The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Vol 2 (of 2)
by Bernal Díaz del Castillo · English · Gutenberg #32475 · 1,132,602 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Vol 2 (of 2)
Author: Bernal Díaz del Castillo
Translator: John Ingram Lockhart
Release date: May 21, 2010 [eBook #32475]
Most recently updated: January 6, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/32475
Credits: Produced by Julia Miller, Jane Hyland and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MEMOIRS OF THE CONQUISTADOR BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO, VOL 2 (OF 2) ***
Produced by Julia Miller, Jane Hyland and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This
file was produced from images generously made available
by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
THE MEMOIRS
OF THE
CONQUISTADOR BERNAL DÍAZ DEL CASTILLO
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
CONTAINING A TRUE AND FULL ACCOUNT
OF THE
DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST
OF
MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN
TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH BY
JOHN INGRAM LOCKHART, F.R.A.S.
AUTHOR OF "ATTICA AND ATHENS"
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II
LONDON
J. HATCHARD AND SON, 187, PICCADILLY
MDCCCXLIV.
C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
PAGE
CHAP. CXXXVII. How the whole of us marched towards Tezcuco, and
what happened to us on our way there 1
CHAP. CXXXVIII. How we marched against Iztapalapan; Cortes taking
along with him Alvarado and Oli; while Sandoval was left behind to
protect Tezcuco 6
CHAP. CXXXIX. How ambassadors arrive in Tezcuco from three
neighbouring townships, to sue for peace, and to beg forgiveness for
the murder of several Spaniards who had fallen into their hands; and
how Sandoval marched to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, to assist the
inhabitants there against the Mexicans 8
CHAP. CXL. How Sandoval marches to Tlascalla in order to fetch the
woodwork for building the brigantines, and what happened to him in a
place which we termed the Moorish town 15
CHAP. CXLI. How Cortes marches against the town of Xaltocan, which
lay in the midst of the lake, about twenty-four miles from Mexico,
and from thence proceeds to other townships 18
CHAP. CXLII. How the captain Sandoval marches to Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, and what he did there 26
CHAP. CXLIII. How we marked our slaves at Tezcuco with a red-hot
iron, and received intelligence that a vessel had run into Vera
Cruz 31
CHAP. CXLIV. How Cortes made a hostile excursion to all the cities
and larger townships which lay round about the lake, and what
happened on that occasion 34
CHAP. CXLV. The terrible thirst we suffered on our further march;
our dangerous position at Xochimilco, and the many battles we fought
there with the Mexicans, until our return to Tezcuco 42
CHAP. CXLVI. How we discover, on our return to Tezcuco, that a
conspiracy had been set on foot by the men of Narvaez's troops to
murder Cortes, and all who were of his party; of the author of this
conspiracy; his punishment; and of other matters 53
CHAP. CXLVII. How Cortes issues orders to the inhabitants of all the
townships in the neighbourhood of Tezcuco which were allied with us,
to furnish us with arrows and copper points for the same, and what
further took place at our head-quarters 55
CHAP. CXLVIII. How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops at
Tezcuco; and of his further dispositions for conducting the siege of
Mexico 57
CHAP. CXLIX. The manner in which Cortes selects the men who were to
row the brigantines; of the commanders who were appointed to each;
and of other matters 58
CHAP. CL. Of Cortes' further dispositions for the siege 60
CHAP. CLI. How Cortes assigns particular stations to the twelve
brigantines, the thirteenth being considered unfit for service 68
CHAP. CLII. How the Mexicans defeated Cortes, and took sixty-two of
his men prisoners, who were sacrificed to their idols; our general
himself being wounded in the leg 81
CHAP. CLIII. The new plan of operation which we adopt in the siege,
and how all our allies return to their several homes 91
CHAP. CLIV. How Cortes offers terms of peace to Quauhtemoctzin 97
CHAP. CLV. How Gonzalo de Sandoval marches against the provinces
which had sent their troops to cooperate with Quauhtemoctzin 100
CHAP. CLVI. How Quauhtemoctzin was taken prisoner 107
CHAP. CLVII. How Cortes orders the aqueduct of Chapultepec to be
restored; and of various other matters 116
CHAP. CLVIII. How a certain Christobal de Tapia arrived in Vera
Cruz, with the appointment of governor of New Spain 122
CHAP. CLIX. How Cortes and the officers of the crown forward to
Spain the wardrobe of Motecusuma, and the emperor's share of the
booty; and what further happened 131
CHAP. CLX. How Sandoval arrives in the town of Tustepec; what he
did there; his march to the river Guacasualco, and what further
happened 137
CHAP. CLXI. How Alvarado marches to the province of Tutepec to build
a town there; and how far he succeeded in subduing the country, and
in founding a colony 145
CHAP. CLXII. How Francisco de Garay arrives with an extensive
armament in the river Panuco; how far he was successful; and of many
other circumstances 148
CHAP. CLXIII. How the licentiate Zuazo set sail for New Spain in a
small vessel, accompanied by two monks of the order of Charity; and
their remarkable adventures on this voyage 163
CHAP. CLXIV. How Cortes despatched Alvarado to subdue the province
of Guatimala, and to found a colony there 165
CHAP. CLXV. How Cortes despatched an armament, under Christobal de
Oli, to the Higueras and Honduras, to subject these provinces; and
what further took place during this expedition 173
CHAP. CLXVI. How we who were left behind in Guacasualco were
constantly occupied in tranquillising the rebellious provinces; how
Luis Marin, by command of Cortes, marches into Chiapa, to subject
that province; myself and father Juan de las Varillas being
particularly desired by Cortes to join him in this campaign 177
CHAP. CLXVII. How our agents in Spain brought certain accusations
against the bishop of Burgos, and what further happened 195
CHAP. CLXVIII. How Narvaez, Christobal de Tapia, the pilot Umbria,
and the soldier Cardenas bring heavy accusations against Cortes, at
the instigation of the bishop of Burgos, and what judgment his
majesty pronounced 198
CHAP. CLXIX. Of Cortes' plans after he had obtained the appointment
of governor of New Spain; the way in which he distributes the
Indians; and of other matters 210
CHAP. CLXX. How Cortes sends a present to his majesty; 80,000 pesos
in gold and silver, besides a magnificent field-piece made of silver
and gold, covered with various beautiful figures; also how he sends
his father Martin Cortes above 5000 pesos 219
CHAP. CLXXI. How twelve monks of the order of St. Francis, with the
vicar-general and father-superior Martin de Valencia, arrive at Vera
Cruz, and how they are received by Cortes 221
CHAP. CLXXII. How Cortes sends his majesty 30,000 pesos worth of
gold, with an account of the conversion of the Indians, the
rebuilding of the city of Mexico, and of the expedition of
Christobal de Oli to the Honduras; also how the vessel which
conveyed this gold at the same time carried secret letters to Spain,
written by the royal accountant Rodrigo de Albornoz, in which Cortes
and the whole of the veteran Conquistadores were calumniated in the
vilest manner 224
CHAP. CLXXIII. How Cortes sent out a captain named Francisco de Las
Casas against Christobal de Oli, on receiving intelligence that this
officer had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had
renounced all further obedience to him 228
CHAP. CLXXIV. How Cortes himself marches at the head of his troops
to the Honduras in search of Christobal de Oli; of the officers and
men he selected on this occasion, and of other matters 233
CHAP. CLXXV. How we commence our march from Guacasualco, and the
terrible fatigues and hardship we had to undergo for the space of
two years and three months 238
CHAP. CLXXVI. How Cortes, on our arrival at Ciguatepec, despatches
Francisco de Medina in search of Simon de Cuenca, with orders for
the latter to repair with the two vessels to Triunfo de la Cruz; and
what further happened 245
CHAP. CLXXVII. Cortes' further plans after his arrival among the
Acallan townships; how he orders the powerful cazique of Mexico
Quauhtemoctzin and the king of Tlacupa to be hung; his reasons for
doing this; and of other matters 250
CHAP. CLXXVIII. We continue our march, and what further happened to
us 255
CHAP. CLXXIX. How Cortes entered the town founded by Gil Gonsalez de
Avila; the great joy of the inhabitants at his arrival, and what he
further did there 265
CHAP. CLXXX. How eighty of us, on the second day after our arrival
in Buena Vista, marched out under the command of Luis Marin to
explore the country and to search for provisions 266
CHAP. CLXXXI. How Cortes embarks, with the soldiers who accompanied
him on this expedition, and with all the inhabitants of Buena Vista,
for Puerto de Caballos, where he founds a colony, to which he gives
the name of Natividad 269
CHAP. CLXXXII. Sandoval commences to subdue the province of Naco,
and the opposition he meets with from the natives 272
CHAP. CLXXXIII. How Cortes disembarks in the harbour of Truxillo,
and the inhabitants rejoice at his arrival 273
CHAP. CLXXXIV. How Sandoval, during our stay at Naco, takes forty
Spanish soldiers with their captain prisoners, who, on their march
from the province of Nicaragua, had everywhere plundered and
otherwise ill-used the inhabitants 277
CHAP. CLXXXV. How Cortes receives a letter from the licentiate Zuazo
out of the Havannah, and of its contents 281
CHAP. CLXXXVI. How Pedro Arias de Avila is apprized by two of his
confidants that Francisco Hernandez was in close correspondence with
Cortes, and about to declare his independence of him; the steps
which Arias took upon this 289
CHAP. CLXXXVII. How Cortes, after setting sail, was twice obliged to
put back into the harbour of Truxillo; and what further happened 290
CHAP. CLXXXVIII. How Cortes despatches one of his servants, named
Martin de Orantes, to Mexico, with letters to Francisco de las Casas
and Pedro de Alvarado, in which he empowers them to take upon
themselves the chief government of New Spain; but in case they were
absent he conferred the same power on Estrada and Albornoz 292
CHAP. CLXXXIX. How the treasurer, with several other cavaliers,
requested the Franciscan monks to despatch father Diego de
Altamirano, a relation of Cortes, to Truxillo, to desire our general
to hasten his departure for Mexico 296
CHAP. CXC. Cortes sets sail from the Havannah, and has a favorable
passage to Vera Cruz, where he is received with the greatest
rejoicings 300
CHAP. CXCI. How the licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon, who was
commissioned to make inquiries into Cortes' government of New Spain,
arrives in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua 303
CHAP. CXCII. How the licentiate commences the investigation against
Cortes, and all those persons who had filled judicial offices; and
how he fell ill shortly after, and died 309
CHAP. CXCIII. How, after the death of Ponce de Leon, Marcos de
Aguilar assumes the government; the disputes which arose in
consequence, and of other matters 311
CHAP. CXCIV. Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the
treasurer Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters 318
CHAP. CXCV. How Cortes receives letters from the Cardinal de
Siguenza, then president of the council of the Indies, and from
several other cavaliers, advising him to repair to Spain without
delay; the death of his father Martin Cortes; and of other
matters 326
CHAP. CXCVI. How the royal court of audience arrive in Mexico during
Cortes' stay in Spain, and what their first occupations were 336
CHAP. CXCVII. How Nuño de Guzman, on the intelligence that the
emperor had cashiered the royal court of audience, determines to
subdue the province of Xalisco, at present called New Galicia 343
CHAP. CXCVIII. The arrival of the new members of the royal court of
audience in Mexico 344
CHAP. CXCIX. Cortes returns to New Spain as marquis del Valle
Oaxaca, and captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea,
accompanied by his wife Doña Maria de Zuniga, and father Leguizamo
and other monks 348
CHAP. CC. Of the vast expenses to which the marquis Hernando Cortes
put himself in fitting out the expeditions to the South Sea, and of
their unfortunate termination 349
CHAP. CCI. Of the great festivities which took place in Mexico on
account of the peace which was concluded between our emperor and the
king of France; and of Cortes' second journey to Spain 355
CHAP. CCII. How the viceroy sends out a squadron of three vessels
into the South Sea to the assistance of Francisco Vasquez Coronado,
in the conquest of Cibola 357
CHAP. CCIII. Of a very extensive armament which was fitted out by
Alvarado in the year 1537 ib.
CHAP. CCIV. What befel the marquis del Valle on his second visit to
Spain 363
CHAP. CCV. Of the brave officers and soldiers who sailed from the
island of Cuba with the fortunate and spirited captain Hernando
Cortes, afterwards marquis del Valle 370
CHAP. CCVI. Of the stature and outward person of several brave
officers and soldiers, and of their age when they first joined
Cortes 383
CHAP. CCVII. Of the great merit which is due to us, the true
Conquistadores 387
CHAP. CCVIII. Of the human sacrifices and abominations practised by
the inhabitants of New Spain; how we abolished these, and introduced
the holy Christian faith into the country 388
CHAP. CCIX. How we introduced the Christian religion among the
Indians; of their conversion and baptism; and of the different
trades we taught them 390
CHAP. CCX. Of other advantages which arose from our glorious
conquests 393
CHAP. CCXI. The deliberations which took place at Valladolid in the
year 1550, in the royal council of the Indies, respecting the
distribution of Indians in perpetuity 398
CHAP. CCXII. Of various remarks which were made respecting my
history, which the reader will be pleased to hear 401
CHAP. CCXIII. Of the planets and signs in the heavens which
prognosticated our arrival in New Spain; how these were interpreted
by the Mexicans; and of other matters 406
NOTES 411
[Transcriber's Note: Footnote 54 was missing from the original text and
has, therefore, been inserted at the appropriate place.
The following errata have been corrected in the text.]
ERRATA.
P. 141, _l._ 32, _for_ then, _read_ there.
165, 19, _for_ Guanaca, _read_ Guaxaca.
199, 15, _for_ with, _read_ and.
345, 38, _omit_ to be.
354, 22, _for_ forgot, _read_ forget.
366, 6, _for_ enbonpoint, _read_ embonpoint.
CONQUEST
OF
MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN.
CHAPTER CXXXVII.
_How the whole of us marched towards Tezcuco, and what happened to
us on our way there._
When Cortes found himself so well provided again with muskets, powder,
crossbows, and horses, and observed how impatient the whole of us,
officers as well as soldiers, were to commence the siege of the great
city of Mexico, he desired the caziques of Tlascalla to furnish him with
10,000 of their troops to join us in the campaign of Tezcuco, as this
was one of the largest towns of New Spain, and next in importance to
Mexico. The elder Xicotencatl (now called Don Lorenzo de Vargas) assured
him that not only the 10,000, but many more troops were at his service,
and that the brave cazique Chichimeclatecl, our particular friend, would
himself march out at their head. Cortes returned him the most sincere
thanks, and, after having reviewed the whole of his troops, whose exact
number[1] I have forgotten, we commenced our march on the fourth day
after Christmas of the year 1520.
The first night we quartered in a township which was subject to Tezcuco,
and were provided with everything we required. From this place we
arrived on the Mexican territory, where, if possible, we observed still
greater precaution, and always had four of the horse-patrol and an equal
number of foot in advance to explore the defiles, as we had been
informed on our march that a very formidable mountain pass had been
blocked up by large trees which the enemy had felled when notice of our
approach was received in Mexico and Tezcuco. During this day's march,
however, we met with no kind of obstacle, and quartered ourselves for
the night about twelve miles further on, at the foot of a mountain.
Here we found it very cold, but kept a sharp look out. With break of day
we continued our march further up the mountain, and speedily arrived
where the mountain pass had been blocked up by felled trees, and a deep
hollow had been made; but as we had great numbers of Tlascallans with
us, we soon managed to clear away the trees, and to fill up the hole, so
as to enable our cavalry to pass over, a company of crossbow-men and
musketeers marching in advance. We now ascended the mountain for some
time, and then descended a little, until we came to a spot whence we had
a fine view of the lake of Mexico and its large towns standing in the
midst of the water.
As soon as we beheld this city again, we thanked the Almighty for having
conducted us thus far, and we promised ourselves to act more prudently
in this campaign against Mexico than we had done previously. On
descending this mountain, we observed numbers of signal fires about
Tezcuco and the townships subject to it, and when we had arrived at
another formidable pass, we came up with a large body of Mexicans and
Tezcucans. They were waiting our arrival near a bridge which had been
half burnt down, the water being of considerable depth. We, however,
soon put the enemy to flight, and got safely on the opposite side,
though our enemies still continued to yell fearfully from out the
defiles and other places where we could not get at them, but that was
all they did.
Although it was impossible for our cavalry to manoeuvre here, our
friends the Tlascallans did not remain inactive, for they spread
themselves about the country, and carried off everything they could lay
their hands on, although Cortes had ordered that no hostilities should
commence unless the enemy attacked us first; the Tlascallans, however,
maintained that if these Tezcucans had been friendly inclined towards
us, they would not have marched out against us as far as the bridge to
stop our further progress.
The night following we took up our quarters in another township under
Tezcuco. Here the whole of the inhabitants had fled; nevertheless we
took every precaution, as we were almost sure we should be attacked by a
vast body of Mexicans who were lying in wait for us in another mountain
pass; this we had learnt from five Mexicans whom we had taken prisoners
at the bridge just mentioned, but we afterwards heard that they had not
dared to run the risk of an engagement with us, and had, consequently,
marched off their troops; besides which, at that time, the Mexicans and
Tezcucans were not upon the best of terms with each other; and the
smallpox was raging throughout the whole of this district, so that they
were not able to bring many warriors into the field; while our recent
victories over the Mexican garrisons of Quauquecholla, Itztucan,
Tepeaca, Xalatzinco, and Castilblanco, had spread terror through the
country, and it was firmly believed that the united forces of
Huexotzinco and Tlascalla had joined us in this campaign.
The spot where we had encamped for the night may have been about eight
miles from Tezcuco, which we left at break of day, and observed every
military precaution as we passed along. We had scarcely proceeded a
couple of miles when our scouts came in with the glad tidings to Cortes
that about ten Indians were approaching, all unarmed, and bearing a
species of golden banner: neither had they, on passing by any dwellings
or plantations, been assailed by such terrible yells as on the day
before; but everything wore the aspect of peace. Cortes and the whole of
us were delighted with these good omens, and we halted for some time to
rest a little. Seven distinguished Tezcucans now came up, carrying a
golden banner at the point of a long lance, which they lowered, in token
of peace, as they approached nearer to us. When they had arrived in the
presence of Cortes, who had Doña Marina and Aguilar standing at his
side, they addressed him as follows: "Malinche, our lord and master
Coanacotzin,[2] the king of Tezcuco, has sent us to you to beg of you to
take him into your friendship. He awaits you in his city of Tezcuco;
and, in token of peace, he sends you this golden banner: at the same
time he requests you will command your brothers and the Tlascallans not
to commit any depredations in his country, and wishes you to take up
your quarters in his city, where he will provide you with everything you
may require."
These persons likewise assured us that the troops which lay in wait for
us in the defiles and mountain passes were not of Tezcuco, but the whole
of them were Mexicans sent out against us by Quauhtemoctzin. Cortes and
the whole of us were overjoyed at the message which the king of Tezcuco
had sent us. He embraced the ambassadors and three of them most
affectionately, for they were relatives of Motecusuma, and well known to
most of us as having been officers of that monarch. Our general then
ordered the Tlascallan chiefs into his presence, and strictly enjoined
them not to allow their men to commit any depredations in this country,
nor injure any one, as we were at peace with the inhabitants. These
orders they obeyed, though they were not so very particular as to the
manner in which they procured themselves provisions, as every house had
a plentiful supply of maise, beans, dogs, and fowls.
Cortes, however, suspected the Tezcucans were not in earnest in sueing
for peace, and deliberated with our officers on the subject, who were
all of the same opinion, and observed that if the Tezcucans had been
honestly inclined they would not have come in so great a hurry, and
would have brought provisions with them. Cortes, nevertheless, accepted
of the golden banner, which may have been worth about eighty pesos; he
thanked the ambassadors, and assured them that it was not our custom to
ill-use any of our emperor's subjects; on the contrary, they always
experienced the kindest treatment from us. This they themselves would
find to be true, if they abided faithfully by the peace they now sought
of us; he had also commanded the Tlascallans not to injure any of the
inhabitants; but as the Tezcucans on our retreat from Mexico had
murdered upwards of forty Spaniards and 200 Tlascallans, and plundered
them of all they possessed, he must demand of their king Coanacotzin,
and of the caziques of Tezcuco, restitution of the stolen property, and
if they delivered up this to him he would pardon the murder of the
Spaniards, whom they could not restore to us again. The ambassadors
replied, that they would faithfully communicate all this to their
monarch, but assured us that the teules he spoke of were, by order of
Cuitlahuatzin, all sent to Mexico with everything they had possessed,
and were there sacrificed to Huitzilopochtli.
Cortes, not wishing to intimidate them, made no further reply, but
desired one of them to remain with us and dismissed the others in peace.
The next place we came to was one of the suburban villages of Tezcuco,
but I have forgotten its name. Here we were furnished with excellent
provisions and every other necessary. On our road we destroyed some
idols which we found in a large building where we stopped. The next
morning we entered Tezcuco itself, and it immediately struck us as
singular that we should neither meet with women nor children, but only
with grown up men, who all appeared very shy of us, as if they were
about to commence hostilities. Notwithstanding this we took up our
quarters here, but Cortes gave strict commands that none of the officers
or men should stir out of the large courtyards adjoining our quarters,
and to be altogether upon their guard, as the inhabitants did not appear
very peaceably inclined, and it was necessary we should first see how
matters stood.
Alvarado and Oli with several soldiers, among which number I was myself,
were ordered to take possession of the great cu, which was very high,
and to take with us twenty musketeers as a guard. From which place we
were narrowly to watch the town and lake, of which we had an excellent
view from this height. We had no sooner arrived at the top of the temple
than we espied the inhabitants of this and the surrounding townships
running off with all they possessed; some fleeing to the mountains,
others again concealing themselves in those parts of the lake which were
thickly grown with reeds; the lake itself being crowded with large and
small canoes.
Information of this was immediately forwarded to Cortes, who then
determined to seize the king of Tezcuco, who had sent him the golden
banner, but was informed by the papas, whom he had despatched to call
their monarch, that he had fled with several distinguished personages to
Mexico.
In this way the first night passed away, during which time we kept a
vigilant look out, posted our sentinels in all directions, and made
frequent patrols. The next morning, very early, Cortes sent for the
chief authorities of the town, of whom many were opposed to the runaway
monarch, as they were at issue with him on various points respecting the
privileges he exercised in governing the town. When these made their
appearance, he desired them to detail every circumstance to him, and
inquired of them how long Coanacotzin had been king. They replied, that
Coanacotzin, in order to raise himself to the throne, had murdered his
elder brother, the former regent; and that this was done in secret
understanding with Cuitlahuatzin, who had attacked and driven us out of
Mexico after the death of Motecusuma; but that there were other persons
in the town who had a nearer claim to the crown of Tezcuco, particularly
one young man, who was indeed the rightful heir. This young man shortly
after became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized with great
solemnity by father Olmedo, and named after his godfather, Don Hernando
Cortes.[3] He was the lawful son of the former prince of Tezcuco,
Nezahal Pintzintli.[4] He was, therefore, without any further delay
raised to the throne, and installed with all due solemnity, to the great
satisfaction of the inhabitants, who obeyed the new king with the best
of good will. That, however, he might be thoroughly confirmed in our
holy religion, learn the art of governing, and the Spanish language,
Cortes gave him for stewards the bachelor Escobar, and Antonio de
Villareal, who was married to the beautiful Isabella de Ojeda. The brave
Pedro Sanchez Farsan, whose wife was the courageous and excellent Maria
de Estrada, was appointed commandant of the town, and he was
particularly cautioned not to allow the king to have any communication
with the Mexicans. This prince subsequently rendered us the greatest
services; and he was greatly esteemed and beloved by his subjects. The
first thing Cortes required of him at present was a sufficient number
of hands to assist us in launching the brigantines when they should be
completed, and to lengthen and deepen the canals where they were to be
launched; he then informed the king and chief personages of Tezcuco for
what he intended these vessels, and of his determination to inclose
Mexico on all sides. They not only declared their willingness to
cooperate with us, but even sent messengers to the neighbouring
townships, inviting them to seek our friendship, subject themselves to
our emperor, and declare war against Mexico.
The whole of our troops were now divided into companies, to each one was
assigned some particular station, which, indeed, was very necessary, as
Quauhtemoctzin sent out from time to time numbers of large pirogues and
canoes, to see whether we were off our guard or not.
About this time several tribes which were subject to Tezcuco came to sue
for peace with us and beg forgiveness, if we thought they had been any
way implicated in the late murders of our countrymen. Cortes received
them most kindly, and took them into his friendship. The building of our
brigantines was now rapidly continued, and there were every day from
seven to eight thousand Indians employed to lengthen and deepen one of
the canals. As we had an equal number of Tlascallans in our service, who
greatly desired to heap up honour for themselves in assisting us against
the Mexicans, Cortes easily persuaded them to accompany him in an
expedition against Iztapalapan, through which town we had passed on our
first march to Mexico. Cuitlahuatzin, the king of this township, had
been raised to the throne of Mexico, after the death of Motecusuma, and
the inhabitants had done us considerable damage, and were continually
committing their depredations on the townships of Chalco, Tlalmanalco,
Amaquemecan, and Chimalhuacan, because these had entered into alliance
with us. We had now been twelve days in Tezcuco without having achieved
any thing worthy of mention, and therefore determined to open the
campaign against Iztapalapan.
CHAPTER CXXXVIII.
_How we marched against Iztapalapan; Cortes taking along with him
Alvarado and Oli; while Sandoval was left behind to protect
Tezcuco._
The expedition against Iztapalapan was principally undertaken to please
the Tlascallans, so great was their desire to try their strength again
with the Mexicans on the field of battle. Their patience was almost
exhausted, and they longed to revenge the death of their countrymen who
were slain in our disastrous flight from Mexico. To this was likewise
added, that the Tezcucans could scarcely supply the necessary provisions
for so great a body of men, and it was not our interest to be too
burdensome to them.
Cortes commanded this expedition in person, accompanied by Alvarado,
Oli, thirteen horse, twenty crossbow-men, six musketeers, and two
hundred Spanish foot. These troops were joined by the whole of our
Tlascallan friends, and twenty of the Tezcucan chiefs, all relations of
the Prince Don Hernando, and enemies to Quauhtemoctzin.
After the necessary arrangements had been made, we commenced our march
towards Iztapalapan, which lies above sixteen miles from Tezcuco, and,
as I have before stated, half the town stands in the lake itself. We
marched forward with every military precaution, as the Mexicans had
posted their scouts in all quarters to watch our movements, so that they
might be able to throw a body of troops into any place we might threaten
to attack.
On this occasion again they had received due information of our design,
and they had strengthened the garrison of Iztapalapan with above 8000
warriors; so that we found a considerable army ready to receive us in
front of that town. The enemy bravely stood their ground for a
considerable length of time, but at last gave way, so vigorously did we
set upon them with our horse, crossbows, and muskets; while our friends
of Tlascalla rushed upon them like so many furious dogs. The Mexicans
now retreated into the town itself, where we pursued them; but this it
appears was by a preconcerted plan, and had almost proved fatal to us.
The enemy retreated before us, threw themselves into their canoes, and
concealed themselves, partly in the houses which stood in the water, and
partly among the reeds which grew in the lake. By this time it was quite
dark, and as the enemy remained perfectly quiet, we contented ourselves
with the victory we had gained, and neglected to observe our usual
military precautions. While we thus thought ourselves secure, and least
of all imagined we were threatened by any danger, so vast a flood of
water rushed all of an instant into the town, that we must undoubtedly
have all been drowned, if the distinguished Tezcucans who were with us
had not given us timely notice to quit the houses. The enemy had cut
through two dams, and thereby at once inundated the town; so that many
of our Tlascallan friends, who were not accustomed to deep waters, and
consequently unable to swim, were drowned. We others likewise got a
thorough wetting, lost our powder, and were obliged to retreat from the
town in all haste, with great risk of our lives. And thus, with our
clothes completely drenched, with empty stomachs, and shivering with
cold, we passed a most terrible night, the enemy continually assailing
our ears with derisive shouts and horrible yells from their canoes and
houses. But something still worse awaited us, for the inhabitants of
Mexico, who had been apprized of our perilous situation, now came
advancing towards us in vast numbers, both by land and water, and fell
upon us the next morning with such dreadful fury, that it was only by
exerting ourselves to the utmost we were able to make a stand against
them. In this engagement we lost two Spaniards and one horse, and great
numbers of our men were wounded. By degrees, however, the enemy became
less furious in their attacks, and we were thus enabled to retreat to
Tezcuco, not a little annoyed at the defeat we had sustained. If we did
not reap much honour for ourselves in this last battle, it must be
remembered we had lost all our powder. We had, however, taught our
enemies to respect us a little, for they remained perfectly quiet after
our retreat to Tezcuco, and occupied their time in dressing their
wounds, burying the dead, and repairing the houses which had been
damaged. I must now return to Tezcuco, where in the meantime ambassadors
had arrived from other townships to sue for peace.
CHAPTER CXXXIX.
_How ambassadors arrive in Tezcuco from three neighbouring
townships, to sue for peace, and to beg forgiveness for the murder
of several Spaniards who had fallen into their hands; and how
Sandoval marched to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, to assist the
inhabitants there against the Mexicans._
The second day after our return to Tezcuco, three of the neighbouring
townships sent to Cortes, to sue for peace, and beg forgiveness, for
having put some Spaniards to death; they strove to exonerate themselves
from all guilt, by stating that they had been compelled to march against
us by command of Cuitlahuatzin, who had ascended the Mexican throne
after Motecusuma's death; they had merely done, they said, what they
could not avoid, and had sent the Spaniards they had captured, with
their horses, and everything else belonging to them, to Mexico. These
townships, which thus came to sue for peace, were Tepetezcuco and
Otumpan; the name of the third I have forgotten. This was the same
Otumpan where the memorable battle took place which we fought against
the flower of the Mexican army.
The inhabitants of these townships were terrified when they heard of our
march against Iztapalapan, and concluded they might now also expect a
visit from us; and though they would have been pleased to hear that we
had perished in the water, or had been worsted in the last battle, yet
they considered it more advisable, by seeking peace of us, to avert the
castigation they feared.
Cortes, seeing he could not do better under the present circumstances,
granted them a pardon for the past, but made them give a solemn promise
to remain faithful to our emperor in future, to obey us in everything,
and never again to enter into an alliance with Mexico; to all of which
they faithfully adhered. After this, ambassadors arrived from another
township, which lay in the midst of the lake, and was called Mizquic,
though we called it Little Venice. The inhabitants of this place had
never been upon intimate terms of friendship with the Mexicans, and now
utterly detested them. An alliance with these people, from their
situation in the midst of the lake, was of the utmost importance to us,
and we also flattered ourselves we should, through them, gain the
friendship of the other townships which lay on the lake. These
ambassadors accordingly were most courteously received by our general,
and he dismissed them with the most flattering assurances of our
friendship and protection.
During this interview Cortes received information that a large body of
Mexican troops were marching against the four townships which had been
the first to solicit our friendship. The inhabitants there durst not
venture of themselves to bid any defiance to the enemy, but intended to
fly to the mountains, or seek refuge with us in Tezcuco. They begged so
hard for assistance, that Cortes at length complied with their request,
and marched thither with twenty horse, two hundred foot, thirteen
crossbow-men, and ten musketeers, accompanied by Alvarado and Oli. These
towns lay about nine miles from Tezcuco, and were threatened with total
destruction by the Mexicans for having concluded peace with us. In
particular they were afraid of losing the crops of maise in front of the
lake, which were now ready for harvesting, and from which the
inhabitants of Tezcuco and the four townships had thought to supply us.
The Mexicans declared they were coming to cut this maise, as it was
their property, and those townships had always till then cultivated
those lands for the papas of Mexico; and indeed many lives had already
been lost in disputes respecting these fields.
Cortes, being now well acquainted with the true state of the case, sent
word to the inhabitants of those places that they had nothing to fear,
but to remain quietly at home, and send him word when they were desirous
of harvesting their maise crops. He would then despatch an officer, with
several horse, to protect the reapers. With this they were perfectly
satisfied, and we returned to Tezcuco.
When we found that our stock of maise was nearly all gone, we sent
notice of it to those townships, and they immediately commenced reaping
their crops; and we marched thither to protect them, with ten horse, one
hundred foot, and a few musketeers and crossbow-men, besides the
Tlascallan troops, and we took up our position on the maise plantations.
I myself was twice present on these expeditions. On one occasion we had
a very sharp skirmish with the Mexicans, a large body of whom had
arrived in upwards of 1000 canoes, and secreting themselves among the
maise plantations, had commenced carrying off our allies. We instantly
fell upon them, and though they fought courageously, yet we compelled
them to take to their canoes again. In this skirmish we had one man
killed and twelve wounded, of the Tlascallans from fifteen to twenty
were killed, and five were carried off alive.
The day following this skirmish we learnt that the townships Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, with their dependent villages, were desirous of making
peace with us, but were prevented from doing so by the Mexican garrisons
stationed there. They complained bitterly of the treatment which they
suffered from them; their wives were dragged away, and if handsome were
often violated in the presence of their parents and husbands.
About this time our carpenters in Tlascalla had proceeded so far with
the building of the brigantines, that the timber was ready to be put
together; we were therefore very awkwardly situated, from being so
closely bound to Tezcuco, where we had no time to make any arrangements
for transporting the brigantines hither; for now the inhabitants of this
township, then those of Mizquic, or Little Venice, then again others
which stood in alliance with us, came to beg assistance against the
Mexicans; besides this, many of our Tlascallan friends longed to return
home with their booty, consisting in gold, salt, and other matters, but
durst not venture, on account of the insecurity of the road, as the
Mexican troops were spread in all directions.
Under these circumstances, Cortes deemed that the inhabitants of
Tlalmanalco and Chalco, before all others, required our more immediate
assistance, that they might be enabled to form an alliance with us. The
other townships might defend themselves as well as they could for the
present, as it would not do to leave Tezcuco without any troops; indeed
the utmost vigilance was necessary in that town. Lugo and Sandoval
therefore received instructions to march out, with fifteen horse, two
hundred foot, a few crossbow-men and musketeers, besides our friends of
Tlascalla. They were to dislodge the Mexican troops from Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, and clear the road leading to Tlascalla and Vera Cruz,
along which the enemy had stationed small detachments.
Information of all this was previously conveyed to the inhabitants of
Chalco by some trustworthy men of Tezcuco, that they might fall upon the
Mexicans at the same moment with our troops. Nothing could have been
more agreeable to the wishes of the inhabitants of Chalco, and they
accordingly held themselves in readiness to rise up against the enemy at
the proper time.
Sandoval composed his rearguard of five horse, an equal number of
crossbow-men, and the greater part of the Tlascallans, who had all their
booty with them. As the Mexicans had everywhere sent out scouts and
spies to watch our movements, our present march to Chalco was no secret
to them. They had therefore collected a strong body of their troops, and
fell upon our rearguard, which was chiefly composed of Tlascallans. It
may easily be supposed that our five horse and few crossbow-men could
not stand long against these overpowering numbers; two were very soon
killed, and the rest wounded. Sandoval had indeed hastened to their
assistance with the first alarm, had succeeded in driving back the
Mexicans, and killing seven of their men; yet they managed to gain their
canoes, and retreat to a place of safety, which was the more easy for
them to do, as the whole of the population of this district was subject
to the Mexicans.
Sandoval was uncommonly vexed when he found the five horses and their
riders covered with wounds, two crossbow-men killed, and the rest all
wounded. He severely reproached them for not having defended themselves
better, and for the little protection they had proved to our Tlascallan
friends. He could easily see, he added, that they had but recently
arrived from Spain, and knew very little about fighting.
His first care now was to provide for the safety of the Tlascallans and
their baggage, and to despatch the letters Cortes had given him to Vera
Cruz. In these letters our general had given the commandant of that town
an account of all our conquests, and of his determination to besiege
Mexico, and blockade it on all sides; the letter closed by desiring him
to observe the utmost vigilance, and with orders to send all those of
his men who were sufficiently strong for service to Tlascalla, where
they were to remain until the road should be cleared of the enemy.
After Sandoval had despatched his messengers with these letters, and
conducted our Tlascallan friends to where they were out of the enemy's
reach, he marched back to Chalco, which was not very far distant. On
this march he was particularly on his guard, since he was well aware
that Mexican troops were lurking about in all directions, and lay
concealed in every house. He had indeed not advanced far along a level
tract of country, covered with maguey and maise plantations, before he
was vigorously attacked. The enemy, on this occasion, carried, besides
their usual weapons, long pikes, which were especially intended against
the charge of our horse upon their line. Sandoval, however, twice broke
through their dense ranks, and, with the Spanish troops and small body
of allies we had still left, he drove the enemy completely out of the
field. Five Spaniards, six horses, and many of our allies, were wounded.
This time the enemy received a severe retribution for the fresh attack
they made upon our troops; and, among the eight prisoners which were
made, three were Mexicans of distinction.
When the inhabitants of Chalco, which lay at a small distance from the
field of battle, found Sandoval was approaching their town, they came
out to welcome him, and expressed their great joy at the victory he had
gained.
The next day Sandoval informed the inhabitants that he was obliged to
leave again for Tezcuco. They told him they were desirous of
accompanying him there, to pay their respects to Malinche, and to
present to him the two sons of their late cazique, who had died a few
days previously of the smallpox. On his death-bed, they said, he
expressed a wish to the chiefs of the country that his sons might be
introduced to Cortes to be installed by him as caziques of Chalco. The
dying man had likewise recommended them to subject themselves to the
great monarch of the teules, as it had been prophesied by their
forefathers that, at some period or other, there would arrive from the
rising of the sun a people with beards, for whom the dominion of these
countries was predestined, and there was not the least doubt that that
prophecy was fulfilled in our persons.
Sandoval returned to Tezcuco, taking along with him the two princes,
several distinguished personages of Chalco and the eight Mexican
prisoners. Cortes was highly delighted on seeing him again, and after
Sandoval had related all that had taken place, he retired to his own
quarters to receive the caziques of Chalco. He paid them every respect,
and, according to their request, acknowledged them as vassals of our
emperor, and then installed the two sons of the late cazique into their
government. After the caziques had fulfilled their commission, they
handed over their presents, which may have been worth about 200 pesos.
With the assistance of Doña Marina and Aguilar, Cortes had perfectly
comprehended what these caziques had said. He showed them every possible
kindness, and gave the government of Chalco to the elder prince, with
several towns which were subject to it, and to the younger the township
of Tlalmanalco, Chimalhuacan, Ayotzinco, and of other small towns, so
that the elder came in for a little more than half of his father's
dominions.
After Cortes had instilled many useful things into the hearts of these
men and the young caziques, he dismissed them; and they offered, in
return, to render us every service that lay in their power, assuring
him, at the same time, that they had been peaceably inclined from the
beginning, and that they had been prevented sooner taking the oath of
allegiance to our emperor from fear of the Mexican garrison. They
likewise informed Cortes that, previous to our retreat from Mexico, they
had concealed from the Mexicans two Spaniards who had been sent by him
to demand of them tribute in maise, and had conveyed them safely during
night-time to our friends of Huexotzinco, thereby saving their lives.
This we knew to be perfectly true, for we had been duly informed of it
by one of those two Spaniards who had escaped to Tlascalla.
Cortes returned these excellent men many hearty thanks for their kind
feeling, and invited them to stay a couple of days longer with us, lest
they should fall into the hands of the Mexicans, as he intended to
despatch one of his officers to Tlascalla to fetch the woodwork of which
our brigantines were to be made, they should then be safely conducted to
their homes.
After this interview with the caziques, Cortes determined to send the
eight Mexicans whom Sandoval had taken prisoners, to Mexico, and
commissioned them to make the following disclosures, in his name, to the
new monarch Quauhtemoctzin: "He, Cortes, was very anxious to preserve
the monarch of Mexico and his great city from destruction, and hoped,
therefore, he would send messengers of peace to us, in which case every
injury we had received at the hands of the Mexicans would be forgiven
them and altogether forgotten, nor should we demand restitution of the
things they had taken from us. It was an easy matter to make war, but it
always terminated in the destruction of those who first began it. We
were by no means ignorant of the vast preparations which were going on
for the defence of Mexico; it would all, however, prove useless, and the
only consequences would be the destruction of his metropolis, and of
all its inhabitants. He should bear in mind the amazing power of our
Lord God, who lent us his aid on all occasions, and remember also that
all the surrounding townships had declared in our favour. For the rest,
there was nothing the Tlascallans so greatly desired as a war with the
Mexicans, to revenge the death of their fellow-countrymen. We hoped,
therefore, he would send messengers to sue for peace, which we would
conclude with him on the most honorable terms."
With this message, to which Doña Marina and Aguilar joined some good
counsel, the eight prisoners repaired to Mexico. Quauhtemoctzin,
however, would not even deign an answer to our proposals of peace, but
continued his warlike preparations for the defence of his metropolis,
and sent orders to all his troops in the provinces to hold themselves in
readiness to march out at a moment's notice, and that every Spaniard who
was captured should be brought alive to Mexico, there to be sacrificed
to his gods. In order to gain the good wishes of his people, he exempted
many from paying tribute, and made a vast many promises.
About this time, the Quauhtitlans again arrived in our quarters, whom,
as we saw above, the Mexicans had ill-used for having formed an alliance
with us. The dispute, they said, respecting the maise plantations, which
had been formerly cultivated for the use of the priests of Mexico, was
renewed by the Mexicans, who each week returned to fall upon the
reapers, many of whom they had carried off prisoners to Mexico. Cortes,
therefore, determined to put an end to these depredations, and marched
thither in person at the head of a hundred foot, twenty horse, twelve
crossbow-men and musketeers. In order to make sure of success, spies
were posted at proper places, who were to bring immediate notice of the
enemy's approach. Thus prepared, we espied early one Wednesday morning a
strong body of Mexicans advancing towards us; and when they had come
near enough, we sallied out upon them, and drove them back to their
canoes; four of them were killed, and three taken prisoners.
After this skirmish, Cortes returned to Tezcuco, and the enemy ever
after left those townships in peace. I must now relate what happened to
Sandoval on his march to Tlascalla, whither he had been despatched to
fetch the materials for building our brigantines.
CHAPTER CXL.
_How Sandoval marches to Tlascalla in order to fetch the woodwork
for building the brigantines, and what happened to him in a place
which we termed the Moorish town._
Having so long impatiently awaited the completion of the brigantines,
and ardently longed to commence the siege of Mexico, Cortes ordered
Sandoval, with two hundred foot, twenty horse, and twenty musketeers and
crossbow-men, besides a strong body of Tlascallans, and twenty of the
most distinguished persons of Tezcuco, to march to Tlascalla, in order
to fetch the woodwork for constructing the brigantines. He was also to
take along with him the aged persons and young children of Chalco, as
they would be in greater security there. Cortes had previously brought
about a friendly alliance between the Chalcans and Tlascallans; for as
the Chalcans, up to this moment, had belonged to the confederation of
Mexico, they had always joined the Mexicans in their expeditions against
Tlascalla, so that a deadly enmity existed between these two states. By
his mediation, Cortes now put an end to this ill-feeling, and made
friendship between them, which proved greatly to the advantage of both.
Sandoval, on this occasion, was also ordered to repair to another
township which lay close to the road leading to Tlascalla, in order to
chastise the inhabitants there. This township was subject to Tezcuco,
and was commonly termed by us the Moorish town.[5] Here, on our retreat
from Mexico, about forty of Narvaez's men and several of Cortes' old
soldiers, with numbers of Tlascallans, had been put to death, and the
latter plundered of three loads of gold. These people were now to be
severely punished for their conduct, although the principal guilt lay
with Tezcuco, which, at that time, was closely allied with the Mexicans,
and had had the chief hand in that affair.
After Sandoval had safely conducted the Chalcans into Tlascalla, he
marched on to the Moorish town, where, however, the inhabitants had been
duly apprized of our approach, and were all fled to the mountains.
Sandoval, however, pursued them, and killed three or four of the
inhabitants, and took four of the principal personages, and numbers of
women and children, prisoners. These people he treated very kindly, and
inquired of them how they had managed to defeat so many Spaniards in a
body? They replied, that great numbers of Mexicans and Tezcucans had
fallen upon them while passing through a very narrow defile in the
mountains, where the Spaniards could only march one abreast; some had
been killed, and the rest were taken prisoners. These were conveyed to
Tezcuco, where they were divided between the Mexicans and Tezcucans.
They themselves had certainly joined in that attack, but they had merely
followed the commands of their superiors. All this the Tezcucans had
done, they said, to revenge the death of Cacamatzin their king, whom
Cortes had taken prisoner, but who perished on the night of our
disastrous retreat from Mexico.
The blood of our unfortunate countrymen was even then sticking to the
walls of the temple in this township. Here were likewise found on an
altar the entire skins of the faces of two Spaniards, with the beards
still hanging to them. The skins had been dressed in the same way as the
leather we use for making gloves. In the same manner they had prepared
the skins of four horses. Great care had been taken of the hair and
horseshoes, which were suspended in the chief temple as tokens of
victory. Further were discovered numerous articles of Spanish dress
which had been brought as an offering to the idols; on one of the walls
of a house were found written in charcoal the following words: "Here the
unfortunate Juan Yuste, with several of his comrades, was imprisoned by
the enemy." This Juan Yuste was a cavalier who had served under Narvaez,
and was one of the most distinguished personages among his troops.
Sandoval and his men were sorely grieved at the sight of all this, but
what could they do better than show mercy in return? The whole of the
inhabitants had fled away, and those women they had captured were
sobbing for their husbands and fathers. Sandoval, therefore, set the
four distinguished prisoners with all the women at liberty, and
despatched them to bring back the inhabitants who had fled to the
mountains. These soon made their appearance, begged forgiveness for the
past, and declared themselves vassals of our emperor, with the promise
henceforth to be faithful to us and in every way to oppose the Mexicans.
In answer to the queries respecting the gold of which they had plundered
the Tlascallans, they replied, that the Mexicans and chiefs of Tezcuco
had taken it away with them under the pretence that Motecusuma had
robbed the temples of it to present it to Malinche.
Sandoval now marched into Tlascalla, and arrived safely in the
metropolis of that country, where the caziques had their residence. He
found everything in the best order possible, the whole of the woodwork
was quite finished and ready to be removed; for which 8000 Indians were
taken into our service, who transported the whole of the wood and other
materials on their shoulders. These were accompanied by an equal number
of warriors, besides an additional 2000 porters to convey our
provisions.[6]
Chichimeclatecl, who, the reader will remember was equally brave as he
was high in rank, took the chief command over the Tlascallans in person;
under him commanded two distinguished personages, named Teucepil[7] and
Teutical, besides other caziques. Martin Lopez, however, with the
assistance of other Spaniards, whose names I have forgotten, more
immediately superintended the transport itself. Sandoval had feared he
should be obliged to wait a few days in Tlascalla until the building
materials could be removed, but was highly delighted to find all went on
so expeditiously. His march towards Tezcuco was attended with the same
ease, so that after the space of two days all had arrived on the Mexican
territory. Here matters began to wear a different aspect, and his troops
were assailed by the enemy with hideous yells from out the fields and
mountain recesses where they were out of the reach of the cavalry and
musketeers. Martin Lopez, therefore, deemed it necessary that greater
military precaution should be adopted on their march, particularly as
the Tlascallans expressed their fears of being suddenly attacked by
large bodies of Mexicans. Sandoval, therefore, distributed the cavalry,
crossbow-men and musketeers, in such a manner that a portion were always
in advance of the transport, and the remainder he placed along the
flanks. Chichimeclatecl, who was commander-in-chief of the Tlascallans,
was ordered to bring up the rear, where Sandoval likewise took his
station. This chief was excessively hurt at this arrangement of the
troops, and considered from the post which had been assigned him, that
Sandoval put little trust in his bravery; but as the latter himself
followed in the rear, and he was informed that the Mexicans generally
attacked the rear first where the baggage was, he became satisfied,
embraced Sandoval, and thanked him for the honour he had thus conferred
upon him.
After another two days' march the transport arrived in front of Tezcuco,
and Sandoval made his entry with great magnificence. The Tlascallans had
expressly put on their finest mantles, had decorated their heads with
the most beautiful feathers, and marched into the town in the best
military order, while the drums and pipes were playing. Several hours
elapsed before the whole had entered the town, and yet none of our
Tlascallan friends moved out of the ranks, while they continually kept
crying out: _Long live the emperor, our master! Spain for ever!
Tlascalla for ever!_ Cortes and his officers came out to meet them, and
gave Chichimeclatecl and all of them the most hearty welcome.
The woodwork was carried to the neighbourhood of the canals and
harbours, where the brigantines were to be completed. Martin Lopez, who
had the chief conduct of these operations, now again set diligently to
work. His principal assistants were Andreas Nuñez, the elder Ramirez, a
certain Diego Hernandez, with several other carpenters, and two smiths.
The work went on so expeditiously that the brigantines were finished in
a very short time, and had now merely to be caulked, provided with
masts, sails, and then to be rigged. We were obliged, however, to keep a
sharp look out, lest the Mexicans should destroy the brigantines, which
lay on the staples so very near to the lake; indeed they had three
several times attempted to set fire to them, on which occasions we took
fifteen of their numbers prisoners, who gave us a very minute account of
all that was passing in the city of Mexico, and of Quauhtemoctzin's
designs. He was determined, they said, not to make peace with us under
any consideration whatsoever; the Mexicans had resolved either to perish
in battle or to destroy us all. One despatch after the other was sent to
the townships subject to Mexico, commanding the inhabitants to make
vigorous preparations for war, and tribute was no longer to be demanded.
Night and day were the Mexicans toiling to deepen and widen the canals
which intersected the causeways, which were then strengthened by
fortifications and palisades. To defend themselves against our horses
they had constructed long pikes, to the end of which they had fastened
our own swords they had taken on the night of our retreat from Mexico.
They had furnished themselves with quantities of round stones for their
slings, and large broadswords, with abundance of other weapons.
We were no less assiduous in our warlike preparations, and the canals
which had been dug for the launch of our brigantines were now of
sufficient width and depth to swim vessels of considerable burden;[8]
which, however, is not surprising, as 8000 Indians were daily occupied
at this work.
CHAPTER CXLI.
_How Cortes marches against the town of Xaltocan, which lay in the
midst of the lake, about twenty-four miles from Mexico, and from
thence proceeds to other townships._
The materials for building the brigantines were transported to Tezcuco
by about 15,000 Tlascallans, who in a few days grew weary of doing
nothing; added to which, our provisions were beginning to fail; and as
the Tlascallan general was excessively ambitious, and very courageous,
he told Cortes he was desirous of rendering our emperor some signal
service, and by measuring his strength with the Mexicans, give us some
proof of his loyalty, and convince us of his courage; and at the same
time to revenge the death of so many of his countrymen. Our general had
merely to inform him at what point he should attack the enemy.
Cortes returned him many thanks for his kind offers, and informed him
that he intended to march out himself on the following day with a body
of troops. His attack would be directed against the town of Xaltocan,
which lay twenty miles from Tezcuco, in the midst of the lake, and was
connected with the mainland by a causeway. He had already thrice
admonished the inhabitants of that town to sue for peace, and but very
recently made them offers of peace through their neighbours of Tezcuco
and Otumpan. However, they not only refused to send us messengers of
peace, but treated our ambassadors with contempt, and even laid violent
hands on them, and then sent them back with this answer to Cortes: "Only
come, you will not find us unprepared; come whenever you like, you will
always meet with the same reception, and death will be your portion!
This was the answer they were desired to give, by command of their
gods."
Cortes considered this expedition against the Xaltocans of no small
importance, and was therefore determined to command in person. The
troops he took with him consisted of two hundred and fifty Spanish foot,
thirty horse, with a good number of musketeers and crossbow-men;
accompanied by the whole of our Tlascallan friends, and a company of the
best warriors of Tezcuco. Of our own officers Cortes selected Alvarado
and Oli; Sandoval remaining behind for the protection of Tezcuco, and of
our brigantines. We were indeed obliged to be particularly on our guard,
for Mexico lay close at hand, nor could we altogether place confidence
in the Tezcucans, as the Mexicans had so many friends and relations
among them. Before his departure Cortes left especial orders with
Sandoval and Lopez to expedite the building of the brigantines, and only
allowed them fifteen days more to finish and launch them. He then, after
having attended mass, set out on his march. In the neighbourhood of
Xaltocan he came up with a large body of Mexicans, who had taken up a
strong position, from which they imagined to make a successful attack
upon the Spaniards and their horses. Cortes here placed himself at the
head of the cavalry, and, after our musketeers and crossbow-men had
fired in among the enemy, he charged their line full gallop, and killed
several of them. The Mexicans then retreated to the mountains, where
they were pursued by the Tlascallans, who slew above thirty more of
their numbers. The first night Cortes encamped in a small hamlet,
ordered frequent patrols, posted sentinels in all quarters, and observed
every military precaution, as there were many considerable townships in
this district. Here we learnt that Quauhtemoctzin had despatched large
bodies of troops to the assistance of Xaltocan, which were stationed in
canoes on the lake.
Very early next morning we were attacked by the joint forces of the
Mexicans and Xaltocans. They kept pouring forth showers of arrows and
stones upon us from the small islands which rose among the marshes, by
which ten Spaniards and numbers of Tlascallans were wounded. Here our
cavalry was completely useless, as they could not pass through the
water, which lay between them and the enemy; for they had previously cut
through the causeway which led to Xaltocan, and thereby inundated the
country. Our musketeers and crossbow-men certainly kept up a brisk fire
upon the Mexicans, but here again they had found means to shield their
bodies, by raising up boards alongside of their canoes.
Thus all our endeavours proved fruitless, while the enemy kept
continually mocking and jeering at us; in derision calling our men old
women, and Malinche himself a man of no courage, but whose whole art lay
in deceit and flattery. Cortes must certainly have returned without
accomplishing anything, if two Indians of Tepetezcuco--which was at
great enmity with Xaltocan, had not pointed out to one of his men a spot
which had been flooded three days previously, but was shallow enough for
them to wade through into the town.
On receiving this information Cortes ordered the crossbow-men,
musketeers, with our other troops, and several of the Tlascallans, to
step boldly into the water, which reached up to their middles, and push
forward, while he himself took up his position on the mainland, with the
cavalry to cover their rear, should the Mexicans feel inclined to attack
them from behind.
The enemy now fell furiously on those advancing through the water, and
wounded several of them; but our men were not to be daunted by this, and
kept moving forward steadily until they had reached the dry part of the
causeway. The road to the town was now open to them, and they made
terrible havoc among the enemy's ranks, and richly repaid them for the
abusive language they had thrown out. The Mexicans, with the
inhabitants, now took refuge in their canoes, and fled to Mexico. Our
men made a considerable booty, in cotton, gold, and other matters, then
set fire to some houses, and returned to the mainland, where Cortes was
stationed; for they feared to take up their night's quarters in the
town, as it was entirely surrounded by water.
In this engagement our troops captured several fine young females, who
had not been able to escape from the town. The Tlascallans likewise made
a rich booty, and loaded themselves with cotton stuffs, salt, gold, and
other matters.
The night following Cortes encamped in a hamlet about four miles from
Xaltocan, where our men dressed their wounds; but one Spaniard, who had
been shot in the throat by an arrow, died soon after. Sentinels were
posted as before, and frequent patrols made during the night, for the
country was very thickly populated.
The next day Cortes marched to another extensive township, called
Colvatitlan, but was everywhere met with yells and jeers from the
Mexicans and the inhabitants. Our men were obliged to bear all this
patiently, as our cavalry could not act here, and it was totally
impossible to get at the Mexicans, who had posted themselves on the
different small islands. Cortes, however, marched into Colvatitlan
without opposition, and found the town quite deserted by the
inhabitants. Here he took up his quarters for the night, and adopted
every military precaution.
The day following he marched to another large township, called
Tenayucan, which, on our first march to Mexico, we had termed the town
of Serpents, because we found in a large temple there two
horrible-looking idols, shaped like serpents. This town was likewise
deserted by its inhabitants, who had all fled to Escapuzalco, which lay
four miles further on. This was the same Escapuzalco where the great
Motecusuma had all his gold and silver articles manufactured; we
therefore called it the _town of Silversmiths_. About two miles from
this place lay Tlacupa, the same where we passed the latter part of the
night of sorrows, and the enemy killed several more of our men. Before
our troops reached this town they fell in with a numerous body of the
enemy, formed of the inhabitants of the towns they had passed through,
joined by those of Tlacupa and Mexico, which lay in the immediate
neighbourhood. They attacked our troops with such impetuosity, and with
their ranks so firmly closed, that it was with the utmost difficulty
Cortes was able to break their line with the cavalry, and then even our
foot had much hard fighting with sword in hand before they could compel
the enemy to retreat. Cortes quartered his men for the night in
Escapuzalco, and next morning continued his march. If, however, he had
been attacked the previous day by large bodies of the enemy, their
numbers were greatly increased on this, and they observed more method
in their manoeuvres, and wounded several of our men. They were, however,
compelled to fall back into their fortifications, and the Spaniards
forced their way into the town, where they plundered and set fire to a
great number of houses.
When the news of the unfortunate termination of the battle reached
Mexico, additional troops were immediately ordered to Tlacupa to oppose
Cortes, and received instructions first to attack the Spaniards, and
then to fall back upon Mexico, in order to entice the Spaniards to
pursue them along the causeway. This stratagem succeeded admirably, for
Cortes was deceived by their apparent flight, and pursued the enemy as
far as a bridge, thinking the victory was already his. When the Mexicans
considered they had caught the Spaniards sufficiently deep in the foil,
they turned suddenly round, and fell upon them with such terrific
numbers, by land, from their canoes, and from the house-tops, that
Cortes almost gave himself up for lost. In his hurried flight over the
bridge he was attacked by so vast a body, that all opposition was
fruitless. One of our ensigns, determined not to relinquish his hold of
the colours, was dangerously wounded in the struggle, and at last
tumbled headlong with them into the water, but was fortunate enough to
escape drowning, and, by dint of great bravery, succeeded to rescue
himself and his flag, just when the Mexicans laid hold of him, and were
about to drag him out of the water into a canoe.
In this unfortunate engagement we had five men killed and many wounded,
and it was with the greatest difficulty our men could fight their way
through the dense body of the enemy, and regain the main land.
After this battle Cortes stayed five more days in Tlacupa, during which
time he had another engagement with the Mexicans and their allies; after
which he began his march back to Tezcuco by the same road he had come.
The Mexicans, who construed this movement into a flight, and imagined
that Cortes had lost all courage, thought this was the moment to gain
great honour to themselves, by giving the Spaniards a signal defeat. For
this purpose they lay in wait for them in a spot where they could get
easily at our horse; but met with so rough a reception from our troops,
that a considerable number of them were slain. Cortes lost one man and
two horses; but had so far cooled the enemy's lust for battle, that they
no longer harassed him on his march, and in a few days he reached the
township of Aculman, about eight miles and a half from Tezcuco, to which
it was subject. When we were informed of his arrival there, Sandoval,
with all of us, accompanied by nearly the whole of the caziques and
troops of Tezcuco, went out to meet him. The joy at seeing each other
again was very great, for we had been without any tidings of Cortes or
his troops for fifteen days.
After the first welcomes had passed, and some arrangements made with
respect to our troops, we returned that same day to Tezcuco, as we durst
not leave that town unprotected at night. Cortes encamped for the night
at Aculman, and did not arrive at Tezcuco until the day following.
As the Tlascallans had made a considerable booty in this expedition,
they requested leave of our general to return to their country, which he
readily granted; and they took their route through a part of the country
where the Mexicans had omitted to station any troops; so that they
arrived safely in Tlascalla with all their spoils.
After the lapse of four days, during which time our general and his men
had rested from their fatigues, the chiefs of several townships in the
northern districts of the country arrived in Tezcuco, with a present of
gold and cotton stuffs, and desired to be admitted as vassals of our
emperor. These townships were Tucapan, Maxcaltzinco, Naultzan, and many
others of less note.
When the chiefs of these townships were brought into Cortes' presence
they paid him the profoundest veneration, and handed over the presents
to him; then informed him that they were desirous of being on terms of
friendship with us, and of becoming subjects of the king of Spain. They
likewise said, that these townships had assisted the Spaniards in the
battle of Almeria, where the Mexican commander Quauhpopoca, on whom we
had taken so direful a revenge, had put several teules to death.
Cortes, who had always thought to the contrary, was highly delighted on
hearing this; he showed these ambassadors every kindness, and graciously
accepted of their present. No inquiries were made as to what the conduct
of these townships had latterly been; but Cortes, without any
hesitation, acknowledged them vassals of our emperor, and then dismissed
them with flattering assurances of his friendship.
About this time messengers also arrived from other townships which were
in alliance with us, to beg our general's assistance against the
Mexicans, who had fallen hostilely into their country with a large body
of troops, and had carried off numbers of them prisoners, and scalped
many others. Similar bad tidings were likewise received from Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, the inhabitants of which towns stated that their
destruction was inevitable if they did not receive immediate assistance,
as the enemy was rapidly advancing against them in great numbers. They,
however, did not merely give a verbal description of the danger they
were in, but likewise brought forth a large piece of nequen cloth, on
which they had depicted the different squadrons of the enemy's troops
which were marching against them.
Cortes was greatly perplexed to know what he should do, and scarcely
knew what answer to give, nor how he should be able to send assistance
to both places at once; many of our men were wounded, and almost worn
out with fatigue; four had died of their wounds, and eight others of
pleurisy, and of bleeding profusely from the nose and mouth, occasioned
by the weight of our arms, which we durst never lay aside, and by the
forced marches and the quantity of dust which got down our throats.
Our general, however, informed the ambassadors of the first-mentioned
townships that he would soon repair to their assistance; but desired
them in the meantime to apply to their neighbours for help, and with
their united forces to oppose the advancing foe. It was their timidity,
he said, which inspired the Mexicans with courage; for the latter had
not so many troops at their command as formerly, from the vast increase
of their opponents on all sides.
By these representations Cortes succeeded in allaying their fears and
arousing their courage, but they requested some authority from him in
writing to show to their neighbours, in which he should command them to
repair to their assistance.
To explain their motive for desiring this, I must remark, that though
the Indians at that time could neither read nor understand our writing,
yet they looked upon any written document as signifying a more
particular and peremptory command. They were therefore highly delighted
when Cortes gave them the required letter, and they showed it to their
friends, who then instantly marched out their troops to join them, and
with their united forces they now boldly advanced against the Mexicans,
and fought with pretty good success in the battle which followed.
We must now return to Chalco, respecting the safety of which Cortes was
particularly solicitous; for it was of the greatest importance to him
that this province should be kept clear of the enemy. Our line of
communication with Vera Cruz and Tlascalla ran through this country, and
from which we also obtained the greater part of our provisions, as the
soil was uncommonly productive of maise. Sandoval, therefore, was
ordered to march thither very early next morning with 200 foot, twenty
horse, twelve crossbow-men, and ten musketeers, besides all the
Tlascallan troops which still remained with us,--though these had
greatly decreased in numbers; for, as I have above mentioned, most of
them had departed to their homes with the booty they had made. A company
of Tezcucans was therefore added to this detachment, and placed under
the immediate command of Luis Marin, an officer with whom Sandoval lived
on the most intimate terms of friendship. We others remained behind for
the protection of Tezcuco and our brigantines, nor did Alvarado or Oli
leave our head-quarters on this occasion.
Before accompanying Sandoval to Chalco, I must make a few comments on
some observations which fell from several cavaliers, who, on comparing
my account of Cortes' expedition to Xaltocan with that of Gomara,
discovered that I had omitted three things mentioned in his history. One
circumstance was, that Cortes had appeared before Mexico with the
thirteen brigantines, and fought a terrible battle with Quauhtemoctzin's
whole armed force, which had been distributed in the canoes and large
pirogues. The other, that Cortes, when he had advanced up to Mexico
along the causeway had held a parley with the Mexican chiefs, and
threatened to reduce the town by famine: and the third, that he had not
acquainted the inhabitants of Tezcuco with his intention of marching
against Xaltocan, from fear they might betray his designs to the
Mexicans.
The answer I made those gentlemen on these three points was, that at the
time of our expedition against the Xaltocans, our brigantines were not
completed, and that it must appear ridiculous in itself, for the
brigantines to have found their way overland thither, and that our
cavalry and other troops should have taken their road through the lake.
But as we have above seen, when Cortes had advanced along the causeway
from Tlacupa, it was with great difficulty he made his retreat good, nor
had we at that time besieged the town so closely as to be able to cut
off all its supplies of provisions; on the contrary, Mexico was then
still in possession of the districts whence it obtained those supplies.
Everything which Gomara relates as having taken place on that occasion
did not happen till some time after. It is equally untrue when this
historian states that Cortes took a roundabout way in order to conceal
his design upon Xaltocan from the Tezcucans on his march thither; he had
no choice of roads, as there was only one, which led through the
territory of Tezcuco.
These are indeed shocking blunders; but I am well aware that they must
not be laid entirely to the door of Gomara, but for the most part to the
false information which had been furnished him, and this expressly to
bestow all the renown of our deeds of arms on Cortes, and thereby throw
the heroic valour of his soldiers into the shade. What I relate is the
pure truth, and these same cavaliers were subsequently convinced that my
statements were correct. Having thus digressed for a short time I must
return to Sandoval, who, after he had attended mass marched out with his
troops from Tezcuco and arrived in front of Chalco by break of day.
CHAPTER CXLII.
_How the captain Sandoval marches to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, and
what he did there._
Sandoval set out with his troops on the 12th of March, 1521. The first
night he encamped at Chalco, and arrived the next morning early before
Tlalmanalco, where the caziques and inhabitants gave him a most hearty
welcome, and provided abundance of food for his troops; but the caziques
informed him he had still to march further on to the large township of
Huaxtepec, where a large body of Mexican troops was stationed, who would
be joined by all the warriors of the province.
Sandoval, on receiving this information, concluded that there was no
time to be lost, and immediately marched towards Chimalhuacan, which was
subject to Chalco, where he quartered his troops for the night. The
inhabitants of Chalco had sent out spies in every direction, and learnt
that the enemy was not far off, but lay in wait for the Spaniards in the
thickets and hollows of the mountains. Sandoval, who was an officer of
great determination and foresight, ordered his march as follows: the
musketeers and crossbow-men went in advance, the cavalry were to follow
three and three together, and when the former had discharged their
pieces, the horse were to charge the enemy's line at full gallop, and to
direct the point of their lances at the face, and continue the attack
until the enemy was put to flight. The infantry were to keep their ranks
firmly closed, and not to rush in upon the enemy until a signal for that
purpose was given. This order of attack Sandoval deemed necessary, as
the enemy's numbers were very great, and the nature of the ground
unfavorable for his manoeuvres; besides that, it was impossible to
discover whether the Mexicans had not dug pits or laid other snares to
entrap the Spaniards; so that it was quite necessary his small army
should keep close together in a body.
After Sandoval had marched a little further on he came up with the
Mexicans, who were advancing towards him in three distinct bodies, with
fearful yells and the horrible din of drums and shell trumpets, and
instantly fell upon our troops like so many furious lions. As soon as
Sandoval observed that the enemy intended to fall upon him in three
distinct bodies, he likewise changed his order of attack, and commanded
the cavalry to charge the foe without delay, and not wait for the rest
of the troops. He then placed himself at their head, encouraged his men
and rushed forward to the attack, under the cry of--"Santiago!" The
powerful shock which the enemy thus sustained certainly caused some of
them to recoil, but they immediately closed again and boldly advanced
against our horse, being greatly assisted by the unevenness of the
ground and a deep break, where it was difficult for our horse to
manoeuvre. Sandoval, perceiving the enemy's advantage, ordered his foot
to close their ranks again, placed the crossbow-men and musketeers in
front, and those who were armed with swords and shields on the flanks.
In this order they were again to advance to the attack as soon as they
heard a shot from the other side of the break, which would be a signal
to them that the cavalry had charged and driven the foe back on to the
level ground. Our allies were likewise ordered to follow the example of
the Spanish foot; this was accordingly done and the object accomplished.
In this attack the enemy had observed better order in their mode of
fighting, and our troops had many wounded. They certainly retreated, but
only to make a stand at another and more favorable position. Sandoval,
with the horse, followed close at their heels, but merely took three or
four prisoners, and lost Gonzalo Dominiguez, whose horse unfortunately
stumbled and fell with its whole weight upon him, and he expired a few
days after of the consequences.
I particularly mention the loss of Dominiguez, because he was one of the
most courageous men of our troops, and one of the best cavalry officers;
and considered equally brave in battle as Oli and Sandoval. Every one of
us deeply lamented the death of this excellent officer. Sandoval now
pursued the enemy with the whole of his troops up to the town of
Huaxtepec, where his further progress was arrested by an army of above
15,000 Mexicans, who completely hemmed him in on all sides. Numbers of
his men were wounded and five horses killed; but as the ground was level
here, he succeeded by a desperate charge of his cavalry to break the
enemy's line, and drove them back into the town. Here the Mexicans were
again about to make a stand behind some entrenchments which they had
thrown up; but the Spaniards and their allies allowed them no time to
rally, and our horse was so close at their heels, that at last they
shut themselves up in a strong part of the town where it was impossible
to get at them.
Sandoval concluded the enemy would remain quiet for the remainder of the
day: he therefore allowed his men to take a little rest, ordered the
wounded to be attended to, and provisions to be distributed, of which a
considerable booty had been made. Just as his men were in the midst of
their repast, two of the cavalry and other of the outposts came up in
all haste, crying out, "To arms! to arms! to arms! the Mexicans are
advancing in great numbers!" But as it was always the custom of our men
to have their weapons ready at hand, they instantly arranged themselves
in order of battle, and marched to a large open space, where the
conflict was renewed. Here again the Mexicans courageously maintained
their position for a short time behind some entrenchments which had been
thrown up, and wounded several of our men; but Sandoval attacked them so
vigorously with his cavalry, the musketeers, crossbow-men, and remaining
foot, that the enemy was completely beat out of the town, and offered no
further resistance that day.
Sandoval being now sure that he had gained a complete victory, offered
up thanks to the Almighty, and recreated himself in a garden of
extraordinary beauty, belonging to this township, in which there were
many spacious buildings, and altogether so many remarkable objects to be
seen, as were nowhere else to be found in New Spain. The whole of the
grounds were indeed laid out in a style worthy of a great monarch, and
it required some considerable time to visit all parts of it, as it was
above a mile long.
I was not present myself in this expedition, and did not see this garden
until twenty days after, when I accompanied Cortes on his excursion
through the different large townships which surround the lake. I had
been laid up with a severe wound in the throat, which I received from a
lance, in the battle of Iztapalapan, and had nearly cost me my life. The
scar is still visible.
But the reader will have already discovered, from my mode of describing,
that I was not present in this expedition; as I have never used the
expression--we did this, we marched thither; but always put--so and so
was done, our troops marched to this place, and to that place, and so
on. Nevertheless, everything took place exactly as I have related; for
at head-quarters the minutiæ of every engagement soon become known, and
one cannot add to or suppress any facts.
When Sandoval on the following day found that the enemy had entirely
quitted the neighbourhood, he despatched five of the inhabitants, whom
he had taken prisoners in the late battles, two of whom were chiefs, to
the caziques of this township, desiring them to send him messengers of
peace, and assured them a free pardon for all the past. They, however,
sent word that they durst not comply with this summons, from fear of the
Mexicans. Offers of a similar nature, which Sandoval made to another
large township, met with no better success. This latter place was called
Acapalista,[9] and lay about eight miles from Huaxtepec. It was in vain
that Sandoval desired them to consider the difference between war and
peace, and to ask themselves what benefit their neighbours of Huaxtepec
had derived from all the Mexican troops they had harboured. He desired
them to drive away the Mexican garrison, or he would himself march
against them, and treat them as enemies. Their reply to this was as
follows: "He might come when he liked: they had made up their minds to
make a sumptuous repast off their bodies, and to offer up savoury
sacrifices to their gods."
The caziques of Chalco, who were with Sandoval being aware that there
was a much stronger body of Mexicans lying in Acapalista than had yet
appeared in the field of battle, and that they merely awaited a
favorable opportunity to renew the attack upon their town, urgently
requested him to march thither, and drive the enemy out of that town.
Sandoval at first refused to comply with their request, considering that
he himself, with many of his troops, and most of the horses, were
wounded, and that he did not wish to advance farther than Cortes had
ordered him; besides which, several cavaliers of Narvaez's troops urged
him to return to Tezcuco, and represented to him that Acapalista was a
town of great strength, where they might easily meet with a total
overthrow. But the captain Luis Marin strongly advised Sandoval to the
contrary, and thought he was not justified in returning before the work
was half finished, as the enemy would certainly renew the attack upon
Chalco, and thereby defeat the object of the expedition altogether. By
these arguments Sandoval was convinced of the necessity of marching
against this town, which lay only eight miles farther on, and he set out
for that place.
When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of the town, a large body of
Mexicans came advancing towards him, and attacked him so vigorously with
their lances, slings, and arrows, that three horses and several of his
men were instantly wounded, nor was Sandoval able to get at the enemy,
who immediately retreated to the rocks and the fortified heights above,
making a terrific noise with their drums, shell trumpets, and hideous
yells.
Sandoval now despatched a few horse in advance, to see whether the
Mexicans, in case he should attack the town itself, could march to its
assistance, and halted, with the rest of his troops, in the plain. As
the caziques of Chalco and the other Indian allies showed no desire to
come to an engagement with the enemy, Sandoval determined to put them to
the proof, and cried out to them: "Well, why do you stand looking idly
on there? Why don't you advance to the attack? Are we not come here to
protect you?" But they replied, they durst not attack this strong place,
and considered that the teules had come to do the hardest part of the
work for them.
Sandoval was soon convinced that there was not much dependence to be
placed in these Indians, and he therefore stormed the fortified heights
with the whole of his Spanish troops. Although numbers of his men were
wounded, and he himself severely so on the head, he continued to push
forward, and forced his way into the town, where considerable havoc was
made among the enemy's ranks, which was increased by the Chalcans and
Tlascallans, who now joined in the conflict with great intrepidity. Our
troops, indeed, gladly left the last part of the work to them, as soon
as the enemy was put to flight, for they felt compassion for the
inhabitants, and satisfied themselves by capturing some few pretty
females and other objects of value. The Spaniards even checked our
allies in their horrid cruelties, and rescued many a man and woman from
their grasp who otherwise would have been sacrificed to the idols.
The Mexicans had fled to some steep rocks beyond the town; and, as
numbers of them were wounded, they washed off the blood from their
bodies in a small brook, so that the very water was tinctured by it,
though for no longer a space of time than would take to repeat an Ave
Maria. Yet Gomara relates that the water was so completely mixed with
blood that our men would not quench their thirst at it.[10] But it was
not necessary for them to go to this brook for that purpose, as in the
town itself there were numbers of wells full of the purest water. After
this engagement, Sandoval marched back to Tezcuco, taking with him great
numbers of prisoners, among whom were many beautiful Indian females.
When Quauhtemoctzin received intelligence of this defeat of his troops,
he was excessively grieved; and the more so as the people of Chalco were
his subjects, and had now, for the third time, taken up arms against
him. He was, however, determined to be revenged; and while Sandoval was
marching back to Tezcuco, he assembled an army of upwards of 20,000 men,
and despatched these in 2000 canoes to Chalco. Here they arrived so
suddenly, that Sandoval had scarcely entered Tezcuco, and had but just
seen Cortes, when messengers arrived in canoes from Chalco to solicit
his immediate return. Cortes, who was speaking with Sandoval when this
message arrived, was so enraged that he would not hear his report to the
end; accused him of having neglected his duty, and commanded him to
return immediately to Chalco with those of his men who were not wounded.
Sandoval's feelings were greatly hurt at Cortes' reproaches; but what
grieved him more than all was, that he would not even listen to him. He,
however, instantly returned to Chalco, which he and his men reached
excessively fatigued by the weight of their arms and the great distance
they had marched. The Chalcans, in the meantime, had begged assistance
from their neighbours the Huexotzincans and Tlascallans on the first
information they received that the Mexicans intended to invade their
territory again; and these two powers had made such haste that they
arrived that very night, with an army of above 20,000 men. This inspired
the Chalcans with fresh courage; they attacked the Mexicans in the open
field, fought with uncommon bravery, and of the enemy's chief officers
alone they killed and captured as many as fifteen, without mentioning
the numbers they made prisoners. This defeat was most humbling to the
Mexicans, and they were much more ashamed of it than if they had
suffered it from us.
When Sandoval arrived in Chalco, he found the enemy was already
vanquished; and, as there was no fear of the Mexicans returning, he
marched back to Tezcuco, taking the prisoners along with him, and now
Cortes appeared highly delighted. Sandoval, however, had not forgotten
the harsh treatment he had so recently suffered from him, and
peremptorily refused, in his anger, to call upon him, although Cortes
had sent an invitation to him, and assured him that he had now been
informed of the true state of the case, and was convinced that no blame
could be attached to him. They subsequently became reconciled, and
Cortes strove, by every means in his power, to regain Sandoval's
friendship.
CHAPTER CXLIII.
_How we marked our slaves at Tezcuco with a red-hot iron, and
received intelligence that a vessel had run into Vera Cruz._
As Sandoval had brought a great many slaves with him, and there were
besides numbers we had taken on previous occasions, Cortes resolved they
should be marked with a red-hot iron. It was, therefore, announced that
each person was to bring his slaves to a certain house for that purpose.
Our men accordingly came with their slaves, and imagined they would
merely have to pay the fifth of their value to the emperor, and that
then they would be entirely their own without any further deduction.
If, however, Cortes and others had acted meanly towards us in Tepeaca,
the meanness they now displayed was still greater. First, the emperor's
fifths were deducted; then a second fifth was set apart for Cortes, and
other portions for our officers; and, during the night preceding the
last division, all the finest females had disappeared. Cortes had
faithfully promised the men that all the slaves should be sold by public
auction, but this was not done, for the officers of the crown acted in
this matter just as they pleased. This was a good hint for us in future;
so that afterwards, when we had captured any beautiful Indian females,
we concealed them, and gave out that they had escaped, as soon as it
came to marking day; or if any one of us stood in favor with Cortes, he
got them secretly marked during the night-time, and paid a fifth of
their value to him. In a short time we possessed great numbers of such
slaves; and if we were questioned about them, we merely said they were
Naborias[11] of the neighbouring tribes near Tlascalla, who had come to
sue for peace. I must also observe that two months had scarcely elapsed
before some of our female slaves knew of every soldier in the troop
whether he behaved well to his Naborias or not; whenever, therefore,
these females were put up to auction, and they found they had been
bought by a man who bore a bad name in this way, they disappeared, and
were nowhere to be found. If they did not recapture them it was all the
same; they were still debited to the buyer in the royal accounts. Our
soldiers fared no better in the division of gold; for if any of them
went to demand their share, so many items were balanced against them
that they really considered themselves fortunate if they had not to pay
something into the bargain.
About this time a vessel arrived in Vera Cruz, from Spain, with the
following passengers: Julian de Alderete, a native of Tordesillas, who
had been appointed royal treasurer; further, the elder Orduña, from the
same place, who lived for some time in Puebla. After the conquest of
Mexico he brought over five or six daughters from Spain, all of whom he
married well. A Dominican friar, named Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, from
Seville, who brought with him a papal bull,[12] by which we obtained
absolution for all the sins we may have been guilty of during these
wars. By means of this bull, Urrea amassed a large fortune in the space
of a few months, with which he returned to Spain, whither he was
accompanied by Geronimo Lopez, as a commissary of his holiness. This
same Lopez subsequently became the royal secretary in Mexico.
Among the numerous other passengers, I can still remember the following
names: Antonio de Caravajal, who commanded one of our brigantines, and
is still living at Mexico, far advanced in years; Geronimo Ruiz de la
Mota, of Burgos, who likewise commanded a brigantine, and, after the
conquest of Mexico, married a daughter of Orduña. There was also a
certain Briones, of Salamanca, who was hung four years ago for exciting
a revolt among the troops in the province of Guatimala; and, lastly,
there was Alonso Diaz de la Reguera, who lived for some time in
Guatimala, and is now residing at Valladolid.
This vessel had likewise a large store of arms, powder, and other
matters on board;[13] wherefore her arrival was hailed by us all. If I
remember rightly, we also heard on this occasion that the bishop of
Burgos stood no longer at the head of affairs, and that he had
altogether fallen into his majesty's disgrace ever since his majesty had
been convinced, by the reports of our agents, of the great and wonderful
services we had rendered the crown, and which the bishop above
mentioned, in his official reports, to favour Diego Velasquez, had
placed in the opposite light.
In the meantime our brigantines were fast approaching towards
completion, and we were all awaiting the moment with impatience when we
should be able to lay close siege to Mexico. We had just begun our
preparations when messengers arrived from Chalco with the information
that the Mexicans were again marching against that town, and they
therefore begged we would come immediately to their assistance. Cortes
promised them he would himself march with his troops to their relief,
and not rest until he had completely driven the enemy from their
territory. He therefore immediately issued orders that three hundred
foot, thirty horse, the greater part of our musketeers and crossbow-men,
with the troops of Tezcuco and Tlascalla, should hold themselves in
readiness to march out. Of our principal officers, Alvarado, Tapia, and
Oli accompanied him on this occasion. The royal treasurer Julian de
Alderete, and father Pedro Melgarejo, both of whom had just arrived from
Spain, also joined him. I myself accompanied Cortes in this expedition,
at his own particular desire.
CHAPTER CXLIV.
_How Cortes made a hostile excursion to all the cities and larger
townships which lay round about the lake, and what happened on that
occasion._
Cortes now marched out with a considerable body of troops to fulfil the
promise he had made to the inhabitants of Chalco, in order at once to
put an end to the attacks which the Mexicans almost weekly made upon
this town. Sandoval was left behind with a strong detachment of foot and
horse for the protection of Tezcuco and our brigantines.
We set out on our march very early on the morning of the 5th of April,
1521, after we had attended mass, and took up our quarters the first
night in Tlalmanalco, where we were kindly entertained by the
inhabitants. The next day we reached Chalco, which lies in the immediate
vicinity of the former place; and Cortes instantly sent for all the
caziques of the province, whom he then addressed at some length by means
of our interpreters, informing them that his present expedition was
directed against the townships which lay on the borders of the lake, in
order to force them into obedience, and also to explore the territory,
and form his plans for blockading the city of Mexico. Our thirteen
brigantines, he told them, would shortly be launched, and he requested
them to assemble all their warriors by the next day, that they might
join our troops in this expedition. Upon which the caziques one and all
declared their willingness to comply with his desires.
The following morning we continued our march, and arrived as far as the
township of Chimalhuacan, which was subject to Chalco. Here we were
joined by upwards of 20,000 of our allies, who had assembled from
Chalco, Tezcuco, Huexotzinco, Tlascalla, and other townships. This was a
larger body of Indians than had ever, up to this time, joined our troops
in New Spain. All these warriors had been induced to join us in the
hopes of making a rich booty; but the expectation of plentiful repasts
off human flesh, which never failed after an engagement, was no less an
incitement; and I cannot better compare these many thousands of Indians
than to the large flocks of vultures, ravens, and other birds of prey
which, in the Italian wars, follow the armies, to satiate themselves on
the dead bodies which have fallen in battle.
This ferocious appetite of our Indian allies was but too soon to be
glutted; for we received information that large bodies of Mexican
troops, with their allies from the surrounding neighbourhood, stood
ready prepared to attack us in an adjoining valley. At this
intelligence, Cortes issued orders that we should equip ourselves for
battle early the following morning. We accordingly left Chimalhuacan
next day very early, after we had attended mass.
Our march lay through some steep rocks, and we soon arrived between two
small mountains whose tops had been fortified. Hither a vast number of
Indians, with their wives, had fled, who yelled excessively, and threw
out all manner of abusive language towards us. We, however, took no
notice of them, but marched on quietly to an extensive township called
Yauhtepec, which was quite deserted by its inhabitants. We made no stay
in this place, but marched on until we arrived in a plain where there
were several small wells, but little water. On one side of the plain was
a high rocky mountain, with a fortification which was most difficult of
approach. When we had arrived in the vicinity of this rock, we found
that it was crowded with Indians, who jeered at us and greeted us with a
shower of arrows, lances, and stones, by which three of our men were
wounded. Here Cortes ordered us to halt, and said, "It appears that the
Mexicans have everywhere taken up some stronghold, and mock at us,
because they imagine we cannot get at them." He then despatched a few of
the horse and crossbow-men to reconnoitre a part of the rock, in order
to discover some more favorable point to attack the enemy. They,
however, returned with the answer that the rock was only accessible at
the spot where we had halted, and that, on all other sides, it rose up
perpendicularly. Cortes then commanded us to ascend and storm the
enemy's fortresses. The first ensign Christobal del Corral and the other
ensigns were to lead the way, and all the remaining foot to follow them.
Cortes, with the cavalry, stationed himself in the plain beneath, to
cover our rear, and protect the baggage against other bodies of
Mexicans. As soon as we commenced this laborious ascent, the Indians
began rolling down large stones and huge lumps of rock upon us, and it
was terrible to behold how these heavy masses rebounded as they
thundered down the rugged steeps. It was a miracle that we were not all
crushed to pieces; and certainly Cortes had, in this instance, not acted
as a prudent general when he ordered this perilous attack. At my very
feet a soldier named Martinez, a native of Valencia, and who had been
butler to a gentleman of distinction in Castile, was completely smashed
by a piece of rock, and died without a single groan or sigh. Two other
soldiers, one of whom was named Gaspar Sanchez, a nephew of the
treasurer of Cuba, and the other, Bravo, met with a similar death from
the rolling masses of stone. We, nevertheless, continued the ascent with
great intrepidity: but scarcely a few moments had elapsed before another
brave soldier, named Alonso Rodriguez, with two of his companions, were
crushed to death, and most of us were struck on the head by the pieces
of stone which were split off the rock by the tumbling masses.
At that time I was still an active young fellow, so that I kept up close
with the ensign Corral, and we reached some hollows in the rock, along
which we continued to advance for some time, but at the imminent risk of
our lives, until Corral could proceed no further, and held himself fast
by one of the thick trees with prickly thorns which grew in these
hollows; his head was wounded all over, his face covered with blood, and
his colours torn into rags. Here he turned round to me, and said, "Alas!
Señor Bernal Diaz, it is impossible to advance further this way; for
even if the tumbling masses of rock do not crush us, we shall scarcely
be able to hold fast by our hands under these projecting masses." As we
were thus clinging to the rock by our hands, I espied Pedro Barba, who
commanded the crossbow-men, with two soldiers, likewise clambering up to
this projection, and I cried out to him, "Captain, don't give yourself
any further trouble; there is neither place here to put your hand or
foot, unless you wish to roll headlong down the mountain." To this he
answered, in the fulness of his courage, or because he thought he was
bound to speak as an officer in high command, "Here we have to do with
deeds, not words." I was obliged to swallow this reproach, and replied,
"Well, we shall see how well you will manage to get up here!" The words
were scarcely out of my mouth when other large pieces of the rock came
rolling down from the heights above, by which Pedro Barba was wounded,
and one of his men crushed to death. This seemed to deter Barba, and he
would not move a step further up.
The ensign Corral now called out to the soldiers to apprize Cortes that
it was impossible to ascend further, and that the descent was equally
dangerous. This information was conveyed from one man to the other until
it reached Cortes, who had even lost three men in the plain below, and
several others were severely wounded, by the lumps of rock which came
tumbling down. He had, however, not been able to see the perilous
situation we were in, from the winding of the rock, but had fully
expected to find that the greater part of us were either killed or
dreadfully wounded. He now immediately signified, by loud cries and a
few musket shots, that we should descend. This we accordingly did with
the utmost precaution, each one striving to assist his neighbour down
the steep rocks, until we all safely arrived in the plain beneath; our
heads were covered with wounds and blood, and the colours of our ensigns
were torn to rags. When Cortes saw the terrible condition we were in,
and was informed that we had lost eight men, he offered up thanks to the
Almighty that the rest of us had escaped so well.
Among other things that came to be spoken about were the few words which
passed between Pedro Barba and myself; indeed the latter mentioned it
himself; and the ensign Corral gave such a description of the terrible
masses of rock which came rolling down, that every one was astonished at
our escape, and the account of the great dangers we had had to brave was
noised about through the whole of our camp.
In the meantime a large body of Mexicans were lying in wait for us in a
spot where we could neither see nor imagine them to be. They had been
stationed there in case the other troops on the rock just mentioned
should require assistance; but when they were informed that our attempts
to storm this fortified rock had failed, both these bodies determined to
fall upon us from various points at once.
When Cortes received notice of their approach, he ordered the horse and
the whole of our troops to march against them. The ground we occupied
was quite level, and fertile meadows stretched along between the hills.
The enemy now retreated before us, and we pursued them until they took
up a strong position on another rock, without our being able to do them
much harm, as they continually fled to places where we could not
possibly get at them.
We therefore returned to our former position, in front of the first rock
we had attempted to ascend; but as not a single drop of water had passed
our lips the whole day, and as our horses were equally parched with
thirst, and the few wells here contained nothing but muddy water, for
the best were in the enemy's possession, we broke up our encampment, and
formed another, about six miles further on, at the foot of a mountain,
as before; but here also we found but little water.
Near this rocky mountain there stood several black mulberry trees and
about ten or twelve houses, and we had scarcely rested a few minutes
when the wild war-whoop of the Indians resounded from the mountain top,
and we were immediately greeted with a shower of arrows and lances,
while large masses of the rock came rolling down, as before. Here the
enemy were in greater numbers than on the former occasion, and their
position much stronger, as we soon discovered. All the firing of our
musketeers and crossbow-men was to no purpose, for the enemy was beyond
their reach, and too well protected by their entrenchments. An attempt
to ascend the rock was attended with no better success; twice had we
essayed this from the houses just mentioned, and some few of us had
reached a good way up; but we found it even more terrific than the
former rock; so that we did not exactly gain much honour in this affair,
and were forced to cede the victory to the Mexicans and their allies.
We encamped for the night beneath the mulberry trees, but were almost
dying with thirst. The following morning our crossbow-men and musketeers
were ordered to take up their position on a very steep rock, which lay
near to us, and to direct their fire at the enemy in their entrenchments
on the rock opposite.
Francisco Verdugo and Julian de Alderete, who were excellent
crossbow-men, joined this small detachment, which was placed under the
command of Pedro Barba. While these were on their way thither, the rest
of our troops once more attempted the ascent of the mountain from the
above-mentioned houses; but the enemy continually rolled down numbers of
large and small stones, that a great number of our men were soon
wounded; and even if we had not met with this opposition, our toil would
have been fruitless, for the rock was so steep that we could scarcely
move or hold fast by our hands. While we were thus fatiguing ourselves
to no purpose, the detachment of musketeers and crossbow-men had arrived
at their place of destination, but they were only able to kill and wound
a very few of the enemy.
The combat had lasted in this way for above half an hour, when matters
took a sudden change, and peace was concluded with the enemy, through
the interposition of a merciful Providence. This sudden change was owing
to the circumstance of a number of women, children, and poor people, who
had been carried to a level space on the top of the rock for safety,
having no water to quench their burning thirst. In order that we, who
were beneath, might know what they desired, the women waved their
cloaks, and made signs with their hands, to indicate they were willing
to bake bread for us; while the Indian troops discontinued to throw
their lances, arrows, and stones, upon us.
When Cortes learnt what they desired, he ordered all hostilities to be
stayed, and gave the Indians to understand by signs that they should
send down to us five of their most distinguished men, to conclude peace
with us. It was not long before these made their appearance, and with
profound respect begged forgiveness for the past, and assured our
general that it was fear for us only which had induced them to take up
this strong position on the mountain. Cortes answered them rather
harshly, that they had all deserved death, for having commenced
hostilities with us; but as they now came of their own accord to sue for
peace, he would substitute mercy for justice; but told them they must go
to the opposite rock, and call the chiefs of the other troops, that
they might likewise come and sue for peace; and inform them, that if
they refused we would continue to surround them until they died of
thirst, as we were well aware that they could get no water, there being
very little to be had in any part of this neighbourhood.
While these personages were on their way to the other rock, Cortes
entered into conversation with father Melgarejo, and the royal
treasurer, Alderete, and described to them the battles we had fought
previous to their arrival in New Spain; the great power of the Mexicans,
and the large cities we had seen up to the present moment in this
country; when they assured our general, that if the bishop of Burgos had
informed the emperor as faithfully of the truth as he was studious of
falsehood in his account, the emperor would certainly by this time have
nobly rewarded him and his troops. No monarch, they said, had ever been
rendered the vast services he had received at our hands, who had thus,
without his knowledge, subjected so many large cities to him.
After this discourse, Cortes ordered the ensign Corral and myself, and
two of our officers, Xaramillo and Pedro de Ircio, to ascend the rock,
in order to inspect the enemy's fortifications there, and whether our
musketeers and crossbow-men had killed or wounded many of the Indians;
and altogether to see what kind of people they were. "But I must desire
you not even to take as much as a grain of maise from them," added
Cortes; and I understood him to say, "Mind you look to your own
advantage."
We then began to ascend by a very dangerous path, and we found the
enemy's position here even more formidable than the first one, for the
rocks were perpendicular. There was only one entrance to the
fortification itself, which was not broader than double the width of the
mouth of a baker's oven. At the summit of this rock we found a spacious
greensward, on which were encamped great numbers of Indian warriors,
women, and children. All the loss they had sustained was twenty killed
and several wounded. There was not a drop of water for all this crowd of
human beings to drink. A considerable number of bundles of cotton stuffs
and other matters were lying about, destined as tribute for
Quauhtemoctzin. When I saw all these matters, and knew they were going
to be sent as tribute to Mexico, I ordered four Tlascallans who were
with me, and four Indians who had charge of these goods, to take each a
load and follow me. Just at that moment Pedro Ircio came up, and ordered
that everything should be left where it was. I first remonstrated with
him for this, but was forced in the end to obey his commands, because he
was an officer. "Did you not yourself," said he, "hear Cortes say that
we were not even to touch a grain of maise belonging to these people. I
will certainly inform against you if you do not leave these things where
they are." I acquiesced of course, but I told him I was of opinion that
these things were not comprehended in Cortes' commands. However, I
returned without taking a single thing with me.
When we had again arrived in the plain below, and given Cortes an
account of what we had seen, Pedro de Ircio thought our general would be
pleased to hear how he had restrained me from carrying off the packages
of cotton stuffs; but Cortes said to him angrily, "Why did you not allow
Bernal Diaz to take those things away? Really I am astonished that you
did not yourself stay with those people above! Is it thus that you
understood me, when I told you to look to your own advantage? Bernal
Diaz, who understood my meaning, was thus forced to return the things
which he had taken from those dogs! who now laugh in their sleeves at
having killed and wounded so many of our men!"
Upon this, Ircio offered to ascend the rock again, and to fetch the
packages; but Cortes said to him sharply, "There is no time for that
now."
In the meantime the caziques from the other rock had arrived in our
camp; and after giving many reasons why Cortes should pardon them, he
granted them their request, and declared them vassals of our emperor.
As water was so very scarce in the whole of this district, we marched
back to the town of Huaxtepec, where those extensive gardens where,
which I have mentioned above: and I must declare, that during the whole
course of my life I never beheld such a splendid spot! I therefore drew
the attention of Cortes to them, and he instantly repaired thither with
Alderete, the royal treasurer. They both walked about in the garden for
a length of time, and acknowledged they had never seen any thing so
beautiful in Spain.[14] The whole of us encamped for the night in this
garden, and the caziques of the township came to offer their services to
Cortes; for Sandoval, on his visit here, had concluded peace with them.
The following morning we marched towards Cuernavaca, and came up with a
strong body of Mexicans who had been drawn out of this town to oppose
us; but our cavalry charged them with great impetuosity, put them to
flight, and pursued them for about three miles, up to another large
township, called Teputztlan. Here the Mexicans were so very careless,
that our troops fell upon them before their spies could give notice of
our approach, and we made a considerable booty, besides taking many fine
female prisoners; but the Mexicans and the other inhabitants fled
precipitately from the town.
Cortes sent three or four several times to the caziques of this
district, desiring them to come and sue for peace, otherwise we should
burn down their town and put them all to death. However, they each time
sent word that they had no wish to come, and we set fire to half the
houses of the town, in order to frighten the other towns of this
district into obedience. It was not till then that the caziques of
Yauhtepec, through which we had passed this day, made their appearance,
and declared themselves vassals of our emperor.
The next day we marched to Coadalbaca, which we often erroneously termed
Cuernavaca.[15] In this town lay a strong garrison of Mexicans, besides
the troops of the place itself, and it was rendered difficult of access
from a hollow eight fathoms deep, which lay in front of the town, and
through which a small stream of water flowed. There was no other way for
our cavalry to get into the town than by two bridges, but these had been
burnt down by the enemy, who were strongly entrenched on the other side
of this deep hollow, and incessantly annoyed us with their arrows,
lances, and slings. While they were thus attacking us Cortes received
information that a couple of miles further up there was a spot where our
cavalry could pass over. Our general, therefore, immediately repaired
thither with the horse, while the rest of us strove to get over in the
best way we could. We succeeded above our expectations, by climbing up
and along the branches of the trees which grew on each side of this
hollow, but this was attended by considerable danger, and three of our
men fell down into the water, one of whom broke his leg. My head grew
quite dizzy as I thus passed across the depth; but as soon as twenty or
thirty of us, with a great number of Tlascallans had reached the
opposite side, we fell upon the rear of the Mexicans before they were in
the least aware of it; for they had considered it an impossibility for
us to pass the hollow, and imagined in their astonishment, when they saw
us approaching, that we were much more numerous than was really the
case, particularly as Oli, Alvarado and Tapia, with the greater part of
our cavalry who had risked their lives by crossing a bridge which had
been almost burnt down, appeared there at the same time. We now fell in
a body upon the enemy, who instantly turned round and fled to the
mountains, and other parts of this deep hollow, where we could not
possibly follow them. A short time afterwards Cortes arrived with the
remaining cavalry, and we now took possession of the town without any
further opposition. Here we took many fine Indian females prisoners, and
otherwise made a rich booty, particularly of large sized mantles. Our
general now allowed us to rest for the remainder of the day, and we all
quartered ourselves comfortably in a garden belonging to the chief of
the town.
We had not been long here before our outposts brought intelligence that
twenty Indians were approaching, who, to judge from their bearing, must
either be caziques or men of distinction, and seemed to be coming with
some message or to sue for peace. They proved, indeed, to be the
caziques of the town, who approached Cortes with the utmost veneration,
handed over to him a present in gold, and begged pardon for their recent
behaviour towards us. In excuse for not having come earlier to demand
peace of us, they said that Quauhtemoctzin had secretly commanded them
to treat us as enemies, and that they had not been able to avoid this as
their town formed one of the fortifications of the country, and was
occupied by a Mexican garrison. They were now, continued they,
convinced, that there was no fortification we could not take, and it was
therefore their sincere wish to become friendly with us.
Cortes was very kind to these caziques, and spoke to them of our
emperor, and of his mercy to all those who willingly obeyed him; and it
was in his name he now acknowledged them as his subjects. I still
remember the extraordinary expression these caziques made use of on this
occasion; namely, that our gods in punishment for their not having sued
earlier for peace, had given their gods authority to chastise their
persons and deprive them of their property.[16]
CHAPTER CXLV.
_The terrible thirst we suffered on our further march; our dangerous
position at Xochimilco, and the many battles we fought there with
the Mexicans, until our return to Tezcuco._
From Cuernavaca we marched towards Xochimilco, a large town lying about
eleven miles from Mexico,[17] and of which the greater part was built in
the water. On our march we adopted our usual military precautions, and
arrived at a forest of pine trees, without being able to obtain a single
drop of water all the way. Our arms were very heavy, and the day, which
had been exceedingly hot, was now far spent, and we were almost parched
with thirst, yet we had still several miles to go, nor did we know for
certain whether we should find the wells, which, it was said, lay
further on.
By this time the whole of our troops were almost exhausted with fatigue,
and our Tlascallan friends lost all courage after one of their
countrymen and an old Spaniard died of thirst. Cortes, observing the
great distress we were in, ordered us to halt under the shade of the
pine trees, and despatched six of our horse in advance, along the road
leading to Xochimilco, in search of some town or village where it was
said we should find the wells, as our general proposed to encamp near
them for the night.
This small body of cavalry, among which were Oli, Valdenebro, Truxillo,
and other brave men, had scarcely left, when I slipt away without being
observed by Cortes and the others, taking with me three of my Tlascallan
naborias, who were active young fellows, and I followed the three
above-mentioned cavalry officers until I was observed, and they halted
to wait my coming up. They advised me to return immediately, that I
might not fall into the hands of the Mexicans. I was not, however, to be
deterred by this; and Oli, with whom I stood on a very friendly footing,
at length gave me permission to accompany them, but to hold my hands
ready for battle and my legs for flight. I would at that moment have
risked my life to obtain a drink of water, so painful was my thirst.
We may have advanced about a couple of miles in a straight line when we
came up to a number of country houses which lay scattered among the
hills, and were subject to Xochimilco. Our officers entered these
dwellings without delay, in search of water, which they found, to their
inexpressible joy. One of my Tlascallans, who had followed them,
instantly returned to me with a large earthen jug full of water, with
which I and my servants quenched our thirst. I now again returned to the
wood where Cortes had halted with our troops, and it was high time I
did, as the inhabitants were beginning to assemble, and they followed us
with hootings and yells. I had ordered the jug to be replenished with
water, and gave it to one of my Tlascallans to carry. On my return, I
met Cortes, who had again put his troops in motion. I informed him that
we had found water in a small village not far off, and that I had
brought him a jug full. My Tlascallans had taken the precaution to cover
up the jug carefully, that no one might take it from them, for thirst
knows no law. Cortes and the other officers by whom he was surrounded
were highly delighted, and drank their fill; we then continued our
march, and reached the small village before sunset. There was still some
water left in the houses, but not sufficient for the whole of our
troops, so that several of the men, in order at least to moisten their
mouths, chewed a kind of thistle, the sharp prickles of which wounded
their tongues and lips. The small detachment of horse now also returned,
and informed our general that they had found the wells where we were to
encamp for the night, but these were still a good way off, and the whole
neighbourhood was beating to arms.
We encamped near the wells for the night, ordered the pickets and
outposts as usual, and otherwise took every precaution. I myself formed
one of the night watch, and, if I still remember rightly, it blew a
strong gale of wind, and some rain was falling.
The next morning very early we marched towards Xochimilco, and arrived
in front of that town about eight in the morning. Here an immense body
of the enemy stood ready to oppose us, part of whom were stationed in
the open fields, and the rest in front of a bridge which had been
destroyed, and near which large entrenchments had been thrown up. At the
end of their pikes they had fastened the swords we had lost on our
unfortunate retreat from Mexico, and many of the chiefs were armed with
our own broadswords, which had been beautifully polished. The whole of
the Mexicans appeared to be well-armed, and the entire plain was filled
with warriors.
The conflict for the possession of the bridges lasted about half an
hour, yet, with all our firing and hard fighting, we were not able to
force them. Our situation became truly perilous, for large bodies now
fell upon our rear, so that the only choice we had left was to cross the
water at all hazards. In this we fortunately succeeded, partly swimming,
and partly wading through. Several of our men, while thus crossing over,
drank so much water that their stomachs swelled out to an enormous size.
In crossing this water, we lost two men, and had several wounded;
nevertheless, we succeeded, by dint of our swords, to drive the enemy
before us along a causeway which led to the main land. Cortes, who was
advancing with the cavalry from another quarter, fell in with a body of
more than 10,000 Mexicans, who were coming to the assistance of the
town. The Mexicans, on this occasion, received the charge of the cavalry
with fixed lances, and wounded four of our horses. Cortes himself had
got into the midst of the enemy, and rode a dark brown horse, which we
commonly termed the _flatnose_. Whether this animal, which was otherwise
an excellent horse, had become too fat, or was over-fatigued, I cannot
say; but, to be short, it fell down with its rider, and numbers of
Mexicans instantly laid hold of our general, tore him away from the
saddle, and were already carrying him off. When some of the Tlascallans
and the brave Christobal de Olea saw this, they immediately flew to his
assistance, and, by dint of heavy blows and good thrusts, they cut their
way through to our general, and assisted him into his saddle again.
Cortes fortunately escaped with only a wound on the head, but Olea had
received three very severe wounds.[17] Those of us who stood nearest now
also hastened to the assistance of Cortes; for, as every street was
crowded with the enemy, we were obliged to attack them in separate
bodies and from different points, so that, for some time, we had totally
lost sight of him; but we concluded, from the terrific yells of the
Mexicans, that there must be a severe struggle between them and the
cavalry. We therefore cut our way through the enemy, at the risk of our
lives, to the spot where Cortes, surrounded by only ten of the cavalry,
was bravely repelling the desperate attacks of the enemy. The Mexicans
had taken up a position behind a deep canal, which had been strengthened
by a palisade; they thus had the advantage ground: but we soon put them
to flight.
As Olea, who had saved our general's life, was severely wounded, and had
lost much blood, and the streets were still crowded by the enemy, we
advised Cortes to march back to some entrenchments, under cover of which
his own and Olea's wounds could be dressed. This retrograde movement was
not accomplished without considerable difficulty and danger; for the
Mexicans now imagined we were going to retreat altogether, and fell upon
us with redoubled fury.
In the midst of this second conflict, Alvarado Tapia and Oli, with the
main body of the cavalry, made their appearance, who had been attacking
the enemy at other points. The blood was trickling down Oli's face, nor
had any one of them escaped without a wound. They said they had been
attacked by terrific bodies of the enemy, in the open fields, and had
not been able to drive them back. The reason of their having been
separated from the rest of the cavalry was, because Cortes, after he had
passed across the water, ordered the horse to divide into two bodies,
and attack the enemy at different points.
While we were busily engaged dressing the wounds of our men, all at once
there arose from out of the streets and adjoining fields terrific yells,
with the wild war music of the enemy; the courtyard in which we had
stationed ourselves was suddenly filled with Mexicans, and, in a very
few moments, many more of our men were wounded. But the enemy drew very
little advantage from this bold enterprise; for we set upon them so
vigorously in return, that great numbers of them soon lay stretched on
the ground. Our cavalry also galloped in among them, and slew a great
many more. On our side, we had only one man killed and two horses
wounded.
We drove the enemy completely out of the open square, and took
possession of another more spacious, in which stood several large
temples, where we could rest ourselves in greater safety. Several of our
men mounted to the top of these temples, from whence they could see the
great city of Mexico and the extensive lake which it commanded; but at
the same time they espied more than 2000 canoes, all filled with
warriors, making straightway to us as fast as their paddles could bring
them.
These troops were commanded by Quauhtemoctzin to attack us immediately,
and to leave us no peace night or day. He had likewise despatched
another 10,000 men by land, to fall upon us from another quarter: and
another 10,000 men stood ready to march hither to relieve the first,
that not a single man of us might escape alive from Xochimilco. All this
we learnt the day following from the five Mexican chiefs whom we took
prisoners. But the Lord Jesus had disposed otherwise for us.
As soon as intelligence was received of the approach of this vast fleet
of canoes, we were doubly vigilant, and strong detachments were placed
at all the places and canals where we thought the enemy would disembark.
Our horses stood ready saddled, and every officer, including Cortes
himself, made the rounds during the whole of the night, and kept a sharp
look-out on the causeway and towards the mainland. I myself was posted
with ten men near a stone wall. We were furnished with stones,
crossbows, muskets, and long lances, and were to prevent the enemy from
landing in this quarter. Similar small detachments were stationed at the
other canals.
I and my comrades thus keeping a sharp look-out, we heard all at once
the noise of several canoes, which were advancing directly towards us;
but we gave the enemy so rough a reception with our slings and lances,
that they durst not venture to land; and while one of our men had
hastened to inform Cortes of what was going forward in this quarter, a
second and still more numerous squadron of canoes arrived, and attacked
us most vigorously with lances, stones, and arrows, wounding two of our
men; but we defended ourselves with no less vigour: and, as it was an
uncommon dark night, these canoes again joined the great body of the
fleet, which had repaired to some other small harbour or deeper canal,
where the whole of them disembarked. These troops, who, it seemed, were
not very willing to fight at night-time, joined those which
Quauhtemoctzin had sent by land, and both together formed an army of
above 15,000 men.
I must here mention a circumstance, which, however, I hope the reader
will not construe into vanity on my part.
When one of the men belonging to my small detachment brought Cortes
intelligence that a number of Mexican canoes had approached the spot
where we were stationed, he, with ten of the cavalry, was just coming
towards us. As they approached us with the utmost silence, I and Gonzalo
Sanchez cried out to them, "Who goes there? How? can't you open your
mouths?" and then slung three or four stones at them. But Cortes, who
immediately recognized us by our voices, remarked to Alderete, father
Melgarejo, and our quartermaster Christobal de Oli, who accompanied him,
"I am in no fear with regard to this quarter; for here are posted two
men who came with me when I first arrived in this country, and to whom I
would intrust a more important command than this!" He then came up and
spoke to us himself, and observed that our position was one of great
danger, and that, in case of need, we were instantly to send for
assistance. Our general had scarcely left us when we heard him driving a
soldier back to his post, which he had deserted. It was one of those who
came with Narvaez.
There is likewise another circumstance which I must not forget to
mention. In the battle of the previous day, our musketeers had spent all
their powder, and the crossbow-men their arrows; Cortes, therefore,
during the night-time, ordered us to collect all the arrows we could
find, and to furnish them with fresh feathers and points, of which we
had always a good stock by us. With this work our crossbow-men were
occupied the whole of the night, and Pedro Barba, captain of that
company, never left them for a moment; Cortes himself looking in from
time to time to see how they were getting on.
When daylight appeared, our camp was assailed by the whole of the
Mexican troops from different points at once; but as we were never
unprepared for an attack, our cavalry rushed out towards the land side,
and we others, with the Tlascallans, towards the lake, and fell so
vigorously on the Mexicans that we soon killed three of their chiefs,
and numbers of their troops died of their wounds the day following. The
Tlascallans behaved with uncommon bravery, and took five Mexican chiefs
whom they brought in prisoners, from whom we learnt the exact number of
troops which Quauhtemoctzin had ordered against us.
On our side we had only one killed, but a great number of wounded.
This battle, however, had not yet terminated; for our cavalry, in
pursuing the enemy, came up with the 10,000 warriors whom Quauhtemoctzin
had despatched to the assistance of the others. Several of the officers
who commanded these troops wore our Spanish swords, of which they were
not a little vain; and they said it was by our own swords we were to be
vanquished.
Our few horse durst not encounter so large a body of the enemy, and
therefore drew off to one side, until they should be joined by Cortes
with the rest of the troops. When our general was informed of their
critical position, he instantly sallied out, with the rest of our
cavalry, who had remained in the courtyard on account of their wounds,
and all our foot, with the Tlascallan troops. A most terrible and
obstinate conflict now ensued; but at length, by dint of heavy blows and
thrusts, we repulsed the enemy, with considerable loss. On this occasion
eight distinguished Mexicans fell into our hands, from whom we learnt
that Quauhtemoctzin had despatched against us another considerable fleet
of canoes, and other large bodies of his troops by land. These troops he
had sent off with the perfect assurance that, coming suddenly upon us,
they would complete the victory, after we had been fatigued by such
constant fighting, and weakened by loss of men and the number of our
wounded.
When we heard this we were doubly on our guard, and our general
determined to abandon the town on the following morning, and not wait
for any further attacks. We therefore made the best use of our time to
dress our wounds and repair our weapons.
During this interval, it appears that some prisoners of Xochimilco
pointed out to the Tlascallans several houses belonging to rich
individuals, in which were hidden many valuable things, such as
manufactured cotton interwoven with feathers, women's shifts, gold, and
other matters. These houses stood in the lake, but it was possible to
reach them by a causeway, and by passing over two or three bridges which
lay across the deep canals. The Tlascallans communicated this to several
of our men, who instantly repaired to these houses, which they found
quite unprotected, and, as they had been told, filled with various
articles of value. They stowed away as much as they possibly could, and
returned with a rich booty to our head-quarters. When others of our men
saw these rich spoils, they likewise paid a visit to these dwellings,
and were busily engaged in emptying some wooden cases, which were full
of different things, when a large fleet of Mexican canoes arrived with a
numerous body of troops, and suddenly fell upon the plunderers, of whom
they wounded the greater part, and carried off four alive to Mexico. It
was indeed a wonder that the rest escaped. Two of the four Spaniards
were Juan de Lara and Alonso Hernandez; the two others belonged to the
company which stood under the command of Andreas de Monjaraz, but I have
forgotten their names.
These unfortunate men were brought into the presence of Quauhtemoctzin,
who questioned them about the smallness of our army, the number of our
wounded, and the object of our present expedition: and when he thought
he had gained sufficient information, he ordered their arms and legs to
be chopped off, and to be sent to those towns which had concluded peace
with Cortes, accompanied by the message that he hoped to kill us all
before we could escape to Tezcuco, and with our hearts and our blood he
would make a savoury offering to his idols.
Quauhtemoctzin then despatched a large fleet of canoes filled with
troops, and a considerable army by land, to Xochimilco, with strict
commands not to allow one of us to escape alive out of that town.
Not to fatigue the reader with a description of the many battles we
fought with the Mexicans during these four days, I will confine myself
by stating that, with break of day, so vast a number of Mexicans rushed
all at once upon us from the inlets of the lakes, from the streets, and
from the mainland, that it was with the utmost exertions only we were
able to cut our way through them to a large square which lay at a short
distance from the town, and where the inhabitants usually held their
markets. There we halted for a few minutes, with the whole of our
baggage, to arrange the order of our march.
Previous to quitting this place, Cortes addressed a few words to us, in
which he reminded us of our perilous position, having still to pass by
several dangerous points, where the whole armed force of Mexico was
lying in wait for us. It would, therefore, be desirable, he said, to
leave behind as much of our baggage as we could possibly spare, for it
would only encumber our movements in battle.
To this we one and all replied, that we were men who had the power to
defend our baggage, ourselves, and his person, if God lent us his
protection; and that we considered it but a small sacrifice which he
required us to make. When he saw in what an excellent disposition we
were, he commended us all to God, and arranged the order of march. The
wounded and our baggage were placed in the centre, one half of the
cavalry formed the vanguard, and the other half the rearguard; and the
crossbow-men and Tlascallans were distributed in a similar manner: for
we purposely collected our chief strength around the baggage, as the
Mexicans invariably made their first attack upon this. Our musketeers
were of no use to us, as all their powder was consumed.
In this way we began to move forward; but as soon as the Mexicans found
we were leaving the square, they concluded it was from fear, as was
indeed the case; they sallied out upon us, wounded two of our men, and
attacked our centre with great intrepidity to make themselves master of
our baggage; but they were unable to make any impression on the close
order of our ranks.
During the whole of our march to Cojohuacan, which lay about eight miles
from Xochimilco, we had continual skirmishes with the Mexicans, who took
every favorable opportunity of annoying us with lances, stones and
arrows, and then suddenly retreated beyond the canals, where we could
not follow them. In this manner we reached Cojohuacan, at ten o'clock in
the morning, and found the town quite deserted by its inhabitants.
I must here observe that there are a number of towns lying round about
Mexico, all at about eight miles distance from each other. Of these,
Xochimilco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapan, Chohuilobusco, Quauhnahuac,
Mizquic, and three or four other towns, are half-built in the lake
itself, and none of these towns lie at a greater distance from each
other than from six to eight miles, which accounts for the Mexicans
being able to assemble so vast a body of troops against us in
Xochimilco.
When we arrived in this deserted town, we dressed our wounds, furnished
ourselves with arrows, and rested for the remaining part of the day; and
indeed we required some repose, for we knew we should have to fight many
more battles before we reached Tezcuco.
The next morning very early we again continued our march, and took the
road towards Tlacupa, which lay about eight miles further on. Large
bodies of the enemy fell upon us at three different places along our
route, but we each time repulsed them, and pursued them to their canoes
in the inlets and canals.
On one occasion during this march, Cortes left the main body with ten of
the cavalry, among which were four of his grooms, to lay an ambuscade
for the Mexicans, who every now and then came suddenly upon us from the
inlets of the lake. Cortes attacked and routed a body of Mexicans, who,
after a short stand, fled with precipitation, and were pursued by our
general; in doing which he fell himself into a more terrible ambush,
from which the enemy suddenly burst upon him, and wounded two of his
men; and he, with all those who accompanied him, would undoubtedly have
been killed or taken prisoners if he had not instantly retreated. The
enemy, however, succeeded in capturing two of his grooms, who were
brought before Quauhtemoctzin, and afterwards sacrificed to his gods.
The main body of our army had, in the meantime, arrived with flying
colours in Tlacupa, while only Cortes, with the ten horse, remained
behind, and we began to fear that some misfortune had befallen him;
wherefore Alvarado, Oli, and Tapia immediately turned back with a strong
body of horse in the direction we had seen him take. They soon came up
with the two grooms who had escaped from the enemy, and who related how
they had been indebted for their lives to a precipitate retreat; and
that Cortes was following behind, as he was obliged to ride at a gentle
pace, his horse having been wounded. It was not long before our general
came up, to the great joy of all; but he appeared excessively grieved
at the loss of his two grooms, almost to shedding tears.
Just as Cortes entered Tlacupa, it began to rain very fast; for which
reason we rested here for a couple of hours in a large square of the
town. Our general, with several other officers, the treasurer Alderete,
(who fell ill here,) father Melgarejo, and several soldiers, including
myself, ascended to the top of the great temple of this town, from which
we beheld the neighbouring city of Mexico, with the numerous other towns
which stood in the lake. When father Melgarejo and Alderete beheld all
this splendour at once, they could scarcely find words to express their
astonishment; but when they contemplated the great city of Mexico more
minutely, and saw the numerous canoes hurrying up and down this immense
lake laden with merchandize or provisions for the city, or occupied in
fishing, they were actually terrified, and exclaimed to each other that
our arrival in New Spain could not be by the power of man alone, and
that it was through the great mercy of Providence that our lives were
still preserved. They had once before remarked, said they, that no
monarch had ever been rendered such signal services by his subjects as
we had rendered to our emperor; but now they were more convinced than
ever, and would duly inform his majesty of what they had seen.
Father Melgarejo then consoled our general for the loss of his two
grooms, which so greatly afflicted him. While we soldiers were thus
gazing upon the city of Mexico, we again by degrees recognized those
spots which had become so memorable to us, and we pointed out to each
other the great temple of Huitzilopochtli, the Tlatelulco, and the
causeways, with the bridges over which we made our disastrous retreat.
At this moment Cortes sighed more deeply than he had previously done for
the loss of his two grooms, whom the enemy had carried off alive. And it
was from this day our men began to sing the romance, which commences--
"En Tacuba esta Cortes
Con su esquadron esforsado,
Triste estava y mui penoso
Triste y con gran cuidado,
La una mano en la mexilla
Y la otra en el costado," etc.
As our general was thus standing in deep contemplation, the bachelor
Alonso Perez, who was appointed fiscal after the conquest of New Spain,
and lived in Mexico, stepped up to him and said, "General, you should
not thus give way to grief; it is ever so during war time, and men will
certainly never have occasion to sing of you as they did of Nero,--
'Mira Nero de Tarpeya[18]
A Roma como se ardia,
Gritos dan niños y viejos,
Y el de nada se dolia.'"
To which Cortes replied, "How often have I not offered peace to that
city! But it is not that circumstance alone which causes my grief; I am
likewise thinking of the dreadful scenes we have to go through before we
can subdue this place; though, with the assistance of God, we shall
accomplish this also."
I must now, however, quit these discourses and romances; indeed the time
was ill suited for such things. Our officers now deliberated whether or
not we should march a short distance along the causeway, which lay near
to Tlacupa; but as we had no powder left, and only a few arrows, besides
that most of our men were wounded, and as a similar attempt which Cortes
had made a month earlier on this same causeway had ended so
disastrously, it was resolved we should continue our march, lest the
Mexicans should fall upon us this very day, or during the night. From
the near vicinity of the metropolis it was easy for Quauhtemoctzin to
send a body of troops against us at any moment. We therefore broke up
our quarters here, and marched straight forward to Escapuzalco, which we
found entirely deserted by its inhabitants. From this place we came to
Tenayucan, or the town of Serpents, as we called it; (the reader will
remember what I related in a former chapter respecting the origin of
this name.) The inhabitants of this place had likewise fled. We next
came to Quauhtitlan, and the rain came down in torrents during the whole
of the day, so that we could scarcely drag one foot after the other,
from the weight of our arms and of our clothes, which were completely
drenched with water.
It was perfectly dark when we entered this township, which was also
deserted by its inhabitants. The rain came down in torrents during the
whole night, which created a great deal of mire and dirt. The
inhabitants and Mexicans, who had fled to places where we could not get
at them, kept hooting at us from the evening until next morning, without
intermission. Owing to the extreme darkness of the night, and the heavy
rain which was falling, we neither posted sentinels nor made any rounds;
there was nothing but disorder to be seen in our camp, and no one
remained at his post. I can speak from experience, for the first watch
had been assigned to me; but no officer came to make the rounds, or see
that all was right.
The next day we marched to a large township, whose name I have
forgotten. The streets were covered with mud, and not an inhabitant was
to be seen. On the following morning we arrived at Aculman, which is
subject to Tezcuco; and the inhabitants of this place being apprized of
our approach, came out to meet us. They were accompanied by several
Spaniards, who had arrived from Spain during our absence. Besides these,
Sandoval, with the troops under his command, and Don Fernando, king of
Tezcuco, had likewise come out to welcome us. Every one was overjoyed at
our return, but particularly the inhabitants of the surrounding
neighbourhood, who brought us quantities of provisions.
Sandoval returned this same day to Tezcuco, fearing the enemy might make
an attack on this town in the night time. The following morning Cortes
also left, for this place, where we arrived quite fatigued, and covered
with wounds; besides that, we had to mourn the loss of many of our brave
companions in arms, whom the Mexicans had carried off alive, and
sacrificed to their idols. I must now inform the reader what a perilous
posture affairs had assumed at Tezcuco.
CHAPTER CXLVI.
_How we discover, on our return to Tezcuco, that a conspiracy had
been set on foot by the men of Narvaez's troops to murder Cortes,
and all who were of his party; of the author of this conspiracy, his
punishment; and of other matters._
During our absence a conspiracy had been set on foot by a most intimate
friend of the governor of Cuba, named Antonio de Villafaña, a native
either of Zamora or Toro, in conjunction with others of Narvaez's
troops, whose names, for honour's sake, I will refrain from mentioning
here. The object of this conspiracy was to murder Cortes on his return,
which was to be done in the following manner.
The conspirators designed handing over a letter to Cortes while he sat
at dinner with his officers and other soldiers, which was to be securely
fastened and sealed, purporting to come from his father, with a vessel
that had just arrived from Spain. While he was occupied in the perusal
of this letter, he and the whole of the officers and soldiers who sat
at table with him, and offered any resistance, were to be poignarded to
death.
All this being settled, it pleased the Almighty that the conspirators
should also let two other distinguished officers into the secret, whose
names, however, I must likewise repress. Both these officers had
accompanied us on our recent expedition around the lake, and one of
these officers, after Cortes should have been killed, was to be
appointed one of the new captain-generals. In the same manner the other
chief appointments, besides all our property and horses, had already
been disposed of by the conspirators. The Almighty, however, in his
mercy, prevented this horrible deed from being carried into effect, the
consequences of which would have been continual divisions, the
inevitable loss of New Spain, and the total destruction of our troops.
The whole of this conspiracy was discovered to Cortes by one of our
soldiers a couple of days after his return to Tezcuco, and he had thus
sufficient time to adopt active measures for suppressing it before it
spread further. The honest man who made the discovery to him assured him
also that there were several men of rank among the conspirators.
Cortes, after he had handsomely rewarded this man, communicated the
whole affair, under the seal of secrecy, to the officers Alvarado, Oli,
Lugo, Sandoval, Tapia, and myself; also to the two alcaldes for the
year, and to all those in whom he could place confidence. He then
ordered us to arm ourselves without any further delay, and he then
proceeded with us to the quarters of Antonio de Villafaña.
On entering his apartment we found him in conversation with several of
the conspirators, and the four alguacils who accompanied us immediately
arrested him. The rest instantly took to flight, but Cortes had many of
them seized. Villafaña being thus in our power, Cortes thrust his hand
into that officer's bosom, and drew forth a paper, containing the whole
plan of the conspirators, to which all their names were attached.
Cortes, on perusing this paper, found the names of several men of
importance among the list of conspirators; and being desirous of saving
them from dishonour, he afterwards gave out that Villafaña had swallowed
the paper, and that he had not read it himself, nor even so much as seen
it.
A criminal suit was now instituted against Villafaña, when he, with
several others who were implicated in it, made a full confession of the
whole matter. Cortes, the two alcaldes, and the quartermaster Oli, who
formed the court-martial, then pronounced Villafaña guilty, and
sentenced him to be hung; and, after he had confessed to father Juan
Diaz, he was executed in front of his own quarters.
Here Cortes allowed the matter to rest, though several of the
conspirators were kept in close confinement, and in order to frighten
them appearances were made as if they likewise would have to share a
similar fate with Villafaña. Our general, however, was desirous of
saving their names from dishonour; to which may be added, that this was
not exactly the time to go to the utmost severity of the law.
From that moment our general had a body guard, consisting of the captain
Antonio de Quiñones, a native of Zamora, and twelve trustworthy men, who
were to be near his person both night and day. In the same way he
likewise requested the rest of us in whom he could place confidence to
watch over the safety of his person. He never, however, evinced any
animosity in his subsequent behaviour towards the other conspirators,
though he took care to be particularly upon his guard against them.[19]
After this miserable affair was ended, notice was given that the
prisoners we had made in our expedition round the lake were to be
brought in to be marked within the space of two days. In order not to
waste many words on the subject, for the third time I will merely state
that our men were even more shamefully cheated on this occasion than on
the former. First the emperor's fifths were deducted, then those of
Cortes, and after him our chief officers committed their piracies. If,
therefore, any of us had an Indian female who was handsome or strong of
limb, we certainly took her to be marked with the iron, but stole her
away the night following, and took care not to show her again until some
considerable time had elapsed; so that numbers of our slaves were never
marked at all, and yet we employed them as our naborias.
CHAPTER CXLVII.
_How Cortes issues orders to the inhabitants of all the townships in
the neighbourhood of Tezcuco which were allied with us, to furnish
us with arrows and copper points for the same, and what further took
place at our head-quarters._
Our brigantines were now so far advanced towards completion, that they
had merely to be rigged. For each brigantine a number of spare oars had
been made in case of need. The canal in which these vessels were to be
launched, and through which they were to be conveyed into the lake, was
now also sufficiently deep and wide to swim these vessels.[20] Cortes
now, therefore, began to make active preparations for the siege of
Mexico. He issued orders to all the townships which lay in the vicinity
of Tezcuco, and were in alliance with us, for each of them to furnish
him with 8000 copper points for our arrows, to be made after the model
of our Spanish ones, of which some were sent them for that purpose. They
were also to furnish an equal number of arrows, which were to be made
from a wood particularly adapted for that use, and they received some of
our Spanish arrows to work by. He allowed them eight days for the making
and delivery of these; and indeed both the arrows and the copper points
arrived at Tezcuco in the time specified. Our stock of these now
consisted of 50,000 pieces, and the arrow points made by these people
were even better than those we brought from Spain.
Cortes then ordered Pedro Barba, who commanded the crossbow-men to
divide the arrows and copper points among his men, and see that every
man fixed the points neatly to the arrows, and attached the feathers
with strong glue. Every crossbow-man was also to furnish himself with
two closely twisted cords for his bow; further to provide himself with a
number of spare nuts for the bows, that if one should crack or fly off
he might have another in readiness. The crossbow-men were also to
exercise themselves in shooting at heaps of earth to ascertain the
strength of their bows. Care was therefore taken that they should not
want for Valencian strings to twist the cords of, for the vessel of Juan
Burgos, which had recently arrived from Spain, had fortunately brought a
good supply of these as well as of bows, powder, muskets and other arms,
besides a quantity of horseshoes. In the same way our cavalry were
ordered to equip themselves, have their horses fresh shod, and to
exercise them daily in all manner of cavalry evolutions.
Cortes then sent word to the elder Xicotencatl, his two sons, and to
Chichimeclatecl, informing them that we should leave Tezcuco after the
feast of Corpus Christi, and begin the siege of Mexico. He therefore
requested them to send him 20,000 warriors from their country, from
Huexotzinco, and from Cholulla, who were now all in friendly alliance
with each other. But it was unnecessary to inform the Tlascallans of our
intentions, for they were always duly apprized beforehand by those of
their countrymen who accompanied us in our expeditions and returned home
with the booty they had made. The inhabitants of Tlalmanalco and Chalco
were also requested to hold themselves in readiness to march out at a
moment's notice. These and all our other allies were informed of the day
when we proposed to commence operations against Mexico. From all sides
we received the most friendly assurances of assistance, and that Cortes'
orders would be punctually obeyed.
CHAPTER CXLVIII.
_How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops at Tezcuco; and of his
further dispositions for conducting the siege of Mexico._
After Cortes had thus acquainted our allies with his designs against
Mexico, he determined to review the whole of his troops, and selected
for this purpose the second day of Easter. This review was held in the
large square of Tezcuco, and our muster-roll gave the following numbers:
Eighty-four horse; six hundred and fifty foot soldiers, of whom some
were armed with swords and shields, and others with lances; one hundred
and ninety-four crossbow-men and musketeers.
Out of these troops he selected the men who were to serve on the
thirteen brigantines; each of which required twelve rowers and a
captain, with twelve crossbow-men and musketeers. In this way the
thirteen brigantines required two hundred and eighty men, who, with the
additional number of artillerymen, amounted to three hundred and
twenty-five. Next the cannon, with the necessary powder was distributed
among them; and when all this was done, Cortes published the articles of
war, which ran as follows:
First of all it was forbidden under a heavy penalty to blaspheme either
against our Lord Jesus Christ, his blessed mother, the holy apostles, or
against any of the saints in general.
Secondly, no one was to ill-use any of our allies, take anything from
them, not even of the booty they might make, whether this consisted of
gold, silver, jewels, or of anything else; for we were to bear in mind
that they joined us in this war at our own particular request.
Thirdly, none of the men, either during day or night time, were to leave
our head-quarters, whether to fetch provisions from any of the townships
allied to us, or for any other purpose whatever. Any one found guilty of
this would be severely punished.
Fourthly, every soldier was to supply himself with a sufficient number
of arms and keep them in proper order; for we were to remember how well
the Mexicans were provided with everything in the shape of weapons.
Fifthly, all gambling for horses or weapons was strictly forbidden.
Lastly, none of the men, whatever company they belonged to, were to lay
themselves down to rest without being completely armed and were to keep
their shoes on, to which an exception was merely granted in cases of
urgent necessity when a person was severely wounded, or unable to do
duty; for we should be prepared to receive the enemy at a moment's
notice.
Besides these the usual articles of war were again read over, which,
among other things, threatened punishment of death to the sentinel who
deserted his post or fell asleep while on duty. The same punishment
would be inflicted on any soldier who left his quarters without his
captain's permission, or who left his commanding officer in a moment of
danger and took to flight.
CHAPTER CXLIX.
_The manner in which Cortes selects the men who were to row the
brigantines; of the commanders who were appointed to each, and of
other matters._
Cortes on selecting the men who were to serve on board the brigantines
could not find a sufficient number of sailors to row them. All the
sailors who had come with us, with Narvaez, and with the vessels which
had recently arrived from Jamaica, had been duly noted down, but even
then there was not a sufficient number. Besides which many would not
condescend to this work, saying, it was unreasonable to think of making
rowers of them.
Cortes then turned his attention to those who daily went out a fishing,
and found they were mostly natives of Palos, Moguer, Triana, or other
coast towns, which were celebrated for producing capital sailors. All
these persons were commanded under threats of severe punishment, to
enter without delay upon the service of the brigantines. Many, indeed,
who were men of noble birth, remonstrated with our general, and told
him, it was insulting to think of setting them to such work; but Cortes
paid no respect to persons, and by these means he mustered one hundred
and fifty capital oars, who indeed had better days of it than we who had
to fight on the causeways, and obtained a much greater share of booty
than we did, as will be sufficiently seen hereafter.
As soon as each brigantine was fully equipped for war, Cortes ordered a
flag, bearing the royal arms, to be hoisted; and a second one, bearing
the number of the vessel. The following were the commanders appointed:
viz. Pedro Barba, Garcia Holguin, Juan de Limpias, the deaf Carvajal,
Juan Xaramillo, Geronimo de la Mota, the other Carvajal, who now lives
at an advanced age in the street San Francisco; a certain Portillo, an
excellent soldier, who had just arrived from Spain and had brought a
beautiful wife with him. The naval captain Zamora, who lives at present
in Guaxaca. A certain Colmero, who was both a good sailor and a good
soldier. Further, Lerma, Gines, Nortes, Briones of Salamanca, Miguel
Diaz de Auz, and one other officer, whose name has slipped my memory.
The whole of the crews were strictly enjoined to pay implicit obedience
to their commanders; and any one who left his vessel was liable to
severe punishment. The several commanders then received their particular
instructions as to the manner in which they were to cooperate with the
land forces.
All these matters had just been arranged when Cortes received
intelligence that the Tlascallan chiefs were marching with a large body
of troops, consisting of Tlascallans and Huexotzincans. The chief
command of these had been intrusted to the younger Xicotencatl, the same
who commanded against us in our battles with Tlascalla. He was likewise
accompanied by his two brothers, the two younger sons of the excellent
Don Lorenzo de Vargas. One of the chiefs of Cholulla likewise made his
appearance, but with a very small body of men; for, though the
Cholullans had broken off their alliance with Mexico from the time we
had punished them so severely, yet they never stood upon the best of
terms with us; on the contrary, they appeared as if waiting to see how
matters would terminate, and then to side with the triumphant party.
After our direful retreat from Mexico, they were almost upon the point
of declaring against us.
When Cortes was informed of Xicotencatl's approach, who had come a day
before the time appointed, he went out with Alvarado and several other
officers to a distance of about a mile from Tezcuco, and welcomed him
and his brothers with every demonstration of joy. Xicotencatl, with his
men, marched forward in the best order, and all were accoutred in their
best garments. Every company had a standard, on which was embroidered a
white bird with expanded wings, being the arms of Tlascalla, and
resembled an eagle. Every one of the men had a bunch of plumes stuck on
his head; they struck up their war music, waved their flags, and
continually cried out, "Long live the emperor, our master! Spain for
ever! Tlascalla for ever!"
It took these troops about three hours before they had all entered the
town, and our general ordered them to be provided with good quarters,
and the best food we could get. When they had all entered the town, he
once more bid them heartily welcome, assuring them he would enrich them
all, and then desired them to rest from their fatigues, adding, that he
would let them know the next day the duty they would have to perform.
Almost at the very moment these Tlascallans were marching into Tezcuco,
a letter was put into Cortes' hands from Hernando de Barrientos, who was
at Chinantla, about 360 miles from Mexico. Barrientos related that,
while he was exploring the mines, being left behind for that purpose by
Pizarro, the Mexicans had attacked him, and killed three of his
companions, and that he alone had been fortunate enough to escape to the
inhabitants of Chinantla, who were at enmity with the Mexicans. This was
the same people who had furnished us with those long lances in our
battle against Narvaez.
Without wishing to repeat the whole contents of this letter, I will only
state that Cortes, in answer to it, told him he was about to besiege
Mexico, and cautioned him to keep on good terms with the caziques of the
country, and not to leave that place until he should receive further
intelligence from head-quarters; for he would run great danger of being
murdered on the road by the Mexicans.
CHAPTER CL.
_Of Cortes' further dispositions for the siege._
Cortes now divided the whole of our troops into three divisions. The
first division, consisting of one hundred and fifty foot, all well armed
with swords and shields, thirty horse, and eighteen musketeers and
crossbow-men, was commanded by Alvarado, under whom Guiterrez de
Badajoz, Andreas de Monjaraz, and Jorge de Alvarado had each the command
of fifty men and a third part of the musketeers and crossbow-men; the
cavalry being under the immediate command of Alvarado himself. To this
division 8000 Tlascallans were added, and Alvarado, in whose division I
also was, received orders to take up his position in the town of
Tlacupa. Cortes particularly recommended us to furnish ourselves with
good weapons, helmets, gorgets, and steel coverings for the legs, to
protect our bodies from the destructive weapons of the Mexicans. These
precautions were, indeed, very necessary; but, notwithstanding all our
defensive armour, scarcely a day past by in which the enemy did not kill
or wound some of our men.
The second division was placed under the command of Oli, and consisted
of thirty horse, one hundred and sixty-five foot, and twenty
crossbow-men and musketeers. Andreas de Tapia, Verdugo, and Lugo
commanded under him, he himself having the immediate command of the
cavalry. To this division, likewise, 8000 Tlascallans were added, and
they were to take up their position in the town of Cojohuacan, about
eight miles from Tlacupa.
Sandoval was appointed to the command of the third division, consisting
of twenty-four horse, fourteen crossbow-men and musketeers, and one
hundred and fifty foot armed with shields and swords. To this division
were added 8000 Indians from the townships of Chalco, Huexotzinco, and
other places in alliance with us. Cortes appointed Luis Marin and Pedro
de Ircio, two intimate friends of Sandoval, to command under him, the
latter himself having the immediate command of the cavalry. This
division was to take up a position near Iztapalapan, and Sandoval's
instructions were to attack that town, and do as much damage there as he
could, until he received further orders. Sandoval did not leave Tezcuco
before Cortes was about to step on board, who himself took the chief
command of the brigantines. On this flotilla there were altogether 325
men. Thus Sandoval, Oli, and Alvarado were each ordered off to different
points: one marched to the left, the other to the right; and those who
are not acquainted with the situation of this town or of the lake in
general, would imagine that these divisions were removing from one
common centre rather than approaching it. Each of these three captains
received particular instructions for his plan of operation, and the next
morning was fixed for our departure.
In order to be detained as little as possible, we sent off the whole
body of Tlascallans in advance to the Mexican frontiers. These troops
marched out in the best possible humour, under their commander
Chichimeclatecl and other officers, but discovered that their
commander-in-chief, the younger Xicotencatl, had remained behind. After
considerable inquiries, it was found that he had secretly returned to
Tlascalla on the previous night to take forcible possession of the
caziquedom and territory of Chichimeclatecl. It appears, according to
the accounts of the Tlascallans, that he wished to avail himself of this
favorable opportunity of raising himself to supreme power in his own
country, which the absence of Chichimeclatecl offered to him, who, in
his opinion, was the only person that stood in his way since the death
of Maxixcatzin, as he did not fear any opposition from his old blind
father. This Xicotencatl, the Tlascallans further added, had never felt
any real inclination to join us in the war against Mexico, but had
frequently assured them it would terminate in the destruction of us
all.[21]
When Chichimeclatecl received information of this, he instantly returned
to Tezcuco in order to apprize Cortes of it. Our general, on hearing
this, despatched five distinguished personages of Tezcuco, and two
Tlascallans, who were his particular friends, after Xicotencatl, to
request his immediate return to his troops, in Cortes' name. They were
to remind him that his father Lorenzo de Vargas would certainly have
marched out against Mexico in person, if blindness and old age had not
prevented him; that the whole population of Tlascalla continued loyal to
his majesty, and that the revolt he wished to excite would throw
dishonour on his own country. These representations Cortes desired
should be accompanied by large promises, to induce him to return to
obedience. Xicotencatl, however, haughtily replied, that he was
determined to abide by his resolve, and our dominion in this country
would not have continued thus long if his father and Maxixcatzin had
followed his advice.
Upon this our general ordered an alguacil to repair in all haste with
four of our horse and five distinguished men of Tezcuco to Xicotencatl's
abode, to take him prisoner, and hang him without any further ceremony.
"All kindness," added Cortes, "is thrown away upon this cazique. His
whole time is spent in devising plots and creating mischief. I cannot
suffer this to continue any longer; the matter has now come to a
crisis."
As soon as Alvarado received information of these commands, he urgently
begged of Cortes to pardon Xicotencatl. Our general replied that he
would consider about it, though he secretly gave the alguacil peremptory
orders to put him to death, which was accordingly done. Xicotencatl was
hung in a town subject to Tezcuco, and thus an end was put to all his
plottings. Many Tlascallans assured us that the elder Xicotencatl
himself had cautioned Cortes against his son,[22] and had advised him to
put him to death.
This affair delayed our departure from Tezcuco for one day; and thus it
was not till the 13th of May, 1521, that we commenced our march. As our
road lay for a considerable distance in the same direction, our division
under Alvarado and that under Oli marched out at the same time. The
first night we encamped in the township of Alcuman, to which place Oli
had despatched some men in advance to prepare quarters for his troops,
and had ordered that the houses which they took possession of should, by
way of distinction, be decorated with green boughs. When we arrived with
Alvarado, we found, to our surprise, that every house had been taken,
and the two divisions were just about to settle the matter, sword in
hand, when the officers stepped in between, and thereby put a stop to
the dispute. But the insult which had thus been offered to us was not so
easily to be forgotten; when, therefore, this circumstance became known
to Cortes, he sent off father Melgarejo and Luis Marin to us, with
letters to every officer and soldier, in which he reproached us for
quarrelling, and admonished us to keep peace with each other. From this
moment Alvarado and Oli were never upon such friendly terms as formerly.
The following morning the two divisions continued their march, and we
encamped for the night in a town subject to Mexico, but which was quite
deserted by its inhabitants. This was likewise the case in Quauhtitlan,
where we took up our quarters the next night.
Tenayucan and Escapuzalco, through which we marched the day following,
were also quite deserted. Our Tlascallan friends spread themselves all
through these townships, and entered into every house during the fore
part of the evening, from which they brought in quantities of
provisions. We adopted every military precaution for the night, as we
were not far distant from Mexico, and could plainly hear the Mexicans,
who were lying in crowds in their canoes on the lake and along the
causeways, hooting and yelling fearfully throughout the whole of the
night, and challenging us to the combat. Their object, was to induce us
to fall upon them in the dark, when they would have had a great
advantage over us. We had, however, received a sufficient warning by our
former misfortune, and very wisely kept ourselves as quietly as possible
until next morning, which was a Sunday.
After father Juan Diaz had said mass, we commended ourselves to the
protection of the Almighty, and both divisions marched forward to cut
off the aqueduct of Chapultepec, which lies about two miles from
Tlacupa, and supplies Mexico with water. On our way thither, we fell in
with several bodies of Mexicans, who had received intelligence that this
was to be the commencement of our operations against Mexico. The enemy
had in every way the advantage ground over us, and attacked us
vigorously with lances, arrows, and stones, by which three of our men
were wounded; but we soon put them to flight, and they were so closely
pursued by the Tlascallans that they lost twenty killed, and seven or
eight were taken prisoners. We were now able to destroy the aqueduct
without any further opposition, and the city of Mexico was deprived of
this source of obtaining water during the whole of the siege.
As soon as we had destroyed this aqueduct, our officers determined to
make an attempt upon one of the bridges on the causeway leading from
Tlacupa. We had scarcely begun to move along the causeway when numbers
of canoes, filled with troops, advanced swiftly from both sides, while
other large bodies of the enemy came marching up the causeway against
us, so that we were quite astounded at the very sight. In the first
encounter thirty of our men were wounded and three killed.
Notwithstanding all this, we fought our way up to the first bridge.
According to what we afterwards heard, it was the wish of the Mexicans
that we should pass over the bridge; for we had no sooner done so than
we were assailed by such terrific crowds, as to be unable to move. What
indeed could we do on a causeway which was no more than eight paces in
breadth, where we were attacked on all sides at once? Our crossbow-men
and musketeers certainly kept up a continued fire on the canoes, but the
enemy received but a trifling loss this way, for they had raised boards
alongside of their canoes, by which their troops were sheltered from our
fire. Those of the enemy's troops which attacked us on the causeway
itself we certainly drove back each time into the water, but fresh
troops kept pouring in too fast for us to gain much advantage this way.
Here our cavalry was of no manner of use to us, while the horses were
greatly exposed to the attacks of the enemy on each side of the
causeway, and many were consequently wounded. If our cavalry attempted
to pursue the enemy into the water, the latter had provided against this
by palisades, behind which they retired, and stretched out against them
their long lances, to which they had fastened the swords we
unfortunately lost on our retreat from Mexico.
In this way the battle continued for upwards of an hour, the enemy each
time returning to the attack with such excessive fury that, at length,
we could stand our ground no longer: nor was this all, for we now saw
another large fleet of canoes approaching with a fresh body of men, who
were ordered to fall upon our rear. We therefore determined to retreat
back along the causeway, for which purpose we ordered the Tlascallans to
move off first, that we might effect our retreat in perfect good order.
Here the Tlascallans had greatly embarrassed us in our movements, who,
it is well known, never can fight standing in the water.
The instant the Mexicans perceived we were turning back, and saw the
Tlascallans moving off the causeway, they set up most distracting yells,
and attacked us man to man with great fierceness. It is indeed out of my
power to describe it. The whole of the causeway was instantly covered
with lances, arrows, and stones, besides that vast quantities fell into
the water. When we had again reached the mainland, we returned fervent
thanks to the Almighty for having rescued us from this severe battle.
Eight of our men were killed and fifty wounded: added to all this, we
were obliged to put up with the hootings and jeers of the enemy, who
kept calling upon the Tlascallans to come with double their numbers next
time, and they would very soon settle their impudence. Our first deeds
of arms, therefore, merely consisted in destroying the aqueduct of
Chapultepec, and in reconnoitring the lake along the causeway, in which
we did not exactly reap much honour.
For the rest, we passed the following night very quietly in our
quarters, posted our sentinels, and dressed our wounds. One of our
horses was so severely wounded that it died soon after.
The following morning Oli determined upon taking up the position
assigned to his division at Cojohuacan, about six miles further on; and
however Alvarado and the other cavaliers might beg of him not to
separate the two divisions, yet he would not alter his determination.
Christobal de Oli was a man of uncommon bravery, whose pride was wounded
at the unsuccessful attempt we had made upon the causeway, and he
accused Alvarado of inconsiderateness for having ordered the attack.
Nothing, therefore, could induce him to stay, and he marched off with
his men to Cojohuacan.
The separation of the two divisions was very impolitic at this juncture;
for if the Mexicans had been aware of the smallness of our numbers, and
had attacked either of the divisions during the five following days,
before the brigantines had arrived, we should with difficulty have
escaped destruction. Both divisions, therefore, remained as quiet as the
enemy would allow them, though not a day passed by that the Mexicans did
not land troops to annoy us in our camp, and, if possible, to entice us
into places where we should be unable to act, and they could attack us
to greater advantage.
Sandoval, as we have seen, left Tezcuco with his division four days
after the feast of Corpus Christi, and marched towards Iztapalapan. His
route lay through townships which were either subject to, or in alliance
with Tezcuco. As soon as he arrived at Iztapalapan, he commenced his
military operations by burning down the greater portion of the houses
which stood on the mainland.
It was not long before large bodies of Mexican troops arrived for the
protection of Iztapalapan, with whom Sandoval had a severe skirmish, and
drove them back again to their canoes; but still they continued to
shower their arrows and darts upon him, and wounded several of his men.
During this conflict a thick smoke was seen to rise from several signal
fires which had been lighted on the surrounding hills. This had been a
signal to call in all the canoes of Mexico and of the other towns
situated on the lake, as Cortes had just run out from Tezcuco with the
thirteen brigantines.
The first attack our general made with this fleet was against a rocky
height on an island near Mexico. This place had been strongly fortified,
and was garrisoned by a great number of Mexicans and inhabitants of
other townships. All the canoes of Mexico, Xochimilco, Cojohuacan,
Huitzilopuzco, Iztapalapan, and Mexicalzinco, had united in a body to
oppose Cortes, which was the reason why the attack was carried on with
so little vigour against Sandoval, who, however, was not able to do the
enemy much damage, as most of the houses stood in the water; though, in
the commencement of the attack, our allies had made many prisoners. In
Iztapalapan, Saudoval found himself on a peninsula in the lake, and the
only way by which he could reach Cojohuacan was by a causeway which ran
half way through the lake, on which he would have been assailed from
both sides by the enemy, without his being able to defend himself with
much advantage.
When Cortes observed the vast number of canoes which kept continually
crowding around the brigantines, he began to feel alarmed, and this not
without reason, for their number amounted to above 4000. He therefore
abandoned his attack upon the rock, and selected a position with his
brigantines, where he would be able to observe all the enemy's
movements, and steer off in any direction he might choose. He likewise
issued orders to the respective commanders of the brigantines not to
commence an attack on the canoes before the wind, which had just
commenced blowing from the land, should have increased. When the
Mexicans found our fleet was moving off again, they not incorrectly
ascribed it to fear, and they immediately advanced with their canoes to
fall upon the brigantines. There now suddenly arose a stiffish breeze,
our rowers pulled with all their might, and Cortes ordered the
brigantines to run right in among the canoes. Numbers were bored into
the ground, many of the enemy killed and wounded, and all the rest of
the canoes turned round, and made off at a rapid rate, to seek refuge
between the houses built in the lake, where they could not be followed
by the brigantines. This was our first naval engagement, and Cortes
gained the victory, thanks be to the Almighty.
After this encounter he steered for Cojohuacan, where Oli had taken up
his position. Here again he fell in with large bodies of the enemy, who
lay in wait for him at a point of considerable danger, and attempted to
carry off two of the brigantines. They attacked him at the same time
from their canoes, and from the tops of the temples. Cortes now fired
in upon them with the cannon, and killed great numbers. The artillerymen
fired away so incessantly upon this occasion, that all their powder was
consumed, and some of them had their faces and hands burnt. Cortes then
despatched the smallest brigantine to Iztapalapan, to bring away all the
powder Sandoval had with him there, and wrote word to him not on any
account to quit that place. He himself staid the two next days with Oli,
on whose position the enemy continued their attacks without
intermission.
I must now also relate what took place at this time in Tlacupa, where I
was stationed with Alvarado.
When we received intelligence that Cortes had run out with the
brigantines, we advanced along our causeway up to the bridge, but this
time with greater precaution. Our cavalry was stationed in front of the
causeway, while the remaining troops moved along in a close body up to
the bridge, the crossbow-men and musketeers keeping up an incessant fire
upon the enemy. In this way we renewed the attack each day, and repaired
the gaps in the causeway, but three of our men had been killed.
In the meantime the enemy did Sandoval considerable damage from the tops
of the houses which stood in the water, and he therefore resolved to
attack those which he was best able to get at. Quauhtemoctzin then sent
off a large body of troops to the assistance of the town, with commands
to cut through the causeway in Sandoval's rear. Cortes observing a vast
number of canoes going in the direction of Iztapalapan, instantly
steered with the brigantines for the same place, and ordered Oli, with
the whole of his division, to shape his course thither along the
causeway. They found the Mexicans already hard at work in cutting
through the causeway, and concluded from this that Sandoval was
destroying the houses which stood in the water. They found him, as they
had suspected, already in the heat of an engagement with the enemy, who,
however, retired on the approach of the brigantines.
Cortes now ordered Sandoval to quit Iztapalapan with his troops, and to
take up his position at Tepeaquilla, in front of the causeway, which
leads from this place to Mexico. This Tepeaquilla is at present
dedicated to our dear lady of Guadaloupe, where so many miracles have
happened, and still daily take place.
CHAPTER CLI.
_How Cortes assigns particular stations to the twelve brigantines,
the thirteenth being considered unfit for service._
Cortes, our officers, and the whole of the troops were now convinced
that it was impossible to fight our way to the city along the causeways,
unless we were covered on each side by a couple of the brigantines. Our
general therefore joined four of these to Alvarado's division, he
himself retaining six others near his head-quarters, which he had taken
up where Oli was stationed; the remaining two he sent to Sandoval, for
the smallest brigantine was not considered of sufficient bulk to make
head against the large canoes, and was taken out of the service
altogether, and the men distributed among the crews of the other twelve.
As soon as the brigantines arrived at our station Alvarado placed two on
each side of the causeway, which were to cover us as we advanced to the
attack of the bridges. We now fought with better success than we had
previously done for the brigantines kept off the canoes, and prevented
them from attacking our flanks; so that we now succeeded in forcing some
of the bridges, and in destroying several of the enemy's entrenchments.
The conflict, however, was no less severe; on the contrary, the Mexicans
made so good a use of their lances, arrows, and slings, that, although
our jackets were thickly quilted with cotton, they wounded the greater
part of our men; nor did they desist from the attack till night came on;
but they had the great advantage over us, that they could relieve their
troops from time to time, by pouring in fresh men, and could shower
innumerable quantities of stones, arrows, and lances, upon our
brigantines, from the tops of the houses. Indeed I cannot find a more
appropriate expression than shower, although they alone can feel its
full force who were present on the occasion. If we did at times succeed,
with the utmost exertion, to force an entrenchment or a bridge, and we
omitted to station a strong detachment to guard it, the enemy returned
in the night, made another opening in the causeway, threw up larger
entrenchments, and dug deep pits, which immediately filled with water,
and these they covered slightly over, that we might sink down into them
in the midst of the battle of the following day, when the canoes would
hasten up to profit by the confusion, and carry off our men prisoners.
For this purpose numbers of canoes were lying wait in places where they
were out of the reach of our brigantines, though they were always ready
at hand, if their assistance was required. But the enemy had provided
in another artful way to render our brigantines useless in certain spots
of the lake, by driving numbers of stakes into the water, whose tops
were just below the surface; so that it was often impossible for our
vessels to avoid them, and they consequently stuck fast, and left our
troops open to the attacks of the canoes.
I have before mentioned of what little use the cavalry was to us in our
operations on the causeway; for whenever they did drive the Mexicans
before them up to the bridges, the latter leaped into the water, and
retreated behind the entrenchments which they had thrown up on the
causeway itself, where other bodies of the enemy stood ready to receive
them armed with extremely long lances, with which, and various kinds of
projectiles, they severely wounded our horses; so that the owners of the
horses were very unwilling to risk them in such unequal conflict; for at
that time the ordinary price of a horse was from 800 to 1000 pesos.
When night came on, and released us from the attacks of the enemy, we
returned to our encampment, and attended to our wounds, which we dressed
with bandages steeped in oil. There was likewise a soldier among our
troops, named Juan Catalan, who charmed the wounds, and the Lord Jesus
blessed this man's exertions in a manner that he invariably succeeded in
his cures. Indeed, if all our wounded, each day we renewed the attack,
had remained behind in our camp, none of the companies could ever have
sallied out with more than twenty men at a time. When our friends of
Tlascalla observed how this man charmed the wounds, and how every one
who was wounded applied to him for assistance, they likewise brought him
all their wounded, and these were so very numerous, that his only
occupation throughout the day consisted in charming wounds.
Our officers and ensigns were most exposed to the enemy's weapons, and
were oftener wounded in consequence; for which reason a fresh set of men
were each day appointed to carry our tattered colours. With all these
hardships we had to suffer, it will at least be thought that we had
plenty of food. But of this we were likewise deprived, and we should
have thought ourselves fortunate if we had only had some refreshing food
for our wounded; we had not even a cake of maise! Miserable indeed was
our distress! The only means we had of keeping soul and body together
was by eating herbs and cherries, and at last we had nothing to subsist
on but wild figs; Cortes and Sandoval's divisions fared no better than
ours, and the Mexicans likewise continued the attack upon them from
morning to night. Every blessed day that came they were obliged to
advance fighting their way up to the bridges along the causeway; for the
Mexicans, and the troops which lay in the other towns of the lake,
merely awaited the morning dawn, when the signals were given from the
summit of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli to rush out upon us both
by land and water.
The operations of the besieged were carried on with perfect order, and
it was previously settled where the different bodies of their troops
were to direct the attack.
As we began to experience that our daily advancing along the causeway
each time cost us a loss of men, besides that we gained little advantage
by it, for the Mexicans returned in the night, and again took possession
of the points we had forced, we determined to alter our plan of
operations, and took up a position on a more spacious part of the
causeway, where several towers rose up together, and where we should be
able to quarter ourselves for the night. Though we were miserably off
here, and had nothing to protect us from the rain, nor to cover us from
the piercing rays of the sun, we were not to be deterred from our
purpose. The Indian females who baked our bread were obliged to remain
behind in Tlacupa, protected by our cavalry, and the Tlascallans, who at
the same time covered our rear, that the enemy might not fall upon us
from the mainland. After these precautions had been adopted, we began to
carry out our principal object, which was to make ourselves master of
the houses in the suburbs, and of the intervening canals. These las
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