The West Indies and the Spanish Main
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Title: The West Indies and the Spanish Main
Author: James Rodway
Release date: June 14, 2010 [eBook #32809]
Language: English
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The Story of the Nations.
THE WEST INDIES.
[Illustration: RECEPTION OF SPANIARDS BY ARAWAKS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
THE WEST INDIES
AND THE
SPANISH MAIN
BY
JAMES RODWAY
_SECOND IMPRESSION_
London
T. FISHER UNWIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE
MDCCCXCIX
COPYRIGHT BY T. FISHER UNWIN, 1896
(For Great Britain).
COPYRIGHT BY G.P. PUTNAM'S SONS, 1896
(For the United States of America).
INTRODUCTION.
The story of the West Indies and Spanish Main is one to stir the hearts
of many nations. The shores of the Caribbean Sea have been the scene of
marvellous adventures, of intense struggles between races and peoples,
of pain, trouble, and disaster of almost every description. No wonder
that the romance writer has laid his scenes upon its beautiful islands
and deep blue waters, for nowhere in the world, perhaps, could he find
such a wealth of incident. From "Robinson Crusoe" to Marryat's genial
stories, and down to "Westward Ho!" and "Treasure Island," old and young
have been entranced for many generations with its stories of shipwrecks,
pirates, sea-fights, and treasure-seekers. Yet with all this the field
has not been exhausted, for hardly a year passes without a new romance
dealing more or less with the "Indies."
Under this name of the Indies the islands and continent were first known
to the Spaniards, and it was not until some years had passed that the
mainland received the name of _Terra Firma_. The string of islands
facing the Atlantic were the Antilles, so called from a traditional
island to the west of the Azores, marked on maps and globes of the
fifteenth century. This "Bow of Ulysses," as Froude called the islands,
was divided into the Greater and Lesser Antilles, the latter being also
known as the Caribbees, from their original inhabitants. Other divisions
were made later into Windward and Leeward Islands, but these differed so
much in the descriptions of different nations that it would be as well
to leave them out of the question. Perhaps the best way would be to name
the whole the Antilles or West Indian Islands and divide them, in going
from north to south, into the Bahamas, the Greater Antilles, and the
Caribbees.
When we think of these beautiful islands and shores they recall those of
that other "Great Sea" which was such a mighty factor in the development
of Greece and Rome, Phoenicia and Carthage, Venice and Genoa. As Ulysses
and Æneas wandered about the Mediterranean, so the early voyagers sailed
along the coasts of the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico in fear of
anthropophagoi, amazons, giants, and fiery dragons. As the Indies were
the scene of struggles between great nations and the raids of
buccaneers, so also was the Mediterranean a battlefield for Christian
and Turk, and a centre for piracy.
Reports of golden cities, pearls and emeralds in profusion, and wealth
that passed all description, led the Spaniards to explore every island
and river, until the cannibals became less alarming. Yet their
sufferings were terrible. Hurricanes sunk their frail craft on the sea
and earthquakes wrung their very souls on land. Starvation, with its
consequent sickness and death, destroyed one party after another, but
they still went on. The discovery of the riches of Mexico and Peru led
them to look for other rich nations, and to travel thousands of miles on
the mainland, guided by the reports of the Indians. Undaunted by
suffering and failure, they would often try again and again, perhaps
only to perish in the attempt at last.
The treasures of the Indies made Spain the greatest nation in Europe.
With her riches she could do almost anything. Other nations bowed down
before her, and she became sovereign of the seas and mistress of the
world. No matter how it was obtained, gold and silver flowed into her
coffers; what did she care that it was obtained by the bloody sweat of
the poor Indians?
Then came envy and jealousy. Why should Spain claim the whole of the New
World? England, Holland, and France began to dispute her supremacy and
determined to get a share of the good things. The "invincible
domination" of Spain led her to declare war against England, with the
result that the hardy sea-dogs of that time began to worry the fat
galleons at sea, and to pillage the treasure depôts on the Main.
And here we must mention that there were two important places in the
Indies where Spain was most vulnerable--the Mona Passage between
Hispaniola and Porto Rico and the Isthmus of Darien. Through the first
came the outward fleets with supplies, and on their return with gold and
silver, while on the Isthmus was the depôt for merchandise and the great
treasure store. At these two points the enemy congregated, either as
ships of war, buccaneers, corsairs, or pirates, and in their
neighbourhood some of the most bitter struggles took place. There was no
peace in the Indies, whatever might nominally be the case in Europe.
Englishmen's blood boiled at the atrocities of the Spaniards, but we are
afraid it was not love for the oppressed alone that made them massacre
the Spaniards whenever they got an opportunity. The poor Indian received
but a scant measure of justice from these very people, when as a matter
of convenience they required possession of the Caribbee islands.
Other nations took possession of smaller islands, unoccupied by Spain,
and from these centres continued their raids, as privateers in war, and
as pirates at other times. Sometimes they were united among themselves
against the common enemy, sometimes at war with each other. France and
Holland against England, England and Holland against France--nothing but
quarrels and fighting. Now an island changed hands, and again it was
restored or recaptured. The planters were never sure of being able to
reap their crops, and often had literally to superintend the estate
work, armed with sword and arquebuse, while their black and white slaves
cultivated the soil.
Now the West Indies became the great training ground for three maritime
nations--England, France, and Holland. Spain lost her prestige, and the
struggle lay among her enemies for over a century. At first the three
disputants for her place were equally matched; then Holland dropped
behind, leaving England and France to fight it out. The struggle was a
very close one, which only ended with the fall of Napoleon, and it was
in the Caribbean Sea where the great check to France took place. Here
Rodney defeated De Grasse, and here Nelson and many another naval
officer gained that experience which served them so well in other parts
of the world.
Here also was the scene of that great labour experiment, the African
slave-trade. The atrocities of the Spaniards caused the depopulation of
the Greater Antilles, and led to the importation of negroes. Whatever
may be said against slavery, there can hardly be any question that the
African has been improved by his removal to another part of the world
and different surroundings. True, he has not progressed to the extent
that was expected by his friends when they paid such an enormous sum for
his enfranchisement; still, there are undoubtedly signs of progress.
The white colonists in the West Indies never settled down to form the
nucleus of a distinct people. Since the emancipation the islands have
been more and more abandoned to the negroes and coloured people, with
the result that although the government is mostly in the hands of the
whites, they are in such a minority as to be almost lost. In Cuba there
appears to be such a feeling of patriotism towards their own island that
probably we shall soon hear of a new republic, but elsewhere in the
islands our hopes for the future must lie in the negroes and coloured
people.
On the mainland the original inhabitants were not exterminated as in the
large islands, and consequently we have there a most interesting
process in course of accomplishment--the development of one or more
nations. Here are the true Americans, and as the Gaul was merged in the
Frank, and the Briton in the Saxon, so the Spaniard has been or will
ultimately be lost in the American. At present the so-called Spanish
republics are in their birth-throes--they are feeling their way. Through
trouble and difficulty--revolution and tyranny--they have to march on,
until they become stronger and more fitted to take their places among
other nations. Out of the struggle they must ultimately come, and it
will be a most interesting study for those who see the result.
In Hispaniola we have also a nation in the course of development--an
alien race from the old world. More backward than the Americans, the
Africans of Haïti are struggling to gain a position among other nations,
apparently without any good result. The nation is yet unborn, and its
birth-throes are distressing. We look upon that beautiful island and
feel sad that such a paradise should have fallen so low. As a race the
negro has little of that internal power that makes for progress--he must
be compelled to move on. Some are inclined to look upon him as in the
course of degenerating into the savage, but we, on the contrary, believe
him to be progressing slowly.
In the islands belonging to European nations the influence of the
dominant power is visible in the negro even when he has no trace of
white blood. The French, English, or Dutch negro may be recognised by
his manners, and even features. In some places East Indians and Chinese
have been imported, but these stand alone and make little impression.
They are aliens as yet, and take little part in the development of the
colonies.
Latterly the West Indies have sunk into neglect by Europe. Except for
the difficulties of the planters their history is almost a blank sheet.
Few know anything about the beautiful islands or the grand forests of
the mainland. Even the discovery of gold in Guiana, which goes to
confirm the reports of Ralegh, three centuries ago, is only known to a
few. Ruin and desolation have fallen upon them since the peace of 1815
and the emancipation. Even the negro--the _protégé_ of the
benevolent--is no longer the object of interest he once was. Cane sugar
is being gradually ousted by that from the beet, and hardly anything has
been done to replace its cultivation by other tropical products.
Yet the islands are still as lovely as they were four centuries ago, and
on the continent is a wealth of interest to the naturalist and lover of
the beautiful. Now and again a tourist goes the round of the islands and
publishes the result in a book of travel; but the countries are out of
the track of civilisation and progress. Possibly if the Panama or
Nicaragua Canal is ever finished things may be a little better, but at
present the outlook is very dismal.
In attempting to compress the story of the West Indies and Spanish Main
within the covers of one volume we have undertaken a task by no means
easy. Every island and every province has its own tale, and to do them
all justice would require a hundred books. Every West Indian will find
something missing--some event unmentioned which is of the greatest
importance to his particular community. This is only to be expected, yet
we believe that the reader will get a fairer idea of their importance
when they are comprehended in one great whole. The photo block
illustrations are from negatives prepared by Mr. Thomas B. Blow, F.L.S.
CONTENTS.
I.
PAGE
THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR VICTIMS 1-22
The native Americans--The Arawak and the Carib--Their independent
spirit--Their country--The character of the Spaniard--He wants to
convert the natives to Christianity--"A ton of gold"--First Spanish
settlers in Hispaniola--They ravage the island and are entirely cut
off--The second colony oppresses the Indians--Repartimientos--Cruelties
to the Indian slaves--Decrease of the population--Slave-hunting in
other islands and on the Main--Resistance of the cannibals--Decline of
Hispaniola.
II.
THE QUEST FOR "EL DORADO" 23-47
Treasure-seeking and its dangers--Alonzo de Ojeda--The proclamation to
the Indians--Disastrous voyage of Valdivia--A cannibal story--"El
Dorado," the gilded one--The German knights--Ambrosio de
Alfinger--George of Spires--Nicholas Fedreman and others--Pedro de
Ursua and Lope de Aguirre--Pedro de Acosta--Diego de Ordas and Juan
Martinez--The quest and its dangers.
III.
"SINGEING THE SPANIARD'S BEARD" 48-67
The Papal Bull of partition--English and French seamen in the
Indies--Raids on the Spanish possessions--Master William Hawkins goes
to Brazil--The Caribs friendly to the enemies of Spain--John Hawkins
carries negroes from Africa--Francis Drake's attack on Nombre de
Dios--The Simaroons--Drake captures the Panama train--John
Oxenham--Andrew Barker--Drake's second voyage--He captures St. Domingo
and Carthagena--Last voyage of Drake and Hawkins--Death of
Drake--Exploits of other adventurers.
IV.
RALEGH AND THE FIRST BRITISH COLONIES 68-89
"Letters Patent" to Ralegh--"El Dorado" again--Ralegh's first voyage to
Guiana--Keymis and Berrie--The Dutch in Guiana--Charles Leigh founds a
settlement--Robert Harcourt's colony--Ralegh's imprisonment--He is
released to again visit Guiana--Disastrous results--Roger North's
colony--King James's want of policy--Changes after his death--St.
Christopher's and Barbados--North's colony again--The Bahamas--The
French and Dutch settlements--Rise of the Dutch--The French and English
at St. Christopher's.
V.
BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND PIRATES 90-112
The buccaneers of Hispaniola--Tortuga--Bay of Campeachy--Privateers
turning pirates--Pierre Legrand--Captains de Basco and Brouage--Captain
Lawrence--Montbar the "Exterminator"--Lolonois--Morgan storms and
captures Panama--He settles down in Jamaica--Van Horn--Raid on the
South Sea--Lionel Wafer's journey across the Isthmus.
VI.
WAR IN THE YOUNG COLONIES 113-136
Spanish raids--Effects of the "Great English Revolution"--The Caribbee
Islands in revolt--Cavaliers and Roundheads in Barbados--Charles the
Second declared king--Lord Willoughby arrives with a Commission from
the fugitive--Persecution of the Roundheads--Sir George Ayscue sent out
with a fleet to reduce Barbados--The island blockaded--Its
surrender--Surinam held for the king--Cromwell and Spain--The
Expedition to St. Domingo--Capture of Jamaica--Colonisation of the
island--The Council for foreign plantations.
VII.
THE PLANTERS AND THEIR SLAVES 137-159
First adventurers not agriculturalists--Slaves wanted--Negroes
imported--Sugar--Cotton--Tobacco--First plantations--Kidnapping--
Prisoners transported--English slave-trade--Comparative cost of negroes
and whites--Rebels--Story of Henry Pitman--Condition of the
bond-servants--Life of the planter--Dangers of the
voyage--Jamaica--Slavery in Africa--Treatment of the West Indian slave.
VIII.
THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY 160-183
Trade disputes between England and Holland--War--The buccaneers
employed--Repulse of De Ruyter at Barbados--Capture of Dutch colonies
by English--The French drive the English from St. Kitt's--Abortive
attempts for its recapture--Peace of Breda--The value of the buccaneers
to Jamaica--Character of the three nations now contending for
supremacy--Case of Surinam--English refused permission to leave with
their slaves--War again--Peace of Westminster and the exodus from
Surinam--Case of Jeronomy Clifford--Sir Henry Morgan represses
buccaneering--Another war--Du Casse and the Corsairs--Jacques
Cassard--Curious position of Berbice--Cassard takes Curaçao--His
downfall.
IX.
THE STRUGGLE FOR THE DARIEN TRADE 184-206
Carthagena and Porto Bello fairs--The trade of the Isthmus--The
joint-stock mania--William Paterson and the Darien scheme--Caledonia
and New Edinburgh founded--Destruction of the colony--The _Assiento_
contract--The Great South Sea Bubble--Vain attempts of the English to
obtain free trade with the Spanish provinces--Attacks on the logwood
cutters of Campeachy--War with Spain--Contraband traders and their
losses--Captain Jenkins' ear--Another war with Spain--Admiral Vernon
takes Porto Bello--His failure at Carthagena--English exploits.
X.
SLAVE INSURRECTIONS AND BUSH NEGROES 207-236
Sufferings of the planters from war--Barbados alone as having never
fallen to the enemy--Internal difficulties--Ferocity of slaves and
cruelty of their punishments--The Maroons of Jamaica and bush negroes
in Guiana--Slave insurrections--Abortive plots in Barbados--Troubles in
Jamaica--Revolt in Antigua--The great slave insurrection in
Berbice--The whites driven from the colony--Haunts of the Guiana bush
negroes--Surinam in continual fear of their raids--Expeditions sent
against them--Treaties--Great insurrection in Jamaica and suppression
of the Maroons.
XI.
THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE SEAS 237-255
Downfall of Spain--England and France--Contraband traffic of the Dutch
and Danes--Advantages of neutrality--The Jews in the islands--They
support the buccaneers--The great war--England against the
world--Admiral Rodney--His abortive fights with De Guichen--The
training of his fleet--He captures St. Eustatius and confiscates
private property--Capture of Demerara--Outcry against Rodney--British
disasters--Rodney appears again--His decisive victory over De
Grasse--Peace and its results--The great struggle with France and her
allies--British supremacy--Peace of Amiens--War again--Nelson in the
West Indies--The American war--Decline of the plantations from the
abolition of the slave-trade.
XII.
DOWNFALL OF HISPANIOLA 256-275
Results of the French Revolution--The friends of the blacks--The rights
of man--Civil disabilities of free coloured people--Agitation in the
French colonies--James Ogé--Demand of the coloured people for equal
rights--Civil war in Hispaniola--"Perish the colonies"--Great slave
insurrection--The whites concede equal rights, but the Convention
revokes their original decree--Truce broken--The struggle
renewed--Devastation of the colony--The British expedition and its
failure--Toussaint L'Ouverture--Slavery abolished--It is re-established
by Napoleon--Treachery to L'Ouverture and the negroes--Dessalines and
Christophe declare the independence of Hayti--Massacre of the
whites--The Empire and Republic.
XIII.
EMANCIPATION OF THE SPANISH MAIN 276-288
Influence of the French Revolution on Spanish America--Miranda vainly
attempts to rouse Venezuela--Revolution at Caracas--Simon
Bolivar--Struggle for independence--Atrocities of both parties--Bolivar
proclaims extermination to the Royalists--Spanish successes--The
British Legion--Devastation of the country--The Columbian
Republic--Guatemala.
XIV.
ABOLITION OF SLAVERY 289-313
Agitation against slavery by the Quakers--Abolition of the African
slave-trade--Effects of this on the plantations--Condition of the
slave--Registration--Rising in Barbados--The Protestant missionaries
arrive--Opposition of the planters--Ordinance against preaching and
teaching slaves passed in Jamaica--The anti-slavery party in
England--Amelioration of the condition of the slave--Insurrection in
Demerara--Prosecution and conviction of the Rev. John
Smith--Emancipation in the British colonies--Its effect on colonies of
other nationalities--Insurrection at St. Croix--Total abolition of
slavery in the West Indies.
XV.
RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION 314-345
Ruin of the planters--Difficulty of procuring labour--Abolition of the
differential duties--Immigration--Barbados an exception when ruin fell
on the other colonies--Labour laws in French, Danish, and Dutch
colonies--Another insurrection in St. Croix--Race prejudice causes
riots in Demerara--Insurrection at Jamaica--Confederation riot at
Barbados.
XVI.
THE ISTHMUS TRANSIT SCHEMES 346-364
Nelson's expedition to the San Juan--Miranda's project--Importance of a
canal--Central America--Effects of the discovery of gold in
California--The Panama railway--Canal projects--Darien again--The
_Times_ and the Nicaragua project--Ship railway--Lesseps and the Panama
Canal--Difficulties of the work--Its downfall--Character of
Lesseps--The Nicaragua Canal.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
1.--Reception of Spaniards by Arawaks. From Gottfried's
"Reisen" _Frontispiece_
2.--Reception of Spaniards by Caribs. From Gottfried's
"Reisen" 5
3.--A corner of Paradise. The Victoria Regia 8
4.--_En route_ to the goldfields of Guiana. Passing the rapids
of the Essequebo 10
5.--Worrying the natives with dogs. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 13
6.--A modern alluvial gold washing 16
7.--Suicides. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 17
8.--A Guiana river. The Tumatamari falls 26
9.--Inhabitants of the Spanish Main. From Colijn's "Reisen" 28
10.--"El Dorado." From Gottfried's "Reisen" 37
11.--Negro woman returning from market 53
12.--Negro barber 54
13.--Negro family on holiday 55
14.--Negresses gossiping 56
15.--Ralegh in Trinidad. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 71
16.--Gold hunting. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 80
17.--Carib attack on a settlement. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 89
18.--St. Kitt's. From Andrews' "West Indies" 118
19.--A Surinam planter. From Stedman's "Surinam" 138
20.--A negro festival. From Edwards' "West Indies" 140
21.--Voyage of the sable Venus. From Edwards' "West Indies" 142
22.--Slaves landing from the ship. From Stedman's "Surinam" 144
23.--Map of _Terra Firma_. From Gottfried's "Reisen" 197
24.--A rebel negro. From Stedman's "Surinam" 209
25.--The execution of breaking on the rack. From Stedman's
"Surinam" 212
26.--March through a swamp. From Stedman's "Surinam" 224
27.--Trelawny town. From Edwards' "West Indies" 231
28.--Pacification of the Maroons. From Edwards' "West Indies" 234
29.--View of part of Hispaniola. From Andrews' "West Indies" 258
30.--La Guayra on the Main. From Andrews' "West Indies" 280
31.--The First of August. From Madden's "West Indies" 308
32.--A relic of the slavery days--old slave buying fish 310
33.--Negress, Guiana 315
34.--Negress fish-sellers, Guiana 316
35.--Chinese wood-carrier 317
36.--East Indian coolie 318
37.--East Indian coolie family 319
38.--Coolie barber 320
39.--East Indian coolie girl 321
40.--Coolie women, British Guiana 322
41.--Coolie vegetable sellers, British Guiana 323
42.--East Indian coolies, Trinidad 324
43.--East Indian coolie, Trinidad 325
44.--Trinidad coolies 326
45.--Barbados. From Andrews' "West Indies" 330
46.--St. Lucia. From Andrews' "West Indies" 331
47.--Atlantic entrance to Darien Canal. From Cullen's "Darien
Canal" 348
48.--Europe supported by Africa and America. From Stedman's
"Surinam" 363
[Illustration]
THE WEST INDIES.
I.
THE SPANIARDS AND THEIR VICTIMS.
When the early writers spoke of America as the new world, _mundus
novus_, they could hardly have appreciated the full meaning of the name.
True, it was a new world to them, with new animals, new plants, and a
new race of mankind; but the absolute distinctness of everything,
especially in the tropical regions, was not understood. With our fuller
knowledge the ideas of strangeness and novelty are more and more
impressed, and we are ready to exclaim, Yes! it is indeed a new world.
Unlike those of the eastern hemisphere, the peoples of the West are of
one race. Apart from every other, the development of the American Indian
has gone on different lines, the result being a people self-contained,
as it were, and unmodified until the arrival of the European. The
American is perhaps the nearest to the natural man, and his character is
the result of nature's own moulding. When compared with the European or
Asiatic he seems to be far behind, yet the civilisation of Peru and
Mexico was in some respects in advance of that of their conquerors. This
was brought about by a dense population which forced men into collision
with each other--in other parts of the continent and on the islands they
were more isolated and therefore less civilised.
In the forest region of the Spanish Main, and on the West Indian
islands, the communities were, as a rule, very small and isolated one
from another. A kind of patriarchal system prevented much communication,
and inter-tribal disputes were a bar to union. Every community
distrusted every other, and even when one tribe fought against its
neighbour there were few attempts to bring the sections together against
the common enemy.
On the coasts and islands of the Caribbean Sea, at the time of their
discovery, lived two distinct peoples, the Arawaks and the Caribs. There
were also a few other tribes of minor importance, such as the Warrows,
but these made little impression, and may therefore be left out of
consideration. The remnants of the two great stocks still exist in
Guiana and at the mouth of the Orinoco, living to-day in much the same
manner as they did when the country was first discovered by the
Spaniards.
Four centuries ago the Greater Antilles were exclusively inhabited by
Arawaks, and the Lesser by Caribs. The Arawak, as his name implies, was
more or less an agriculturalist--a meal-eater, a cultivator of
vegetables, mainly cassava. From the poisonous root of this plant
bread, drink, and a preservative sauce for meat, were prepared, so that,
with game or fish, it formed the staff of life. The probable course of
his migration was from Yucatan or Mexico to the south-east, terminating
in Guiana, and from thence north through the whole of the Antilles. When
Columbus arrived people of this stock filled the larger islands and the
Bahamas, but along the coast and in the island of Trinidad they disputed
the occupation of the territories with the Caribs. In Porto Rico also
the Caribs had become aggressive, and even in Hispaniola the Arawaks had
to defend their shores against that warlike people. If we believe the
accounts of the Spaniards the inhabitants of the Greater Antilles were
not altogether a savage people. Whether they had destroyed all the
larger game, or whether they found none on their arrival, the fact
remains that they were agriculturalists rather than huntsmen. They were,
however, expert in fishing, and built great canoes with sails, in which
they carried on their operations even in comparatively rough water.
Their provision grounds were highly praised by the Spaniards in language
that could hardly apply to little clearings like those in the Guiana
forest. In them were grown, besides cassava, yams, sweet potatoes, and
maize, while other things such as cotton and tobacco were also largely
cultivated. The natives had also acquired several arts besides that of
canoe building, which, when we consider their want of proper implements,
was almost wonderful. Cotton was spun and woven into cloth for their
scanty garments, gold cast and hammered into figures and ornaments, and
wood and stone idols and weapons were also carved. All this was done
with stone implements, even to the work of hollowing great logs for
their canoes, and shaping planks. We read of axe-heads made of _guanin_,
an alloy of gold and copper, and also of attempts to make similar tools
of silver, but these were very rare, and could hardly have been utilised
to any good purpose. When we appreciate the labour and pains taken in
excavating a large canoe, with only fire and the stone adze, we can see
that these people were by no means idle. Nor were they altogether
wanting in appreciation of art, for the figures on their baskets and
pottery were beautifully true geometrical patterns, and their so-called
idols, although grotesque and rude, often striking.
On the mainland the Arawaks lived in small communities, only electing a
war-chief as occasion required--in Haïti the Cacique seems to have been
leader and ruler as well. And here we must mention the most striking
characteristic of the American Indian--his utter abhorrence of anything
like coercion. Even in childhood his parents let him do as he pleases,
never attempting to govern him in any way. It followed therefore that
neither war-captain nor Cacique had any real power to compel them to a
course they disliked, and that discipline was entirely wanting. The
traveller in Guiana at the present day can thoroughly understand this
trait of character, for he has to take it into account if he wishes to
get their assistance. They must be treated as friends, not as servants,
and the greatest care taken not to offend their dignity, unless he
wishes to be left alone in the forest.
[Illustration: RECEPTION OF SPANIARDS BY CARIBS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
They quarrelled little among themselves, and only fought against the
Caribs; they were peaceable, kind, and gentle, so hospitable to
strangers that Columbus could hardly say enough in their favour. "A
better race there cannot be," he declared to his sovereigns, and this
opinion was confirmed by all who came into contact with them. In fact if
you do nothing to offend him, the Arawak of to-day is the same quiet and
gentle fellow who met the voyagers on their arrival at Guanahani.
The Caribs were a stronger race, and had probably followed the same
track as the Arawaks in a later migration. At the time of the discovery
they appear to have driven the more gentle race from the smaller islands
south of Porto Rico, and had taken their women as wives. All along the
coast the two tribes fought with each other, but on account of the
greater stretch of country there was nothing like the extermination
which took place in the Lesser Antilles. The Arawaks retired up the
rivers and creeks, leaving their enemies to take possession of the
coast, which they did to such good purpose that the Spaniards were
unable to get a footing in Guiana. All the early writers agree that the
Caribs were man-eaters--in fact the word cannibal seems to have been
derived from their name. In the smaller islands they had eaten all the
men of the gentler tribe, and now made periodical raids on the larger,
from whence they carried off prisoners to be cooked and devoured at
leisure. These raids led to combinations on the part of the inhabitants
of Haïti and Porto Rico, and hitherto they had been successful in
preventing anything like an occupation of these islands by their
enemies. Whether these successes would have continued is doubtful; the
arrival of the Spaniards upset everything.
The Carib was not so entirely dependent on the produce of the soil as
the meal-eater. He was a hunter and fisherman, but above everything else
a warrior. His women had provision grounds like those of the Arawak,
possibly because they came from that stock. The Carib's hunting grounds
were circumscribed and poor, and his craving for meat could only be
appeased in one way--by eating his enemies. Probably this made him all
the more fierce and bloodthirsty, as a flesh diet is certainly more
stimulating than one of fish and starchy tubers.
If the Arawak was impatient of control, the Carib was even more
independent. The former would pine away and die under coercion, the
latter refused absolutely to be a slave. He would die fighting for his
liberty, but never admit that he was conquered. It was not he who
welcomed the Spaniards to the West Indies--on the contrary, he did
everything possible to prevent their landing on his shores. His
so-called treachery caused many difficulties to the new-comers, but
taken altogether he was much respected by them as a foe worthy of their
steel.
These two peoples lived in a country which Columbus described as a
veritable paradise--in fact he thought he had discovered the site of the
Garden of Eden. Into this beautiful world he let loose a band of
robbers and murderers, to depopulate and make it a wilderness. They were
the product of an entirely different environment--a continent in which
every man's hand was against that of his neighbour. For a long time
Spain had been a battlefield, on which the most warlike instincts of
mankind came to the front. Her soldiers understood the advantages of
discipline, and would follow their leaders wherever anything was to be
gained, yet at the same time they were individuals, and as such fought
for their own hands as well.
[Illustration: A CORNER OF PARADISE. THE VICTORIA REGIA.]
Like the rest of Christendom Spain was very religious, and after
treasure-seeking, the adventurers of that nation meant to convert the
heathen. The cross was erected everywhere on landing, and religious
services held to pray for help in their undertakings. If the cruelties
that followed were not quite in accordance with Christ's teachings we
must put it down to the manners and customs of the age. Ignorance was
really the great characteristic of that period, and the brilliancy of
the few only shone out the brighter because of the dark background. The
majority were steeped in superstition, and almost entirely dominated by
their passions.
Columbus was continually harping upon the desirability of making the
natives of the new world Christians. "Your Highness," he said, in one of
his letters, "ought to rejoice that they will soon become Christians,
and that they will be taught the good customs of your kingdom." He took
nine of them to Spain, on his return from the first voyage, who were
baptized and taught the Spanish language. The king and queen told him to
deal lovingly with those in the Indies, and to severely punish any who
ill-treated them. More were sent to Spain and allowed to go back for the
purpose of "gaining souls." Columbus, however, did not altogether agree
with his sovereigns--his project was to send enough as slaves to pay the
expenses of his expeditions, and he actually shipped four lots for that
purpose. But Ferdinand and Isabella would not have this, and even went
so far as to prohibit the deportation of the Caribs notwithstanding the
admiral's argument that they were unworthy of the royal clemency,
because they ate men and were enemies of the friendly Arawaks.
[Illustration: EN ROUTE TO THE GOLDFIELDS OF GUIANA. PASSING THE RAPIDS
OF THE ESSEQUEBO.]
How the new world was discovered in 1492 has been told so often that it
is hardly necessary to repeat the story. Haïti, named Hispaniola or
Little Spain, was chosen from the first as the island on which a
settlement should be planted. Here Columbus left thirty-nine colonists
under the command of Diego de Arana, and under the protection of the
great Cacique Guacanagari. He "trusted to God" that on his return he
would find a ton of gold and a large quantity of spices, with the
proceeds of which his sovereigns might undertake the conquest of
Jerusalem from the infidels.
A ton of gold! This was the whole end and aim of his expedition.
Everything else was subordinate to this. He had seen the natives wearing
gold ornaments, and found that the precious metal could be gathered from
certain streams on the island. But, could he estimate the amount of
labour required to procure such an enormous quantity, by people who had
no other appliances than baskets? This alone was enough to bring trouble
upon the peaceful island.
But this was not all. The colonists quarrelled among themselves,
interfered with the Indian women, went hunting for gold all over the
country, took it wherever it could be found, and stole provisions when
their friends did not bring them enough. Not satisfied with the district
of the friendly Cacique, they ravaged that of Caonabo, the Carib
chieftain of another clan, a man of a different stamp. He resented the
insults at once by attacking the Spaniards, who, notwithstanding the
assistance of their allies, were utterly exterminated. When Columbus
arrived, instead of a ton of gold, he found nothing but the blackened
ruins of the fort and houses.
This should have been a lesson to the Spaniards, but unfortunately it
only led to further quarrels. The new-comers did not intend to cultivate
the soil; their main object was treasure, and they expected the natives
to provide them with food. And here we must mention the fact that the
people of tropical climes _never_ have any store of provisions laid
up--this is only necessary where winter prevails for half the year. It
follows therefore that however liberal they may feel towards strangers,
their supplies being restricted to their own wants leave little to give
away. Up to a certain point the Indian gives freely, but when this means
privation to himself he withholds his hand. The want of a full
appreciation of this fact caused great trouble in many of the early
settlements, and in some cases led to their destruction. The natives
promised food supplies; but when they found themselves starving,
naturally withheld further assistance. The settlers considered this a
breach of faith, and made incursions on the provision grounds, taking
what they wanted, and seriously injuring the crops. This the Indians
resented, and deadly quarrels ensued, which ended in their driving out
the colonists or deserting the place altogether. In the latter case the
food supply was necessarily cut off, and often led ultimately to the
abandonment of the colony.
To the kindly people of Hispaniola the new-comers were gods, and their
horses and cattle preternatural creatures. While wondering and admiring,
they were at the same time frightened at these out-of-the-way men and
animals, especially when the soldiers exhibited themselves on horseback.
At first they thought them immortal, and were disagreeably surprised
when they fell before the army of Caonabo. But even the proverbial worm
will turn, and soon the oppressions of the second colonists drove the
poor Haïtians to resist. To labour in the field was beneath the dignity
of the adventurous treasure-seekers--the natives must supply them with
provisions. What they had brought from Spain was soon spoilt in such a
hot climate--no one had yet learned how to pack for long voyages. They
must get food, and what was the good of having thousands of people, and
acres of cultivated land in their neighbourhood, if the natives did not
bring in as much as was required? At first they were supplied willingly,
but when the results of this profuse hospitality began to tell upon
themselves, the poor Haïtians withheld their hands. Then the Spaniards
began complaining to the Cacique, who, however, had no real authority
over his people in a matter of this kind, and therefore could do
nothing. Driven by want the Spaniards made incursions on the provision
grounds, where they spoilt as much as they took away, and left a waste
behind. Sometimes they met with resistance, and the defenders were cut
down without mercy. The spoilers only wanted an excuse for fleshing
their swords; they were even anxious to show their powers, and make the
natives feel that at last they had masters.
[Illustration: WORRYING THE NATIVES WITH DOGS.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Before two years had passed the Spaniards were beset with difficulties.
The Indian looked despairingly at his wasted fields, and refused to
cultivate them any longer. Why should he plant for others when he
himself was starving? Some fled into the mountains and forests of the
interior, others died of want. This naturally told upon the white men,
who had not yet learnt that they must cultivate the soil if they wanted
its produce. They could not demean themselves to this, but must have the
power to compel the inhabitants and owners of this beautiful island to
work for them.
The home authorities knew what was going on, and did their best
according to their lights to provide a remedy. At first they gave large
tracts of land to the settlers, _repartimientos_ as they were called,
but what was the use of these if their owners could get no labourers?
Then to every grant was allotted a certain number of Indians as slaves,
and thus the cruel system that ultimately depopulated the Greater
Antilles and the Bahamas was introduced.
Those who were not allotted as slaves were compelled to pay tribute. In
the neighbourhood of the gold-washings this was to consist of a little
bellful of gold; in other places of an arroba (28 lbs.) of cotton, once
a quarter for every person above the age of fourteen. Metal tokens to
hang upon the neck were given as receipts, and when these were absent
the people were severely punished. Thus this gentle and independent race
was enslaved.
[Illustration: A MODERN ALLUVIAL GOLD WASHING.]
Even with modern appliances and the use of quicksilver, gold-washing is
a most precarious business; what then could it have been here with
nothing but a basket and gourd? Columbus had such exaggerated ideas
that, when he saw the gold-washings of Cibao, he came to the conclusion
they were the Ophir of the Bible; from his reports the king and queen
thought nothing of demanding this small tribute. To the Indian, however,
the gleaning of the tribute meant the labour of days and weeks, and when
there were so many seekers it was found utterly impossible for each to
gather his amount. Then they ran away, and were hunted with dogs,
brought back, and compelled to wash the gravel under surveillance,
subject to the pricks of a sword if they were not active enough. But,
even with all this, the returns were not equal to what was expected, and
the tribute had ultimately to be abandoned. However, it was stated
that as much as the value of a million crowns per annum was extracted
during the best years, at a cost of pain and suffering awful to
contemplate.
[Illustration: SUICIDES.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
The cotton tribute had also to be abandoned, and even the
_repartimientos_ were not a success. If they had been willing, the
natives could hardly have performed steady work, and as slaves they were
almost valueless. In their natural condition they laboured when they
chose, wasting time as we should say with little good result. Now their
masters demanded heavy tasks which prevented their working on their own
provision grounds, and yet provided little or nothing in the way of
rations. Hundreds died of starvation; thousands committed suicide. Some
jumped from high precipices; they hanged, stabbed, drowned, and poisoned
themselves; mothers destroyed their babes to save them from the misery
of living. If caught in such attempts they were flogged, had boiling
water or melted lead poured over them, and were otherwise tortured until
death came to their relief. Their cruel masters, however, rarely wished
to kill them outright--they were too valuable. No, they must break down
this dogged, stubborn spirit--treat them as horses and mules, until they
bent themselves to the yoke.
It was left for bands of soldiers on foraging expeditions to kill in
mere wantonness. A company would be travelling through the island and
come upon a village, where perhaps they stopped for a short rest. The
people looked on, admiring their shining armour and weapons, wondering
what sort of creatures these were that so quietly cropped the grass and
shrubs. One of the soldiers would take out his sword, feel its keen
edge, and think what a pity it was that the weapon should be used so
little. Behind him comes a little boy. The temptation is great; in a
moment the sharp weapon flashes and the child lies dead. The Indians
fly, and the whole party follows, chasing and slaughtering to their
heart's content, not knowing nor caring why. In a few minutes fifty are
killed, the soldiers return to their bivouac, and if they inquire into
the matter at all pass it off as a good jest.
Is it any wonder that the population decreased to a wonderful degree in
a few years? The sugar-cane had been introduced by Columbus on his
second voyage, and labour was soon required for cultivating this and
other crops. As long as slaves were procurable the planters throve, and
as by that time Hispaniola had become the great centre of the Indies,
the settlers were in a fair way to make fortunes. But the decrease in
the population became alarming, and something had to be done; then, new
settlers were continually arriving who also wanted slaves. It followed,
therefore, that some of the more audacious of the adventurers took up
the trade of kidnapping the Indians from other islands and the mainland.
A host of disappointed treasure-seekers had ransacked every shore, and
were now well prepared for the business of man-hunting.
The first people to suffer were those who so kindly welcomed Columbus on
his arrival--the gentle inhabitants of the Bahamas. They were even more
peaceful than the Haïtians, because they had not suffered from Carib
invasions. When the slave hunters told them to come to the south and
live with their ancestors, they willingly allowed themselves to be
carried off to suffer like their neighbours. Some ran away and got to
the northern shores of Hispaniola, where they stretched out their hands
to their beautiful homes and then died of grief.
Having entirely depopulated the smaller islands, and being prevented
from kidnapping the people of Cuba, Porto Rico, and Jamaica, by the
settlers on those islands, they tried the Caribbees. Here they met their
match. No longer was it the gentle Arawak whom they encountered, but the
ferocious cannibal. Like his foes he had been trained in war for many
generations. Not only did he refuse to work for the stranger, but even
went so far as to oppose his landing. On his islands was little to
attract the treasure-seeker, and if he would not submit to be a slave,
nothing was to be gained by interfering with him. This the Spaniard
found out by bitter experience. A few vessels were wrecked on these
inhospitable shores, the crews of which escaped to land only to be
killed and eaten, after being tortured with all the ingenuity of the
savage. Even a landing for fresh water had to be made in the most
cautious manner, and the carriers protected by a strong guard. No doubt
the Caribs had heard of the white man's cruelties from their Arawak
prisoners, and were therefore all the more ready to repel their
invasions. This was particularly noticeable later when the English and
French arrived and found them by no means so ferocious as the Spaniards
had reported. Possibly they knew these people to be enemies to their
foes, and were therefore all the more ready to be friendly as long as no
attempts were made to oppress them.
Hispaniola rose to some importance very quickly, and almost as quickly
declined. The settlers depopulated the island, and then complained of
the want of labourers. The gold-seekers went elsewhere, and Mexico and
the isthmus of Darien became of more importance. Some writers have
attempted to give the number of Indians exterminated in the early years
of the sixteenth century, but little reliance can be placed on their
statistics. Generally, they range from one to three millions, but it is
doubtful whether even the lowest figure is not too high. Yet, when we
read the statement of Columbus that crowds of people (in one place two
thousand) came forth to meet him, and his description of the large area
of cultivated land, as well as the broad and good roads, it is not
difficult to conceive that a million people lived in these great
islands.
With the destruction of the labourers down fell the plantations. Cattle
had been introduced and throve wonderfully; now they ran wild over the
islands, especially Hispaniola, until they became innumerable. On the
abandoned provision grounds of the Indians they found a virgin
pasturage. Hogs also took to the woods, and increased even faster than
the cattle. At first there were neither huntsmen nor carnivorous animals
to check this wonderful development. The once domesticated animals
recovered some of the powers and capacities of their wild ancestors,
and only required enemies to assist in bringing out other latent
characters. And these were not long wanting. Large and powerful hounds
had been imported from Spain to hunt the runaway Indians, and now that
their occupation was gone, they also took to the woods and savannahs.
Like their ancestors and cousins, the wolves, they combined into packs
and fought the cattle and hogs. Both hunters and hunted became stronger
and fiercer--the dogs learnt how best to attack, and their prey to
defend themselves. It was a struggle like that between the cannibals and
meal-eaters--nature's method of preserving the balance of life. This
equalisation no doubt would have been the result had not man interfered;
how this happened we must leave to another chapter.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
II.
THE QUEST FOR "EL DORADO".
Ophir was not found in the islands, and the bands of adventurers went
over to _terra firma_ or the mainland to continue the search. Along the
coast of Guiana and Venezuela they again came across the gentle Arawak
and ferocious Carib, the latter making himself respected everywhere,
while his poor-spirited fellow-countryman was alternately caressed and
plundered. In every place the Spaniards found gold ornaments, and every
tribe told them that the precious metal was only obtainable in some far
distant country. The Haïtians sent Columbus to the south in search of
the _guanin_ country, and it was there he discovered the coast of Paria
and the delta of the mighty Orinoco. But he was not fated to come across
the treasure cities of the Indies.
Others followed to at last conquer Mexico and Peru, but even then it was
generally believed that nations existed who had more riches to be
plundered than those of the Inca and Montezuma. To find these golden
regions the voyagers wandered in every direction, contributing much to
the knowledge of the coasts and rivers, but always coming back
disappointed.
The horrors of this search can hardly be appreciated nowadays. The ships
were so small and ill-found that we should hardly care to use them for
coasters, yet in them these pioneers crossed the Atlantic and
encountered the hurricanes of the West Indies. Decked only at bow and
stern, the waves dashed into the hold and wetted the provisions, while
the sun poured down upon the water casks and burst their wooden hoops.
The butter and cheese stank, the flour in sacks became mouldy, and the
bacon and salt fish putrid. Then the hull of the vessel was unprotected,
and the teredo, or ship worm, bored it through and through, until
nothing but careening and caulking could save the poor craft from
sinking. When we understand the privations and dangers of this
navigation we are not surprised that the adventurers often came to
grief, but rather wonder that any of them survived.
Living in the West Indies, we have often thought of the pain and
suffering it would produce if we were compelled to walk or sit in the
burning sun armed as were the soldiers at that period. We can hardly
believe that they wore steel body armour, yet the evidence is too strong
to be refuted. True, they gave it up afterwards in favour of quilted
cotton, but before they did so how hot they must have felt! We can fancy
the sentry standing exposed to the full blaze of the sun, his helmet and
breastplate burning hot and his woollen underclothing saturated with
perspiration. Then there would be the open boat ascending a river. The
occupants dared not row in the shade for fear of cannibals shooting at
them with poisoned arrows from the thicket, and out in the river they
must have felt as if in a furnace. Even with our white clothing and
light hats a long journey in an open boat when the sun is high often
ends in fever, and almost invariably in a headache. The neck and backs
of the hands get blistered, and become sore, the glare on the water
dazzles the eye, and we feel faint.
In one of the accounts of such a boating expedition on a river in Guiana
we read of the men finding some yellow plums floating on the water, and
of their being much refreshed by them. We also have come across these
hog-plums when almost exhausted by a long exposure on the open river,
and when even our negro steersman was nodding as he held the paddle.
Suddenly we came to our destination, the mouth of a creek, and were
under an arcade of vegetation, beneath which the plums floated on the
cool dark water.
The men of the sixteenth century must have been stronger than ourselves,
or they could hardly have endured such pain and privation. They lay down
on the bare earth night after night, and on board ship went to sleep on
naked planks. As they could endure pain and discomfort, so also could
they inflict it on others. The rough seamen learnt to bear hardships
which blunted their feelings of humanity and made them inclined to
torture others. When in the hands of the cannibals they were almost as
stoical as the savage himself, their ruling passion being a desire for
revenge. If cruelly treated by one tribe they retaliated on others; in
the same way the Indians killed one party of Spaniards to avenge the
insults of their countrymen. This led to a great deal of trouble and
made the voyages of the treasure-seekers dangerous to all. However free
from blame one party might be, they were liable to suffer for previous
wrong-doings and they in turn left behind them injuries to be avenged
on the next comers.
[Illustration: A GUIANA RIVER. THE TUMATAMARI FALLS.]
And then, how very audacious these adventurers were! Alonzo de Ojeda was
perhaps the most striking example of utter recklessness in face of
danger. In 1509 he entered the harbour of Carthagena in spite of a
warning that its shores were inhabited by a ferocious tribe who fought
with palm-wood swords and poisoned arrows. It was even stated that the
women mingled in the battle, and could use the bow and a kind of lance.
These people had been irritated by another party of Spaniards, and on
sight of the vessels were up in arms at once. However, Ojeda was
undaunted, and landed at once with his men and some friars, who had been
sent to convert the Indians. In front stood the enemy brandishing their
weapons, and prepared for the first hostile movement. Yet, even under
these critical circumstances, he ordered the usual proclamation to be
read to the Indians in a language of which they knew nothing. He, Alonzo
de Ojeda, servant of the most high and mighty sovereigns of Castile and
Leon, conquerors of barbarous nations, notified them that God had given
St. Peter the supreme power over the world, which power was exercised by
the Pope, who had given all that part of the world to these sovereigns.
They were called upon to acknowledge this sovereignty at once, which, if
they refused to do, he would bring upon them the horrors of war,
desolation to their houses, confiscation of their property, and slavery
to their wives and children.
[Illustration: INHABITANTS OF THE SPANISH MAIN.
(_From Colijn's "Reisen."_)]
While one of the friars read this address the savages stood on the
defensive, no doubt wondering what the delay meant. Ojeda knew not their
language, and they took little notice of his signs of amity. As they
still brandished their weapons, the intrepid adventurer led on an
attack, calling the Virgin to his aid, and in a few minutes put them to
flight, killing a few and taking others prisoners. Not content with
this, he followed them through the forest to their village, and after a
deadly fight, drove them out and burnt their dwellings. Still undaunted,
he went on to another village, which he found deserted, but while his
men were searching for plunder he was attacked by the enemy in
overwhelming numbers. All his followers were killed, and he himself
wounded with a poisoned arrow, yet he managed to escape into the forest
to suffer hunger and thirst in addition to the pain of his wound.
Meanwhile his men on board the ships were wondering what had become of
their leader and his party. They were afraid to venture far into the
woods on account of the yells and shouts of the Indians, who were
celebrating their triumph. At last, however, they commenced a search,
and found their captain in a mangrove swamp, lying on a tangle of roots,
speechless and dying of hunger, yet still clutching his naked sword and
bearing his buckler. Notwithstanding all this, he ultimately recovered,
to go on as eagerly as ever in making fresh conquests.
Later, the proclamation to the Indians was interpreted to them,
sometimes eliciting replies very much to the point. When the Bachelor
Enciso went in search of the country of Zenu, where gold was so
plentiful that it could be collected in the rainy season in nets
stretched across the river, he was opposed by two Caciques, to whom the
paper was read. They listened courteously, and, when it had been
expounded, said they were quite willing to admit that there was one God,
the ruler of heaven and earth, whose creatures they were. But as to the
Pope's regency and his donation of _their_ country to the king of Spain,
that was another thing altogether. The Pope must have been drunk when he
gave away what was not his, and the king could only have been mad to ask
him for the territory of others. They, the Caciques, were the rulers of
these territories, and needed no other sovereign: if their king came to
take possession they would cut off his head and stick it on a pole, as
they did the heads of their other enemies, at the same time pointing to
a row of grisly skulls impaled close by. Their arguments, however, were
useless, for Enciso attacked, routed them, and took one of the Caciques
prisoner.
The accounts of the early voyagers are full of such examples of audacity
as well as of endurance of suffering. The perils of the sea were as
great as those of the land, but few voyages were as disastrous as that
of Valdivia, who in 1512 sailed from Darien for Hispaniola. When in
sight of Jamaica, his vessel was caught in a hurricane and driven upon
some shoals called the Vipers, where it was dashed to pieces. He and his
twenty men barely escaped with their lives in a boat without sails,
oars, water, or provisions. For thirteen days they drifted about, until
seven were dead and the remainder helpless. Then the boat stranded on
the coast of Yucatan, and the poor wretches were captured by Indians, to
be taken before their Cacique. They were now put into a kind of pen to
fatten for the cannibal festival. Valdivia and four others were taken
first, and the horror produced on their comrades led them to risk
everything and break out of their prison in the night. Having succeeded
in reaching the forest, they were almost as badly off, for no food could
be had, and they dared not run the risk of going near the villages.
Almost perishing with hunger, they at last reached another part of the
country, to be again captured, and kept as slaves. Finally they all died
except two, one of whom at last escaped to tell the tale almost by a
miracle.
One of the stories is suggestive of "Robinson Crusoe." In 1499 Niño and
Guerra sailed from Spain in a bark of fifty tons, and, while exploring
the Gulf of Paria, came across eighteen Carib canoes filled with armed
men. The savages assailed them with flights of arrows, but the sudden
boom of the cannon frightened them away at once. One canoe, however, was
captured, in which they took a Carib prisoner, and found an Arawak
captive lying bound at the bottom. On being liberated, the Arawak
informed the Spaniards, through their interpreter, that he was the last
of seven who had been taken by the cannibals. The other six had been
killed and eaten one after another, and he had been reserved for the
next evening meal. The Spaniards, incensed against the man-eater, gave
him into the hands of the Arawak, at the same time handing him a
cudgel, leaving his enemy unarmed. Immediately the Arawak sprang upon
him, knocked him sprawling, trod his breath out of his body, and at the
same time beat him with his fist until nothing but a shapeless corpse
remained. But, not yet satisfied, he tore the head off and stuck it on a
pole as a trophy.
After the conquest of Mexico and Peru had rewarded Cortez and Pizarro,
others wished to be equally fortunate. From the Indians came reports of
golden countries in the interior, and land expeditions were projected.
These reports grew into shape, and at last a quest as romantic as that
for the Holy Grail, led one adventurer after another on and on, to
starvation, sickness, and death.
The germ of the story of "El Dorado," the lake of golden sands, and the
glittering city of Manoa, appears to have first arisen in New Granada.
Here was the Lake of Guatavita, and before the arrival of the Spaniards
this was the scene of an annual religious festival. To the genius of the
lake the Cacique of the neighbouring district offered a holy sacrifice
on a certain day. In the morning he anointed his body with balsam, and
then rolled himself in gold dust until he became a "gilded king." Then,
embarking in a canoe with his nobles, he was paddled to the centre of
the lake, crowds of people thronging its shores and honouring him with
songs and the din of rude instrumental music. Offerings to the god of
the lake were made from the canoe, gold, emeralds, pearls, and
everything precious being scattered upon the water. Finally, the Cacique
jumped in himself and washed the gold from his body, while the people
shouted for joy. To wind up the festival a great drinking bout was held,
when canoesful of piwarree, the Indian's beer, were drunk, and every one
made merry.
Such was the tradition--for the ceremony had been discontinued half a
century before--which had so impressed itself over the northern shores
of South America, as to be told from the Amazon to the isthmus of
Darien. "El Dorado" was gilded every morning, and his city was full of
beautiful golden palaces. It stood on the edge of the great salt lake
Parima, the sands of which were composed of the precious metal. Some
went so far as to say that they had seen the glittering city from a
distance, and were only prevented from reaching it by the peculiar
difficulties of the way. Not to mention tigers and alligators,
starvation and sickness, there were "anthropophagoi and men whose heads
do grow beneath their shoulders," besides amazons and fiery dragons.
Wherever the story was told the golden city was located at a far
distance, and it seemed ever to recede before the eager seekers. They
sought it in the forest and on the savannah, over the lofty peaks of the
Andes, and along the banks of the mighty rivers. The whole of the
Spanish Main was explored, and places then visited which have hardly
been seen again by the white man down to the present date.
The quest began in New Granada, and from thence it shifted to Venezuela.
The most daring seekers were German knights, the Welsers of Augsburg.
They had received charters from Charles the Fifth, under which they
were empowered to found cities, erect forts, work mines, and make slaves
of the Indians. One of their representatives, Ambrosio de Alfinger, set
out in 1530, accompanied by two hundred Spaniards, and a larger number
of Indians, laden with provisions and other necessaries. On the journey
the party committed such brutalities upon the poor natives that the
reports afterwards helped to fire the blood of Englishmen, and make them
bitterly cruel. To prevent the bearers from running away they were
strung together on chains, running through rings round their necks. If
one of them dropped from sickness or exhaustion, his head was cut off,
the ring loosened, and thus the trouble of interfering with the chain
saved. If he were to be left behind, it did not matter whether he was
alive or dead. At one place on the river Magdalena the frightened
natives took refuge on some islands, but the Spaniards swam their horses
across and killed or took prisoners the whole of them. From their
Cacique Alfinger got booty to the value of sixty thousand dollars, with
which he sent back for further supplies. But, although he waited for a
year his messengers did not return, and the company were reduced to such
straits that many died for want of bare food. But the Indians fared much
worse, for their provision grounds were utterly destroyed, and what with
murders and starvation the surrounding country was quite depopulated and
desolate.
Even Alfinger had to give up waiting for his supplies and move on at
last, for these had been utilised by his lieutenant on an expedition of
his own. The party eked out a bare subsistence with wild fruits and
game. If they found a village they plundered it of everything it
contained, dug up the provisions from the fields, and left the survivors
of the massacre to starve. Not that they themselves were in a much
better plight; fever, the result of want and exposure, carried them off
in continually increasing numbers. At last they got into a mountain
region, and the poor naked bearers were frozen to death. Descending
again they encountered stronger and fiercer tribes, by whom they were
defeated, the cruel Alfinger himself dying two days afterwards from his
wounds. A small remnant only returned after two years' absence, leaving
a track of pain and suffering to make their memory accursed for many
generations.
George of Spires now fitted out a great expedition of three hundred
infantry and two hundred cavalry, which started in 1536. They also went
a long distance into the interior, braving hardships and dangers almost
incredible. Jaguars carried off their horses, and even went so far as to
attack and kill several of the Indian bearers and one Spaniard. Like
their predecessors, they also encountered savage Indians, and died of
starvation and sickness. After journeying fifteen hundred miles from the
coast they had to return unsuccessful; but as their leader was less
cruel than Alfinger, the losses of the party were not so great. Instead
of dying on the journey he lived to become Governor of Venezuela.
Nicholas Fedreman followed the last party with supplies, but took them
to go treasure-seeking on his own account. He wandered about for three
years, and at last returned with some wonderful stories which induced
others to continue the search. Herman de Quesada also travelled about
for a year, and returned like his predecessors. Then Philip von Huten,
who had gone already with George of Spires, fitted out a great
expedition. His party was at one time so utterly famished that they had
to eat ants, which they captured by placing corn cobs near the nests of
these little creatures. They travelled in a great circle without knowing
where they went, and at the end of a year came back to the place from
whence they had started. Hearing, however, of a rich city called
Macatoa, Von Huten started again, and found streets of houses with about
eight hundred inhabitants, but no treasure. The people here sent him on
farther, with their tales of the Omaguas, a warlike people living away
in the south. On he went for five days, and at last came upon what he
thought must be the golden city. It stretched away as far as the eye
could reach, and in the centre was a great temple. But, although the
little party charged gallantly down a hill and into the town, the
Omaguas came out in such force that they had to retreat, bearing their
wounded leader in a hammock. Continually harassed by Indians, they at
last got back, to tell such stories of the dangers of the quest that the
Omaguas seem to have been afterwards left alone.
Our account of the search for "El Dorado" is necessarily short and
imperfect, as it would be impossible even to enumerate all the
expeditions. There is one, however, that was so tragic and awful, that,
although it was fitted out in Peru, it must yet be mentioned in the
story of the Spanish Main.
[Illustration: "EL DORADO."
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Notwithstanding the enormous quantities of gold and silver found in
Peru, the crowds of needy treasure-seekers who went to that country gave
some trouble to the Viceroy, who appears to have been willing to get rid
of them at any cost. Whether he purposely sent them on a "wild goose
chase," or whether he really believed the "El Dorado" story, is
doubtful, but it is certain that he thought it prudent to give them
employment in some way, to prevent mischief in his province.
The expedition was put in command of Pedro de Ursua, and was intended to
go down the Amazon in search of treasure cities. Embarking on the river
Huallaga, in the year 1560, they had hardly passed the mouth of Ucayali
before Ursua found he had a most unprincipled gang of scoundrels under
his command. A little farther down the river they mutinied, under the
leadership of Lope de Aguirre, and murdered Ursua and his lieutenant,
appointing Guzman as captain. Being dissatisfied, however, with their
new commander, they also killed him a little later, together with most
of his adherents.
Now Aguirre became leader--a ruffian whose character was of the
blackest. Father Pedro Simon delineates his features and character,
making him out to be a very devil. He was about fifty years of age,
short of stature and sparsely built, ill-featured, his face small and
lean, his beard black, and his eyes as piercing as those of a hawk. When
he looked at any one he fixed his gaze sternly, particularly when
annoyed; he was a noisy talker and boaster, and when well supported very
bold and determined, but otherwise a coward. Of a very hardy
constitution, he could bear much fatigue, either on foot or horseback.
He was never without one or two coats of mail or a steel breastplate,
and always carried a sword, dagger, arquebuse, or lance. His sleep was
mostly taken in the day, as he was afraid to rest at night, although he
never took off his armour altogether nor put away his weapons. Simon
said he had always been of a turbulent disposition; a lover of revolts
and mutinies; an enemy to all good men and good actions.
Such was the Tyrant or Traitor Aguirre--virtually a madman--who now
became the leader of a band of wretches like-minded to himself. They
journeyed down the mighty river, now and again murdering one or another
of the party, on the least suspicion of their dislike to their
proceedings, and ill-treating the natives everywhere.
Aguirre was not ashamed to boast that he had murdered a woman--not an
Indian, but a beautiful Spanish lady, who had accompanied her lover on
this arduous journey. Donna Inez de Altienza, a young widow, fell
passionately in love with Ursua, who was brave, generous, and handsome;
and loath to part with him, she undertook the hitherto unheard-of
journey of thousands of miles in a strange and savage country. No fears
or terrors daunted this devoted woman until after the death of her
lover. Aguirre then picked a quarrel on the ground that her mattress was
too large for the boat, and she also was murdered. The Spanish poet,
Castellanos, thus laments the cruel deed:--
"The birds mourned on the trees;
The wild beasts of the forest lamented;
The waters ceased to murmur;
The fishes beneath the waters groaned;
The winds execrated the deed
When Llamoso cut the veins of her white neck.
Wretch! wert thou born of woman?
No! what beast could have such a wicked son?
How was it that thou didst not die
In imagining a treason so enormous?
Her two women, 'midst lamentation and grief,
Gathered flowers to cover her grave,
And cut her epitaph in the bark of a tree--
'These flowers cover one whose faithfulness
And beauty were unequalled,
Whom cruel men slew without a cause.'"
Whether Aguirre reached the mouth of the Amazon is doubtful--the
evidence is in favour of his getting out of that river into the Rio
Negro, and from thence into the Orinoco. However this may have been, he
arrived at last in the Gulf of Paria and proceeded to the island of
Margarita. Here, true to his character, he and his men commenced to
plunder and kill the inhabitants, going so far as to defy the local
authorities and even the king of Spain himself. To even enumerate the
deeds of this band of outlaws would fill a chapter, but we cannot omit
giving an extract from Aguirre's letter to his king, one of the most
curious productions ever written:--
"I firmly believe that thou, O Christian king and lord, hast been very
cruel and ungrateful to me and my companions for such good service, and
that all those who write to thee from this land deceive thee much,
because thou seest things from too far off. I and my companions, no
longer able to suffer the cruelties which thy judges and governors
exercise in thy name, are resolved to obey thee no longer.... Hear me! O
hear me! thou king of Spain. Be not cruel to thy vassals.... Remember,
King Philip, that thou hast no right to draw revenues from these
provinces, since their conquest has been without danger to thee. I take
it for certain that few kings go to hell, only because they are few in
number; if they were many, none of them would go to heaven. For I
believe that you are all worse than Lucifer, and that you hunger and
thirst after human blood; and further, I think little of you and despise
you all; nor do I look upon your government as more than an air
bubble....
"In the year 1559 the Marquis of Canete entrusted the expedition of the
river of Amazons to Pedro de Ursua, a Navarrese, or, rather, a
Frenchman, who delayed the building of his vessels till 1560. These
vessels were built in the province of the Motilones, which is a wet
country, and, as they were built in the rainy season, they came to
pieces, and we therefore made canoes and descended the river. We
navigated the most powerful river in Peru, and it seemed to us that we
were in a sea of fresh water. We descended the river for three hundred
leagues. This bad governor was capricious, vain, and inefficient, so
that we could not suffer it, and we gave him a quick and certain death.
We then raised Don Fernando de Guzman to be our king.... Because I did
not consent to their evil deeds they desired to murder me. I therefore
killed the new king, the captain of his guard, his lieutenant-general,
four captains, his major-domo, his chaplain who said mass, a woman, a
knight of the Order of Rhodes, an admiral, two ensigns, and five or six
of his servants. I named captains and sergeants, but these men also
wanted to kill me, and I hanged them. We continued our course while this
evil fortune was befalling us, and it was eleven months and a half
before we reached the mouths of the river, having travelled for more
than a hundred days over more than fifteen hundred leagues. This river
has a course of two thousand leagues of fresh water, the greater part of
the shores being uninhabited, and God only knows how we ever escaped out
of that fearful lake. I advise thee not to send any Spanish fleet up
this ill-omened river, for, on the faith of a Christian, I swear to
thee, O king and lord, that if a hundred thousand men should go up, not
one would escape....
"We shall give God thanks if, by our arms, we attain the rewards which
are due to us, but which thou hast denied us; and because of thine
ingratitude I am a rebel against thee until death."
He and his band of outlaws ravaged the settlements of Venezuela for some
time, until at last, on a promise of pardon, all left him save Llamoso,
the murderer of Lady Inez. Aguirre had a daughter, a girl of twelve to
fourteen, and when he found that all was lost he resolved to kill her.
They were living at a country house, and when Llamoso brought the news
of the desertion of his men, he snatched up a loaded arquebuse and
rushed into his child's room, saying, "Commend thyself to God, my
daughter, for I am about to kill thee, that thou mayest not be pointed
at with scorn, nor that it be in the power of any one to call thee the
daughter of a traitor." A woman snatched the weapon from his hand, but,
drawing his poniard, he stabbed the girl in the breast, saying, "Die!
because I must die!" Rushing then to the door, he found the house
surrounded by Spanish soldiers, who compelled him to surrender, and
almost immediately took him out to be shot.
This put an end to treasure-seeking on the Amazon, but the search for
"El Dorado" had been going on and was still continued along the banks of
the Orinoco. The first attempt to reach the golden city by this river
appears to have been made by Pedro de Acosta about the year 1530, but
after most of his men had been killed and eaten by the cannibals, he was
compelled to abandon his project. After him came Diego de Ordas, the
following year, whose expedition became afterwards famous. He, however,
found nothing himself, although he went as far as the mouth of the
Caroni--it was from one of his men that the "El Dorado" story was
gleaned. By some accident the whole of the gunpowder was exploded, and
this being attributed to the negligence of the munitioner, Juan
Martinez, he was sentenced to be put in a canoe, without paddles or
food, and allowed to drift at the mercy of the current.
What became of the culprit was not known, but some months afterwards a
strange white man was brought by some Indians to Margarita. He was
wasted by sickness, naked, and apparently destitute, but, through the
kindness of a ship-captain, he got a passage to Porto Rico, and was
there placed in a religious house, under the care of some Dominican
friars. Here he became worse, but when on the point of death he
presented his friends with two gourdsful of gold beads to pay for the
repose of his soul; he also declared himself to be Juan Martinez, and
told the wonderful story of his adventures.
After being cast adrift, the canoe floated down the stream until
evening, when it attracted the attention of some Indians, who paddled
out from the shore and rescued Martinez from his perilous situation.
These were Guianians, who had never before seen a white man, and
therefore resolved to take him to their king as a curiosity. He was,
however, blind-folded to prevent his seeing the direction they were
taking, and led on and on, through forest and over mountain, for fifteen
days, until a great city was reached. Arriving here at noon, his bandage
was taken off, and Martinez feasted his eyes upon a great plain covered
with houses, the roofs of which glittered in the sun as if made of gold.
As far as his eye could reach stretched this marvellous assemblage of
palaces. In the centre dwelt the great king, but, although the party
travelled the whole of that and the next day, they did not reach the
palace until evening.
Here Martinez was well treated, and allowed to walk about the city, but
not beyond it. He remained for seven months, saw the great lake on the
shore of which the city of Manoa stood, and handled its golden sands.
However, he was not content to remain, and after repeated petitions to
be allowed to depart, was at last furnished with guides and as much
gold as they could carry. Arrived at the Orinoco, the cannibals fell
upon the party, stole all the treasure save that hidden under some
provisions in the two gourds, and left them destitute. After enduring
many privations Martinez, however, got a passage in an Indian canoe to
Margarita, from whence he expected to go to Spain and report his
discovery to the king.
What amount of truth, if any at all, was contained in the story is
doubtful. It does not appear to have been told at once, but gradually
leaked out, becoming more marvellous as it spread over the West Indies.
Adventurers flocked to the Orinoco, and at least a score of expeditions
went in search of "El Dorado." Under the command of bold adventurers one
party after another entered into the forest, some never to return or to
be heard of again. The remnant sometimes came back starving, and broken
down with sickness. We read of one Juan Corteso that he marched into the
country, but neither he nor any of his company did return again. Gaspar
de Sylva and his two brothers sought El Dorado, but fell down to
Trinidad, where all three were buried. Jeronimo Ortal, after great
travail and spending all his substance, died on a sudden at St. Domingo.
Father Iala, a friar, with only one companion and some Indian guides,
returned with gold eagles, idols, and other jewels, but when he essayed
to pass a second time was slain by Indians. Alonzo de Herera endured
great misery, but never entered one league into the country; he also was
at last slain by Indians. Antonio Sedenno got much gold and many Indian
prisoners, whom he manacled in irons, and of whom many died on the way.
The tigers being fleshed with the dead carcases assaulted the Spaniards,
who with much trouble hardly defended themselves from them. Sedenno was
buried within the precincts of the empire of the gilded king, and most
of his people perished likewise. Augustine Delgado came to an Indian
Cacique, who entertained him with kindness and gave him rich jewels, six
seemly pages, ten young slaves, and three nymphs very beautiful. To
requite these manifold courtesies he took all the gold he could get and
all the Indians he could lay hold on, to sell for slaves. He was
afterwards shot in the eye by an Indian, of which hurt he died.
And so we might go on to tell of the thousands of people murdered and
tens of thousands carried off as slaves; Every gold ornament was stolen,
provision grounds destroyed, and the forest tracks strewn with the
corpses of those who had been massacred, and marked out by the graves of
their murderers. Sometimes treasure and slaves were recaptured and no
one left to tell the tale, but more often a few escaped to fight over
the booty and perhaps be hanged as mutineers on their return.
The men of that age were undoubtedly great--great warriors, great
ruffians, great villains. Only here and there can we distinguish a good
man like Las Casas, who did his very best for the Indians against the
opposition of the settlers and the lukewarmness of the Spanish Court. He
was horrified at the atrocities in the Indies, but the kings wanted
their tithes and cared little how they were obtained. "Get it honestly
if you can, but get it," seems to have been their motto, and it was not
for many years that anything like humanity was shown, and then only by a
few priests.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
III.
"SINGEING THE SPANIARD'S BEARD."
On the discovery of the Indies, Ferdinand and Isabella at once applied
to Pope Alexander the Sixth to secure the rights of Spain in the new
countries against every other nation, but more especially against
Portugal. Accordingly, the celebrated "Bull of partition" was issued on
the 4th of May, 1493, giving, conceding, and assigning for ever, to them
and their successors, all the islands and mainlands already found or
that might be discovered in future, to the west of a line, stretching
from the north to the south poles, a hundred leagues from the Azores or
Cape de Verde Islands, provided they were not in the possession of any
other Christian prince. The sovereigns were commanded to appoint
upright, God-fearing, skilful, and learned men to instruct the
inhabitants in the Catholic faith, and all unauthorised persons were
forbidden to traffic on or even approach the territories. If they did so
they would incur the indignation of Almighty God and of the blessed
Apostles Peter and Paul.
Such was the gist of the document under which the enormities mentioned
in the preceding chapters were committed. Portugal, except for some
disputes about Brazil, accepted this arrangement, but the other great
nations of Europe, especially England, disputed it from the very
beginning. Nevertheless, the governments, as long as they were at peace
with Spain, took no active part in the matter, but left the work to
individuals, even going so far in some instances as to disclaim their
responsibility for piracies committed beyond the seas.
English and French seamen, hearing of the treasure continually imported
into Spain, soon found their way to the new world, and as early as the
year 1526 precautions had to be taken against them. Orders were sent to
build castles on the coasts and strong houses, not only for defence
against the cannibals, who continued to ravage the larger islands, but
to protect the settlements from French corsairs who had already
commenced their depredations. The tract of the Spanish fleets led them
first to St. Domingo, and thence on to the isthmus of Darien or Panama,
where at first the chief port was Nombre de Dios. At these two points it
was of great importance that fortifications should be erected, and this
was done in the first half of the sixteenth century.
An English merchant named Thomas Tison seems to have been the first of
our nation who went to the West Indies, but he got his goods sent from
Bristol to Spain. In 1527 King Henry VIII. fitted out the _Dominus
Vobiscum_ and another vessel for those parts, but little is known of
their course. It was, however, reported that they went to Porto Rico,
and got there a cargo of brazil wood, and then proceeded to St. Domingo,
where permission was asked to trade. After waiting for the license two
days the Spanish batteries fired upon them, driving them off to go back
to Porto Rico, where the inhabitants were more friendly.
From this time the corsairs and rovers became more numerous and
audacious every year. Some went trading among the Indians of the
mainland, others, more bold, forced their goods upon the Spanish
settlements under threats of pillage. In 1536 the inhabitants of Havana
paid seven hundred ducats to a French corsair to save the city, and
because later the pirate was chased by three Spanish vessels, which he
captured, he returned and exacted a second ransom.
In 1538 there was a gallant fight in the harbour of Santiago de Cuba,
between a Spaniard and a French corsair. The two vessels fought with
each other the first day until sunset, when a truce was agreed to, and
civilities exchanged between the captains. They sent each other presents
of wine and fruit, were very friendly, and mutually agreed to fight only
by day with swords and lances. Artillery, they agreed, was an invention
of cowards--they would show their valour, and the one who conquered
should have the other's vessel. The second day they fought again until
evening without either being conquered, and again they exchanged
courtesies. That night, however, the Spanish captain, Diego Perez, sent
to the people of the city asking if they would compensate him for the
loss of his ship if the corsair got the better of him; if they agreed
to do this he would risk his life in their service. Were he not poor and
without any other property, he would not have asked them, and as they
would be gainers by his victory, he did not think his request at all
extravagant. But the authorities refused to pledge themselves to
anything, leaving Perez to fight for his own honour, life, and property.
The battle continued the whole of the third day, each giving the other
time for rest and refreshment, yet neither was conquered, although many
had fallen on both sides. After similar courtesies the fight went on
next morning, and when evening came the Frenchman promised to continue
it next morning. Feeling, however, that the Spaniard was likely to get
the better of him, he slipped his cable in the night and made off,
leaving Perez to grieve at the drawn battle.
The same year Havana was sacked and burnt, and three years later both
English and French did great injury to the Spanish trade. Even Portugal
did not escape, but when complaints were sent to the king of France, he
said he intended to follow those conquests and navigations which by
right belonged to him. In 1545 five French vessels captured the
pearl-fishing fleet near the Main, which the owners were compelled to
ransom; at the same time they were forced to buy seventy negroes from
the captors. The Frenchmen then took Santa Martha and got a thousand
ducats as ransom.
One raid after another took place until the Spaniards were at their
wits' ends. Forts were built, _guarda-costas_ stationed, and other
precautions taken, but the depredations and forced traffic still
continued. They cruelly punished all who fell into their hands, and this
led to retaliation, not only for their own injuries, but to avenge the
slaughter of the innocent natives.
About the year 1530 Master William Hawkins made three long and famous
voyages in the ship _Paul_. Hakluyt said he went to Brazil--a thing very
rare in those days to our English nation. He became so friendly with the
Indians that one of their kings came to England in his vessel, and was
exhibited to King Henry, who marvelled to see this savage representative
of royalty. Unfortunately the poor fellow died on the return voyage,
which made Hawkins fear for the white hostage he had left behind.
However, his explanation was accepted, and his man given back
unharmed--a result all the more pleasing, as he knew so little of the
language, and might easily have been misunderstood.
This is an example of the good feeling of these people towards
Englishmen and all who treated them fairly. Even the cannibals became
more gentle under good treatment, and would allow the enemies of Spain
to land on their shores without opposition. By this time the natives of
the Greater Antilles were gone, and with them the thousands of captives
from the mainland. Then began the importation of negroes, first from
Spain, where the Portuguese had sold a fair number during the previous
century, and then from Africa. Spain could not send and fetch the
negroes on account of the Papal Bull, which reserved the savage
countries east of the line to Portugal. It followed, therefore, that, as
Spain claimed the Indies, so her sister country claimed the whole of
Africa--a claim as little respected by other nations as that of her
neighbour.
[Illustration: NEGRO WOMAN RETURNING FROM MARKET.]
Hearing that there was a good market for negroes in the West, Captain
(afterwards Sir) John Hawkins, in 1563, got up an expedition to supply
this demand. With three vessels of 120, 100, and 40 tons respectively,
he sailed to Sierra Leone, and partly by the sword and partly by other
means, got three hundred slaves, whom he carried to Hispaniola. Here he
had a reasonable sale, probably forced, for he trusted the Spaniards no
farther than he thought prudent, considering his strength. His returns
were so good, however, that he not only loaded his own vessels with
hides, ginger, sugar, and some pearls, but also freighted two hulks to
send to Spain.
[Illustration: NEGRO BARBER]
[Illustration: NEGRO FAMILY ON HOLIDAY.]
This success induced him to make another venture on a larger scale with
the _Jesus_ of Lubeck, of 700, and three other vessels of 140, 50, and
30 tons. He sailed for Africa in October, 1564, to kidnap slaves, yet
all the time he was very religious in a way. His orders concluded with
the commands to "serve God daily; love one another; preserve your
victuals; beware of fire; and keep good company"--_i.e._, do not stray
from others of the fleet. At several places he took negroes by force,
losing a few of his men in the fights, and with a good number set off
for the West Indies. Fortunately, he said, although they were in great
danger from a gale on this voyage, they arrived without many deaths of
either the negroes or themselves. For "the Almighty God, who never
suffereth His elect to perish, sent us, on the 16th of February (1565),
the ordinary breeze."
[Illustration: NEGRESSES GOSSIPING.]
The first land they sighted was Dominica, where they watered, and then
went on to Margarita, the Governor of which island refused them
permission to trade. They then tried several other places, including
Hispaniola and Cumaná, but also without success. At Barbarota they
forced the people to traffic, and here they were joined by Captain
Bontemps, a French corsair, with whom they went to Curaçao, and forced a
hundred slaves upon the inhabitants. Finally they went to Rio de la
Hacha and defeated a body of Spanish troops, after which the remainder
of Hawkins' cargo was freely sold.
In his third voyage, on which he started in October, 1567, Hawkins was
accompanied by Francis Drake and several other gentlemen adventurers. He
took a similar course to that of his former voyages, joined some African
chiefs in storming a town, and received, as his share of the booty, five
hundred prisoners, with whom he again sailed for the Indies. The alarmed
Spaniards dared not refuse to trade, and consequently he soon sold his
negroes at a good profit. On his return, however, he was caught in a
storm near the coast of Florida and had to take shelter in the harbour
of Vera Cruz, where at first his vessels were taken for a Spanish fleet
then daily expected. Under this mistake several influential persons came
on board, two of whom were retained as hostages.
Next day the Spanish fleet, consisting of thirteen sail, arrived, and on
board one of them was the new Viceroy of Mexico. From this high
authority Hawkins got permission to repair his ships, victual, and
refit, provided the English kept themselves to a small island in the
harbour, for the due performance of which they gave twelve hostages.
But the Spaniards were not prepared to let their enemies off so easily,
and made preparations for a surprise. Hawkins, becoming suspicious, sent
to inquire about certain shady transactions, and was at once attacked by
something like a thousand men. The Spaniards sunk three of his vessels,
seriously damaged the fourth, and left him with only one leaky ship in
which to find his way home. A great number of his men were killed and
others captured, the prisoners to be taken to Mexico and there cruelly
used. Two of them--Miles Philips and Job Hortop--managed to escape and
return to England, where they gave long accounts of their sufferings,
the latter comparing himself to his namesake the patriarch. As for
Hawkins, in speaking of his return voyage, he said, that "if all the
miserable and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage should be
perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with
his pen, and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and deaths
of the martyrs."
This disaster put an end to Hawkins' slave-trading, but made no
impression on the other adventurers to the Indies. Francis Drake now
took up the quarrel, and in the year 1572 "singed the Spaniard's beard"
to some purpose. Knowing already something of the state of affairs near
the isthmus, he resolved to gain his spurs in that direction. He cared
not for a forced trade in negroes, but virtually went in for piracy, for
although the relations of the mother countries were at that time
somewhat strained, war had not yet been declared.
Drake sailed straight for Nombre de Dios, the treasure port, arrived
suddenly before the inhabitants had any warning, and landed a hundred
and fifty men in the night. Suddenly the town was roused to the fact
that the enemy were in possession, and as the people ran off to the
forest, they asked each other what was the matter. Unfortunately for
Drake, however, through a misunderstanding, the English were alarmed and
took to their vessels, so that all the advantage of the surprise was
lost. Undaunted by this failure, he determined to attempt something even
more audacious--the capture of the Panama train.
We have already seen that African slaves had been imported in
considerable numbers; we have now to mention that on the continent they
often escaped into the forest. Here they lived like the Indians, and
were often in friendship with them, going under the name of Simerons, or
afterwards Maroons. Always at enmity with the masters whom they had
deserted, they were a terror to the settlers on account of their
continual raids on the plantations.
Drake determined to get the assistance of these people, which was freely
given, and he was enabled to traverse the pathless forest and to lie in
wait for the train of mules carrying gold and silver from Panama to
Nombre de Dios. This he captured, but, on account of the difficulties
of the way, was obliged to leave the silver behind, and content himself
with the gold. Then he attacked some merchants, burnt their goods to the
value of two hundred thousand ducats, and got safely back to his ships
just as the dilatory Spaniards sent out three hundred men for his
capture. It was on this excursion that he saw the Great South Sea, and
determined to carry English ships into that immense Spanish preserve.
How he carried out his resolve, and appeared suddenly off the Peruvian
coast five years later, is a story we must leave, as it belongs to
another part of the new world.
When Drake returned to Plymouth the news of his adventures, and the more
substantial evidence of the gold he had brought, roused others to follow
his example. Among them was one John Oxnam, or Oxenham, who has been
immortalised by Kingsley in "Westward Ho!" Arriving at the isthmus in
1575, in a vessel of 140 tons, he went to an out-of-the-way river, and
hid his bark among the great trees. Landing with his seventy men, he
went in search of the Simerons, who took him to a river which flowed
into the South Sea, where a pinnace was built. In this the English
pulled down to the Pacific, with the intention of capturing one of the
treasure ships coming to Panama. They succeeded so far as to get sixty
thousand dollars in gold from one bark, and a hundred thousand from
another. Not yet satisfied, they went to the Pearl Islands, attacked the
negro divers, and took a few pearls, with which they at last returned up
the river.
Unfortunately for Oxenham the negroes of the Pearl Islands carried the
news of his presence to Panama, and in two days four boats with a
hundred men were sent in pursuit. They found the two barks, which had
been released, and from their captains learnt where the Englishmen had
gone. Following up the river they were at a loss when they came to three
branches, but spying some freshly plucked feathers floating down one of
the streams, they followed that until they came upon the pinnace. Six
men were on guard, one of whom was killed, but the other five escaped
and gave the alarm to their comrades. Pursuing their track through the
forest the Spaniards found the store of treasure hidden away under
boughs of trees. With this they would have gone back had not Oxenham
attacked them with two hundred Simerons before they reached their boats.
Being more skilful in bush fighting than the English, the Spaniards
repulsed the party, killing eleven and taking seven prisoners, from whom
they learnt that the delay was caused by the difficulty of transporting
the treasure.
Now the news was sent to Nombre de Dios, and the authorities there found
the English vessel and brought her away, thus cutting off the means of
escape for those still lurking in the forest. Then an expedition was
sent in search of them, and they were found building canoes. Some were
sick and could make no resistance, the others fled and took refuge with
the negroes, by whom they were ultimately betrayed and taken to Panama.
Here Oxenham was interrogated as to his authority for the raid, and was
obliged to admit that he had not his Queen's license. All except five
boys were executed, the men at once, and the officers a little while
afterwards at Lima.
Thus ended one of the most audacious attacks on the Spaniards which only
failed through a little want of calculation. Hakluyt, who wrote the
account, said the enemy marvelled much to see that although many
Frenchmen had come to these countries, yet never one durst put foot upon
land; only Drake and Oxenham performed such exploits. When the news
reached Spain the king was so alarmed that he sent out two galleys to
guard the coast, which in the first year after their arrival took six or
seven French vessels, and put a stop to their piracies for a time.
There was another class of raids in the Indies, of which that of Andrew
Barker, of Bristol, was an example. He, and one Captain Roberts, going
to trade in the Canary Islands, had their goods confiscated, and were
put in prison, from which Roberts escaped and Barker was ultimately
discharged. To recoup his losses and revenge himself, Barker fitted out
several vessels in 1576, in which he went trading to the Main, and
afterwards committed acts of piracy. He took a small vessel off
Margarita and a frigate near Carthagena, from which he got five hundred
pounds' weight of gold and some emeralds. Now, following the example of
Drake, he landed on the isthmus to get help from the Simerons, but could
find none. Then, from the unhealthiness of the climate, most of his men
fell sick, and eight or nine died, which made him give up this part of
his project. Embarking again he took another Spanish vessel with some
gold, but after that the party got into difficulties. Barker quarrelled
with his ship-master, and one of the vessels became so leaky that they
had to let her sink, first removing the cargo into the last Spanish
prize. They, however, captured another vessel with a hundred pounds of
silver and some provisions, but after that the crews mutinied and put
Barker ashore with some others, where they were attacked by Spaniards,
and nine, including the captain, killed. The mutineers then went on to
Truxillo, which they surprised, but could find no treasure, and were
soon driven to flight by a Spanish vessel. On their way home the Spanish
vessel sunk, carrying down two thousand pounds' worth of their booty,
and on their arrival at Plymouth they were imprisoned as accessories to
their captain's death. Although none were executed, yet, says the worthy
Hakluyt, "they could not avoid the heavy judgment of God, but shortly
after came to miserable ends."
Open war soon came, and culminated in the invasion of England by the
"Invincible Armada" of 1588. No longer could there be any question of
the Queen's license, and in 1585 Drake, now Sir Francis, fitted out a
great fleet to cripple the power of Spain in the Indies. The Spanish
authorities were no longer unprepared, but ready to give him a warm
reception all along his expected course. The fleet consisted of
twenty-five vessels, with two thousand three hundred men, among whom
could be found many whose names are famous in the annals of Queen
Elizabeth. At the Cape de Verde Islands they burnt the town of Santiago
in revenge for the murder of a boy, and after this baptism of fire,
proceeded to the island of St. Christopher's, where they landed the
sick, cleaned their vessels, and spent Christmas. Leaving at the end of
December, on the 1st of January, 1586, they arrived off Hispaniola with
the intention of attacking St. Domingo. The English landed about ten
miles distant from that city, marched upon the Spaniards unawares, and
took it by surprise, notwithstanding every preparation that had been
made, and the careful watch for enemies from the sea.
Drake demanded a large ransom, and because it was not paid at once,
commenced to demolish the buildings, which brought the inhabitants to
their senses and made them offer the sum of 25,000 ducats (about
£7,000), which he accepted. From thence the fleet sailed to Carthagena,
where no opposition was made until the troops landed, when a great
struggle took place in the streets. The Spaniards had erected
barricades, behind which they succeeded in doing some execution, but
only delayed the surrender for a short time. After a portion of the town
had been burnt, 110,000 ducats were paid as ransom for the remainder,
and after a few less brilliant exploits, the fleet went back to England,
being thus hurried on account of sickness among the men. Otherwise,
Drake had intended to capture Nombre de Dios and Panama, but from this
disability had to be content with booty to the amount of £60,000, which
would mean something like a quarter of a million at the present value of
money. He arrived in time to help in repelling the Armada, and this
invasion kept most of the English about their own shores for a year or
two.
In 1595, when there were no longer any fears of a Spanish landing, Drake
determined on another voyage, and this time with Sir John Hawkins.
Getting together six of the Queen's ships and twenty-one other vessels,
they arrived safely at the Caribbee Islands, where Hawkins became sick
and died. Drake then went on to Porto Rico and attacked the capital, but
could do nothing more than capture a few vessels from under the guns of
the forts. Going to the Main he captured Rio de la Hacha and a fishing
village named Rancheria. These he held for ransom, but was dissatisfied
with the number of pearls offered by private persons, the Governor
refusing to give anything, and burnt both town and village. Santa Martha
was also taken, and then Nombre de Dios, but he found that the treasure
had been removed, the inhabitants taking to the forest when they heard
his fearful name. Sir Thomas Baskerville took seven hundred and fifty
men to go over to Panama, but returned much discouraged by the
difficulties of the road. Drake finally burnt Nombre de Dios and every
vessel in the harbour down to the smallest boats.
After that, sickness began to tell upon the expedition, and Drake
himself was stricken with dysentery. When on the point of death he rose
from his bed, put on his full dress of admiral, called his men and gave
them a farewell address, then, sinking down exhausted he died
immediately afterwards. Several captains and other important officers
also died, and they even lost the chief surgeon; after that, nothing was
left but to return home. Off Cuba they were attacked by a Spanish fleet
of twenty vessels, sent out to intercept them, with which they kept up
a running fight until the enemy were left behind.
On their arrival in England in May, 1596, the sad news of the death of
Drake overshadowed all the glory of the expedition. In Spain, however,
it was published for general information, and the people congratulated
each other that at last their enemy was gone. Henry Savile, in his
"Libel of Spanish Lies," said "it did ease the stomachs of the timorous
Spaniards greatly to hear of the death of him whose life was a scourge
and a continual plague to them." No wonder that the news was so
grateful, for none was so daring, and no name like that of Drake ever
came to be used as a bogey with which to frighten their children.
Yet there were many gallant adventurers in the Indies at that very time.
Sir Robert Dudley and Sir Walter Ralegh were both at Trinidad in 1595,
and for several years before and after the English rovers were plentiful
in the Gulf of Mexico. In 1591 the _Content_ was successfully defended
against six Spanish men-of-war, and the galleons were obliged to sail in
large squadrons. What with the dangers of storms and the enemy, it was
stated that of a hundred and twenty-three vessels expected in Spain
during that year, only twenty-five arrived safe.
The number of rovers became at last so great that plunder was difficult
to obtain. The Spanish settlers were in continual fear, and naturally
took every precaution against their enemies, hiding the treasure on the
least alarm, and taking to the forest. The French corsairs were not far
behind the English, although as yet they had no proper licenses, and
only fought for their own hands. Latterly, also, the Dutch and Flemings
had arrived, and although mainly occupied in trading, they did not
hesitate to fight on occasion, especially when attempts were made to
prevent their traffic. While under the rule of Charles the Fifth they
had been free to go to and from the Indies, and no doubt use the
knowledge thus gained to further their own interests since their revolt.
Like the English, they were at enmity with Spain, but there was also
another bond of union--both were Protestant. Queen Elizabeth assisted
Holland in gaining her independence, and therefore at this period the
relations between English and Dutch were very cordial. But the
fellow-feeling of enmity to Spain made even the French corsair unite
with the two others, so that pirates, privateers, and traders all
combined against the common foe.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
IV.
RALEGH AND THE FIRST BRITISH COLONIES.
The first grant made by Queen Elizabeth for a settlement in America was
given to Sir Humphrey Gilbert in 1578, but the father of English
colonisation was Sir Walter Ralegh. Although considered a rover, or
pirate, by the Spaniards, he was of a different type to Drake, Hawkins,
and the other adventurers of the sixteenth century. Not only was he
famous as a brave warrior, but at the same time as one of the most
learned men of his time; as enterprising in the arts of peace as on the
battlefield.
The "Letters Patent" to Walter Ralegh, Esquire, dated the 25th of March,
1584, may be considered as the first charter of the English colonies.
Under them he was empowered to discover, occupy, and possess barbarous
countries not actually in the possession of any Christian prince, or
inhabited by Christian people, on condition that he reserved to Her
Majesty a fifth of all the gold and silver found therein. He was also
given all the rights of civil and criminal jurisdiction, and empowered
to govern and make laws as long as these laws did not conflict with
those of the mother country, or with the true Christian faith of the
Church of England. Under this charter the first settlement in Virginia
was undertaken, and thus England threw down the gauntlet in the face of
Spain.
However, Ralegh did not confine himself to North America--there were
other countries not in the actual possession of any Christian prince,
the most notable being Guiana. Ralegh had heard the story of "El Dorado"
and of the failures of the many German and Spanish knights. He would
succeed where they had failed. Englishmen had displayed their mettle in
the Indies--if the treasures of Peru and Mexico had raised their enemy
to be "mistress of the world" and "sovereign of the seas," why should
not he also find other golden countries for the benefit of his virgin
queen and country? Because two rich provinces had been discovered, it
did not follow that there were no others; on the contrary, the rumours
of "El Dorado" were so many that they could not be treated with
contempt. And then the natives of the "Great Wild Coast," although
cannibals, were friendly to the English, who had always treated them
fairly, and there they had the advantage over Spain. The country was
open to them, although strictly guarded against their rivals.
The stories had been lately revived by the expeditions of Antonio de
Berrio, Governor of Trinidad and Guiana, who had made explorations of
the river Orinoco, and possibly exaggerated his reports for the purpose
of getting settlers. Captain Popham took some letters from a Spanish
vessel in 1594, wherein were found accounts of the "Nueva Dorado,"
which were spoken of as incredibly rich. Ralegh saw these, and was
induced by their reports and his own knowledge of the Indies, which he
had gained in working at his colonisation schemes, to go out and look up
the matter.
The occupation of Guiana, he said, had other ground and assurance of
riches than the voyages to the West Indies. The king of Spain was not so
impoverished as the English supposed by their taking two or three ports,
neither were the riches of Peru or New Spain to be picked up on the
sea-shore. The burning of towns on the coast did not impoverish Spain
one ducat, for it was within the country that the land was rich and
populous. Therefore England should endeavour to get possession of this
yet unspoiled country, instead of wasting her energies on adventures
that were of no real benefit, and that hardly touched the real source of
her enemy's greatness.
Ralegh arrived at Trinidad in March, 1595, and as a matter of precaution
captured the Spanish town of St. Joseph, and the Governor, De Berrio,
from whom he heard more stories of El Dorado. Here also he began those
conciliatory measures with the natives which characterised all his
dealings. He released five chiefs, who had been imprisoned in chains and
tortured by dropping melted fat on their bodies, and thus gained their
friendship. Unlike other adventurers he thought it necessary to excuse
himself for burning St. Joseph, which he did in rather quaint language.
Considering that if he entered Guiana by small boats and left a
garrison of the enemy at his back, he "should have savoured very much of
the ass," he took the place, and at the instance of the natives set it
on fire.
[Illustration: RALEGH IN TRINIDAD.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Now began a weary voyage up the Orinoco, first through the delta, which
is such a maze that they might have wandered for months without getting
into the main river had they not secured an Indian pilot. Exposed
alternately to burning sun and drenching showers in open boats, they
toiled against the powerful stream. Ralegh everywhere tried his best to
ingratiate himself with the Indians, succeeding so well that his name
became known over the whole of Guiana. He told them that he had been
sent by a great queen, the powerful Cacique of the north, and a virgin,
whose chieftains were more numerous than the trees of the forest. She
was an enemy to the Spaniards, had freed other nations from their
oppression, and had now sent to rescue them. To confirm his statement he
gave each Cacique a coin so that they could possess the queen's
likeness, and these were treasured and even worshipped for a century
afterwards.
Everywhere he heard of El Dorado, but it was always receding farther and
farther, until his men became so disheartened that he had to rouse them
by saying that they would be shamed before their comrades if they gave
up so easily. However, after reaching the mouth of the Caroni and
getting specimens of gold ore, he had to return without doing more than
locating the city of Manoa several hundred miles to the east of his
farthest point. This was done in so exact a manner that the great lake
of Parima, as large as the Caspian Sea, was retained upon the maps of
South America down to the beginning of the present century. His ore was
probably stream quartz, and in representing it as taken from the rock he
probably reported what the Indians had told him. When, therefore, he
said that the assay gave its value as £13,000 a ton, there is no reason
to suppose a mistake or untruth, for pieces quite as valuable may still
be picked up. His "Discoverie of Guiana" is such a mixture of close and
accurate observation with the hearsay of the Indians, that it is
difficult in some cases to separate truth from fiction. Yet, although
historians have charged him with wilful lying, there can be no doubt of
his good faith. It has been left to the present century to prove that
gold-mines exist on the site of the fabled El Dorado, for it is there
that the well-known Caratal diggings are situated.
Ralegh asked the people of England to judge for themselves. He had spent
much time and money, with no other object than to serve his queen and
country. When they considered that it was the Spaniard's gold which
endangered and disturbed all the nations of Europe, that "purchaseth
intelligence, creepeth into councils and setteth bound loyalty at
liberty," they would see the advantage of these provinces he had
discovered. Guiana was a country that had never yet been sacked, turned,
or wrought. The face of the earth had not been torn, nor the virtue and
salt of the soil spent by manurance; the graves had not been opened for
gold, the mines not touched with sledges, or the images pulled down
from the temples. It was so easily defensible that it could be protected
by two forts at the mouth of a river, and thus the whole empire be
guarded. The country was already discovered, many nations won to Her
Majesty's love and obedience, and those Spaniards who had laboured on
the conquest were beaten, discouraged, and disgraced. If Her Majesty
took up the enterprise, he doubted not that after the first or second
year there would be a Contractation House for Guiana in London, with
larger receipts than that for the Indies at Seville.
Such was Ralegh's dream. Another Peru to be conquered, and England to be
raised to the highest point of wealth and importance. But unfortunately
he could get no assistance to carry out the grand project. Yet he was
undoubtedly sincere, for did he not send out two expeditions under
Captains Keymis and Berrie the following year, to assure the Indians
that he had not forgotten them? Keymis found one tribe keeping a
festival in honour of the great princess of the north, and anxiously
waiting for the return of Gualtero, which name, by the by, was similar
to their word for friend. They made fires, and, sitting in their
hammocks, each man with his companion, they recounted the worthy deeds
and deaths of their ancestors, execrating their enemies most spitefully,
and magnifying their friends with all the titles of honour they could
devise. Thus they sat talking and smoking tobacco until their cigars
(their measure of time) went out, during which they were not to be
disturbed, "for this is their religion and prayers which they now
celebrated, keeping a precise fast one whole day in honour of the great
princess of the north, their patron and defender."
The explorations of Ralegh and his captains were published all over
Europe, with the result that attention was generally drawn to Guiana.
Already some Dutchmen had been trading on the coast for many years, and
it was even reported that they had established a post in the river
Pomeroon, the centre of the province of Caribana. As early as 1542
Flemings had settled at Araya on the coast of Venezuela, where they
collected salt and were left undisturbed as long as the Netherlands
belonged to Spain. Ralegh seems to have purposely ignored the presence
of these people in Guiana, probably to prevent any question of prior
rights on the part of a friendly nation. But, after all, the Dutchmen
could only have been there on their own responsibility, and their
temporary occupation had no meaning from a national point of view.
Now that Guiana was made known, vessels of other nationalities went
trading along the coast, everywhere meeting with a hearty welcome from
the Indians as long as the visitors were not Spanish. They were only so
many additions to their friends--their enemies were confined to Trinidad
and the Orinoco, leaving the whole coast of Guiana to its rightful
owners. In fact, the Spaniards could no more subdue the Caribs of the
Main than they could those of the islands. Only in Trinidad, where the
Arawak was employed against the cannibal, was a settlement made
possible.
Ralegh was unable to carry out his great project, but others were not
backward in attempting to settle in the country. First came Charles
Leigh, who in 1604 founded a colony in the river Oyapok, which failed
partly from the lack of assistance from England and partly from too
great a dependence on the promises of the Indians to supply food.
Sickness followed on starvation, Leigh died, and a mutiny took place,
after which the survivors got back to Europe in a Dutch trader, which
fortunately arrived when all hope of succour had been abandoned. Robert
Harcourt followed to the same river in 1609, like Leigh, getting
promises of assistance from the Indians by using the name of Ralegh.
With their consent he took possession of the country, "by twig and
turf," in the name of King James. This ceremony was performed by first
cutting a branch from a tree, and then turning up a sod with the sword,
thus claiming everything in and on the earth.
Harcourt's colony lasted several years, and in 1613 he received from
James the First a grant of all that part of Guiana lying between the
rivers Amazons and Essequebo, on the usual condition of the fifth of all
gold and silver being handed over to the king. In the same year the
Dutch trading factory at Kyk-over-al on the river Essequebo was
established, and this was probably the reason why the English grant made
that river the boundary of their possessions, leaving the Hollander to
establish himself between the Essequebo and the Orinoco.
Meanwhile, in 1603, poor Ralegh had been tried on a charge of aiding and
abetting the plot to raise Arabella Stuart to the throne of England, on
the death of Queen Elizabeth. Any one who reads the account of his
trial will perceive at once the absurdity of the charge, yet Ralegh was
convicted and sentenced to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. However,
even with all his hatred for the knight, King James dared not carry out
the sentence, but instead, kept him imprisoned in the Tower.
Here Ralegh still hankered after the treasures of Guiana, and in 1611 he
made a proposition to the Government to send Captain Keymis to find the
rich gold mine which had been pointed out to him by an Indian. If Keymis
should live to arrive at the place and fail to bring half a ton or more
of that rich ore of which he had shown a sample, Ralegh himself would
bear all the expense of the journey. "Though," said he, "it be a
difficult matter of exceeding difficulty for any man to find the same
acre of ground again, in a country desolate and overgrown, which he hath
seen but once, and that sixteen years since--which were hard enough to
do upon Salisbury Plain--yet that your lordships may be satisfied of the
truth, I am contented to adventure all I have (but my reputation) upon
Keymis's memory."
This proposition was rejected, and the poor knight lingered on in the
Tower, attended during part of the time by two Guiana Indians, Harry and
Leonard Regapo. In 1616, however, he at last recovered his liberty on
condition that he went to Guiana and brought back gold, but at the same
time the king refused to pardon him. Nevertheless he took up the matter
with an amount of enthusiasm which showed his entire confidence in its
ultimate success. All his own money and as much of his wife's as could
be spared was spent in fitting out the expedition, and he also got
contributions from many of his friends. The king even went so far as to
give him a commission to undertake a voyage to the south parts of
America, or elsewhere in America, inhabited by heathen and savage
people, with all the necessary rights of government and jurisdiction;
yet with all this the old sentence hung over his head.
The expedition of fourteen vessels started in March, 1617, but even from
the commencement the voyage was disastrous. First a gale was
encountered, which drove the fleet to take refuge in Cork Harbour, where
it lay until August. This seems to have put a damper on the commander,
who now began to realise how much depended on his success. He was
twenty-two years older than when he went on his first voyage to Guiana,
and most of those years he had spent in captivity. Is it any wonder that
when the excitement attendant on his release had gone off he became sick
and utterly prostrated? Such was his condition when the fleet arrived at
Cayenne, where he went to look for his Indian boy Harry, who had gone
back to his people and was now wanted as interpreter.
So low was Ralegh's condition that he had to be carried ashore, and
although he soon became a little better under a course of fresh meat and
fruits, he never wholly recovered. So great was his weakness, both of
mind and body, that he deputed Keymis to lead the party up the Orinoco,
while he rested at Cayenne; in a few days he would go on to Trinidad and
wait there until they returned. Keymis accordingly went on, accompanied
by young Walter Ralegh, a number of other gentlemen, and four hundred
soldiers. They arrived at the site of the supposed gold mine without
accident, but found that since the first expedition some Spaniards had
built "a town of sticks, covered with leaves," and this stood in the way
of their approach to the mine. Possibly Keymis now thought of his
master's expression in regard to St. Joseph, and did not care to "savour
of an ass" by leaving the enemy to interfere with his work. He therefore
attacked this town of St. Thome, and set it on fire. Unfortunately young
Ralegh was killed in the fight, and the thought of how he could tell
this bad news preyed upon the mind of Keymis until all relish for
gold-seeking was lost. The Spaniards took to the bush, from whence they
sallied forth on any small party of the English, and ultimately put them
into a state of confusion. The mine could not be found, the adventurers
began to complain that they had been fooled, and Keymis was so troubled
that he seemed neither to know nor care anything about treasure-seeking.
Ralegh had meanwhile arrived in the Gulf of Paria, where he received the
news of the burning of St. Thome and the death of his son from some
Indians. Presently Keymis arrived, utterly dejected, to find his master
broken down and more woe-begone than himself. Ralegh said he was undone,
and that Keymis was entirely to blame. Not even a sample of ore--the
king would believe him a liar and a cheat. Then, this attack on a
Spanish town! Did not Keymis remember that these were not the days of
the virgin queen, when to "singe the Spaniard's beard" was worthy of
praise? Did he not know that James was friendly with the king of Spain
and wanted to get from him a princess for his son Henry?
[Illustration: GOLD HUNTING.
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
Keymis had been the intimate friend of Ralegh through all his troubles.
He had remained faithful even when threatened with the rack at the time
of the trial. As a kind of steward he had administered the prisoner's
estate, and was a trusted friend and confidant of the family. He had
seen young Walter grow up to manhood, and now through his fault the
youth had been killed. For the first time the bereaved father was angry
with his captain; perhaps if Keymis died the whole blame would be laid
upon his shoulders, and Ralegh be exonerated. He went to the cabin
allotted to him, loaded a pistol, shot himself, and then, as he feared
the wound was not mortal, finished the suicide by driving a long knife
into his heart.
Thus died poor Keymis, but unfortunately this did not make any
difference to his master. If Ralegh had been prepared to throw all the
responsibility on his lieutenant, the king could only be satisfied with
treasure. Even if James had been inclined to over-look the affair, the
Spanish ambassador would not condone such an offence. He is said to have
rushed into the royal presence with the cry of "Piracy! piracy! piracy!"
at the same time demanding the immediate capture and punishment of the
raiders. It followed, therefore, that Ralegh was arrested immediately on
his return, and finally executed under the old sentence, but by
decapitation instead of hanging.
His last days were passed with resignation and fortitude. His old spirit
was entirely broken, and although he petitioned the king for grace and
pardon, he did so in a hopeless way. He had many sympathisers, and to
satisfy them the king's printers issued a little book entitled "A
Declaration of the Demeanour and Carriage of Sir Walter Raleigh,"
obviously inspired by the king himself. Here was a thing unheard of
before or since; a sovereign excusing himself for his actions! If
anything were required to prove the prisoner's innocence, this was
sufficient. Did James want to salve his own conscience, or was it
intended to satisfy those who clamoured on account of the injustice of
the execution? No doubt many of the old sea dogs who had served under
Drake and Hawkins were still living, and remembered when Plymouth bells
rang at the news of fresh arrivals from the Indies. "But now, forsooth,
you must not burn down a thatched hovel without a great to-do being
made." If Spain wanted peace, why did her people murder a ship's company
in cold blood a little while before? Out upon it! The good old days had
passed and England was going to ruin.
However, even King James's sneaking friendship for Spain could not keep
back colonisation altogether. Something like moderation was introduced,
and only pirates pure and simple kept up the old traditions. As for the
king he hardly knew how to steer, what with the petitions for reprisals
from English seamen on the one hand, and complaints of the Spanish
ambassadors on the other. The result of this want of policy is well
shown in the case of Roger North one of the adventurers in the last
expedition of Ralegh, who, in 1619, wished to re-establish the colony in
the Oyapok, which had virtually sunk to nothing. An association called
the Amazon Company was formed, and, notwithstanding Spanish protests,
the king granted "Letters Patent," under which North got up an
expedition in four vessels. Then the Spanish ambassador began to storm,
and the weak king revoked the patent, calling upon the members of the
Company to renounce their rights. North, who had been warned that
something was going on, hurried up his preparations, and was off so
quickly that he sailed on the 30th of April, 1620, fifteen days before
the proclamation revoking his license was published.
On his return in January following he was arrested and sent to the
Tower, where he remained until July. Meanwhile his cargo from Guiana was
seized on the ground that it had been obtained from Spanish possessions,
but with all his willingness to oblige Spain the king could not get the
case proven. It followed, therefore, that North was released, and his
goods restored, but as the cargo was mainly tobacco it had become much
damaged by neglect.
This detention of North, and the consequent delay in sending out
supplies to the Oyapok, led to the downfall of the infant colony.
Hearing nothing from England the settlers became disheartened, and if it
had not happened that Dutch traders arrived there occasionally they
would have been starved. Even as it was one left after another until few
remained, and when, six years later, "the Company of Noblemen and
Gentlemen of England for the Plantation of Guiana" was formed, the
settlement had to be commenced anew. However, some of those who left
carried the English flag to the island of St. Christopher's, where a
settlement was commenced in 1624 by Thomas Warner. Thus, as Ralegh was
the father of English colonisation, so his beloved Guiana became the
parent of the British West Indies.
James the First died in March, 1625, and with him went the English
subservience to Spain, never to be restored. During his reign British
enterprise had been kept back; now it broke down all obstructions. True,
New England and Bermuda were settled during his reign, but they owed
little to him or his government. As soon as the Royal obstructionist was
dead, colonisation schemes came to the front. Before even a month had
passed, on the 14th of April, John Coke came forward with a proposition
to incorporate a company for the defence and protection of the West
Indies, for establishing a trade there, and for fitting out a fleet to
attack the Spanish settlements. About the same time, also, the
Attorney-General made some "notes" on the advantages derived by the
Spaniards and Dutch from their West Indian trade, showing that it was
neither safe nor profitable to England for them to remain absolute lords
of those parts, and suggesting that the new king should entertain the
matter and openly interpose, or else permit it to be done underhand;
then if it prospered he could make it his own at pleasure.
What was done in these particular cases does not appear, but that a new
policy was introduced is certain. In September following the case of
St. Christopher's was brought before the Privy Council, which apparently
confirmed what had been done, in taking possession of the island. In the
"information" laid over it was stated that Thomas Warner had discovered
that island, as well as Nevis, Barbados, and Montserrat, and had begun
the planting and colonising of these islands, until then only inhabited
by savages. King Charles was asked to take them under his royal
protection and grant Thomas Warner their custody as his lieutenant, with
the usual powers of jurisdiction.
The result was not altogether to the liking of the petitioners, Ralph
Merrifield and Thomas Warner, for in July, 1627, a grant of all the
Caribbees was made to the Earl of Carlisle. This was sweeping enough,
however, to suit those who wanted English colonies, however it ignored
the rights of the first settlers in St. Kitt's and Barbados, which
latter island had been settled a few months after the first.
Now, also, Roger North came forward with his story and got the revoked
patent renewed, so that he could go on with the settlement in the
Oyapok. For a time it did very well, but the tide had turned in favour
of the islands, and Guiana was soon abandoned to the Dutch and French.
The most important of the two islands first colonised was Barbados,
which, fortunately for her comfort, never suffered from such calamities
as befel the sister island of St. Christopher's. As far as the English
were concerned Barbados was discovered by a vessel going out to Leigh's
settlement, in Guiana, in 1605. A pillar was erected with the
inscription, "James, King of England and this island," but nothing was
done in the way of a settlement until immediately after Warner commenced
planting in St. Kitt's. The most intimate connection existed between
Barbados and Guiana from the earliest times, as in fact it does to the
present day, for Captain Powell, the commander of the little company of
pioneers, sent to his Dutch friend, Groenwegel, in Essequebo, for a
party of Arawak Indians to teach the new-comers how to plant provisions,
cotton, and tobacco.
In 1630 another group of islands was added by the granting of a patent
to the "Governor and Company of Adventurers for the Plantation of the
Islands of Providence, Henrietta, and the adjacent islands." Under this
charter possession was taken of the Bahamas, but little was done in the
way of settling them for about a century. Thus West Indian colonisation
was commenced, and claims made to all the smaller islands on behalf of
England.
But it is not to be supposed that France and Holland were going to let
everything go by default--on the contrary, they soon began to settle in
some of the very islands which had been granted to the Earl of Carlisle.
The Dutch, as we have seen, were traders from the beginning, preferring
the so-called contraband traffic with the natives and Spanish colonists
to anything like the raids of English or French. Yet, in their plodding
way they went on steadily, and as early as the year 1600 took possession
of the island of St. Eustatius. When the Spaniards awoke to the fact
that the Dutch were injuring their trade, they began to enforce all the
old prohibitions and seized the smugglers. But the Hollander commenced
to feel his power, and gave his enemy several lessons, which made him
feel that the United Provinces with their symbol of a bundle of darts
were not to be despised.
In 1615 the Dutch took the capital of Porto Rico, and in 1621 their West
India Company was formed with territorial and trading rights over all
the unoccupied countries of Africa and America. Suddenly as it were the
despised Hollander became a power in the West Indies, and the Company
was soon strong enough to conquer Brazil, which it must be remembered
was, with Portugal and all her colonies, then in the hands of Spain.
About the year 1627 Piet Heyn destroyed a Spanish fleet in Mataça Bay,
Cuba, the booty from which was something enormous. Altogether, the West
India Company was said to have captured 547 vessels, mainly off the
coast of America, the prize money from which amounted to thirty million
guilders (£2,500,000), while the damage to Spain was at least six times
as much.
Now also the French began to claim their share. In 1625 Mons. d'Enambuc
went on a piratical expedition to the Caribbean Sea, but without any
intention of founding a colony. However, off the Cayman's islands he was
attacked by a Spanish galleon of much superior force, and although he
succeeded at last in driving her off, his vessel was so crippled that he
had to put into St. Christopher's for repairs. Here he found Warner
already established, and with him a few Frenchmen. On account of his
condition and the beauty of the island, he became inclined to settle,
and as the English and French were then on good terms, Warner saw no
objection. The consequence was that St. Kitt's became divided between
the two nationalities, with results in the future most disastrous to
both.
At first, however, the assistance of the French was very welcome. The
Caribs were still a power in the smaller islands and gave a great deal
of trouble to the young colony. At first they were friendly, but when
the settlers wished to oppress them by taking away their lands and
compelling them to supply provisions, open war began. Hearing from an
Indian woman that a conspiracy was forming to destroy all the white men,
Warner determined to be beforehand with them. He massacred a hundred and
twenty of the men, took the women as slaves, and drove the remainder off
the island. But these powerful savages were by no mean conquered, for
those who escaped soon came back with three or four thousand of their
friends from neighbouring islands, and at first it appeared as if the
whites would have been utterly exterminated. By a supreme effort of both
French and English, however, this great invasion was repelled, the
defenders killing about two thousand, and capturing fifteen large
periaguas, with a loss to themselves of about a hundred, most of whom
died from poisoned arrows. This was a bond of union between French and
English, and Warner and d'Enambuc amicably divided the island between
them.
[Illustration: CARIB ATTACK ON A SETTLEMENT
(_From Gottfried's "Reisen."_)]
[Illustration]
V.
BUCCANEERS, FILIBUSTERS, AND PIRATES.
Now that settlements were commenced the old system of piracy was
somewhat discountenanced by the home governments, and many of the
adventurers began to become a little more civilised. But there was still
a large number of them who became known as buccaneers, filibusters,
freebooters, marooners, and brethren of the coast, who continued to
worry the Spaniards, and even to attack other nationalities on occasion.
They had taken to the trade, and, when no longer able to carry it on in
a quasi-legitimate manner, did so on their own lines.
The claim of Spain to the whole of America was the great cause of
offence. Had she been content with what her people could occupy, there
would have been little trouble, but the "dog in the manger" policy could
hardly be recognised by other nations. It followed, therefore, that when
complaints were made to France and England of the ravages on the Spanish
coasts, the sovereigns told the king of Spain to protect his own shores,
disclaiming on their own parts any responsibility whatever.
The earliest accounts of the buccaneers are confused with those of the
French corsairs, of which mention has been already made. They sailed
along the coast from one island to another, trading a little, capturing
Spanish vessels, fighting the guarda-costas, and now and again repairing
to some out-of-the-way place to put their ships in order or even to
assist the Caribs in their raids. The advantages of combination were
soon felt, and with these also the necessity for places of rendezvous.
Even the English adventurers became accustomed to obtain wood and water
from Dominica, but this island was not conveniently situated for the
French corsairs. They wanted an uninhabited place near enough to
Hispaniola and the track of the Spanish vessels for them to be quickly
pounced upon and for the corsairs to as quickly escape. Then there must
be a food supply, and on the great island of Hispaniola were countless
herds of wild cattle which ranged over a wilderness utterly depopulated.
The palmy days of the Hispaniola planter were over, and although he
imported negro slaves to some extent, he was virtually ruined. One after
another left for the newly discovered countries on the Main, and for
Peru and Mexico, leaving the island to a few merchants and wealthy
planters, who found it to their interest to remain. Hispaniola was
little more than a house of call on the road to the treasure countries,
which meant that although the port of St. Domingo was fortified, the
greater portion of the island was open to any one who chose to occupy
it.
Salt was a scarce commodity in those times, but it could be obtained in
some of the smaller islands, notably Tortuga, which for that reason
became the resort of the buccaneers. But the Indians had learnt how to
preserve meat without this useful substance, by smoking it over a fire
of green branches and leaves. Even Europeans knew something of this
process, although we believe they never preserved their beef and bacon
entirely without salt as did the Indians their game. The process was
very simple. Four sticks with forked ends were pushed into the ground,
and on these uprights a sort of rack of other sticks was laid to make an
open platform, where the pieces of meat were laid above a fire until
well dried and impregnated with smoke. This stage was called a boucan,
or barbecue, and from their using it to prepare supplies for their
voyages the corsairs became known as buccaneers.
There were no tinned provisions in those days, nor had the proper means
of keeping food on long voyages been yet perfected. It followed,
therefore, that a food supply in the Indies had to be provided, and the
Spaniards unintentionally did good service to their enemies by placing
hogs on most of the islands to breed and be available in emergencies.
It is obvious that the hunting of semi-wild animals and curing their
meat required time, and for that reason a division of labour was
initiated. While one party went cruising in search of Spanish vessels,
another ranged the country to capture and prepare the supplies against
their return. Thus a rendezvous became necessary, and in time
plantations were established in this neighbourhood to gradually develop
into a settlement. Now and again the Spaniards discovered these places,
but as they were generally of little value, their loss was of no
importance; if destroyed the buccaneers could easily escape to another
locality. When the enemy burnt their vessels, they easily built canoes
with which they soon captured others and became as strong as before. The
hunters grew to like their hardy life with its perfect liberty, and
became so inured to the climate and open air as to be utterly unlike the
effeminate planters. They were even little subject to the diseases of
the country, and could live for months at a time on nothing but meat. As
for clothes, they made these from the skins of animals, and all they
really required from outside was powder and lead for their firearms.
They became known as the brethren of the coast from their custom of each
choosing one comrade as a bosom friend and brother. Everything gained by
either was common to both, and the company were very strict in enforcing
their law against unfaithfulness in a companion, or unfair dealing in
any way among themselves. Sometimes they marooned a culprit by leaving
him alone on some small island to die of hunger, or perhaps to become a
"Crusoe" for many years. The wounded received compensation according to
a fixed tariff, from the common stock or from contributions; thus the
loss of an arm was valued at five hundred crowns, and other mutilations
at corresponding rates.
As the attacks of the Spaniards became more common, the small bands
united, and division of labour became more exact. Some were hunters of
wild boars, others of cattle, a few became planters, but the main body
were always sea rovers. At first the hunters were on good terms with the
Spanish planters and entered into engagements to supply them with meat.
A party would go off into the interior and stay away for months at a
time, eventually returning with large supplies borne on the backs of
their horses. During all this time they lived in rough shelters which
could be erected in an afternoon, and were much exposed to the
vicissitudes of the weather. Now they made up for their long term of
privation by carousing to their hearts' content, and when drunk, often
fought and killed each other. In the settlements there were generally a
few women, and these often became the cause of contentions; there were
also bond-servants who were treated most cruelly.
Sometimes they made incursions on the Spanish settlements, which led to
stronger efforts for their extermination that at last considerably
reduced their numbers. In fact, had it not been for the continual
accessions they would soon have died out, or have given up their trade
and settled down as planters. Hispaniola became at last almost
untenable, for the Spaniards, unable to find any other way of putting
them down, organised several hunting parties with the view to utterly
destroy the wild cattle and thus deprive them of their means of living.
Not that this was easily done, for it took many years, during which the
hunting parties from both sides fought and killed each other, committing
enormities which made the quarrel all the more bitter.
About the year 1632 a party of buccaneers captured the island of Tortuga
from the Spaniards, the garrison of twenty-five men surrendering without
a blow. Here was now the grand rendezvous of the French, for which it
was perfectly suitable from its proximity to the food supply and the
track of the Spanish vessels. It was situated on the north of the
western portion of Hispaniola, and not very well suited for plantations,
although good tobacco was grown there. There were, however, plenty of
sea fowl and turtle to be had, as well as their eggs, which formed a
large portion of the diet of the inhabitants.
This island became a veritable pandemonium--the sink of the West Indies.
It was the place of call for rovers of all nations, the market for their
booty, and the storehouse for everything in the way of supplies. The
merchants pandered to the tastes of their customers, and drinking and
gambling went on continually. But in 1638 it was surprised by the
Spaniards, who began to be alarmed at this nest of pirates at their very
doors. They chose a time when most of the rovers were away on a cruise,
and the buccaneers gone hunting in Hispaniola. All they captured were
killed--even those who surrendered being hanged as pirates. Only a few
escaped by hiding among the rocks and bushes to come forth after the
enemy had left, which they did without leaving a garrison.
A grand attempt to expel the hunters from the main island was now
organised, in which a corps of five hundred lancers ranged the island in
bands of fifties. Many of the buccaneers were killed, but the remainder
combined together under an Englishman named Willis and again took
possession of Tortuga.
From this rendezvous near Hispaniola the main passages between the
islands were under observation, but a similar station was required near
the Isthmus, and this was established about 1630 in the Bay of
Campeachy. Like that at Tortuga its beginnings are lost in obscurity. At
first one or more of the small islands or keys was used on
occasion--later fortifications were erected, and a watch always kept for
the enemy. The excuse for the settlement was the logwood trade, but this
did not become of much importance until after the English conquest of
Jamaica.
Like the true buccaneers these pirates were fond of hunting, but their
game was principally Indians, whom they attacked and carried off from
the Main, the men to sell to the plantations and the women to keep for
themselves. When they arrived after a cruise and sold their booty, they
would have a jolly time with drinking, gambling, and firing of guns,
until the island would seem to be the habitation of devils rather than
human beings.
There were also other pirate resorts, notably the Virgin Islands and the
Bahamas, but these were generally used only by one company, and never
rose to the position of general resorts. It is to these that most of the
romances refer, but the stories of Pirate and Treasure islands rarely
have much foundation in fact.
How privateers became pirates is well shown by a case that occurred in
the latter half of the seventeenth century. A vessel went cruising from
the Carolinas, and after being out for eighteen months had gained so
few prizes that the crew began to complain. After discussing the
situation, they resolved to try the South Sea, where they hoped to find
the Spaniards less prepared. Meeting with very bad weather at the
entrance of the Strait of Magellan, they were, however, obliged to turn
back, and then the majority decided to become pirates. Eight men who
refused to agree were marooned on the island of Fernando Po, their late
comrades leaving them a small boat in which they expected to be able to
get to some English colony.
The vessel left, and commenced her piratical work at once by capturing a
Portuguese ship larger than herself, the crew being brought and landed
on the same island. In the night the Portuguese made off, taking with
them the Englishmen's boat as well as their own, leaving the eight
privateers to do the best they could. However, they were not easily
daunted, and at once began to cut down trees and build a sloop of four
tons, which they finished in six weeks, meanwhile living on sea fowl and
their eggs, which were plentiful. Finally they sailed for Tobago, but
missing that island got to Tortuga, where they arrived almost perishing
with hunger and thirst, having had nothing to eat or drink for six days.
Even then they were not discouraged, but after resting awhile, set sail
in the same boat for New England, passing along the Spanish islands,
often unable to land for water on account of the enemy, and lying under
cover of the mangroves, to be almost devoured by mosquitoes. Even with
all this care they were taken at last, stripped, thrust down in the
hold of a Spanish _guarda-costa_, and finally kept as slaves in the
island of Cuba.
In the early years of the seventeenth century few of the adventurers had
any commissions, but as the mother countries began to establish
settlements, letters of marque were granted when there was a war. The
corsairs and pirates then became privateers, only to go back to their
old trade when peace was nominally restored. Some played fast and loose
with these commissions, sometimes having both French and English at the
same time, either to be used according to circumstances. The French
Governors went so far as to sell these documents signed and sealed, but
without names, so that they passed from hand to hand ready to be filled
up when the pirate wished to escape the yard-arm. The young colonies
were too weak to incur their displeasure--in fact they were glad to
encourage their visits, as the settlers could always pick up good
bargains when they sold their booty. Yet, with all that, there was a
dread of them, even among their own countrymen, which prevented that
feeling of safety which best consists with the progress of a colony.
We can say little of individuals, as there were so many, but we may
mention a few of the most striking characters and their daring exploits.
They inspired such dread among the Spaniards that at last the latter
hardly dared to defend themselves against them, but on their approach
immediately surrendered. If the cargo was rich, quarter was granted, but
if otherwise, or anything was found secreted, the whole company,
officers, crew, and passengers, were forced to leap overboard. Pierre
Legrand with his twenty-eight men once attacked a great Spanish galleon,
and before going alongside scuttled his own vessel so that it sunk as
the pirates leapt on to the enemy's deck. With no possibility of retreat
the men fought like devils and quickly got possession of the galleon,
with the usual result.
When other nations had compelled respect from Spain their vessels were
sometimes chartered to carry rich cargoes, which thus sailed under the
protection of another flag. But the pirates were not to be cheated so
easily, for they had their spies on the look-out, and often managed to
glean information. On one occasion Captains Michael de Basco and Brouage
heard of two Dutch vessels leaving Carthagena with treasure and at once
followed, attacked and captured them. Exasperated at being beaten by a
force much smaller than their own, the Dutch captains told Michael that
he could not have overcome them if he had been alone. "Very well," said
the audacious Frenchman, "let us begin the fight again, and Captain
Brouage shall look on. But if I conquer I will not only have the Spanish
silver you carry, but your own ships as well." The Dutch were not
inclined to accept this challenge, but made off as soon as they could
after the treasure had been taken into the pirate vessels, fearing they
might otherwise lose their opportunity.
Captain Lawrence was once unexpectedly overtaken by two Spanish
sixty-gun ships, the crews of which numbered fifteen hundred. Addressing
his men, he said--"You have experience enough to be aware of your
danger, and too much courage to fear. On this occasion we must avail
ourselves of every circumstance, hazard everything, and attack and
defend at the same time. Valour, artifice, rashness, and even despair
itself must now be employed. Let us fear the disgrace of a defeat; let
us dread the cruelty of our enemy; and let us fight that we may escape
him." After he was applauded with loud cheers, Lawrence took aside one
of the bravest of his men, and in the presence of all, gave him strict
orders to fire the gunpowder at a given signal, thus telling them
plainly they must fight or be blown up. Meanwhile the enemy had
approached very close, and Lawrence, ranging his men on both sides of
the vessel, steered between the two great monsters, firing a broadside
on either hand as he passed, which they could not return for fear of
damaging each other. He did not succeed in capturing them, but they were
so demoralised by his determined attitude, and the number of killed and
wounded, that they were glad to make off.
Montbar was a Frenchman who had heard of the atrocities of the Spaniards
and the exploits of the buccaneers, and determined to go out to the West
Indies to join in the fray. On his voyage from France he met a Spanish
vessel which he attacked and boarded with a sabre in his hand. Passing
twice from bow to stern, he carved his way through the enemy, entirely
reckless of danger, and by his example animated his comrades until the
vessel was taken. Then standing apart while the spoil was being
divided, he gloated with savage pleasure over the corpses that lay on
the deck.
Arrived at Hispaniola he heard from the buccaneers that they could do
little in the way of planting because of the continual attacks on their
settlements. "Why then," said Montbar, roughly, "do you tamely submit to
such insults?" "We do not!" they answered; "the Spaniards have
experienced what kind of men we are, and therefore take advantage of the
time when we go hunting. But we are going to join with some of our
companions, who have been even worse treated than ourselves, and then we
shall have hot work." "If such be the case let me lead you," said
Montbar, "not as a commander, but first in the post of danger."
They were quite willing to have him as leader, and the very same day he
went at the head of a party to find the enemy. Meeting a small body of
Spaniards he rushed upon them with such fury that hardly one escaped,
and this at once justified them in their choice. He afterwards became
such a terror all over the West Indies as to be known as "the
Exterminator."
Lolonois was another ruffian, who commenced his career by taking a
Spanish frigate with only two canoes and twenty-two men. This vessel had
sailed from Havana especially to put down the buccaneers, and had on
board a negro executioner who was engaged to hang the prisoners. Hearing
this from the negro, Lolonois ordered all the Spaniards to be brought
before him, and going down the line, he struck off one head after
another, licking his sword after each blow. He afterwards went to Port
au Prince, where four vessels were fitting out for his capture. These
he took and threw all their crews into the sea, except one man, whom he
sent to the Governor of Havana with the news, and a warning that he
would treat the Governor himself in the same way if he had the
opportunity.
After this he ran the best prizes aground and sailed for Tortuga in the
frigate, where he joined Michael de Basco. With four hundred and forty
men this worthy pair sailed for the Main, where they plundered the coast
of Venezuela, set fire to Gibraltar, and held Maracaybo for ransom. They
carried off all the crosses, pictures, plate, ornaments, and even bells
from the churches, with the intention of using them in a great cathedral
to be erected on Tortuga.
Although the buccaneers were mostly French they were not confined to
that nationality. The famous or notorious Captain Morgan was a Welshman,
who began his career in the West Indies as a bond-servant. One of his
greatest exploits was the capture of Porto Bello, which had taken the
place of Nombre de Dios after that town had been burnt by Drake. He even
out-did Drake and every other adventurer before him by storming Panama,
from whence he obtained a very rich booty. Here he fell in love with a
Spanish lady, who, however, threatened to stab herself rather than yield
to his embraces. Even when he tried the gentlest measures which such a
ruffian could think of, she still refused to yield, so that he had
ultimately to comply with the wishes of his companions and leave her.
Panama was burnt, the retreat across the isthmus safely performed
without any serious misadventure, and Morgan sailed away to Jamaica
with the lion's share of the plunder.
In this great expedition the buccaneers of all nations united to form a
combination hitherto unknown. But, as this was the first time that such
a thing had occurred, so also was it the last. As for Morgan his career
was ended; his comrades charged him with treachery and made it unsafe
for him to come within their reach. He therefore settled down in
Jamaica, made himself right with the authorities there and in England,
was knighted by King Charles the Second, and professed now to have a
great dislike to piracy. On two occasions Sir Henry Morgan became acting
Governor of Jamaica, and in that capacity did his best to discountenance
buccaneering.
In 1683 a great expedition was organised at Tortuga by Van Horn, a
Fleming, noted for his courage and ferocity. In the heat of an
engagement he would pace the deck, and urge his men to fight by shooting
any one who even flinched from a ball. He thus made himself a terror to
cowards and the admiration of the brave; like Montbar, gaining the
respect and confidence of his followers. Like the French leader also, he
was careless about his own share of the booty, leaving everything to his
men, which naturally increased his popularity. With twelve hundred men
in six vessels he sailed for Vera Cruz, and surprised the town at night.
Most of the inhabitants took refuge in the churches, and the buccaneers
posted sentries with barrels of gunpowder in front of each, giving
orders to blow up the buildings on the least sign of an attempt to
escape. After plundering the houses they demanded about half a million
pounds from the prisoners as ransom for their lives and liberties. This
was not obtained, however, for while waiting the collection a large body
of troops was seen approaching from the interior, and a fleet of
seventeen vessels came into the harbour from Spain. Yet the buccaneers
were determined to get something towards the ransom, and to this end
seized fifteen hundred slaves, with which they quietly sailed away in
defiance of the enemy, promising to call again for the balance of the
ransom. The Spanish fleet let them pass without firing a single gun, and
they went back to Tortuga, there to spend a year in rioting and
carousing.
When their money was all spent they resolved to try the most arduous of
adventures, a raid on the ports of the Great South Sea. And it happened
curiously that at that very time the English pirates were getting ready
for a similar venture, without either having knowledge of that of the
other party. About four thousand men were engaged, some going by way of
the Straits of Magellan and others across the isthmus. The English and
French met, and at first agreed to work together, but for want of one
leader who could command and be respected by both parties, the
expedition proved almost a failure. Possibly also the French had not
forgotten Morgan's treachery, and this caused distrust and prevented any
cordial feeling.
Those who travelled across the isthmus stole boats on the other side,
and with them captured larger vessels, until this little frequented sea
became almost as dangerous to Spanish ships as the Caribbean. Most of
the smaller ports were surprised, and even Guayaquil was captured,
mainly because they were not provided with forts and other defences. In
fact, the people were so unacquainted with war and so wrapped up by the
supposed security of their position, that even when the alarm was given
little could be done. Silver became so common that nothing but gold,
pearls, and precious stones would satisfy the spoilers, yet with all
their easy conquests they got little real benefit. Some died of
sickness, and many from the results of drunkenness and debauchery. The
storms of Cape Horn and the Straits wrecked several vessels, and drowned
both spoil and spoilers, while those who attempted to return by land
were equally unfortunate. They died in the bush of fever and dysentery,
or were cut off by ambuscades of the enemy, often losing their booty if
they escaped with their lives.
What a journey across the isthmus really meant at that time is well
exemplified in the case of Lionel Wafer. In 1681 he was a surgeon on
board an English vessel under Captain Sharp, one of those privateers who
went cruising in the South Sea. After spending some time there the party
divided, one portion deciding to cross overland, and the other to
continue the cruise.
Wafer went with those who intended crossing the isthmus, the whole
numbering forty-four white men and three Indians. They marched from the
Pacific shore one afternoon, and towards night arrived at the foot of a
hill, where they put up several rough sheds. Rain had already begun to
fall--such rain as is only known in the tropics--and they had to crouch
under these imperfect shelters until midnight, with streams of water
running down their backs and rivulets flowing about their feet. By
morning they felt less discomfort and were glad to warm their chilled
limbs by walking up the hill. Here they came upon an Indian path which
led to a village, where they were gratified with food and a drink made
of Indian corn. After resting awhile they agreed with one of the Indians
to guide them on the next day's journey, and that night rested in the
village.
Next morning they went on again, and at mid-day arrived at an Indian
hut, the owner of which was so morose and surly that at first he refused
to have anything to do with them. After they had spoken kindly and asked
him to guide them on their journey, he roughly answered that he was
prepared to lead them to the Spanish settlements. This of course would
never do, and they offered him beads, money, axes, and knives to gain
his good-will, but all without effect, until a sky-blue petticoat was
dangled before the eyes of his wife. This turned the scale, for her
persuasions being added to theirs, he at last consented to procure a
guide, excusing himself from the task on the plea that he was lame from
a cut. He wished to detain them with him for the day, as it still
rained, but they were in so great a dread of being discovered by the
enemy that, having obtained the guide, they marched three miles farther
before stopping for the night.
On the fourth morning the weather was fairer, and they travelled for
twelve miles over hills and through slushy morasses, crossing one river
after another to the number of about thirty. Rain poured down again in
the afternoon and during the greater part of the night, so that they had
much ado to keep their fires from going out. What with the discomforts
of their situation, the want of proper food, and the chilliness
preceding intermittent fever, they even forgot for the time their fears
of the Spaniards. However, as the sun rose they went on again until,
after travelling seven miles through the forest, they reached the hut of
a Spanish Indian, who supplied them with yams, sweet potatoes, and
plantains, but no meat except the flesh of two monkeys, which they gave
to the weak and sickly.
While resting here Wafer met with an accident. One of the company, in
drying some gunpowder on a silver plate, carelessly placed it near the
fire where he was sitting, with the result that it exploded and tore the
skin and flesh from one of his thighs, rendering him almost helpless. He
had a few medicines in his knapsack and dressed the wound as well as he
could under the circumstances, but rest and proper food were needed, and
these he could not have. The consequence was that, after struggling
along with the others until he sank down exhausted and suffering from
excruciating torture, he was left behind with two sick men at an Indian
village, where they were presently joined by two others who had broken
down.
Observing the condition of Wafer's wound, the Indians treated it with a
poultice of chewed herbs on a plantain leaf, and in twenty days it was
healed. Nevertheless, although they did him this kindness, they were
not over civil, but on the contrary treated the five white men with
contempt, throwing them their refuse provisions as if they were dogs.
One young Indian proved kinder, and got them some ripe bananas now and
then, but the others were annoyed because the main body had compelled
some inhabitants of the village to go with them as guides against their
will. The weather was then so bad that even the Indians considered
travelling almost impossible, and this annoyed them all the more,
especially when the guides did not return.
Day after day passed, and the Indians becoming more incensed at the
non-arrival of their people, began to think of avenging themselves on
Wafer and his comrades. Thinking that the guides had been murdered, they
determined to burn them to death, and even went so far as to erect a
great pile of wood for the purpose. But almost at the last moment their
chief interposed, and offered to send away the Englishmen in charge of
two guides.
Accordingly they set out, their only food supply a little dry Indian
corn, and their only resting-place at night the wet ground, still
exposed to drenching rains which fell every day. The third night they
went to sleep on a low mound, and in the morning woke to find it a
little island with water extending as far as their eyes could reach. To
add to their trouble, the Indian guides had disappeared, leaving them to
remain here without shelter and almost starved for three days. Then the
waters fell and they commenced the weary work of steering to the north
by means of a pocket compass--a task the difficulty of which can only
be appreciated by one who has attempted it.
However, they soon reached the bank of a deep river, the stream of which
was rushing along like a mill race. Here a lately-felled tree lying
across showed them where their comrades had passed, and they commenced
to climb over astride as the trunk was so slippery. One of the party was
so weak and so overburdened by four hundred pieces of eight (silver
dollars) that he fell, and was immediately carried down the stream out
of sight.
Giving him up as lost, the four survivors went wandering about, looking
for the footprints of their comrades, but could find no trace of them,
probably on account of the floods. Fearing a mistake, they again crossed
the river and recommenced the search on the other side, where they were
surprised to come upon their lost companion sitting on the bank, which
he had managed to gain by grasping the bough of a tree as he was borne
swiftly past. Finding no signs of a trail, they again went on working
with the compass as before. On the fifth day they had nothing to eat but
a few wild berries, and the day following arrived at another great river
where not even a tree lay across to give them a passage. They had only
their long knives, but with them they set to work and cut down bamboos,
with which rafts were made by binding the sticks with bush-ropes. They
had just finished and were resting awhile, when a terrible storm came
on. The rain fell as if from a cascade, thunder rolled and lightning
flashed, accompanied by a sulphurous odour which almost choked them.
There was no shelter but the trees of the forest, and the fire was put
out at once, leaving these half-starved wretches to shiver and shake
with ague all through the afternoon and up to midnight.
Then the waters began to rise, and in the darkness--that total absence
of light under the canopy of foliage, where two men sitting together
only know of each other's presence by feeling, for the din of the
elements is absolutely deafening--Wafer began to appreciate the fact
that the swirl of the flood had reached his feet. With no possibility of
communicating with the others, he felt his way to a hollow silk-cotton
tree, into which he crawled, and climbed upon a heap of debris that
stood in the centre. Here he fell asleep from sheer exhaustion, or more
probably, perhaps, fainted. When he awoke he said it was impossible for
words to paint the terrors that overwhelmed his mind. The water reached
to his knees, notwithstanding that the mound was five feet above the
ground level, and he was afraid it would reach still higher. However, as
the sun rose the flood went down, and presently he was glad to crawl out
and stretch his chilled limbs. But he was all alone, and at first
thought his comrades had been drowned. He shouted, but no answer came
back, except the echo of his own voice. Giving way to despair, he threw
himself on the buttress of a tree, from which condition he was roused by
the appearance of first one and then another, until the little company
was again complete. They also had found similar refuges and now came to
look after their rafts.
But the bundles of canes had become water-logged and useless, so they
resolved to retrace their steps if possible to the Indian village. On
their way they unfortunately missed shooting a deer which lay beside the
path, and had nothing to eat but macaw berries and the pith of a tree.
Seeing the track of a wild hog they followed that, and ultimately came
upon two provision fields. But even with this prospect of food they were
so much depressed that, although perishing with hunger, they were afraid
to venture near the Indian huts, and lingered about for some time.
However, at last Wafer summoned enough courage to go into one of them,
when almost immediately he was so affected by the close atmosphere and
the odour of some meat cooking over the fire, that he fainted.
The kindly Indians assisted in his recovery, and gave him something to
eat, when he was pleasantly surprised to find there the very same guides
on whose account he and his comrades had been nearly roasted to death.
On telling them where the others were, the Indians went out and brought
back three, but had to carry food to the fourth before he could gain
enough strength to walk the short distance. Here they were treated with
the greatest humanity and tenderness, and after resting a week they
again started with four guides, to reach the same river that had before
checked their progress, in one day. Here, finding a canoe, they
proceeded up stream until, arriving at the dwelling of the chief who had
saved them from torture, they were told it was impossible to go on in
such weather.
Wafer and his companions stopped here for several months--in fact the
chief wished to retain them altogether. As a physician, Wafer was
respected and loved; but at last, wishing to depart, by repeated
importunities and the promise to come back with some good hunting-dogs,
and then to marry the chief's daughter, he was at last furnished with
guides. Over high mountains, along the edges of precipices, and through
dense forests they toiled until they came to a river flowing north, on
which they embarked, and reached the shores of the Gulf of Darien two
days later. Here they were overjoyed to find an English vessel, the crew
of which gave them a hearty welcome, making up to some extent for their
long and perilous journey.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
VI.
WAR IN THE YOUNG COLONIES.
At the beginning of the seventeenth century Spain was nominally at peace
with the other great powers, except the Netherlands, which had not yet
come to the front. By the treaty of 1604 Queen Elizabeth made up the
English quarrel, and in 1609 even Holland was conceded a truce for nine
years.
Thus amity was supposed to exist, and the raids of licensed privateers
came to an end. Yet there was "no peace beyond the line." Not to mention
corsairs and pirates, the English were as determined on their part to
get a share of America as were the Spaniards to keep them out if
possible. The founders of Virginia were resolute to lose their lives
rather than abandon so noble a colony. Even King James dared not give it
up, although in 1612 and the following year there was a hot contention
with the Spanish Secretary of State on the matter. Spain was
discontented that the colony should have the royal sanction, and at the
same time demanded its removal, accompanying this with a threat to drive
out the settlers, as well as those in the Bermudas. But James could not
admit the Papal Bull, and as the English were firm, the claimants of
the whole of America contented themselves with protests.
In the West Indies, however, Spain went farther. Here she had
undoubtedly the right by discovery, although not by actual possession,
save in the Greater Antilles. The weak English king who succeeded the
strong-minded Tudor princess was not prepared to contest the Spanish
supremacy here, but simply answered the complaints against English
adventurers by disclaiming all responsibility. Neither England nor
France had officially taken the ground that only actual possession
created territorial rights, but many Englishmen were clamouring loudly
to that effect. We have already noticed in another chapter James's
policy, or want of policy, and the change which took place a few weeks
after his death--we have now to deal with the results of that
alteration.
In 1621 hostilities were renewed between Spain and the Netherlands, but
even during the nominal truce the Dutch invaded Margarita, and
demolished the fort, but without, however, taking actual possession.
When the truce was over hostilities were recommenced with a vigour that
rather astonished Spain, for in the interval the Netherlands had
progressed wonderfully. In 1625, the year of his accession, Charles the
First entered into a treaty, offensive and defensive, with the United
Provinces, which of course brought England into collision with Spain,
and open war began again in the West Indies. In 1629 a fleet of
thirty-five vessels under Don Frederic de Toledo conquered the island of
St. Christopher's and removed most of the English settlers, only a few
of whom managed to escape to the mountains, while the French got off in
two of their vessels. The French refugees suffered a great deal from the
want of preparation for their hurried flight, and arrived at the island
of St. Martin's perishing with hunger and thirst. Here they dug holes in
the sand and obtained a supply of brackish water, which was so
unwholesome that some died from drinking it in excessive quantities.
After the Spaniards left they returned to St. Christopher's to find a
few English, who, annoyed at their desertion, wanted to keep the island
to themselves, but the French were too numerous and soon took possession
of their old quarters.
In 1632 the Dutch took possession of Tobago, and two years later of
Curaçao, which latter island soon became their great stronghold in the
West Indies, and the principal depôt for the contraband traffic with
Venezuela. At that time no Spanish vessels went to this part of the
Main, but finding that the trade was of some importance to the Dutch,
the authorities now granted licenses to drive their rivals out of the
market. But the Spanish traders could not compete with the Hollanders,
and this so annoyed the authorities that they determined to extinguish
smuggling at any cost. This they were unable to do by catching the
delinquents, but they could punish those who dealt with them. The result
was the infliction of heavy fines and confiscation, with disgraceful
punishments, from which many were ruined. Yet with all that the trade
was so lucrative to both parties that neither was inclined to give it
up--the Dutch took care of themselves, while cheap commodities could
generally command a market, whatever the risk. The fact was the mother
country imposed so many restrictions, and exacted such heavy fees for
licenses, that the cost of an article was doubled or trebled as compared
with that of the Hollander.
In 1627 a French Association was incorporated under the title of "The
Company of the Islands of America." They appointed the Sieurs d'Enambuc
and du Rossy to settle the islands of St. Christopher's and Barbados as
well as others situated at the "entrance of Peru." Nothing was done at
Barbados, as the English were already in possession, but in 1634
examinations of Dominica, Martinique, and Guadeloupe were made, which
ended in the two latter islands becoming French colonies in 1635.
Meanwhile, in November, 1630, a treaty was signed at Madrid between
England and Spain, after which peace was supposed to again prevail.
Nothing was said about the West Indies, probably because Spain knew that
further protests were useless. Hardly had this been settled before, in
1635, France declared war against the common foe, and her corsairs could
now legally carry on their work of pillage and destruction. In 1638 the
island of St. Martin's, which had been partly occupied by French and
Dutch, was captured by Spaniards, who expelled the inhabitants and
replaced them by a strong garrison. In the same year Colonel Jackson,
with a force from the English islands, captured Santiago de la Vega in
Jamaica, and plundered it of everything valuable, after which, in
retaliation, the island of New Providence, one of the Bahamas, was
captured by Spain. Neither place was, however, occupied by the captors,
who only did as much damage as they could and then left.
Almost from the commencement of their settlements the French had
quarrelled among themselves, but until the struggle which ended in the
execution of Charles the First, there had been few difficulties in the
English islands. The Barbadians, it is true, protested against the claim
of the Earl of Carlisle, in which they were joined by the people of St.
Kitt's, but this was settled without disturbance. Now, however, the
effects of "the great rebellion" began to be felt across the seas, and
disaffection towards the Parliament, and loyalty to the king, were
promoted by a number of Royalists who had fled from the disturbance in
the mother country.
In 1650 the West Indies were virtually in revolt against the Parliament,
and on the 10th of September an embargo was declared in England against
vessels bound for the Caribbee Islands, Bermuda, and Virginia. This was
followed on the 27th by an Act prohibiting all commerce with these
colonies because of their rebellion against the Commonwealth. Virginia
and the Bermudas had declared for King Charles the Second after the
execution of his father, and sent emissaries to Barbados for the purpose
of inciting them to join in the revolt.
[Illustration: ST. KITT'S.
(_From Andrews' "West Indies."_)]
At the commencement of that year Barbados was in a state of ferment,
waiting only for the spark which would plunge the island into civil war.
Even at this early period the inhabitants of Little England, as it is
called, were very loyal, and had something of the conceit which has
characterised them ever since. True, there were "Roundheads" on the
island, but hitherto party differences had been put in the
background--now they were brought into prominence. When the agent of the
Bermudians asked that Barbados should declare for the king, the majority
were in favour of the project, but, as a matter of course, the others,
who were of considerable importance, refused. At first the Royalists
went so far as to advocate the banishment of their opponents, but were
unable to find any reasonable excuse for such a high-handed proceeding.
However they brought in an Act to imprison all who went to a
conventicle, or who seduced others from repairing to the Public
Congregation or from receiving the Holy Sacrament. For a second offence
the penalty was forfeiture of all lands, goods, chattels, and debts by
those whom they called "the enemy to the peace of the island."
This was to have been published on April 15, 1650, and kept secret until
proclaimed, to prevent trouble. But it appears that Colonel Codrington,
a member of the Assembly, divulged it in his cups, for which he was
fined twenty thousand pounds of sugar, and banished from the island. A
deputation of Parliamentarians then waited upon the Governor, to enter
their protest against the new law, and were asked to leave the matter in
his hands, as he had to deal with "violent spirits." Finally, the
proclamation was delayed, on the ground that there were many errors in
the copy, and the two parties stood at bay.
On the 23rd of April the Roundheads petitioned the Governor to issue
his writ for a new Assembly, on the ground that the present body had sat
for its full term. This he agreed to do, and thus alienated the
Cavaliers, who said he was a most emphatic Roundhead and enemy to the
king. Handbills and posters now began to be circulated calling attention
to the "damnable designe" of the Independents, of which, they said,
Colonel Drax, "that devout zealot (of the deeds of the Devil, and the
cause of that seven-headed Dragon at Westminster), is the Agent." One of
the writers declared that he should think his best rest but disquiet
until he had sheathed his sword in the bowels of the same obnoxious
personage.
The Cavaliers were still adding to their numbers by the arrival of more
refugees, while Colonel Drax and his friends fell into the background.
The new-comers had mostly been ruined by the civil war, and were
naturally desirous of doing something to retrieve their fortunes; it
followed, therefore, that anything that led to the confiscation of the
estates of the obnoxious party would be to their advantage. The
Cavaliers set to work to rouse the island by going about on horseback,
fully armed, everywhere challenging those they met to drink the health
of Charles the Second and confusion to the Independent dogs. This, with
the rumours of a Roundhead plot and the various manifestoes, induced the
Governor to issue a proclamation declaring that in future if any persons
spread such scandalous papers they would be proceeded against as enemies
of the public peace, at the same time forbidding any one to take up arms
in a hostile manner.
This produced little effect, for the leader of one of the roving bands,
Colonel Shelley, refused to disband. On this the Governor issued
commissions to raise a militia for the preservation of order, but by the
time that a hundred men had been collected an alarm went forth that the
Cavaliers were advancing on Bridgetown. This was the 1st of May, and by
that time the Cavaliers were prepared to act. Their leader was Colonel
Walrond, who, on being sent for by the Governor, and saying they had no
evil intention, was allowed to depart. However, they took possession of
the town, and then came forward with the demand that all Independents
and other disturbers of the peace should be at once disarmed. To this
the Governor agreed, provided the well-affected should vouch for their
safety. They also stipulated that the magazine on the bridge should be
put under their protection, that those who obstructed the peace and
laboured to ruin the loyal colonists should be punished, that twenty
persons whose names they gave should be forthwith arrested, and that the
Governor should speedily call together the Assembly to try them;
meanwhile they refused to disperse until these things were done. The
Governor could do nothing but accede to these demands, but even then
there was something more which they considered the climax--"that our
lawful soveraigne Charles the Second be instantly in a solemn manner
proclaimed king."
This staggered the Governor, who said it was a matter for the General
Assembly, in which opinion he got them at last to agree. However, they
were not yet content, but insisted that at the dissolution of the
present Assembly only such men as were known to be well-affected to His
Majesty and conformers to the Church of England should be chosen and
admitted. After that they must be promised an "Act of oblivion" for the
lawful taking up of arms, safe-conduct for all officers on legislative
business, and, finally, that the Governor must come to them without the
companionship of any disaffected person and put himself under their
care.
All this was perforce agreed to, and on the 3rd of May Charles the
Second was declared king of England, &c., as well as of Barbados, and at
the same time the Book of Common Prayer was proclaimed to be the only
pattern of true worship.
Behind all this was a fact which no one mentioned, but which probably
everybody knew--on the 29th of April Lord Willoughby had arrived in the
harbour, bearing a commission as Governor of the Caribbee Islands, from
the fugitive King Charles and the Earl of Carlisle. No doubt the whole
demonstration was got up on his account, the Cavaliers wanting to have
the king proclaimed first, so that there should be no difficulty about
the commission. Everything was ready now, and nothing was heard but
uproarious drinking of His Majesty's health, the Cavaliers going from
house to house and compelling others to follow their example. As for
Lord Willoughby, he left the Governor to carry out the stipulated
measures, while he went to look after the other islands under his
jurisdiction.
Now the Royalists of Barbados began to persecute the leaders of the
obnoxious party, beginning with the twenty they had named to the
Governor. Some, seeing their danger, had got off to England, but those
who remained were sentenced to pay a million pounds of sugar and to be
banished. Then nearly a hundred others were indicted and ordered to
leave before the 2nd of July, while all their commissions of the peace
or in the militia were cancelled. Wives were banished with their
husbands, and unless the estate-owners humbly submitted, paid their
fines, and appointed well-affected persons as attorneys, their
properties were confiscated. Yet with all that, when an attempt was made
to get to the bottom of the rumoured plot, no trace of it could be
found. Some of the more moderate of the Royalists even began to doubt
whether they were not going too far, but they salved their consciences
by saying that everything was done in the interest of the king.
When the news arrived in England it created a great stir. In November
some merchants and planters interested in the island asked for
permission to make reprisals on their own account. They wanted licenses
to trade there with five or six able ships, and letters of marque to use
in case of obstruction, or a refusal to comply with certain demands.
These demands were to repeal all Acts dishonourable to the Commonwealth,
to renounce obedience to Charles Stuart, to acknowledge the supreme
authority of the Parliament, to banish certain "active incendiaries in
the late troubles," and, finally, to recall those who had suffered, so
that they might enjoy the same rights as the other inhabitants. A
further petition asked for the removal of Lord Willoughby in favour of
Edward Winslow, a man of approved fidelity to the Commonwealth.
The Parliamentary Government did not adopt these proposals, as they
intended to reduce the island in a regular manner. In January, 1651, a
fleet was made ready for this purpose, but being employed in the
reduction of the Scilly Islands, it could not be got ready for the West
Indies until June following.
Meanwhile Lord Willoughby had returned, and was doing his best to
conciliate the Barbadians of both parties. He did not altogether approve
of what had been done, but repealed the Acts of sequestration, thus
putting the inhabitants in good spirits for the expected invasion. It
was rumoured that Prince Rupert was coming out from Marseilles, and this
made things appear brighter, encouraging them to put their forts in
order.
The English fleet did not actually leave Plymouth until the 5th of
August. It was under the command of Sir George Ayscue, who took six or
seven merchant vessels under convoy, probably those referred to in the
petition. He reached Barbados on the 15th of October, when as yet no
news had been heard of Prince Rupert; in fact, that great seaman had
been dissuaded from crossing the Atlantic. Fourteen Dutch vessels were
captured in Carlisle Bay, the sudden arrival of the fleet preventing
their escape.
Willoughby had some six thousand foot and four hundred horse stationed
at different parts of the island, and was determined to hold it for the
king, looking forward daily to see Prince Rupert arrive. He had heard
from a Dutch vessel that the king was marching on London with an army of
Scots: this also tended to make his resistance all the more stubborn.
From a few Roundheads, who managed to come off in the night, Ayscue
learnt this, but he was as equally determined to subdue the island as
Willoughby was to defend it.
On being called upon to surrender the island for the use of the
Parliament of England, the Governor replied that he acknowledged no
supremacy over Englishmen save the king and those having commissions
from him, directing the letter to the admiral on board His Majesty's
ship the _Rainbow_. He also said that he had expected some overtures of
reparation for the hostile acts upon the ships in the bay. After this
defiance nothing was left but to prepare first for a strict blockade,
and then to effect a landing. The strength on shore was too great for
any open attack, and Ayscue managed to send a proclamation addressed to
the freeholders and inhabitants, urging them to accept in time his
offers of peace and mercy. In answer to this the Assembly met and passed
a declaration to "sticke to" Lord Willoughby and defend the island to
the utmost.
In England a great deal of interest was felt in the struggle, and the
demand for news of the expedition created a supply giving circumstantial
accounts of what had _not_ taken place. One of them was headed, "Bloody
news from the Barbados, being a true relation of a great and terrible
fight between the Parliament's Navie, commanded by Sir George Ayscue,
and the King of Scots' Forces under the command of the Lord Willoughby;
with the particulars of the fight, the storming of the Island, the
manner how the Parliament's Forces were repulsed and beaten off from
Carlisle Bay and the Block House, and the number killed and wounded."
And all this before any attempt had been made beyond the blockade!
On the receipt of the news of the battle of Worcester, Ayscue sent
another flag of truce to give Willoughby the information, saying that he
did so as a friend rather than as an enemy. He was acting in that
quality, by stating the true condition of England, and leaving him and
his friends to judge of the necessity for due obedience to the State of
England; otherwise they would be swallowed up in the destruction so
shortly and inevitably coming upon them.
In reply, Willoughby said he had never served his king so much in
expectation of prosperity as in consideration of duty, and that he would
not be the means of increasing the sad affliction of His Majesty by
giving up that island. To this Ayscue rejoined, that if there were such
a person as the king, Willoughby's retention of that place signified
nothing to his advantage, and therefore the surrender could be small
grief to him. He well knew the impossibility of the island subsisting
without the patronage of England, and the admiral's great desire was to
save it from ruin and destruction.
As Willoughby refused to surrender, Ayscue determined to attack the Hole
or James's Town, which he did on the 2nd of November, beating off its
defenders, taking thirty prisoners, and spiking the four guns of the
fort. On the 1st of December the fleet which had been sent to reduce
Virginia arrived, and on the temporary addition of this force, Ayscue
again sent to Willoughby, as he stated, for the last time. In reply he
was told that the Assembly would consider the matter in two or three
days, but this reply did not please the admiral, so he tried to hurry up
the decision by landing at Speight's Town. Against the stubborn
opposition of twelve hundred men he stormed and took the fort, which he
held for two days, ultimately retiring, however, after burning the
houses, demolishing the fortifications, and throwing the guns into the
sea.
After that the correspondence was continued, Ayscue entreating
Willoughby to spare the good people of the island the horrors of war. To
this the Governor replied, that they only took up arms in their own
defence; the guilt of the blood and ruin would be at the doors of those
who brought force to bear. Then the Virginia fleet sailed for its
destination, and Ayscue recommenced hostilities by again occupying
Speight's Town.
By this time, however, there was a party on the island in favour of
peace, and they began to bestir themselves, thus making the Royalists
more determined. They put forth a proclamation inviting the inhabitants
to endure the troubles of war for a season, rather than by base
submission to let the deceitful enemy make them slaves for ever. But the
Roundheads now began to assemble under Colonel Modiford at his house, to
the number of six hundred men, who declared for the Parliament, and
threatened to bring Willoughby to reason, the admiral going so far as
to visit them surreptitiously to read his commission. Hearing of this,
Willoughby got two thousand four hundred men together and appeared near
the house, but did not venture to attack it, as by this time he had
become somewhat disheartened.
This brought things to a crisis, and on the 10th of January arrangements
were made for a commission from both sides to make arrangements for
terms. After a great deal of hesitation on the part of the admiral, the
capitulation was at last signed, the articles being exceedingly
favourable both to the inhabitants and Lord Willoughby. So lenient were
they that Ayscue had to excuse himself to the home authorities for fear
that he might have been misunderstood. They were, in short, liberty of
conscience, continuation of the old government, and of the old Courts of
Justice, no taxation without consent of the Assembly, no confiscations,
all suits to be decided on the island, no acts of indemnity, no oaths
against their consciences, a temporary cessation of all civil suits, and
finally that Lord Willoughby should retain all his private property in
the islands as well as in Surinam, with full liberty to go to England.
These articles were signed on the 11th of January, 1652, and the "storm
in a teapot" came to an end, the Barbadians proudly boasting that they
had been able to defy the mighty power of the Commonwealth. Most of the
leaders were banished from the island, some going to Surinam, where a
colony had been established by Lord Willoughby soon after his arrival in
Barbados. Among them was Major Byam, who became Governor, and virtually
held the settlement for the king until he came to his own again. This
is all the more curious because Cromwell knew the circumstances, yet
made no effort to bring the people under submission. At first the
settlers established a little Commonwealth of their own, with Major Byam
as president, but when his term had expired, instead of giving place to
another he declared he had a commission as Governor from t
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