pot of pickeled sunbeams.
Even the nursery rhymes are in contrast; the prattler in New York says:
Daffy down dilly
Has come up to town,
With a green petticoat
And a blue gown;
but in savagery the outer and nether garments are not yet
differentiated; and more: blue and green are not differentiated, for the
Indian has but one name for the two; the green grass and the blue
heavens are of the same hue in the Indian tongue. But the nursery tales
of _Ka-ni-ga_ are of the animals, for the savages associate with the
animals on terms of recognized equality; and this is what the prattler
in _Ka-ni-ga_ says:
The poor little bee
That lives in the tree,
The poor little bee
That lives in the tree,
Has only one arrow
In his quiver.
The arts and industries of savagery and civilization are not in greater
contrast than their philosophy. To fully present to you the condition of
savagery, as illustrated in their philosophy, three obstacles appear.
After all the years I have spent among the Indians in their mountain
villages, I am not certain that I have sufficiently divorced myself from
the thoughts and ways of civilization to properly appreciate their
childish beliefs. The second obstacle subsists in your own knowledge of
the methods and powers of nature, and the ways of civilized society; and
when I attempt to tell you what an Indian thinks, I fear you will never
fully forget what you know, and thus you will be led to give too deep a
meaning to a savage explanation; or, on the other hand, contrasting an
Indian concept with your own, the manifest absurdity will sound to you
as an idle tale too simple to deserve mention, or too false to deserve
credence. The third difficulty lies in the attempt to put savage
thoughts into civilized language; our words are so full of meaning,
carry with them so many great thoughts and collateral ideas.
Some examples of the philosophic methods belonging to widely separated
grades of culture may serve to make the previous statements clearer.
_Wind._--The _Ute_ philosopher discerns that men and animals breathe. He
recognizes vaguely the phenomena of the wind, and discovers its
resemblance to breath, and explains the winds by relegating them to the
class of breathings. He declares that there is a monster beast in the
north that breathes the winter winds, and another in the south, and
another in the east, and another in the west. The facts relating to
winds are but partially discerned; the philosopher has not yet
discovered that there is an earth-surrounding atmosphere. He fails in
making the proper discriminations. His relegation of the winds to the
class of breathings is analogic, but not homologic. The basis of his
philosophy is personality, and hence he has four wind-gods.
The philosopher of the ancient Northland discovered that he could cool
his brow with a fan, or kindle a flame, or sweep away the dust with the
wafted air. The winds also cooled his brow, the winds also swept away
the dust and kindled the fire into a great conflagration, and when the
wind blew he said, “Somebody is fanning the waters of the fiord,” or
“Somebody is fanning the evergreen forests,” and he relegated the winds
to the class of fannings, and he said, “The god Hræsvelger, clothed with
eagle-plumes, is spreading his wings for flight, and the winds rise from
under them.”
The early Greek philosopher discovered that air may be imprisoned in
vessels or move in the ventilation of caves, and he recognized wind as
something more than breath, something more than fanning, something that
can be gathered up and scattered abroad, and so when the winds blew he
said, “The sacks have been untied,” or “The caves have been opened.”
The philosopher of civilization, has discovered that breath, the
fan-wafted breeze, the air confined in vessels, the air moving in
ventilation, that these are all parts of the great body of air which
surrounds the earth, all in motion, swung by the revolving earth, heated
at the tropics, cooled at the poles, and thus turned into
counter-currents and again deflected by a thousand geographic features,
so that the winds sweep down valleys, eddy among mountain crags, or waft
the spray from the crested billows of the sea, all in obedience to
cosmic laws. The facts discerned are many, the discriminations made are
nice, and the classifications based on true homologies, and we have the
science of meteorology, which exhibits an orderly succession of events
even in the fickle winds.
_Sun and Moon._--The _Ute_ philosopher declares the sun to be a living
personage, and explains his passage across the heavens along an
appointed way by giving an account of a fierce personal conflict between
_Tä-vi_, the sun-god, and _Ta-wăts_, one of the supreme gods of his
mythology.
In that long ago, the time to which all mythology refers, the sun roamed
the earth at will. When he came too near with his fierce heat the people
were scorched, and when he hid away in his cave for a long time, too
idle to come forth, the night was long and the earth cold. Once upon a
time _Ta-wăts_, the hare-god, was sitting with his family by the
camp-fire in the solemn woods, anxiously waiting for the return of
_Tä-vi_, the wayward sun-god. Wearied with long watching, the hare-god
fell asleep, and the sun-god came so near that he scorched the naked
shoulder of _Ta-wăts_. Foreseeing the vengeance which would be thus
provoked, he fled back to his cave beneath the earth. _Ta-wăts_ awoke in
great anger, and speedily determined to go and fight the sun-god. After
a long journey of many adventures the hare-god came to the brink of the
earth, and there watched long and patiently, till at last the sun-god
coming out he shot an arrow at his face, but the fierce heat consumed
the arrow ere it had finished its intended course; then another arrow
was sped, but that was also consumed; and another, and still another,
till only one remained in his quiver, but this was the magical arrow
that had never failed its mark. _Ta-wăts_, holding it in his hand,
lifted the barb to his eye and baptized it in a divine tear; then the
arrow was sped and struck the sun-god full in the face, and the sun was
shivered into a thousand fragments, which fell to the earth, causing a
general conflagration. Then _Ta-wăts_, the hare-god, fled before the
destruction he had wrought, and as he fled the burning earth consumed
his feet, consumed his legs, consumed his body, consumed his hands and
his arms--all were consumed but the head alone, which bowled across
valleys and over mountains, fleeing destruction from the burning earth
until at last, swollen with heat, the eyes of the god burst and the
tears gushed forth in a flood which spread over the earth and
extinguished the fire. The sun-god was now conquered, and he appeared
before a council of the gods to await sentence. In that long council
were established the days and the nights, the seasons and the years,
with the length thereof, and the sun was condemned to travel across the
firmament by the same trail day after day till the end of time.
In this same philosophy we learn that in that ancient time a council of
the gods was held to consider the propriety of making a moon, and at
last the task was given to Whippoorwill, a god of the night, and a frog
yielded himself a willing sacrifice for this purpose, and the
Whippoorwill, by incantations, and other magical means, transformed the
frog into the new moon. The truth of this origin of the moon is made
evident to our very senses; for do we not see the frog riding the moon
at night, and the moon is cold, because the frog from which it was made
was cold?
The philosopher of _Oraibi_ tells us that when the people ascended by
means of the magical tree which constituted the ladder from the lower
world to this, they found the firmament, the ceiling of this world, low
down upon the earth--the floor of this world. _Matcito_, one of their
gods, raised the firmament on his shoulders to where it is now seen.
Still the world was dark, as there was no sun, no moon, and no stars. So
the people murmured because of the darkness and the cold. _Matcito_
said, “Bring me seven maidens,” and they brought him seven maidens; and
he said, “Bring me seven baskets of cotton-bolls,” and they brought him
seven baskets of cotton-bolls; and he taught the seven maidens to weave
a magical fabric from the cotton, and when they had finished it he held
it aloft, and the breeze carried it away toward the firmament, and in
the twinkling of an eye it was transformed into a beautiful full-orbed
moon, and the same breeze caught the remnants of flocculent cotton which
the maidens had scattered during their work, and carried them aloft, and
they were transformed into bright stars. But still it was cold and the
people murmured again, and _Matcito_ said, “Bring me seven buffalo
robes,” and they brought him seven buffalo robes, and from the densely
matted hair of the robes he wove another wonderful fabric, which the
storm carried away into the sky, and it was transformed into the
full-orbed sun. Then _Matcito_ appointed times and seasons and ways for
the heavenly bodies, and the gods of the firmament have obeyed the
injunctions of _Matcito_ from the day of their creation to the present.
The Norse philosopher tells us that Night and Day, each, has a horse and
a car, and they drive successively one after the other around the world
in twenty-four hours. Night rides first with her steed named Dew-hair,
and every morning as he ends his course he bedews the earth with foam
from his bit. The steed driven by Day is Shining-hair. All the sky and
earth glisten with the light of his mane. Jarnved, the great iron-wood
forest lying to the east of Midgard, is the abode of a race of witches.
One monster witch is the mother of many sons in the form of wolves, two
of which are Skol and Hate. Skol is the wolf that would devour the
maiden Sun, and she daily flies from the maw of the terrible beast, and
the moon-man flies from the wolf Hate.
The philosopher of Samos tells us that the earth is surrounded by hollow
crystalline spheres set one within another, and all revolving at
different rates from east to west about the earth, and that the sun is
set in one of these spheres and the moon in another.
The philosopher of civilization tells us that the sun is an incandescent
globe, one of the millions afloat in space. About this globe the planets
revolve, and the sun and planets and moons were formed from nebulous
matter by the gradual segregation of their particles controlled by the
laws of gravity, motion, and affinity.
The sun, traveling by an appointed way across the heavens with the
never-ending succession of day and night, and the ever-recurring train
of seasons, is one of the subjects of every philosophy. Among all
peoples, in all times, there is an explanation of these phenomena, but
in the lowest stage, way down in savagery, how few the facts discerned,
how vague the discriminations made, how superficial the resemblances by
which the phenomena are classified! In this stage of culture, all the
daily and monthly and yearly phenomena which come as the direct result
of the movements of the heavenly bodies are interpreted as the doings of
some one--some god acts. In civilization the philosopher presents us the
science of astronomy with all its accumulated facts of magnitude, and
weights, and orbits, and distances, and velocities--with all the nice
discriminations of absolute, relative, and apparent motions; and all
these facts he is endeavoring to classify in homologic categories, and
the evolutions and revolutions of the heavenly bodies are explained as
an orderly succession of events.
_Rain._--The _Shoshoni_ philosopher believes the domed firmament to be
ice, and surely it is the very color of ice, and he believes further
that a monster serpent-god coils his huge back to the firmament and with
his scales abrades its face and causes the ice-dust to fall upon the
earth. In the winter-time it falls as snow, but in the summer-time it
melts and falls as rain, and the Shoshoni philosopher actually sees the
serpent of the storm in the rainbow of many colors.
The _Oraibi_ philosopher who lives in a _pueblo_ is acquainted with
architecture, and so his world is seven-storied. There is a world below
and five worlds above this one. _Muĭñwa_, the rain-god, who lives in the
world immediately above, dips his great brush, made of feathers of the
birds of the heavens, into the lakes of the skies and sprinkles the
earth with refreshing rain for the irrigation of the crops tilled by
these curious Indians who live on the cliffs of Arizona. In winter,
_Muĭñwa_ crushes the ice of the lakes of the heavens and scatters it
over the earth, and we have a snow-fall.
The Hindoo philosopher says that the lightning-bearded Indra breaks the
vessels that hold the waters of the skies with his thunder-bolts, and
the rains descend to irrigate the earth.
The philosopher of civilization expounds to us the methods by which the
waters are evaporated from the land and the surface of the sea, and
carried away by the winds, and gathered into clouds to be discharged
again upon the earth, keeping up forever that wonderful circulation of
water from the heavens to the earth and from the earth to the
heavens--that orderly succession of events in which the waters travel by
river, by sea, and by cloud.
_Rainbow._--In _Shoshoni_, the rainbow is a beautiful serpent that
abrades the firmament of ice to give us snow and rain. In Norse, the
rainbow is the bridge Bifrost spanning the space between heaven and
earth. In the Iliad, the rainbow is the goddess Iris, the messenger of
the King of Olympus. In Hebrew, the rainbow is the witness to a
covenant. In science, the rainbow is an analysis of white light into its
constituent colors by the refraction of raindrops.
_Falling stars._--In _Ute_, falling stars are the excrements of dirty
little star-gods. In science--well, I do not know what falling stars are
in science. I think they are cinders from the furnace where the worlds
are forged. You may call this mythologic or scientific, as you please.
_Migration of birds._--The _Algonkian_ philosopher explains the
migration of birds by relating the myth of the combat between
_Ka-bĭ-bo-no-kĭ_ and _Shiñgapis_, the prototype or progenitor of the
water-hen, one of their animal gods. A fierce battle raged between
_Ka-bĭ-bo-no-kĭ_ and _Shiñgapis_, but the latter could not be conquered.
All the birds were driven from the land but _Shiñgapis_; and then was it
established that whenever in the future Winter-maker should come with
his cold winds, fierce snows, and frozen waters, all the birds should
leave for the south except _Shiñgapis_ and his friends. So the birds
that spend their winters north are called by the _Algonkian_
philosophers “the friends of _Shiñgapis_.”
In contrast to this explanation of the flight of birds may be placed the
explanation of the modern evolutionist, who says that the birds migrate
in quest of abundance of food and a genial climate, guided by an
instinct of migration, which is an accumulation of inherited memories.
_Diversity of languages._--The _Kaibäbĭt_ philosopher accounts for the
diversity of languages in this manner: _Sĭ-tcom´-pa Ma-só-ĭts_, the
grandmother goddess of the sea, brought up mankind from beneath the
waves in a sack, which she delivered to the _Cĭn-aú-äv_ brothers, the
great wolf-gods of his mythology, and told them to carry it from the
shores of the sea to the Kaibab Plateau, and then to open it; but they
were by no means to open the package ere their arrival, lest some great
disaster should befall. The curiosity of the younger _Cĭn-aú-äv_
overcame him, and he untied the sack, and the people swarmed out; but
the elder _Cĭn-aú-äv_, the wiser god, ran back and closed the sack while
yet not all the people had escaped, and they carried the sack, with its
remaining contents, to the plateau, and there opened it. Those that
remained in the sack found a beautiful land--a great plateau covered
with mighty forests, through which elk, deer, and antelope roamed in
abundance, and many mountain-sheep were found on the bordering crags;
_piv_, the nuts of the edible pine, they found on the foot-hills, and
_us_, the fruit of the yucca, in sunny glades; and _nänt_, the meschal
crowns, for their feasts; and _tcu-ar_, the cactus-apple, from which to
make their wine; reeds grew about the lakes for their arrow-shafts; the
rocks were full of flints for their barbs and knives, and away down in
the cañon they found a pipe-stone quarry, and on the hills they found
_är-a-ûm-pĭv_, their tobacco. O, it was a beautiful land that was given
to these, the favorites of the gods! The descendants of these people are
the present _Kaibäbĭts_ of northern Arizona. Those who escaped by the
way, through the wicked curiosity of the younger _Cĭn-aú-äv_, scattered
over the country and became _Navajos_, _Mokis_, _Sioux_, _Comanches_,
Spaniards, Americans--poor, sorry fragments of people without the
original language of the gods, and only able to talk in imperfect
jargons.
The Hebrew philosopher tells us that on the plains of Shinar the people
of the world were gathered to build a city and erect a tower, the summit
of which should reach above the waves of any flood Jehovah might send.
But their tongues were confused as a punishment for their impiety.
The philosopher of science tells us that mankind was widely scattered
over the earth anterior to the development of articulate speech, that
the languages of which we are cognizant sprang from innumerable centers
as each little tribe developed its own language, and that in the study
of any language an orderly succession of events may be discovered in its
evolution from a few simple holophrastic locutions to a complex language
with a multiplicity of words and an elaborate grammatic structure, by
the differentiation of the parts of speech and the integration of the
sentence.
_A cough._--A man coughs. In explanation the _Ute_ philosopher would
tell us that an _u-nú-pĭts_--a pygmy spirit of evil--had entered the
poor man’s stomach, and he would charge the invalid with having whistled
at night; for in their philosophy it is taught that if a man whistles at
night, when the pygmy spirits are abroad, one is sure to go through the
open door into the stomach, and the evidence of this disaster is found
in the cough which the _u-nú-pĭts_ causes. Then the evil spirit must be
driven out, and the medicine-man stretches his patient on the ground and
scarifies him with the claws of eagles from head to heel, and while
performing the scarification a group of men and women stand about,
forming a chorus, and medicine-man and chorus perform a fugue in gloomy
ululation, for these wicked spirits will depart only by incantations and
scarifications.
In our folk-lore philosophy a cough is caused by a “cold,” whatever that
may be--a vague entity--that must be treated first according to the
maxim “Feed a cold and starve a fever,” and the “cold” is driven away by
potations of bitter teas.
In our medical philosophy a cough may be the result of a clogging of the
pores of the skin, and is relieved by clearing those flues that carry
away the waste products of vital combustion.
These illustrations are perhaps sufficient to exhibit the principal
characteristics of the two methods of philosophy, and, though they cover
but narrow fields, it should be remembered that every philosophy deals
with the whole cosmos. An explanation of all things is sought--not alone
the great movements of the heavens, or the phenomena that startle even
the unthinking, but every particular which is observed. Abstractly, the
plane of demarkation between the two methods of philosophy can be
sharply drawn, but practically we find them strangely mixed; mythologic
methods prevail in savagery and barbarism, and scientific methods
prevail in civilization. Mythologic philosophies antedate scientific
philosophies. The thaumaturgic phases of mythology are the embryonic
stages of philosophy, science being the fully developed form. Without
mythology there could be no science, as without childhood there could be
no manhood, or without embryonic conditions there could be no ultimate
forms.
MYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY HAS FOUR STAGES.
Mythologic philosophy is the subject with which we deal. Its method, as
stated in general terms, is this: All phenomena of the outer objective
world are interpreted by comparison with those of the inner subjective
world. Whatever happens, some one does it; that some one has a will and
works as he wills. The basis of the philosophy is personality. The
persons who do the things which we observe in the phenomena of the
universe are the gods of mythology--_the cosmos is a pantheon_. Under
this system, whatever may be the phenomenon observed, the philosopher
asks, “Who does it?” and “Why?” and the answer comes, “A god with his
design.” The winds blow, and the interrogatory is answered, “Æolus frees
them from the cave to speed the ship of a friend, or destroy the vessel
of a foe.” The actors in mythologic philosophy are gods.
In the character of these gods four stages of philosophy may be
discovered. In the lowest and earliest stage everything has life;
everything is endowed with personality, will, and design; animals are
endowed with all the wonderful attributes of mankind; all inanimate
objects are believed to be animate; trees think and speak; stones have
loves and hates; hills and mountains, springs and rivers, and all the
bright stars, have life--everything discovered objectively by the senses
is looked upon subjectively by the philosopher and endowed with all the
attributes supposed to be inherent in himself. In this stage of
philosophy everything is a god. Let us call it _hecastotheism_.
In the second stage men no longer attribute life indiscriminately to
inanimate things; but the same powers and attributes recognized by
subjective vision in man are attributed to the animals by which he is
surrounded. No line of demarkation is drawn between man and beast; all
are great beings endowed with wonderful attributes. Let us call this
stage _zoötheism_, when men worship beasts. All the phenomena of nature
are the doings of these animal gods; all the facts of nature, all the
phenomena of the known universe, all the institutions of humanity known
to the philosophers of this stage, are accounted for in the mythologic
history of these zoömorphic gods.
In the third stage a wide gulf is placed between man and the lower
animals. The animal gods are dethroned, and the powers and phenomena of
nature are personified and deified. Let us call this stage
_physitheism_. The gods are strictly anthropomorphic, having the form as
well as the mental, moral, and social attributes of men. Thus we have a
god of the sun, a god of the moon, a god of the air, a god of dawn, and
a deity of the night.
In the fourth stage, mental, moral, and social characteristics are
personified and deified. Thus we have a god of war, a god of love, a god
of revelry, a god of plenty, and like personages who preside over the
institutions and occupations of mankind. Let us call this
_psychotheism_. With the mental, moral, and social characteristics in
these gods are associated the powers of nature; and they differ from
nature-gods chiefly in that they have more distinct psychic
characteristics.
Psychotheism, by the processes of mental integration, developes in one
direction into monotheism, and in the other into pantheism. When the
powers of nature are held predominant in the minds of the philosophers
through whose cogitations this evolution of theism is carried on,
pantheism, as the highest form of psychotheism, is the final result; but
when the moral qualities are held in highest regard in the minds of the
men in whom this process of evolution is carried on, _monotheism_, or a
god whose essential characteristics are moral qualities, is the final
product. The monotheistic god is not nature, but presides over and
operates through nature. Psychotheism has long been recognized. All of
the earlier literature of mankind treats largely of these gods, for it
is an interesting fact that in the history of any civilized people, the
evolution of psychotheism is approximately synchronous with the
invention of an alphabet. In the earliest writings of the Egyptians, the
Hindoos, and the Greeks, this stage is discovered, and Osiris, Indra,
and Zeus are characteristic representatives. As psychotheism and written
language appear together in the evolution of culture, this stage of
theism is consciously or unconsciously a part of the theme of all
written history.
The paleontologist, in studying the rocks of the hill and the cliffs of
the mountain, discovers, in inanimate stones, the life-forms of the
ancient earth. The geologist, in the study of the structure of valleys
and mountains, discovers groups of facts that lead him to a knowledge of
more ancient mountains and valleys and seas, of geographic features long
ago buried, and followed by a new land with new mountains and valleys,
and new seas. The philologist, in studying the earliest writings of a
people, not only discovers the thoughts purposely recorded in those
writings, but is able to go back in the history of the people many
generations, and discover with even greater certainty the thoughts of
the more ancient people who made the words. Thus the writings of the
Greeks, the Hindoos, and the Egyptians, that give an account of their
psychic gods, also contain a description of an earlier theism
unconsciously recorded by the writers themselves. Psychotheism prevailed
when the sentences were coined, physitheism when the words were coined.
So the philologist discovers physitheism in all ancient literature. But
the verity of that stage of philosophy does not rest alone upon the
evidence derived from the study of fossil philosophies through the
science of philology. In the folk-lore of every civilized people having
a psychotheistic philosophy, an earlier philosophy with nature-gods is
discovered.
The different stages of philosophy which I have attempted to
characterize have never been found in purity. We always observe
different methods of explanation existing side by side, and the type of
a philosophy is determined by the prevailing characteristics of its
explanation of phenomena. Fragments of the earlier are always found side
by side with the greater body of the later philosophy. Man has never
clothed himself in new garments of wisdom, but has ever been patching
the old, and the old and the new are blended in the same pattern, and
thus we have atavism in philosophy. So in the study of any philosophy
which has reached the psychotheistic age, patches of the earlier
philosophy are always seen. Ancient nature-gods are found to be living
and associating with the supreme psychic deities. Thus in anthropologic
science there are three ways by which to go back in the history of any
civilized people and learn of its barbaric physitheism. But of the
verity of this stage we have further evidence. When Christianity was
carried north from Central Europe, the champions of the new philosophy,
and its consequent religion, discovered, among those who dwelt by the
glaciers of the north, a barbaric philosophy which they have preserved
to history in the Eddas and Sagas, and Norse literature is full of a
philosophy in a transition state, from physitheism to psychotheism; and,
mark! the people discovered in this transition state were inventing an
alphabet--they were carving Runes. Then a pure physitheism was
discovered in the Aztec barbarism of Mexico; and elsewhere on the globe
many people were found in that stage of culture to which this philosophy
properly belongs. Thus the existence of physitheism as a stage of
philosophy is abundantly attested. Comparative mythologists are agreed
in recognizing these two stages. They might not agree to throw all of
the higher and later philosophies into one group, as I have done, but
all recognize the plane of demarkation between the higher and the lower
groups as I have drawn it. Scholars, too, have come essentially to an
agreement that physitheism is earlier and older than psychotheism.
Perhaps there may be left a “doubting Thomas” who believes that the
highest stage of psychotheism--that is, monotheism--was the original
basis for the philosophy of the world, and that all other forms are
degeneracies from that primitive and perfect state. If there be such a
man left, to him what I have to say about philosophy is blasphemy.
Again, all students of comparative philosophy, or comparative mythology,
or comparative religion, as you may please to approach this subject from
different points of view, recognize that there is something else; that
there are philosophies, or mythologies, or religions, not included in
the two great groups. All that something else has been vaguely called
_fetichism_. I have divided it into two parts, _hecastotheism_ and
_zoötheism_. The verity of zoötheism as a stage of philosophy rests on
abundant evidence. In psychotheism it appears as _devilism_ in obedience
to a well-known law of comparative theology, viz, that the gods of a
lower and superseded stage of culture oftentimes become the devils of a
higher stage. So in the very highest stages of psychotheism we find
beast-devils. In Norse mythology, we have Fenris the wolf, and
Jormungandur the serpent. Dragons appear in Greek mythology, the bull is
an Egyptian god, a serpent is found in the Zendavesta; and was there not
a scaly fellow in the garden of Eden? So common are these beast-demons
in the higher mythologies that they are used in every literature as
rhetorical figures. So we find, as a figure of speech, the great red
dragon with seven heads and ten horns, with tail that with one brush
sweeps away a third of the stars of heaven. And wherever we find
nature-worship we find it accompanied with beast-worship. In the study
of higher philosophies, having learned that lower philosophies often
exist side by side with them, we might legitimately conclude that a
philosophy based upon animal gods had existed previous to the
development of physitheism; and philologic research leads to the same
conclusion. But we are not left to base this conclusion upon an
induction only, for in the examination of savage philosophies we
actually discover zoötheism in all its proportions. Many of the Indians
of North America, and many of South America, and many of the tribes of
Africa, are found to be zoötheists. Their supreme gods are
animals--tigers, bears, wolves, serpents, birds. Having discovered this,
with a vast accumulation of evidence, we are enabled to carry philosophy
back one stage beyond physitheism, and we can confidently assert that
all the philosophies of civilization have come up through these three
stages.
And yet, there are fragments of philosophy discovered which are not
zoötheistic, physitheistic, nor psychotheistic. What are they? We find
running through all three stages of higher philosophy that phenomena are
sometimes explained by regarding them as the acts of persons who do not
belong to any of the classes of gods found in the higher stages. We find
fragments of philosophy everywhere which seem to assume that all
inanimate nature is animate; that mountains and hills, and rivers and
springs, that trees and grasses, that stones, and all fragments of
things are endowed with life and with will, and act for a purpose. These
fragments of philosophy lead to the discovery of hecastotheism.
Philology also leads us back to that state when the animate and the
inanimate were confounded, for the holophrastic roots into which words
are finally resolved show us that all inanimate things were represented
in language as actors. Such is the evidence on which we predicate the
existence of hecastotheism as a veritable stage of philosophy. Unlike
the three higher stages, it has no people extant on the face of the
globe, known to be in this stage of culture. The philosophies of many of
the lowest tribes of mankind are yet unknown, and hecastotheism may be
discovered; but at the present time we are not warranted in saying that
any tribe entertains this philosophy as its highest wisdom.
OUTGROWTH FROM MYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY.
The three stages of mythologic philosophy that are still extant in the
world must be more thoroughly characterized, and the course of their
evolution indicated. But in order to do this clearly, certain outgrowths
from mythologic philosophy must be explained--certain theories and
practices that necessarily result from this philosophy, and that are
intricately woven into the institutions of mankind.
_Ancientism._--The first I denominate ancientism. Yesterday was better
than to-day. The ancients were wiser that we. This belief in a better
day and a better people in the elder time is almost universal among
mankind. A belief so widely spread, so profoundly entertained, must have
for its origin some important facts in the constitution or history of
mankind. Let us see what they are.
In the history of every individual the sports and joys of childhood are
compared and contrasted with the toils and pains of old age. Greatly
protracted life, in savagery and barbarism, is not a boon to be craved.
In that stage of society where the days and the years go by with little
or no provision for a time other than that which is passing, the old
must go down to the grave through poverty and suffering. In that stage
of culture to-morrow’s bread is not certain, and to-day’s bread is often
scarce. In civilization plenty and poverty live side by side; the palace
and the hovel are on the same landscape; the rich and poor elbow each
other on the same street; but in savagery plenty and poverty come with
recurring days to the same man, and the tribe is rich to-day and poor
to-morrow, and the days of want come in every man’s history; and when
they come the old suffer most, and the burden of old age is oppressive.
In youth activity is joy; in old age activity is pain. So wonder, then,
that old age loves youth, or that to-day loves yesterday, for the
instinct is born of the inherited experiences of mankind.
But there is yet another and more potent reason for ancientism. That
tale is the most wonderful that has been most repeated, for the breath
of speech is the fertilizer of story. Hence, the older the story the
greater its thaumaturgics. Thus, yesterday is greater than to-day by
natural processes of human exaggeration. Again, that is held to be most
certain, and hence most sacred, which has been most often affirmed.
A Brahman was carrying a goat to the altar. Three thieves would steal
it. So they placed themselves at intervals along the way by which the
pious Brahman would travel. When the venerable man came to the first
thief he was accosted: “Brahman, why do you carry a dog?” Now, a dog is
an unclean beast which no Brahman must touch. And the Brahman, after
looking at his goat, said: “You do err; this is a goat.” And when the
old man reached the second thief, again he was accosted: “Brahman, why
do you carry a dog?” So the Brahman put his goat on the ground, and
after narrowly scrutinizing it, he said: “Surely this is a goat,” and
went on his way. When he came to the third thief he was once more
accosted: “Brahman, why do you carry a dog?” Then the Brahman, having
thrice heard that his goat was a dog, was convinced, and throwing it
down, he fled to the temple for ablution, and the thieves had a feast.
The child learns not for himself, but is taught, and accepts as true
that which is told, and a propensity to believe the affirmed is
implanted in his mind. In every society some are wise and some are
foolish, and the wise are revered, and their affirmations are accepted.
Thus, the few lead the multitude in knowledge, and the propensity to
believe the affirmed started in childhood is increased in manhood in the
great average of persons constituting society, and these propensities
are inherited from generation to generation, until we have a cumulation
of effects.
The propagation of opinions by affirmation, the cultivation of the
propensity to believe that which has been affirmed many times, let us
call _affirmatization_. If the world’s opinions were governed only by
the principles of mythologic philosophy, affirmatization would become so
powerful that nothing would be believed but the anciently affirmed. Men
would come to no new knowledge. Society would stand still listening to
the wisdom of the fathers. But the power of affirmatization is steadily
undermined by science.
And, still again, the institutions of society conform to its philosophy.
The explanations of things always includes the origin of human
institutions. So the welfare of society is based on philosophy, and the
venerable sayings which constitute philosophy are thus held as sacred.
So ancientism is developed from accumulated life-experiences; by the
growth of story in repeated narration; by the steadily increasing power
of affirmatization, and by respect for the authority upon which the
institutions of society are based; all accumulating as they come down
the generations. That we do thus inherit effects we know, for has it not
been affirmed in the Book that “the fathers have eaten grapes, and the
children’s teeth are set on edge”? As men come to believe that the “long
ago” was better than the “now,” and the dead were better than the
living, then philosophy must necessarily include a theory of degeneracy,
which is a part of ancientism.
_Theistic Society._--Again, the actors in mythologic philosophy are
personages, and we always find them organized in societies. The social
organization of mythology is always found to be essentially identical
with the social organization of the people who entertain the philosophy.
The gods are husbands and wives, and parents and children, and the gods
have an organized government. This gives us theistic society, and we
cannot properly characterize a theism without taking its mythic society
into consideration.
_Spiritism._--In the earliest stages of society of which we have
practical knowledge by acquaintance with the people themselves, a belief
in the existence of spirits prevails--a shade, an immaterial existence,
which is the duplicate of the material personage. The genesis of this
belief is complex. The workings of the human mind during periods of
unconsciousness lead to opinions that are enforced by many physical
phenomena.
First, we have the activities of the mind during sleep, when the man
seems to go out from himself, to converse with his friends, to witness
strange scenes, and to have many wonderful experiences. Thus the man
seems to have lived an eventful life, when his body was, in fact,
quiescent and unconscious. Memories of scenes and activities in former
days, and the inherited memories of scenes witnessed and actions
performed by ancestors, are blended in strange confusion by broken and
inverted sequences. Now and then the dream-scenes are enacted in real
life, and the infrequent coincidence or apparent verification makes deep
impression on the mind, while unfulfilled dreams are forgotten. Thus the
dreams of sleepers are attributed to their immaterial duplicates--their
spirits. In many diseases, also, the mind seems to wander, to see sights
and to hear sounds, and to have many wonderful experiences, while the
body itself is apparently unconscious. Sometimes, on restored health,
the person may recall these wonderful experiences, and during their
occurrence the subject talks to unseen persons, and seems to have
replies, and to act, to those who witness, in such a manner that a
second self--a spirit independent of the body--is suggested. When
disease amounts to long-continued insanity all of these effects are
greatly exaggerated, and make a deep impression upon all who witness the
phenomena. Thus the hallucinations of fever-racked brains, and mad
minds, are attributed to spirits.
The same conditions of apparent severance of mind and body witnessed in
dreams and hallucinations are often produced artificially in the
practice of _ecstasism_. In the vicissitudes of savage life, while
little or no provision is made for the future, there are times when the
savage resorts to almost anything at hand as a means of subsistence, and
thus all plants and all parts of plants, seed, fruit, flowers, leaves,
bark, roots--anything in times of extreme want--may be used as food. But
experience soon teaches the various effects upon the human system which
are produced by the several vegetable substances with which he meets,
and thus the effect of narcotics is early discovered, and the savage in
the practice of his religion oftentimes resorts to these native drugs
for the purpose of producing an ecstatic state under which divination
may be performed. The practice of ecstasism is universal in the lower
stages of culture. In times of great anxiety, every savage and barbarian
seeks to know of the future. Through all the earlier generations of
mankind, ecstasism has been practiced, and civilized man has thus an
inherited appetite for narcotics, to which the enormous propensity to
drunkenness existing in all nations bears witness. When the great actor
in his personation of Rip Van Winkle holds his goblet aloft and says,
“Here’s to your health and to your family’s, and may they live long and
prosper,” he connects the act of drinking with a prayer, and
unconsciously demonstrates the origin of the use of stimulants. It may
be that when the jolly companion has become a loathsome sot, and his
mind is ablaze with the fire of drink, and he sees uncouth beasts in
horrid presence, that inherited memories haunt him with visions of the
beast-gods worshipped by his ancestors at the very time when the
appetite for stimulants was created.
But ecstasism is produced in other ways, and for this purpose the savage
and barbarian often resorts to fasting and bodily torture. In many ways
he produces the wonderful state, and the visions of ecstasy are
interpreted as the evidence of spirits.
Many physical phenomena serve to confirm this opinion. It is very late
in philosophy when shadows are referred to the interception of the rays
of the sun. In savagery and barbarism, shadows are supposed to be
emanations from or duplicates of the bodies causing the shadows. And
what savage understands the reflection of the rays of the sun by which
images are produced? They also are supposed to be emanations or
duplications of the object reflected. No savage or barbarian could
understand that the waves of the air are turned back, and sound is
duplicated in an echo. He knows not that there is an atmosphere, and to
him the echo is the voice of an unseen personage--a spirit. There is no
theory more profoundly implanted in early mankind than that of
spiritism.
_Thaumaturgics._--The gods of mythologic philosophies are created to
account for the wonders of nature. Necessarily they are a wonder-working
folk, and, having been endowed with these magical powers in all the
histories given in mythic tales of their doings on the earth, we find
them performing most wonderful feats. They can transform themselves;
they can disappear and reappear; all their senses are magical; some are
endowed with a multiplicity of eyes, others have a multiplicity of ears;
in Norse mythology the watchman on the rainbow bridge could hear the
grass grow, and wool on the backs of sheep; arms can stretch out to
grasp the distance, tails can coil about mountains, and all powers
become magical. But the most wonderful power with which the gods are
endowed is the power of will, for we find that they can think their
arrows to the hearts of their enemies; mountains are overthrown by
thought, and thoughts are projected into other minds. Such are the
thaumaturgics of mythologic philosophy.
_Mythic tales._--Early man having created through the development of his
philosophy a host of personages, these gods must have a history. A part
of that history, and the most important part to us as students of
philosophy, is created in the very act of creating the gods themselves.
I mean that portion of their history which relates to the operations of
nature, for the gods were created to account for those things. But to
this is added much else of adventure. The gods love as men love, and go
in quest of mates. The gods hate as men hate, and fight in single combat
or engage in mythic battles; and the history of these adventures
impelled by love and hate, and all other passions and purposes with
which men are endowed, all woven into a complex tissue with their doings
in carrying out the operations of nature, constitutes the web and woof
of mythology.
_Religion._--Again, as human welfare is deeply involved in the
operations of nature, man’s chief interest is in the gods. In this
interest religion originates. Man, impelled by his own volition, guided
by his own purposes, aspires to a greater happiness, and endeavor
follows endeavor, but at every step his progress is impeded; his own
powers fail before the greater powers of nature; his powers are pygmies,
nature’s powers are giants, and to him these giants are gods with wills
and purposes of their own, and he sees that man in his weakness can
succeed only by allying himself with the gods. Hence, impelled by this
philosophy, man must have communion with the gods, and in this communion
he must influence them to work for himself. Hence, religion, which has
to do with the relations which exist between the gods and man, is the
legitimate offspring of mythologic philosophy.
Thus we see that out of mythologic philosophy, as branches of the great
tree itself, there grow ancientism, theistic society, spiritism,
thaumaturgics, mythic tales, and religion.
THE COURSE OF EVOLUTION IN MYTHOLOGIC PHILOSOPHY.
I shall now give a summary characterization of zoötheism, then call
attention to some of the relics of hecastotheism found therein, and
proceed with a brief statement of the higher stages of theism. The
apparent and easily accessible is studied first. In botany, the trees
and the conspicuous flowering plants of garden, field, and plain were
first known, and then all other plants were vaguely grouped as weeds;
but, since the most conspicuous phenogamous plants were first studied,
what vast numbers of new orders, new genera, and new species have been
discovered, in the progress of research, to the lowest cryptogams!
In the study of ethnology we first recognized the more civilized races.
The Aryan, Hamites, Shemites, and Chinese, and the rest were the weeds
of humanity--the barbarian and savage, sometimes called Turanians. But,
when we come carefully to study these lower people, what numbers of
races are discovered! In North America alone we have more than
seventy-five--seventy-five stocks of people speaking seventy-five stocks
of language, and some single stocks embracing many distinct languages
and dialects. The languages of the Algonkian family are as diverse as
the Indo-European tongues. So are the languages of the Dakotans, the
Shoshonians, the Tinnéans, and others; so that in North America we have
more than five hundred languages spoken to-day. Each linguistic stock is
found to have a philosophy of its own, and each stock as many branches
of philosophy as it has languages and dialects. North America presents a
magnificent field for the study of savage and barbaric philosophies.
This vast region of thought has been explored only by a few adventurous
travelers in the world of science. No thorough survey of any part has
been made. Yet the general outlines of North American philosophy are
known, but the exact positions, the details, are all yet to be filled
in--as the geography of the general outline of North America is known by
exploration, but the exact positions and details of topography are yet
to be filled in as the result of careful survey. Myths of the Algonkian
stock are found in many a volume of _Americana_, the best of which were
recorded by the early missionaries who came from Europe, though we find
some of them, mixed with turbid speculations, in the writings of
Schoolcraft. Many of the myths of the Indians of the south, in that
region stretching back from the great Gulf, are known; some collected by
travelers, others by educated Indians.
Many of the myths of the Iroquois are known. The best of these are in
the writings of Morgan, America’s greatest anthropologist. Missionaries,
travelers, and linguists have given us a great store of the myths of the
Dakotan stock. Many myths of the Tinnéan also have been collected.
Petitot has recorded a number of those found at the north, and we have
in manuscript some of the myths of a southern branch--the Navajos.
Perhaps the myths of the Shoshonians have been collected more thoroughly
than those of any other stock. These are yet unpublished, but the
manuscripts are in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology. Powers has
recorded many of the myths of various stocks in California, and the old
Spanish writings give us a fair collection of the Nahuatlan myths of
Mexico, and Rink has presented an interesting volume on the mythology of
the Innuits; and, finally, fragments of mythology have been collected
from nearly all the tribes of North America, and they are scattered
through thousands of volumes, so that the literature is vast. The brief
description which I shall give of zoötheism is founded on a study of the
materials which I have thus indicated.
All these tribes are found in the higher stages of savagery, or the
lower stages of barbarism, and their mythologies are found to be
zoötheistic among the lowest, physitheistic among the highest, and a
great number of tribes are found in a transition state; for zoötheism is
found to be a characteristic of savagery, and physitheism of barbarism,
using the terms as they have been defined by Morgan. The supreme gods of
this stage are animals. The savage is intimately associated with
animals. From them he obtains the larger part of his clothing, and much
of his food, and he carefully studies their habits and finds many
wonderful things. Their knowledge and skill and power appear to him to
be superior to his own. He sees the mountain-sheep fleet among the
crags, the eagle soaring in the heavens, the humming-bird poised over
its blossom-cup of nectar, the serpents swift without legs, the salmon
scaling the rapids, the spider weaving its gossamer web, the ant
building a play-house mountain--in all animal nature he sees things too
wonderful for him, and from admiration he grows to adoration, and the
animals become his gods.
Ancientism plays an important part in this zoötheism. It is not the
animals of to-day whom the Indians worship, but their progenitors--their
prototypes. The wolf of to-day is a howling pest, but that wolf’s
ancestor--the first of the line--was a god. The individuals of every
species are supposed to have descended from an ancient being--a
progenitor of the race; and so they have a grizzly-bear god, an
eagle-god, a rattlesnake-god, a trout-god, a spider-god--a god for every
species and variety of animal.
By these animal gods all things were established. The heavenly bodies
were created and their ways appointed, and when the powers and phenomena
of nature are personified the personages are beasts, and all human
institutions also were established by the ancient animal-gods.
The ancient animals of any philosophy of this stage are found to
constitute a clan or _gens_--a body of relatives, or _consanguinei_,
with grandfathers, fathers, sons, and brothers. In _Ute_ theism, the
ancient _To-gó-äv_, the first rattlesnake is the grandfather, and all
the animal-gods are assigned to their relationships. Grandfather
_To-gó-äv_, the wise, was the chief of the council, but _Cĭn-aú-äv_, the
ancient wolf, was the chief of the clan.
There were many other clans and tribes of ancient gods with whom these
supreme gods had dealings, of which hereafter; and, finally, each of
these ancient gods became the progenitor of a new tribe, so that we have
a tribe of bears, a tribe of eagles, a tribe of rattlesnakes, a tribe of
spiders, and many other tribes, as we have tribes of Utes, tribes of
Sioux, tribes of Navajos; and in that philosophy tribes of animals are
considered to be coördinate with tribes of men. All of these gods have
invisible duplicates--spirits--and they have often visited the earth.
All of the wonderful things seen in nature are done by the animal-gods.
That elder life was a magic life; but the descendants of the gods are
degenerate. Now and then as a medicine-man by practicing sorcery can
perform great feats, so now and then there is a medicine-bear,
a medicine-wolf, or a medicine-snake that can work magic.
On winter nights the Indians gather about the camp-fire, and then the
doings of the gods are recounted in many a mythic tale. I have heard the
venerable and impassioned orator on the camp-meeting stand rehearse the
story of the crucifixion, and have seen the thousands gathered there
weep in contemplation of the story of divine suffering, and heard their
shouts roll down the forest aisles as they gave vent to their joy at the
contemplation of redemption. But the scene was not a whit more dramatic
than another I have witnessed in an evergreen forest of the Rocky
Mountain region, where a tribe was gathered under the great pines, and
the temple of light from the blazing fire was walled by the darkness of
midnight, and in the midst of the temple stood the wise old man,
telling, in simple savage language, the story of _Ta-wăts_, when he
conquered the sun and established the seasons and the days. In that
pre-Columbian time, before the advent of white men, all the Indian
tribes of North America gathered on winter nights by the shores of the
seas where the tides beat in solemn rhythm, by the shores of the great
lakes where the waves dashed against frozen beaches, and by the banks of
the rivers flowing ever in solemn mystery--each in its own temple of
illumined space--and listened to the story of its own supreme gods, the
ancients of time.
Religion, in this stage of theism, is sorcery. Incantation, dancing,
fasting, bodily torture, and ecstasism are practiced. Every tribe has
its potion or vegetable drug, by which the ecstatic state is produced,
and their venerable medicine-men see visions and dream dreams. No
enterprise is undertaken without consulting the gods, and no evil
impends but they seek to propitiate the gods. All daily life, to the
minutest particular, is religious. This stage of religion is
characterized by fetichism. Every Indian is provided with his charm or
fetich, revealed to him in some awful hour of ecstasy produced by
fasting, or feasting, or drunkenness, and that fetich he carries with
him to bring good luck, in love or in combat, in the hunt or on the
journey. He carries a fetich suspended to his neck, he ties a fetich to
his bow, he buries a fetich under his tent, he places a fetich under his
pillow of wild-cat skins, he prays to his fetich, he praises it, or
chides it; if successful, his fetich receives glory; if he fail, his
fetich is disgraced. These fetiches may be fragments of bone or shell,
the tips of the tails of animals, the claws of birds or beasts, perhaps
dried hearts of little warblers, shards of beetles, leaves powdered and
held in bags, or crystals from the rocks--anything curious may become a
fetich. Fetichism, then, is a religious means, not a philosophic or
mythologic state. Such are the supreme gods of the savage, and such the
institutions which belong to their theism. But they have many other
inferior gods. Mountains, hills, valleys, and great rocks have their own
special deities--invisible spirits--and lakes, rivers, and springs are
the homes of spirits. But all these have animal forms when in proper
_personæ_. Yet some of the medicine-spirits can transform themselves,
and work magic as do medicine-men. The heavenly bodies are either
created personages or ancient men or animals translated to the sky. And,
last, we find that ancestors are worshipped as gods.
Among all the tribes of North America with which we are acquainted
tutelarism prevails. Every tribe and every clan has its own protecting
god, and every individual has his _my god_. It is a curious fact that
every Indian seeks to conceal the knowledge of his _my god_ from all
other persons, for he fears that, if his enemy should know of his
tutelar deity, he might by extraordinary magic succeed in estranging
him, and be able to compass his destruction through his own god.
In this summary characterization of zoötheism, I have necessarily
systematized my statements. This, of course, could not be done by the
savage himself. He could give you its particulars, but could not group
those particulars in any logical way. He does not recognize any system,
but talks indiscriminately, now of one, now of another god, and with him
the whole theory as a system is vague and shadowy, but its particulars
are vividly before his mind, and the certainty with which he entertains
his opinions leaves no room to doubt his sincerity.
But there is yet another phase of theism discovered. Sometimes a
particular mountain, or hill, or some great rock, some waterfall, some
lake, or some spring receives special worship, and is itself believed to
be a deity. This seems to be a relic of hecastotheism. Fetichism, also,
seems to have come from that lower grade, and all the minor deities, the
spirits of mountains and hills and forest, seem to have been derived
from that same stage, but with this development, that the things
themselves are not worshipped, but their essential spirits.
From zoötheism, as described, to physitheism the way is long. Gradually,
in the progress of philosophy, animal gods are dethroned and become
inferior gods or are forgotten; and gradually the gods of the
firmament--the sun, the moon, the stars--are advanced to supremacy; the
clouds, the storms, the winds, day and night, dawn and gloaming, the
sky, the earth, the sea, and all the various phases of nature perceived
by the barbaric mind, are personified and deified and exalted to a
supremacy coordinate with the firmament gods; and all the gods of the
lower stage that remain--animals, demons, and all men--belong to
inferior tribes. The gods of the sky--the shining ones, those that soar
on bright wings, those that are clothed in gorgeous colors, those that
came from we know not where, those that vanish to the unknown--are the
supreme gods. We always find these gods organized in great tribes, with
mighty chieftains who fight in great combats or lead their hosts in
battle, and return with much booty. Such is the theism of ancient
Mexico, such the theism of the Northland, and such the theism discovered
among the ancient Aryans.
From this stage to psychotheism the way is long, for evolution is slow.
Gradually men come to differentiate more carefully between good and
evil, and the ethic character of their gods becomes the subject of
consideration, and the good gods grow in virtue, and the bad gods grow
in vice. Their identity with physical objects and phenomena is gradually
lost. The different phases or conditions of the same object or
phenomenon are severed, and each is personified. The bad gods are
banished to underground homes, or live in concealment, from which they
issue on their expeditions of evil. Still, all powers exist in these
gods, and all things were established by them. With the growth of their
moral qualities no physical powers are lost, and the spirits of the
physical bodies and phenomena become demons, subordinate to the great
gods who preside over nature and human institutions.
We find, also, that these superior gods are organized in societies.
I have said the Norse mythology was in a transition state from
physitheism to psychotheism. The Asas, or gods, lived in Asgard,
a mythic communal village, with its Thing or Council, the very
counterpart of the communal village of Iceland. Olympus was a Greek
city.
Still further in the study of mythologic philosophy we see that more and
more supremacy falls into the hands of the few, until monotheism is
established on the plan of the empire. Then all of the inferior deities
whose characters are pure become ministering angels, and the inferior
deities whose characters are evil become devils, and the differentiation
of good and evil is perfected in the gulf between heaven and hell. In
all this time from zoötheism to monotheism, ancientism becomes more
ancient, and the times and dynasties are multiplied. Spiritism is more
clearly defined, and spirits become eternal; mythologic tales are
codified, and sacred books are written; divination for the result of
amorous intrigue has become the prophecy of immortality, and
thaumaturgics is formulated as the omnipresent, the omnipotent, the
omniscient--the infinite.
Time has failed me to tell of the evolution of idolatry from fetichism,
priestcraft from sorcery, and of their overthrow by the doctrines that
were uttered by that voice on the Mount. Religion, that was fetichism
and ecstasism and sorcery, is now the yearning for something better,
something purer, and the means by which this highest state for humanity
may be reached, the ideal worship of the highest monotheism, is “in
spirit and in truth.” The steps are long from _Cĭn-aú-äv_, the ancient
of wolves, by Zeus, the ancient of skies, to Jehovah, the “Ancient of
Days.”
MYTHIC TALES.
In every Indian tribe there is a great body of story lore--tales
purporting to be the sayings and doings, the history, of the gods. Every
tribe has one or more persons skilled in the relation of these
stories--preachers. The long winter evenings are set apart for this
purpose. Then the men and women, the boys and girls, gather about the
camp-fire to listen to the history of the ancients, to a chapter in the
unwritten bible of savagery. Such a scene is of the deepest interest.
A camp-fire of blazing pine or sage boughs illumines a group of dusky
faces intent with expectation, and the old man begins his story, talking
and acting; the elders receiving his words with reverence, while the
younger persons are played upon by the actor until they shiver with fear
or dance with delight. An Indian is a great actor. The conditions of
Indian life train them in natural sign language. Among the two hundred
and fifty or three hundred thousand Indians in the United States, there
are scores of languages, so that often a language is spoken by only a
few hundred or a few score of people; and as a means of communication
between tribes speaking different languages, a sign language has grown
up, so that an Indian is able to talk all over--with the features of his
face, his hands and feet, the muscles of his body; and thus a skillful
preacher talks and acts; and, inspired by a theme which treats of the
gods, he sways his savage audience at will. And ever as he tells his
story he points a moral--the mythology, theology, religion, history, and
all human duties are taught. This preaching is one of the most important
institutions of savagery. The whole body of myths current in a tribe is
the sum total of their lore--their philosophy, their miraculous history,
their authority for their governmental institutions, their social
institutions, their habits and customs. It is their unwritten bible.
_THE CĬN-AÚ-ÄV BROTHERS DISCUSS MATTERS OF IMPORTANCE TO THE PEOPLE._
Once upon a time the _Cĭn-aú-äv_ brothers met to consult about the
destiny of the _U-ĭn-ká-rĕts_. At this meeting the younger said:
“Brother, how shall these people obtain their food? Let us devise some
good plan for them. I was thinking about it all night, but could not see
what would be best, and when the dawn came into the sky I went to a
mountain and sat on its summit, and thought a long time; and now I can
tell you a good plan by which they can live. Listen to your younger
brother. Look at these pine trees; their nuts are sweet; and there is
the _us_, very rich; and there is the apple of the cactus, full of
juice; on the plain you see the sunflower, bearing many seeds--they will
be good for the nation. Let them have all these things for their food,
and when they have gathered a store they shall put them in the ground,
or hide them in the rocks, and when they return they shall find
abundance, and having taken of them as they may need, shall go on, and
yet when they return a second time there shall still be plenty; and
though they return many times, as long as they live the store shall
never fail; and thus they will be supplied with abundance of food
without toil.” “Not so,” said the elder brother, “for then will the
people, idle and worthless, and having no labor to perform, engage in
quarrels, and fighting will ensue, and they will destroy each other, and
the people will be lost to the earth; they must work for all they
receive.” Then the younger brother answered not, but went away
sorrowing.
The next day he met the elder brother and accosted him thus: “Brother,
your words were wise; let the _U-ĭn-ká-rĕts_ work for their food. But
how shall they be furnished with honey-dew? I have thought all night
about this, and when the dawn came into the sky I sat on the summit of
the mountain and did think, and now I will tell you how to give them
honey-dew: Let it fall like a great snow upon the rocks, and the women
shall go early in the morning and gather all they may desire, and they
shall be glad.” “No,” replied the elder brother, “it will not be good,
my little brother, for them to have much and find it without toil; for
they will deem it of no more value than dung, and what we give them for
their pleasure will only be wasted. In the night it shall fall in small
drops on the reeds, which they shall gather and beat with clubs, and
then will it taste very sweet, and having but little they will prize it
the more.” And the younger brother went away sorrowing, but returned the
next day and said: “My brother, your words are wise; let the women
gather the honey-dew with much toil, by beating the reeds with flails.
Brother, when a man or a woman, or a boy or a girl, or a little one
dies, where shall he go? I have thought all night about this, and when
the dawn came into the sky I sat on the top of the mountain and did
think. Let me tell you what to do: When a man dies, send him back when
the morning returns, and then will all his friends rejoice.” “Not so,”
said the elder; “the dead shall return no more.” The little brother
answered him not, but, bending his head in sorrow, went away.
One day the younger _Cĭn-aú-äv_ was walking in the forest, and saw his
brother’s son at play, and taking an arrow from his quiver slew the boy,
and when he returned he did not mention what he had done. The father
supposed that his boy was lost, and wandered around in the woods for
many days, and at last found the dead child, and mourned his loss for a
long time.
One day the younger _Cĭn-aú-äv_ said to the elder, “You made the law
that the dead should never return. I am glad that you were the first to
suffer.” Then the elder knew that the younger had killed his child, and
he was very angry and sought to destroy him, and as his wrath increased
the earth rocked, subterraneous groanings were heard, darkness came on,
fierce storms raged, lightning flashed, thunder reverberated through the
heavens, and the younger brother fled in great terror to his father,
_Ta-vwots´_, for protection.
_ORIGIN OF THE ECHO._
_I´-o-wi_ (the turtle dove) was gathering seeds in the valley, and her
little babe slept. Wearied with carrying it on her back, she laid it
under the _tĭ-hó-pĭ_ (sage bush) in care of its sister, _O-hó-tcu_ (the
summer yellow bird). Engaged in her labors, the mother wandered away to
a distance, when a _tsó-a-vwĭts_ (a witch) came and said to the little
girl, “Is that your brother?” and _O-hó-tcu_ answered, “This is my
sister,” for she had heard that witches preferred to steal boys, and did
not care for girls. Then the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ was angry and chided her,
saying that it was very naughty for girls to lie; and she put on a
strange and horrid appearance, so that _O-hó-tcu_ was stupefied with
fright; then the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ ran away with the boy, carrying him to
her home on a distant mountain. Then she laid him down on the ground,
and, taking hold of his right foot, stretched the baby’s leg until it
was as long as that of a man, and she did the same to the other leg;
then his body was elongated; she stretched his arms, and, behold, the
baby was as large as a man. And the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ married him and had a
husband, which she had long desired; but, though he had the body of a
man, he had the heart of a babe, and knew no better than to marry a
witch.
Now, when _I´-o-wi_ returned and found not her babe under the
_tĭ-hó-pĭ_, but learned from _O-hó-tcu_ that it had been stolen by a
_tsó-a-vwĭts_, she was very angry, and punished her daughter very
severely. Then she went in search of the babe for a long time, mourning
as she went, and crying and still crying, refusing to be comforted,
though all her friends joined her in the search, and promised to revenge
her wrongs.
Chief among her friends was her brother, _Kwi´-na_ (the eagle), who
traveled far and wide over all the land, until one day he heard a
strange noise, and coming near he saw the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ and _U´-ja_ (the
sage cock), her husband, but he did not know that this large man was
indeed the little boy who had been stolen. Yet he returned and related
to _I´-o-wi_ what he had seen, who said: “If that is indeed my boy, he
will know my voice.” So the mother came near to where the _tsó-a-vwĭts_
and _U´-ja_ were living, and climbed into a cedar tree, and mourned and
cried continually. _Kwi´-na_ placed himself near by on another tree to
observe what effect the voice of the mother would have on _U´-ja_, the
_tsó-a-vwĭts_’ husband. When he heard the cry of his mother, _U´-ja_
knew the voice, and said to the _tsó-a-vwĭts_, “I hear my mother, I hear
my mother, I hear my mother,” but she laughed at him, and persuaded him
to hide.
Now, the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ had taught _U´-ja_ to hunt, and a short time
before he had killed a mountain sheep, which was lying in camp. The
witch emptied the contents of the stomach, and with her husband took
refuge within; for she said to herself, “Surely, _I´-o-wi_ will never
look in the paunch of a mountain sheep for my husband.” In this retreat
they were safe for a long time, so that they who were searching were
sorely puzzled at the strange disappearance. At last _Kwi´-na_ said,
“They are hid somewhere in the ground, maybe, or under the rocks; after
a long time they will be very hungry and will search for food; I will
put some in a tree so as to tempt them.” So he killed a rabbit and put
it on the top of a tall pine, from which he trimmed the branches and
peeled the bark, so that it would be very difficult to climb; and he
said, “When these hungry people come out they will try to climb that
tree for food, and it will take much time, and while the _tsó-a-vwĭts_
is thus engaged we will carry _U´-ja_ away.” So they watched some days,
until the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ was very hungry, and her baby-hearted husband
cried for food; and she came out from their hiding place and sought for
something to eat. The odor of the meat placed on the tree came to her
nostrils, and she saw where it was and tried to climb up, but fell back
many times; and while so doing _Kwi´-na_, who had been sitting on a rock
near by and had seen from where she came, ran to the paunch which had
been their house, and taking the man carried him away and laid him down
under the very same _tĭ-hó-pĭ_ from which he had been stolen; and
behold! he was the same beautiful little babe that _I´-o-wi_ had lost.
And _Kwi´-na_ went off into the sky and brought back a storm, and caused
the wind to blow, and the rain to beat upon the ground, so that his
tracks were covered, and the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ could not follow him; but she
saw lying upon the ground near by some eagle feathers, and knew well who
it was that had deprived her of her husband, and she said to herself,
“Well, I know _Kwi´-na_ is the brother of _I´-o-wi_; he is a great
warrior and a terrible man; I will go to _To-go´-a_ (the rattlesnake),
my grandfather, who will protect me and kill my enemies.”
_To-go´-a_ was enjoying his midday sleep on a rock, and as the
_tsó-a-vwĭts_ came near her grandfather awoke and called out to her, “Go
back, go back; you are not wanted here; go back!” But she came on
begging his protection; and while they were still parleying they heard
_Kwi´-na_ coming, and _To-go´-a_ said, “Hide, hide!” But she knew not
where to hide, and he opened his mouth and the _tsó-a-vwĭts_ crawled
into his stomach. This made _To-go´-a_ very sick and he entreated her to
crawl out, but she refused, for she was in great fear. Then he tried to
throw her up, but could not, and he was sick nigh unto death. At last,
in his terrible retchings, he crawled out of his own skin, and left the
_tsó-a-vwĭts_ in it, and she, imprisoned there, rolled about and hid in
the rocks. When _Kwi´-na_ came near he shouted, “Where are you, old
_tsó-a-vwĭts_? where are you, old _tsó-a-vwĭts_?” She repeated his words
in mockery.
Ever since that day witches have lived in snake skins, and hide among
the rocks, and take great delight in repeating the words of passers by.
The white man, who has lost the history of these ancient people, calls
these mocking cries of witches domiciliated in snake skins “echoes,” but
the Indians know the voices of the old hags.
This is the origin of the echo.
_THE SO´-KÛS WAI´-ÛN-ÄTS._
_Tûm-pwĭ-nai´-ro-gwĭ-nûmp_, he who had a stone shirt, killed _Sĭ-kor´_,
(the crane,) and stole his wife, and seeing that she had a child, and
thinking it would be an incumbrance to them on their travels, he ordered
her to kill it. But the mother, loving the babe, hid it under her dress,
and carried it away to its grandmother. And Stone Shirt carried his
captured bride to his own land.
In a few years the child grew to be a fine lad, under the care of his
grandmother, and was her companion wherever she went.
One day they were digging flag roots, on the margin of the river, and
putting them in a heap on the bank. When they had been at work a little
while, the boy perceived that the roots came up with greater ease than
was customary, and he asked the old woman the cause of this, but she did
not know; and, as they continued their work, still the reeds came up
with less effort, at which their wonder increased, until the grandmother
said, “Surely, some strange thing is about to transpire.” Then the boy
went to the heap where they had been placing the roots, and found that
some one had taken them away, and he ran back, exclaiming, “Grandmother,
did you take the roots away?” And she answered, “No, my child; perhaps
some ghost has taken them off; let us dig no more; come away.”
But the boy was not satisfied, as he greatly desired to know what all
this meant; so he searched about for a time, and at length found a man
sitting under a tree, whom he taunted with being a thief, and threw mud
and stones at him, until he broke the stranger’s leg, who answered not
the boy, nor resented the injuries he received, but remained silent and
sorrowful; and, when his leg was broken, he tied it up in sticks, and
bathed it in the river, and sat down again under the tree, and beckoned
the boy to approach.
When the lad came near, the stranger told him he had something of great
importance to reveal. “My son,” said he, “did that old woman ever tell
you about your father and mother?” “No,” answered the boy; “I have never
heard of them.” “My son, do you see these bones scattered on the ground?
Whose bones are these?” “How should I know?” answered the boy. “It may
be that some elk or deer has been killed here.” “No,” said the old man.
“Perhaps they are the bones of a bear;” but the old man shook his head.
So the boy mentioned many other animals, but the stranger still shook
his head, and finally said, “These are the bones of your father; Stone
Shirt killed him, and left him to rot here on the ground, like a wolf.”
And the boy was filled with indignation against the slayer of his
father. Then the stranger asked, “Is your mother in yonder lodge?” and
the boy replied, “No.” “Does your mother live on the banks of this
river?” and the boy answered, “I don’t know my mother; I have never seen
her; she is dead.” “My son,” replied the stranger, “Stone Shirt, who
killed your father, stole your mother, and took her away to the shore of
a distant lake, and there she is his wife to-day.” And the boy wept
bitterly, and while the tears filled his eyes so that he could not see,
the stranger disappeared.
Then the boy was filled with wonder at what he had seen and heard, and
malice grew in his heart against his father’s enemy. He returned to the
old woman, and said, “Grandmother, why have you lied to me about my
father and mother?” and she answered not, for she knew that a ghost had
told all to the boy. And the boy fell upon the ground weeping and
sobbing, until he fell into a deep sleep, when strange things were told
him.
His slumber continued three days and three nights, and when he awoke he
said to his grandmother, “I am going away to enlist all nations in my
fight,” and straightway he departed.
(Here the boy’s travels are related with many circumstances concerning
the way he was received by the people, all given in a series of
conversations, very lengthy; so they will be omitted.)
Finally, he returned in advance of the people whom he had enlisted,
bringing with him _Cĭn-au´-äv_, the wolf, and _To-go´-a_, the
rattlesnake. When the three had eaten food, the boy said to the old
woman: “Grandmother, cut me in two.” But she demurred, saying she did
not wish to kill one whom she loved so dearly. “Cut me in two,” demanded
the boy, and he gave her a stone ax which he had brought from a distant
country, and with a manner of great authority he again commanded her to
cut him in two. So she stood before him, and severed him in twain, and
fled in terror. And lo! each part took the form of an entire man, and
the one beautiful boy appeared as two, and they were so much alike no
one could tell them apart.
When the people or natives whom the boy had enlisted came pouring into
the camp, _Cĭn-au´-äv_ and _To-go´-a_ were engaged in telling them of
the wonderful thing that had happened to the boy, and that now there
were two; and they all held it to be an augury of a successful
expedition to the land of Stone Shirt. And they started on their
journey.
Now the boy had been told in the dream of his three days’ slumber of a
magical cup, and he had brought it home with him from his journey among
the nations, and the _So´-kûs Wai´-ûn-äts_ carried it between them,
filled with water. _Cĭn-au´-äv_ walked on their right and _To-go´-a_ on
their left, and the nations followed in the order in which they had been
enlisted. There was a vast number of them, so that when they were
stretched out in line it was one day’s journey from the front to the
rear of the column.
When they had journeyed two days and were far out on the desert all the
people thirsted, for they found no water, and they fell down upon the
sand groaning, and murmuring that they had been deceived, and they
cursed the One-Two.
But the _So´-kûs Wai´-ûn-äts_ had been told in the wonderful dream of
the suffering which would be endured and that the water which they
carried in the cup was only to be used in dire necessity, and the
brothers said to each other: “Now the time has come for us to drink the
water.” And when one had quaffed of the magical bowl, he found it still
full, and he gave it to the other to drink
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