Eikon Basilike
by King of England Charles I · English · Gutenberg #32188 · 377,035 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Eikon Basilike
Author: King of England Charles I
John Gauden
Release date: April 30, 2010 [eBook #32188]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/32188
Credits: Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Lesley Halamek and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EIKON BASILIKE ***
Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Lesley Halamek and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
[Greek: Eikôn Basilikê]
THE
=POURTRACTURE=
OF
=HIS SACRED=
=MAJESTIE=,
IN
=HIS SOLITUDES=
AND
=SUFFERINGS=.
With a perfect Copy of Prayers used by his Majesty in the time of his
sufferings.
Delivered to Dr. JUXON Bishop of _London_, immediately before his
Death.
ROM. 8.
_More then Conquerour, &c._
_Bona agere, & mala pati, Regium est._
Printed at _London_, 1649.
The Explanation of the Embleme.
=PONDERIBUS= _genuus omne mali, probriq; gravatus,
Vixq; ferenda ferens_, =Palma= _ut_ =depressa=, _resurgo.
Ac, velut undarum_ =Fuctûs Ventìque=, _furorem
Irati Populi_ =Rupes immotta= _repello_.
=Clarioré tenebris=, _c[oe]lestis stella, corusco.
Victor æternum f[oe]lici pace_ =triumpho=.
_Auro_ =fulgentem= _rutilo gemmisque micantem,
At curis_ =Gravidam= _spernendo_ =calco Coronam=.
=Spinosam=, _at_ =ferri facilem=, _quo_ =spes mea=, _Christi
Auxilio, Nobis non est_ =tractare= _molestum_.
=Æternam=, _fixis fidei, semperque_ =beatam=
_In C[oe]los occulis_ =specto=, _Mobìsque-paratam.
Quod_ =vanum= _est, sperno; quod Christi_ =Gratia= _præbet
Amplecti studium est: Virtutis_ =Gloria= _merces._
THOUGH clogg'd with _weights_ of miseries,
_Palm_-like _depress'd_, I higher rise.
And as th' _unmoved Rock_ out-braves
The boyst'rous _winds_, and raging _waves_;
So _triumph I_. And _shine more bright_
In sad Affliction's darksom night.
That _splendid_, but yet _toilsome Crown_,
Regardlesly _I trample_ down.
With joy I take this _Crown_ of _Thorn_,
Though _sharp_, yet _easie to be born_.
That _heav'nly Crown_, already mine,
I _view_ with _eyes_ of faith divine.
I slight _vain_ things; and do embrace
_Glory_, the just reward of _Grace_.
[Greek: To Chi ouden êdikêse tên polin, oude to Kappa.]
[Illustration]
[Greek: Eikôn Basilikê.]
THE
POURTRACTURE
OF HIS SACRED
MAJESTIE,
IN
HIS SOLITUDES
AND
SUFFERINGS.
With a perfect Copy of Prayers used by his Majesty in the time of his
sufferings.
Delivered to Dr. JUXON Bishop of _London_, immediately before his
death.
ROM. 8.
_More then Conquerour, &c.
Bona agere, & mala pati, Regium est._
Printed at _London_, 1649.
THE CONTENTS.
1 _Vpon His Majesties calling this last Parliament._
2 _Upon the Earl of_ Strafford's _death._
3 _Upon His Majesties going to the House of Commons._
4 _Upon the Insolency of the Tumults._
5 _Upon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall
Parliaments: and after setling this, during the pleasure of
the two Houses._
6 _Upon His Majesties retirement from_ Westminster.
7 _Upon the Queens departure, and absence out of_ England.
8 _Upon His Majesties repulse at_ Hull, _and the fates of the_
Hothams.
9 _Upon the listing and raising Armies against the King._
10 _Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navie, and
Militia._
11 _Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the King; and more
afterwards._
12 _Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in_ Ireland.
13 _Upon the Calling in of the_ Scots, _and their Coming._
14 _Upon the Covenant._
15 _Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon
the King, to stirre up the people against Him._
16 _Upon the Ordinance against the Common prayer-Book._
17 _Of the differences between the King, and the two Houses,
in point of Church-government._
18 _Upon_ Uxbridge-_Treaty, and others Offers made by the
King._
19 _Upon the various events of the War; Victories, and
Defeats._
20 _Upon the Reformations of the Times._
21 _Upon His Majesties Letters taken and divulged._
22 _Upon His Majesties leaving_ Oxford, and going to the_
Scots._
23 _Upon the_ Scots _delivering the King to the_ English; _and
His Captivity at_ Holmbie.
24 _Upon their denying His Majestie the Attendance of His
Chaplains._
25 Penitentiall Meditations and Vowes in the King's solitude
at _Holmbie_.
26 _Upon the Armies surprisall of the King at_ Holmbie, _and
the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the
Citie._
27 _To the Prince of_ Wales.
28 _Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses,
and His Majesties closer Imprisonment in_ Carisbrook-Castle.
29 _Divers prayers used by his Majesty in time of His
sufferings._
30 _His Speeches to the Lady_ Elisabeth _and Duke of_
Glocester: _And His_ Reasons _against the jurisdiction of the
high Court of Justice._
[Illustration]
[Greek: EIKÔN BASILIKÊ]
1. _Upon His Majesties calling this last Parliament._
This last Parliament I called, not more by others advice, and
necessity of My affairs, then by my own choice and inclination; who
have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for
My Crown, and best pleasing to my People: And although I was not
forgetfull of those sparks, which some mens distempers formerly
studied to kindle in Parliaments, (which by forbearing to convene for
some years, I hoped to have extinguished) yet resolving with My self
to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires, and to
redress all publick grievances in Church and State; I hoped (by My
freedom and their moderation) to prevent all mis-understandings and
miscarriages in this: In which as I feared, affairs would meet with
some passion and prejudice in other men, so I resolved they should
finde least of them in my self; not doubting, but by the weight of
Reason I should counterpoiz the over-ballancing of any Factions.
I was, indeed, sorry to hear with what partiality and popular heat,
Elections were carried in many places; yet hoping that the gravity and
discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a
due temperament (guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of
moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all
States and Kingdoms:) No man was better pleased with the convening of
this Parliament then My self; who knowing best the largenesse of my
own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment, pleased my
self most in that good and firm understanding, which would hence grow
between me and my people.
All jealousies being laid aside, my own and my Childrens Interests
gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of
my Subjects; The only temporal blessing that is left to the ambition
of just Monarchs, as their greatest honour and safety, next Gods
protection. I cared not to lessen my self in some things of my wonted
Prerogative; since I knew I could be no loser, if I might gain but a
recompence in my Subjects affections.
I intended not only to oblige my friends, but mine enemies also:
exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented,
if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense.
The _odium_ and offences which some mens rigor or remissnesse in
Church and State had contracted upon my Government, I resolved to have
expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future, as might
not only rectifie what was amiss in practice, but supply what was
defective in the constitution: No man having a greater zeal to see
Religion setled, and preserved in Truth, Unitie, and Order then my
self; whom it most concerns both in pietie and policie; as knowing,
that, No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those
which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions.
I resolved to reform, what I should by free and full advice in
Parliament be convinced to be amiss; and to grant whatever my Reason
and Conscience told me was fit to be desired; I wish I had kept my
self within those bounds, and not suffered my own Judgement to have
been over-born in some things, more by others Importunities, then
their Arguments; my confidence had less betrayed my self, and my
Kingdoms, to those advantages, which some men sought for, who wanted
nothing but power and occasion to do mischief.
But our sins being ripe, there was no preventing of Gods Justice, from
reaping that glory in our Calamities, which we robbed him of in our
prosperitie.
_For thou (O Lord) hast made us see, That Resolutions of future
Reforming, doe not alwayes satisfie thy justice, nor prevent thy
Vengeance for former miscarriages._
_Our sins have over-laid our hopes: Thou hast taught us to depend on
thy mercies to forgive, not on our purpose to amend._
_When thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy judgments, and hast shewed
us how unsafe it is to offend thee, upon presumptions afterwards to
please thee, Then I trust thy mercy will restore those blessings to
us, which we have so much abused, as to force thee to deprive us of
them._
_For want of timely repentance of our sins, Thou givest us cause to
Repent of those Remedies we too late apply._
_Yet I doe not repent of my calling the last Parliament, because O
Lord, I did it with an upright intention to thy glory, and My Peoples
good._
_The miseries which have ensued upon me and my Kingdoms, are the just
effects of thy displeasure upon us; and may be yet, through thy mercy,
preparatives of us to future blessings and better hearts to enjoy
them._
_O Lord, though thou hast deprived us of many former comforts;
yet grant me and my People the benefit of our afflictions, and thy
chastisements; that thy Rod as well as thy Staff may comfort us:
Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an enemy, but a
Father: when thou givest us those humble affections, that measure of
patience in repentance which becomes thy Children; I shall have no
cause to repent the miseries this Parliament hath occasioned, when by
them thou hast brought me and my people unfeignedly to repent of the
sins we have committed._
_Thy grace is infinitely better with our sufferings, then our Peace
could be with our sins._
_O thou soveraign goodness and wisdom, who over-rulest all our
Counsels; over-rule also all our hearts; That the worse things we
suffer by thy Justice, the better we may be by thy mercie._
_As our sins have turned our Antidotes into Poison, so let thy Grace
turn our Poison into Antidotes._
_As the sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy Warre, so let
this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace._
_That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here, yet I may attain
to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart, and in thy Heaven, which Christ
hath purchased, & thou wilt give to thy servant (though a sinner) for
my Saviours sake._ Amen.
* * * * *
2. _Upon the Earl of Straffords death_.
I looked upon my Lord of _Strafford_, as a Gentleman, whose great
abilities might make a Prince rather afraid, then ashamed to employ
him in the greatest affairs of State.
For those were prone to create in him great confidence of
undertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great errors,
and many enemies; whereof he could not but contract good store, while
moving in so high a sphear, and with so vigorous a lustre, he must
needs (as the Sun) raise many envious exhalations, which condensed by
a popular _odium_, were capable to cast a cloud before the brightest
merit and integrity.
Though I cannot in my judgement approve all he did, driven (it may be)
by the necessities of times, and the Temper of that people, more then
led by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions: yet I
could never be convinced of any such criminousness in him as willingly
to expose his life to the stroke of Justice, and malice of his
enemies. I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs,
then in the businesse of that unfortunate Earl: when between my own
unsatisfiedness in Conscience, and a necessity (as some told me) of
satisfying the importunities of some people, I was perswaded by those
that I think wished Me well, to chuse rather what was safe, then what
seemed just; preferring the outward peace of My Kingdoms with men,
before that inward exactness of Conscience before God.
And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My
part (for plenary consent it was not) to his destruction, whom in
My judgment I thought not, by any clear law, guilty of death: That
I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret: which as a
sign of my repentance, I have often with sorrow confessed both to God
and men, as an act of so sinfull frailty, that it discovered more
a fear of man, then of God, whose name and place on earth no man is
worthy to bear, who will avoid inconveniencies of State, by acts of so
high injustice, as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate.
I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience, thereby to
salve State-sores; to calm the storms of popular discontents, by
stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome.
Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences, to
shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime, _Better one man perish,
(though unjustly) then the people be displeased or destroyed._
For, In all likelihood I could never have suffered, with My people,
greater calamities, (yet with greater comfort) had I vindicated
_Straffords_ innocency, at least by denying to Sign that destructive
_Bill_, according to that Justice, which My conscience suggested
to Me, then I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful
importunities with so cruel a favour. And I have observed, that those,
who counselled Me to sign that Bill, have been so far from receiving
the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People, that no men have
been harassed & crushed more then they: He onely hath been least vexed
by them, who counselled Me, not to consent against the vote of My own
Conscience: I hope God hath forgiven Me and them, the sinful rashness
of that business.
To which being in My soul so fully conscious, those Judgements God
hath pleased to send upon Me, are so much the more welcom, as a means
(I hope) which his mercy hath sanctified so to Me, as to make Me
repent of that unjust Act, (for so it was to Me) and for the future
to teach Me, That the best rule of policie is, to prefer the doing of
Justice, before all enjoyments, and the peace of my Conscience before
the preservation of My Kingdoms.
Nor hath any thing more fortified My resolutions against all those
violent importunities, which since have sought to gain a like consent
from Me, to Acts, wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied, then the sharp
touches I have had for what passed Me, in My Lord of _Straffords_
business.
Not that I resolved to have imployed him in My affairs, against the
advise of my Parliament, but I would not have had any hand in his
Death, of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured, then any man living
could be.
Nor were the crimes objected against him so clear, as after a long and
fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both
Houses; especially that of the Lords, of whom scarce a third part
were present, when the bill passed that House: And for the House
of Commons, many Gentlemen, disposed enough to diminish My Lord of
_Straffords_ greatness and power, yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law,
durst not condemn him to die: who for their integrity in their Votes,
were by Posting their Names, exposed to the popular calumny, hatred
and fury; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours _for
Justice_, (that is, to have both my self and the two Houses' Vote,
and doe as they would have us) that many ('tis thought) were rather
terrified to concur with the condemning party, then satisfied that of
right they ought so to doe.
And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent, for future
imitation sufficiently tels the world, that some remorse touched even
his most implacable enimies, as knowing he had very hard measure, and
such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves.
This tendernesse and regret I find in my soul, for having any hand
(and that very unwillingly God knows) in shedding one mans bloud
unjustly, (though under the colour and formalities of Justice, and
pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs) which may (I hope) be some
evidence before God and man, to all posterity, that I am far from
bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that blood which hath
been shed in this unhappy War; which some men will needs charge on me,
to ease their own souls, who am, and ever shall be, more affraid to
take away any mans life unjustly then to lose my own.
_But then, O God, of thy infinit mercies forgive me that act of
sinfull compliance, which hath greater aggravations upon me then any
man, Since I had not the least temptation of envy, or malice against
him, and by my place should, at least so farre, have been a preserver
of him, as to have denied my consent to his destruction._
_O Lord, I acknowledge my transgression, and my sin is ever before
me._
_Deliver me from blood-guiltiness O God, thou God of my salvation, and
my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness._
_Against thee have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight, for thou
sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand._
_Yet cast me not away from thy presence, purge me with the blood of my
Redeemer, and I shall be clear; wash me with that pretious effusion,
and I shall be whiter then snow._
_Teach me to learn Righteousnesse by thy Iudgements, and to see my
frailtie in thy Iustice: while I was perswaded by shedding one mans
bloud to prevent after-troubles, thou hast for that, among other
sins, brought upon mee, and upon my Kingdoms, great, long, and heavy
troubles._
_Make me to prefer Iustice, which is thy Will, before all contrary
clamours, which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will._
_It is too much that they have once overcome me, to please them by
displeasing thee: O never suffer me for any reason of State, to go
against my Reason of Conscience, Which is highly to sin against thee,
the God of Reason, and Iudge of our Consciences._
_Whatever, O Lord, thou seest fit to deprive me of, yet restore unto
me the joy of thy Salvation, and ever uphold me with thy free Spirit;
which subjects my will to non: but the light of Reason, Justice, and
Religion, which shines in my Soul; for thou desirest Truth in the
inward parts, and Integritie in the outward expressions._
_Lord, hear the voice of thy Sons, and my Saviours bloud, which speaks
better things; O make me, and my People, to hear the voice of Joy and
Gladness, that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoice in thy
salvation_.
* * * * *
3. _Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons._
My going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the five
Members, was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and
exasperations they could.
It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears; yea, and
many of my Friends resented it, as a motion rising rather from Passion
then Reason, and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of
those times required.
But these men knew not the just motives, and pregnant grounds, with
which I thought myself so furnished, that there needed nothing to such
evidence, as I could have produced against those I charged, save onely
a free and legall Trial, which was all I desired.
Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens
persons, further then I had discovered those (as I thought) unlawfull
correspondencies they had used, and engagements they had made to
embroyl my Kingdoms: of all which I missed but little to have produced
Writings under some mens own hands, who were the chief contrivers of
the following Innovations.
Providence would not have it so; yet I wanted not such probabilities
as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart, who is not
wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace; which to preserve,
my calling in question half a dozen men, in a fair and legall way
(which God knows, was all my design) could have amounted to no worse
effect, had it succeeded, then either to do Me and my Kingdom right,
in case they had been found guilty; or else to have cleared their
innocency, and removed my suspicion: which, as they were not raised
out of any malice, so neither were they in reason to be smothered.
What flames of discontent this spark (though I sought by all speedy
and possible means to quench it) soon kindled, all the world is
witnesse: The aspersion which some men cast upon that action, as if
I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons, and invade
their Priviledge, is so false, that, as God best knows, I had no such
intent; so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I
then said or did, the least intimation of any such thoughts.
That I went attended with some Gentlemen, as it was no unwonted thing
for the Majesty and safety of a King so to be attended, especially
in discontented times; so were my Followers at that time short of
my ordinary Guard, and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary
conflict. Nor were they more scared at my coming, then I was unassured
of not having some affronts cast upon me, if I had none to be with
Me to preserve a reverence to Me: for many people had (at that time)
learned to think those hard thoughts, which they have since abundantly
vented against Me, both by words and deeds.
The sum of that businesse was this,
Those men and their adherents were then look'd upon by the affrighted
vulgar, as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties then my
Self, and so worthier of their protection. I leave them to God and
their own Consciences, who, if guilty of evill machinations, no
present impunity, or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge
sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals.
To which, in the obstructions of Justice among men, we must
religiously appeal, as being an argument to us Christians of that
after unavoidable Judgement, which shall re-judge what among men is
but corruptly decided, or not at all.
I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen fit, those future
commotions which I foresaw, would in all likelyhood follow some mens
activity (if not restrained) and so now hath done to the undoing of
many thousands; the more is the pity.
But to over-awe the freedom of the Houses, or to weaken their just
Authority by any violent impressions upon them, was not at all my
design: I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my side, as
should not have needed so rough assistance: and I was resolved
rather to bear the repulse with patience, then to use such hazardous
extremities.
_But thou, O Lord art my witnesse in heaven, and in my Heart: If I
have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent: or if
there were any such wickednes in my thoughts._
_Then let the enemy persecute my soul, and tread my life to the
ground, and lay mine Honour in the dust._
_Thou that seest not as man seeth, but lookest beyond all popular
appearances, searching the heart, and trying the reins, and bringing
to light the hidden things of darknesse, shew thy self._
_Let not my afflictions be esteemed (as with wise and godly men they
cannot be) any argument as my sin, in that matter: more then their
Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency._
_But forgive them wherin they have done amiss, though they are not
punished for it in this world._
_Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies, and open violence of
bloody and unreasonable men, according to the uprightness of my heart,
and the innocency of my hands in this matter._
_Plead my cause and maintain my right, O thou that sittest in the
Throne, judging rightly, that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy
salvation._
* * * * *
4. _Upon the Insolency of the Tumults._
I Never thought any thing (except our sins) more ominously presaging
all these mischiefs, which have followed, then those Tumults
in _London_ and _Westminster_, soon after the convening of this
Parliament; which were not like a storm at Sea, (which yet wants not
its terrour) but like an Earth-quake, shaking the very foundations of
all; then which nothing in the world hath more of horror.
As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God,
while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea: so 'tis no
less, that he restrains the madness of the People. Nor doth any thing
portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation, then when he suffers
the confluence and clamours of the Vulgar to passe all boundaries of
Laws and reverence to Authority.
Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence, that they
spared not to invade the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses,
menacing, reproaching, shaking, yea, and assaulting some Members of
both Houses, as they fancied, or disliked them: Nor did they forbear
most rude and unseemly deportments, both in contemptuous words and
actions, to my Self and my Court.
Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking, as an ague, but a
quotidian fever, always encreasing to higher inflammations, impatient
of any mitigation, restraint, or remission.
First, They must be a guard against those fears which some men scared
themselves and others withall; when indeed nothing was more to be
feared, and lesse to be used by wise men, then those tumultuary
confluxes of mean and rude people, who are taught first to petition,
then to protect, then to dictate, at last to command and over-aw the
Parliament.
All obstructions in Parliament (that is, all freedom of differing in
Votes, and debating matters with reason and candor) must be taken away
with these Tumults; By these must the Houses be purged, and all
rotten Members (as they pleased to count them) cast out: By these the
obstinacie of men resolved to discharge their Consciences, must be
subdued; by these all factious, seditious, and schismaticall Proposals
against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil, must be backed and
abetted, till they prevailed.
Generally, who-ever had most mind to bring forth confusion and ruine
upon Church and State, used the midwifery of those Tumults: whose riot
and impatience was such, that they would not stay the ripening and
season of Counsels, or fair production of Acts, in the order, gravity,
and deliberatenesse befitting a Parliament; but ripped up with
barbarous cruelty, and forcibly cut out abortive Votes, such as their
Inviters and Encouragers most fancied.
Yea, so enormous and detestable were their outrages, that no sober man
could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated
and connived at by some; countenanced, encouraged, and applauded by
others.
What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired, for the
publick good, then obtain it by such unlawfull and irreligious means?
But mens passions and Gods directions seldom agree; violent designes
and motions must have sutable engines: such as too much attend their
own ends, seldom confine themselves to Gods means. Force must crowd in
what Reason will not lead.
Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrons of Tumults, to send for
them, to flatter and embolden them, to direct and tune their clamorous
importunities, some men yet living are too conscious to pretend
ignorance: God in his due time will let these see, That those were no
fit means to be used for attaining his ends.
But as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage, when strong winds
blow upon it; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent, when they
have Men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on.
That which made their rudenesse most formidable, was, that many
Complaints being made, and Messages sent by my Self, and, some of both
Houses; yet no Order for redress could be obtained with any vigour
and efficacie, proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread
disease, and predominant mischief.
Such was some mens stupidity, that they feared no inconvenience;
Others petulancie, that they joyed to see their betters shamefully
outraged and abused, while they knew their onely security consisted
in vulgar flattery: so insensible were they of Mine, or the two Houses
common Safety and Honours.
Nor could ever any Order be obtained, impartially to examine, censure,
and punish the known Boutefeus, and impudent Incendiaries, who boasted
of the influence they had and used, to convoke those Tumults as their
advantages served.
Yea, some (who should have been wiser States-men) owned them as
friends, commending their Courage, Zeal, and Industry; which to sober
men could seem no better then that of the Divel, who _goes about
seeking whom he may_ deceive and _devour._
I confesse, when I found such a deafness, that no Declaration from the
Bishops, who were first fouly insolenced and assaulted; nor yet from
other Lords and Gentlemen of Honor; nor yet from my self could take
place for the due repression of these Tumults; and securing not only
Our freedom in Parliament, but Our very persons in the Streets; I
thought My self not bound by my presence to provoke them to higher
boldness and contempts; I hoped by my with-drawing to give time, both
for the ebbing of their tumultuous furie, and others regaining some
degrees of modesty and sober sense.
Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimitie in any man
for popular terrors to desert his publick station. But I think it a
hardiness, beyond true valor, for a wise man to set himself against
the breaking in of a Sea; which to resist, at present, threatens
imminent danger; but to withdraw, gives it space to spend its fury,
and gains a fitter time to repair the breach. Certainly a gallant man
had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the
field, in an orderly way, then skuffle with an undisciplined rabble.
Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a war (when I went from
_Whitehal_ only to redeem my Person & Conscience from violence) God
knows I did not think of a war. Nor will any prudent man conceive that
I would by so many former and some after-acts, have so much weakned
My self, if I had purposed to engage in a war, which to decline by
all means, I denyed my self in so many particulars: 'Tis evident I had
then no Army to fly unto, for protection or vindication.
Who can blame me, or any other for a withdrawing our selves from the
daily baitings of the Tumults, not knowing whether their fury and
discontent might not fly so high, as to worry and tear those in
pieces, whom as yet they but played with in their paws? God, who is my
sole Judg, is my Witness in Heaven, that I never had any thoughts
of going from My house at _Whitehall_, if I could have had but any
reasonable fair Quarter; I was resolved to bear much, and did so, but
I did not think my self bound to prostitute the Majesty of my place
and Person, the safety of my Wife and children, to those who are prone
to insult most, when they have objects and opportunity, most capable
of their rudeness and petulancy.
But this business of the Tumults (whereof some have given already an
account to God, others yet living, know themselves desperatly guilty)
time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried, that I
think it best to leave it as it is: Only I beleeve the just Avenger of
all disorders, will in time make those men, and that City, see their
sin in the glass of their Punishment. 'Tis more then an even lay, they
may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended.
Had this Parliament, as it was in its first Election and Constitution,
sate full and free, the Members of both Houses being left to their
freedom of Voting, as in all reason, honor, and Religion, they should
have been; I doubt not but things would have been so carried, as
would have given no less content to all good men, then they wished or
expected.
For, I was resolved to hear reason in all things, and to consent to
it so far as I could comprehend it: but as Swine are to Gardens and
orderly Plantations, so are Tumults to Parliaments, and Plebeian
concourses to publick Councels, turning all into disorders and sordid
confusions.
I am prone sometimes to think, That had I called this Parliament to
any other place in _England_, (as I might opportunely enough have
done) the sad consequences, in all likelihood, with Gods blessing,
might have been prevented. A Parliament would have been welcom in
any place; no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious
humors, as that where it was unhappily convened. But we must leave all
to God, who orders our disorders, and magnifies his wisdom most, when
our follies and miseries are most discovered.
_But thou O Lord art My refuge and defence_: _to thee I may safely
flie, who rulest the raging of the Sea, and the madnesse of the
People._
_The flouds, O Lord, the flouds are come in upon Me, and are ready to
overwhelm Me._
_I look upon My sinnes and the sinnes of My people, (which are the
tumults of our Souls against thee O Lord) as the just cause of these
popular inundations which thou permittest to overbear all the banks of
Loyalty, Modesty, Laws, Justice, and Religion._
_But thou that gatheredst the Waters into one place, and madest the
dry land to appear, and after did'st asswage the floud which drowned
the world, by the word of thy power; Rebuke those beasts of the
people, and deliver Me from the rudenesse and strivings of the
multitude._
_Restore, We beseech thee, unto Us, the freedoms of Our Councels and
Parliaments, make Us unpassionately to see the light of Reason, and
Religion, and with all order and gravity to follow it, as becomes Men
and Christians; so shall We praise thy Name, who art the God of order
and counsel._
_What man cannot, or will not represse, thy Omnipotent Justice can and
will._
_O Lord, give them that are yet living, a timely sense and sorrow
for their great sinne, whom thou knowest guilty of raising or
not suppressing those disorders: Let shame here and not suffering
hereafter be their punishment._
_Set bounds to our passions by Reason, to our errors by Truth, to our
seditions by Laws duely executed, to our schismes by Charitie, that we
may be, as thy_ Jerusalem, _a Citie at unity in it self._
_This grant, O My God, in thy good time, for Jesus Christs sake._
Amen.
* * * * *
5. _Upon His Majesties passing the_ BILL _for the Trienniall
Parliaments: And after, setling this, during the pleasure of the two
Houses_.
That the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first, to
contribute what in Justice, Reason, Honour and Conscience I could,
to the happy success of this Parliament, (which had in Me no other
Designe, but the generall good of My Kingdoms) I willingly passed
the BILL for Trienniall Parliaments: which, as gentle and seasonable
Physick, might (if well applied) prevent any distempers from getting
any head, or prevailing; especially, if the remedy proved not a remedy
beyond all remedy.
I conceived, this Parliament would finde work with convenient Recesses
for the first three years: But I did not imagine, that some men would
thereby have occasioned more work then they found to do, by undoing
so much as they found well done to their hands. Such is some mens
activity, that they will needs make work rather then want it; and
chuse to be doing amiss, rather then do nothing.
When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens fears, and
compass publick Affairs; I was perswaded to grant that BILL of sitting
during the pleasure of the Houses; which amounted, in some mens sense,
to as much as the perpetuating of this Parliament. By this Act of
highest confidence, I hoped for ever to shut out, and lock the door
upon all present jealousies, and future mistakes: I confess, I did
not thereby intend to shut my Self out of doors, as some men have now
requited me.
True, it was an Act unparallell'd by any of my Predecessors; yet
cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation then this, of an
extreme confidence I had, That my Subjects would not make ill use of
an Act, by which I declared so much to trust them, as to deny my Self
in so high a point of my Prerogative.
For good Subjects will never think it just or fit, that my Condition
should be worse, by my bettering theirs; Nor indeed would it have been
so in the events, if some men had known as well with moderation to
use, as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evill.
A continuall Parliament (I thought) would but keep the Common-weale in
tune, by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigour: wherein My
interest lies more then any mans, since by those Laws My Rights as
a KING, would be preserved no less then My Subjects; which is all I
desired. More then the Law gives Me I would not have, and less the
meanest Subject should not.
Some (as _I_ have heard) gave it out, that I soon repented me of that
setling Act: and many would needs perswade Me, _I_ had cause so to do:
But I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men
of Honour, That the more I granted them, the less _I_ should have and
enjoy with them. _I_ still counted my self undiminished by my largest
Concessions, if by them _I_ might gain and confirm the love of My
people.
Of which I do not yet despair, but that God will still bless Me with
increase of it, when men shall have more leisure and less prejudice;
that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those
(as I think) not more Princely then friendly contributions, which I
granted toward the perpetuating of their happiness: who are now only
miserable in this, That some mens ambition will not give them leave to
enjoy what I intended for their good.
Nor do I doubt, but that in Gods due time, the Loyal and cleared
affections of My people will strive to return such retributions of
Honour and love to Me or My Posteritie, as may fully compensate both
the Acts of my confidence, and my Sufferings for them; which (God
knows) have been neither few; nor small, nor short; occasioned chiefly
by a perswasion I had, that I could not grant too much, or distrust
too little, to men, that being professedly my Subjects, pretended
singular piety, and religious strictness.
The injurie of all Injuries is, That which some men will needs load Me
withall; as if I were a wilfull and resolved Occasioner of my Own,
and my Subjects Miseries; while (as they confidently, but (God knows)
falsly divulge) I repining at the establishment of this Parliament,
endeavoured by force and open hostility, to undoe what by my Royall
Assent I had done. Sure, it had argued a very short sight of things,
and extreme fatuity of minde in Me, so far to binde my Own hands at
their request, if I had shortly meant to have used a sword against
them. God knows, though I had then a sense of Injuries; yet not such
as to think them worth vindicating by a War: I was not then compelled,
as since, to injure my Self by their not using favours with the same
candour wherewith they were conferred. The Tumults indeed threatned
to abuse all Acts of Grace, and turne them into wantonnesse; but I
thought at length their own fears, whose black arts first raised up
those turbulent spirits, would force them to conjure them down again.
Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon me, or others,
was I then in any capacitie to have taken just revenge in an hostile
and warlike way, upon those, whom I knew so well fortified in the
love of the meaner sort of the people, that I could not have given
my Enemies greater and more desired advantages against Me, then by so
unprincely inconstancie, to have assaulted them with Armies, thereby
to scatter them, whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of
Parliament.
God knows, I longed for nothing more, then that my Self, and my
Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of my many Condescendings.
It had been a Course full of sin, as well as of Hazard and Dishonor;
for Me to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword, which I had
so lately planted, so much (as I thought) to my Subjects content, and
mine Own too, in all probability, if some men had not feared where no
fear was, whose security consisted in fearing others.
I thank God, I know so well the sincerity and uprightness of my own
Heart in passing that great BILL, which exceeded the very thoughts of
former times; That although I may seem less a Polititian to men, yet
I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God, nor had I any
reservations in my own Soul when I passed it: nor repenting after,
till I saw that my letting some men go up to the pinnacle of the
Temple, was a temptation to them to cast me down headlong.
Concluding, That without a miracle, Monarchie it self, together with
Me, could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitous fall as
they intended: whom God in mercy forgive, and make them see at length,
That as many Kingdoms as the Divell shewed our Saviour, and the Glory
of them (if they could be at once enjoyed by them) are not worth the
gaining, by ways of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour, which hazards a
soul, worth more Worlds then this hath Kingdoms.
But God hath hitherto preserved Me, and made Me to see, That it is no
strange thing for men, left to their own passions, either to do much
evill themselves, or abuse the overmuch goodness of others, whereof an
ungratefull surfet is the most desperate and incurable disease.
I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act, since _I_ have
no reflections upon it as a sin of my Wil, though an errour of too
charitable a judgment: Only I am sorry other mens eys should be evill,
because mine were good.
_To Thee (O my God) do I still appeale, whose All-discerning Justice
sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions, and deceitfull
darknesse of their hearts._
_Thou gavest Me a heart to grant much to My Subjects; and now I need a
Heart fitter to suffer much for some of them._
_They will be done, though never so much to the crossing of ours, even
when we hope to doe what might be most comfortable to thine and theirs
too; who pretended they aymed at nothing else._
_Let thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings, as
the fulfilling of My best hopes, and most specious desires._
_I see while I thought to allay others fears, I have raised My owne;
and by setling them, have unsetled My self._
_Thus have they requited Me evill for good, and hatred for My good
will towards them._
_O Lord be thou My Pilot in this darke and dangerous storme, which
never admits My returne to the Port whence I set out, nor My making
any other, with that safety and honour which I designed._
_Tis easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of
My people; nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust
hatred and jealousies of too many, which thou hast suffered so far
to prevaile upon Me, as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of
greatest Indulgence to them, and assurance of them._
_But no favours from Me can make others more guiltie then My self may
be of misusing those many and great ones, which Thou, O Lord, hast
conferred on Me._
_I beseech thee, give Me and them such Repentance as thou wilt accept,
and such Grace as we may not abuse._
_Make me so far happy, as to make right use of others abuses; and by
their failings of Me, to reflect with a reforming displeasure upon My
offences against Thee._
_So, although for My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy
temporall blessings, yet I may be happie to enjoy the comfort of
thy Mercies, which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most
glorious Saints._
* * * * *
6. _Upon His Majesties retirement from_ Westminster.
With what unwillingness I withdrew from _Westminster_, let them judg,
who, unprovided of tackling and victual, are forced to Sea by a Storm;
yet better do so, then venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore.
I stayed at _Whitehall_, till I was driven away by shame, more then
fear, to see the barbarous rudeness of those Tumults, who resolved
they would take the boldness to demand any thing, and not leave either
my Self, or the Members of Parliament the liberty of our Reason and
Conscience to deny them any thing.
Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone, (though chiefly
Mine;) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by
the _major_ part of their Houses, when they had used each their own
freedom.
Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or reason conclusive to my
Judgment; nor can they include, or carry with them my consent, whom
they represent not in any kinde; Nor am I further bound to agree with
the Votes of both Houses, then I see them agree with the will of God,
with my just Rights, as a King, and the generall good of my people.
I see that, as many men, they are seldom of one minde; and I may oft
see, that the major part of them are not in the right.
I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds, how desirous I
was to give all just content, when I agreed to so many Bils, which
had been enough to secure and satisfie all; if some mens Hydropick
unsatiableness had not learned to thirst the more, by how much more
they drank; whom no fountain of Royall bounty was able to overcome: so
resolved they seemed, either utterly to exhaust it, or barbarously to
obstruct it.
Sure, it ceases to be Counsell, when not Reason is used, as to men, to
perswade; but force and terrour, as to beasts, to drive and compel men
to assent to what-ever tumultuary Patrons shall project. He deserves
to be a slave without pity or redemption, that is content to have the
rationall soveraignty of his Soul, and liberty of his Will and words
so captivated.
Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable, as to preserve them with
the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied me as a King,
because it belongs to me as a man, and a Christian, owning the
dictates of none, but God to be above me, as obliging me to consent.
Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul, which Subjects
me only to God, so farr as by Reason or Religion he directs me, then
live with the Title of a King, if it should carry such a vassalage
with it, as not to suffer me to use my Reason and Conscience, in which
I declare as a King, to like or dislike.
So farr am I from thinking the majesty of the Crown of _England_ to
be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie, to
consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require; as some
men will needs inferr; while denying me any power of a Negative voice
as King, they are not ashamed to seek to deprive me of the libertie of
using my Reason with a good Conscience, which themselves, and all the
Commons of _England_ enjoy proportionable to their influence on the
publique; who would take it very ill to be urged, not to deny, what
ever my self, as King, or the House of Peers with me should, not so
much desire as enjoyn them to pass. I think my Oath fully discharged
in that point, by my Governing only by such Laws, as my People with
the House of Peers have Chosen, and my self have consented to. I
shall never think my self conscientiously tied to go as oft against
my conscience, as I should consent to such new Proposals, which my
Reason, in Justice, Honor and Religion bids Me deny.
Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary
Government, (that is, the Law of anothers will, to which themselves
give no consent) that they care not with how much dishonour and
absurdity they make their King the only man, that must be subject
to the will of others, without having power left Him to use His own
Reason, either in Person, or by any other Representation.
And if My dissentings at any time were (as som have suspected, and
uncharitably avowed) out of error, opinion, activeness, weakness,
or wilfulness, and what they call Obstinacy in Me (which not true
Judgment of things, but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed
on My minde;) yet can no man think it other then the Badge and
method of Slavery, by savage rudeness, and importunate obtrusions of
violence, to have the mist of his Errour and Passion dispelled, which
is a shadow of Reason, and must serve those that are destitute of
the substance. Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or man, who
seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things, and faithfully
followes what he takes for Reason: The uprightnesse of his intentions
will excuse the possible failings of his understanding; If a Pilot at
Sea cannot see the Pole-star, it can be no fault in him to steer his
course by such Stars as do best appear to him. It argues rather,
those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason, and convincing
Arguments, who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the
weakness of their Counsels and Proposals. I may, in the truth and
uprightness of my heart, protest before God and men, That I never
wilfully opposed, or denied any thing that was in a fair way, after
full and free debates propounded to me by the two Houses, further then
I thought in good reason I might, and was bound to do.
Nor did any thing ever please me more, then when my Judgment so
concurred with theirs, that I might with a good Conscience consent to
them: Yea, in many things, where not absolute and morall necessity
of Reason, but temporary convenience in point of Honour was to be
considered, I chose rather to deny my Self, then Them; as preferring
that which they thought necessary for my peoples good, before what I
saw but convenient for my Self.
For I can be content to recede much from my Own Interests, and
Personall Rights, of which I conceive my Self to be master: but in
what concerns Truth, Justice, the Right of the Church, and my Crown,
together with the generall good of my Kingdoms: (all which I am bound
to preserve as much as morally lies in me;) here I am, and ever shall
be fixt and resolute, nor shall any man gain my consent to that,
wherein my heart gives my hand or tongue the Lie; nor will I be
brought to affirm that to men, which in my Conscience I denied before
God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with my Saviour,
then to exchange that of Gold (which is due to Me) for one of Lead,
whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend, and comply to the
various, and oft contrary dictates of any Factions: when in stead of
Reason, and Publick concernments, they obtrude nothing but what makes
for the interest of parties, and flows from the particularities of
private wils and passions.
I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King, then to prefer His
Conscience before His Kingdoms.
_O my God preserve thy servant in this Native, Rationall and Religious
freedome; For this I beleeve is thy will, that we should maintain:
who, though thou dost justly require us to submit our understandings
and wils to thine; whose wisdom and goodnesse can neither erre, nor
misguide us, and so far to deny our carnall reason, in order to thy
sacred Mysteries and Commands, that we should beleeve and obey,
rather then dispute them; yet dost thou expect from us, only such a
reasonable service of thee, as not to do any thing for thee, against
our consciences: and as to the desires of men, enjoinest us to try all
things by the touch-ston of reason and Lawes, which are the rules of
Civill Justice; and to declare our consents to that only which our
Judgments approve._
_Thou knowest, ô Lord, how unwilling I was to desert that place, in
which thou hast set Me, and whereto the affairs of My Kingdoms at
present did call me._
_My People can witness how far I have been content for their good, to
deny My self, in what thou hast subjected to My disposall._
_O let not the unthankfull importunities, and tumultuary violence of
some mens Immoderat demands, ever betray Me to that degenerous and
unmanly slavery, which should make Me strengthen them by My consent in
those things which I think in My conscience to be against thy glory,
the good of My subjects, and the discharge of My own duty to Reason
and Justice._
_Make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries
they press upon Me, rather then commit the least sin against My
Conscience._
_Let the just Liberties of My people be (as well they may) preserved
in fair and equall waies, without the slavery of My soul._
_Thou that hast invested Me by thy favours, in the power of a
Christian King, suffer Me not to subject My Reason to other mens
passions, and designes, which to Me seem unreasonable, unjust and
irreligious: So shall I serve thee in the truth and uprightness of My
heart, though I cannot satisfie these men._
_Though I be driven from among them, yet give Me grace to walk,
alwaies uprightly before thee._
_Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice, for these, I know, will
bring Me at last to peace and happiness with thee; though for these I
have much trouble among men._
_This I beg of thee for my Saviours sake._
* * * * *
7. _Upon the Queenes departure and absence out of_ England.
Although I have much cause to be troubled at My Wifes departure from
Me, and out of My Dominions; yet not Her absence, so much, as the
scandall of that necessity which drives her away, doth afflict Me.
That She should be compelled by my own Subjects, and those pretending
to be Protestants, to withdraw for Her safety: This being the first
example of any Protestant Subjects, that have taken up Arms against
their King, a Protestant: For I look upon this now done in England, as
another Act of the same Tragedie which was lately begun in Scotland;
the brands of that fire being ill quenched, have kindled the like
flames here. I fear such motions (so little to the adorning of the
Protestant profession) may occasion a further alienation of mind, and
divorce of affections in Her from that Religion, which is the onely
thing wherein we differ.
Which yet God can (and I pray he would) in time take away; and not
suffer these practices to be any obstruction to Her judgment, since it
is the motion of those men (for the most part) who are yet to seek and
settle their Religion for Doctrine, Government and good manners, and
so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants, who continue
firm to their former setled Principles and Laws.
I am sorry my relation to so deserving a Ladie, should be any occasion
of her danger and affliction; whose merits would have served her for
a protection among the savage Indians: while their rudeness and
barbaritie knows not so perfectly to hate all Vertues, as some mens
subtiltie doth: among whom I yet think few are so malicious as to hate
Her for her Self: The fault it, that She is my Wife.
All Justice then, as well as Affection, commands me to studie her
Securitie, who is only in danger for my sake; I am content to be
tossed, weather-beaten, and shipwrack'd, so as she may be in safe
Harbour.
This comfort I shall injoy by her safety in the midst of my Personall
dangers, that I can perish but half, if she be preserved: in whose
memory and hopefull Posterity, I may yet survive the malice of my
Enemies, although they should be satiated with my bloud.
I must leave her and them to the Love and Loyaltie of my good
Subjects; and to his protection, who is able to punish the faults of
Princes, and no less able to revenge the injuries done to them, by
those who in all dutie and Allegiance ought to have made good that
safetie, which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes.
But common civilitie is in vain expected from those that dispute their
Loyaltie: Nor can it be safe (for any relation) to a King, to tarry
among them that are shaking hands with their Allegiance, under
pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion.
'Tis pitie so noble and peaceful a Soul should see, much more suffer
the rudeness of those, who must make up their want of Justice, with
inhumanity and impudence.
Her sympathie with Me in my afflictions, will make her vertue shine
with greater lustre, as starrs in the darkest nights; and assure the
envious world, that she loves me, not my fortunes.
Neither of us but can easily forgive, since We do not much blame the
unkindness of the Generality and Vulgar: for we see God is pleased to
try both our patience, by the most self-punishing sin, the Ingratitude
of those, who having eaten of Our bread, and being enriched with Our
bounty, have Scornfully lift up themselves against Us; and those of
Our own Houshold are become Our enemies. I pray God lay not their
sinne to their charge: who think to satisfie all obligations to duty,
by their Corban of Religion: and can less endure to see, then to sin
against their benefactors as well as their Soveraign.
But even that policy of my enemies is so farr veniall, as it was
necessary to their designs, by scandalous articles, and all irreverent
demeanour, to seek to drive her out of my Kingdoms; left by the
influence of her example, eminent for love as a Wife, and loyaltie as
a Subject, she should have converted to, or retained in their love and
loyaltie, all those whom they had a purpose to pervert.
The less I may be blest with her company, the more I will retire to
God and my own Heart, whence no malice can banish Her. My enemies may
envie, but they can never deprive me of the enjoyment of her vertues,
while I enjoy my self.
_Thou, O Lord, whose Justice at present sees fit to scatter us, let
thy mercie, in thy due time, reunite us on earth, if it be thy will;
however bring us both at last to thy heavenly Kingdom._
_Preserve us from the hands of our despitefull and deadly enemies; and
prepare us by our sufferings for thy presence._
_Though we differ in some things, as to Religion, (which is my
greatest temporall infelicitie) yet Lord give and accept the
sinceritie of our affections, which desire to seek, to finde, to
embrace every Truth of thine._
_Let both our hearts agree in the love of thy self, and Christ
crucified for us._
_Teach us both what thou wouldst have us to know, in order to thy
glory, our publique relations, and our souls eternal good, and make us
carefull to do what good we know._
_Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be known, nor unbelief,
or disobedience to what we know, be our miserie, or our wilfull
default._
_Let not this great Scandall of those my Subjects, which profess the
same Religion with me, be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou
wouldst have her to learn, nor any hardning of her in any error thou
wouldst have cleared to her._
_Let Mine and other mens constancie be an Antidote against the poyson
of their example._
_Let the truth of that Religion I professe be represented to her
judgment, with all the beauties of humilitie, loyaltie, charitie, and
peaceablenesse; which are the proper fruits and ornaments of it: Not
in the odious disguise of Levitie, Schism, Heresie, Noveltie, Crueltie
and Disloyaltie, which some mens practices have put upon it._
_Let her see thy sacred and saving Truths as Thine; that she may
believe, love and obey them as Thine, cleared from all rust and drosse
of humane mixtures._
_That in the glasse of thy Truth Shee may see thee in those Mercies
which thou hast offered to us in thy Son Jesus Christ, our onely
Saviour, and serve thee in all those holy Duties, which most agree
with his holy Doctrine, and most imitable example._
_The experience we have of the vanitie and uncertaintie of all humane
Glorie and Greatnesse in our scatterings and eclypses, let it make
us both so much the more ambitious to be invested in those durable
Honours and perfections which are onely to be found in thy self, and
obtained throuqh Jesus Christ._
* * * * *
8. _Upon His Majesties repulse at_ Hull, _and the fates of the_
Hothams.
My repulse at _Hull_ seemed at the first view an act of so rude
disloyalty, that my greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough
to abett or own it: It was the first overt Essay to be made, how
patiently I could bear the losse of my Kingdoms.
God knows, it affected me more with shame and sorrow for others, then
with anger for my Self; nor did the affront done to me, trouble me so
much as their sin, which admitted no colour or excuse.
I was resolved how to bear this, and much more with patience: But I
foresaw they could hardly contain themselves within the compass
of this one unworthy act, who had effrontery enough to commit or
countenance it. This was but the hand of that cloud, which was soon
after to overspread the whole Kingdom, and cast all into disorder and
darkness.
For 'tis among the wicked Maximes of bold and disloyall undertakers:
That bad actions must always be seconded with worse, and rather not
begun, then not carried on; for they think the retreat more dangerous
then the assault, and hate repentance more then perseverance in a
fault.
This gave me to see clearly thorow all the pious disguises, and soft
palliations of some men; whose words were sometime smoother then oil,
but now I saw they would prove very swords.
Against which I having (as yet) no defence, but that of a good
Conscience, thought it My best policie (with patience) to bear what
I could not remedie: And in this (I thank God) I had the better of
_Hotham_, that no disdain, or emotion of passion transported Me, by
the indignitie of his carriage, to do or say any thing unbeseeming
My self, or unsuitable to that temper, which, in greatest injuries,
I think, best becomes a Christian, as coming nearest to the great
example of Christ.
And indeed, I desire alwaies more to remember I am a Christian, then
a King; for what the Majesty of one might justly abhor, the Charity
of the other is willing to bear; what the height of a King tempteth to
revenge, the humilitie of a Christian teacheth to forgive, keeping in
compass all those impotent passions, whose excess injures a man more
then his greatest enemies can; for these give their malice a full
impression on our souls, which otherwise cannot reach very far, nor do
us much hurt.
I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded and avenged my
cause, in the eye of the world, that the most wilfully blind cannot
avoid the displeasure to see it, and with some remorse and fears to
own it as a notable stroke, and prediction of divine vengeance.
First, Sir _John Hotham_ unreproched, unthreatned, uncursed by
any language or secret imprecation of mine, onely blasted with the
conscience of his own wickednesse, and falling from one inconstancy
to another, not long after paies his own and his eldest Sons heads,
as forfeiture of their disloyalty, to those men, from whom surely he
might have expected an other reward, then thus to divide their heads
from their bodies, whose hearts with them were divided from their
KING.
Nor is it strange that they who employed them at first in so high a
service, and so successfull to them, should not finde mercy enough to
forgive Him, who had so much premerited of them: For, Apostacy unto
Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin.
Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turn, the cutting off one head
in a Family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the head of
the Common-weal. The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment, as
he was infected with the sin of the Father, against the Father of his
Country: Root and branch God cuts off in one day.
These Observations are obvious to every fancie: God knows, I was so
far from rejoycing in the _Hothams_ ruine, (though it were such as
was able to give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught, being
executed by them who first employed him against Me) that I so far
pitied him, as I thought he at first acted more against the light of
his Conscience, then I hope many other men do in the same Cause.
For, he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowrenesse which
some men pretend to in matters of Religion, which so darkens their
judgment, that they cannot see any thing of Sin and Rebellion in those
means they use, with intents to reform to their Models, of what they
call Religion, who think all is gold of Piety, which doth but glister
with a shew of Zeal and Fervencie.
Sir _John Hotham_ was (I think) a man of another temper, and so most
liable to those downright temptations of Ambition, which have no cloak
or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others.
That which makes me more pitie him, is, that after he began to have
some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin, and reparation of
his duty to Me, he should be so unhappie as to fall into the hands of
their Justice, and not my mercie, who could as willingly have forgiven
him, as he could have asked that favor of Me.
For I think clemency a debt which we ought to pay to those that crave
it, when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it, since
God himself suffers us not to pray any thing for his mercie, but only
praiers and praises.
Poor Gentleman, he is now become a noteable monument of unprosperous
disloialtie, teaching the world by so bad and unfortunate a spectacle,
that the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraign carries
alwaies its own vengeance, & an unseparable shadow with it, and those
oft prove the most fatall, and implacable Executioners of it, who were
the first Imployers in the service.
After-times will dispute it, whether _Hotham_ were more infamous at
_Hull_, or at _Tower-hill_; though 'tis certain that no punishment
so stains a mans Honour, as wilfull expectations of unworthy actions;
which besides the conscience of the sin, brands with most indeliable
characters of infamy, the name and memory to posterity, who not
engaged in the Faction of the times, have the most impartiall
reflections on their actions.
_But thou, O Lord, who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy
Servant, suffer me not to take any secret pleasure in it, for as his
death hath satisfied the injury he did to me, so let me not by it
gratifie any passion in me, lest I make thy vengeance to be mine, and
consider the affront against me, more than the sin against thee._
_Thou indeed, without any desire or endevor of mine, hast made his
mischief to return on his own head, and his violent dealing to come
down on his own pate._
_Thou hast pleaded my cause, even before the sons of men, and taken
the matter into thine own hands; that men may know it was thy work and
see that thou, Lord, hast done it._
_I do not, I dare not say, so let mine enemies perish._
_O Lord! yea Lord, rather give them repentance pardon and impunity, if
it be thy blessed will._
_Let not thy justice prevent the objects and opportunities of my
mercy; yea, let them live and amend who have most offended me in
so high a nature; that I may have those to forgive; who bear most
proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy majesty,
which I hope thy mercy hath forgiven me._
_Lord lay not their sinns (who yet live) to their charge for
condemnation, but to their consciences for amendment: Let the
Lightning of this thunderbolt, which hath been so severe a punishment
to one, be a terrour to all._
_Discover to them their sinn, who know not they have done amiss, and
scare them from their sin, that sin of malicious wickednss._
_That preventing thy judgments by their true repentance, they may
escape the stroaks of thine eternal vengeance._
_And do Thou, O Lord, establish the Throne of thy Servant in
mercie and truth meeting together; let my Crown ever flourish in
righteousness and peace kissing each other._
_Hear my prayer, O Lord, who hast taught us to pray for, to doe good
to, and to love our Enemies for thy sake; who hast prevented us with
offertures of thy love, even when we were thine enemies, and hast sent
thy Son Jesus Christ to die for us, when we were disposed to crucifie
Him._
* * * * *
9. _Upon the lifting, and raising Armies against the_ KING.
I find that I am at the same point and posture I was, when they forced
me to leave _White-hall_: what tumults could not do, an Army must;
which is but Tumults lifted, and enrolled to a better order, but
as bad an end: My recesse have given them confidence that I may be
conquered.
And so I easily may as to any outward strength, which, God knows,
is little or none at all: But I have a Soul invinciable through Gods
Grace enabling Me; here I am sure to be Conquerour, if God will give
me such a measure of Constancy, as to fear him more then man: and
to love the inward peace of my Conscience, before any outward
tranquillity.
And must I be opposed with force, because they have not reason whereby
to convince me? O my Soule! be of good courage, they confesse their
known weaknesse, as to truth, and Justice, who chose rather to contend
by Armies, then by Arguments.
Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many acts
of Grace I have lately passed, and for those many Indignities I have
endured? Is there no way left to make Me a glorious KING, but by my
sufferings?
It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his People,
and desires their love, either to kill his own Subjects, or to be
killed by them.
Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most
flourishing Kingdom, the fruits I must now reap after 17 yeers living
and reigning among them with such a measure of Justice, Peace,
Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations about either admired, or envied?
notwithstanding some miscarriages in Government, which might escape,
rather through ill counsell of some men driving on their private ends,
or the peevishness of others envying the Publick should be managed
without them, or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State,
then any propensity, I hope, of my Self either to injuriousnesse or
oppression.
Whose innocent bloud, during my Reign, have I shed, to satisfie
my lust, anger, or covetousness? what Widows or Orphans tears can
witnesse against me; the just cry of which must now be avenged with my
Own bloud? For the hazards of War are equall, nor doth the Canon know
any respect of persons.
In vain is my Person excepted by a Parenthesis of words, when so many
hands are armed against me with Swords.
God knowes how much I have studied to see what Ground of Justice is
alledged for this Warr against Me; that so I might (by giving just
satisfaction) either prevent, or soon end so unnaturall a motion;
which (to many men) seems rather the productions of a surfeit of peace
and wantonness of mindes, or of private discontents, Ambition and
Faction (which easily finde, or make causes of quarrell) then any
reall obstructions of publique Justice, or Parliamentary Priviledg.
But this is pretended, and this I must be able to avoid and answer
before God in My owne Conscience, however some men are not willing to
beleeve Me, lest they should condemn themselves.
When I first with-drew from _White-hall_, to see if I could allay the
insolency of the Tumults (for the not suppressing of which, no account
in Reason can be given, (where an orderly Guard was granted) but only
to oppress both Mine and the Two Houses freedome of declaring and
voting according to every mans Conscience) what obstructions of
Justice were there further then this, that what seemed just to one
man, might not seem so to another?
Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament?
That some men with-drew, who feared the partiality of their tryall,
(warned by my Lord of _Straffords_ death) while the vulgar threatned
to be their Oppressors, and Judgers of their Judges, was from that
instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves. If any
others refused to appear, where they evidently saw the current of
Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble, that their
lawfull Judges either durst not come to the House, or not declare
their sense with liberty and safety; it cannot seem strange to any
reasonable man, when the sole exposing them to publick _odium_ was
enough to ruine them before their Cause could be heard or tryed.
Had not factious Tumults over-born the Freedom and Honour of the two
Houses, had they asserted their Justice against them, and made the
way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their
Consciences: I know no man so deer to Me, whom I had the least
inclination to advise, either to withdraw himself, or deny appearing
upon their Summons, to whose Sentence according to Law, I think every
Subject bound to stand.
Distempers (indeed) were risen to so great a height for want of timely
suppressing the vulgar insolencies, that the greatest guilt of those
which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents, was this, That they
would not suffer themselves to be over-awed by the Tumults, and their
Patrons; nor compelled to abet by their suffrages, or presence; the
designes of those men who agitated innovations and ruine both in
Church and State.
In this point I could not but approve their generous constancie
and cautiousness; further then this I did never allow any mans
refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses; to
whom I wished nothing more then Safetie, Fulness and Freedom.
But the truth is, some men and those not many, despairing in fair
and Parliamentary waies by free Deliberations and Votes to gain the
concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons, betook themselves
(by the desperate activitie of factious Tumults) to sift and terrifie
away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their
purposes.
How oft was the businesse of the Bishops enjoying their ancient
places, and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers, carried for
them by far the Major part of Lords? Yet after five repulses, contrary
to all Order and Custome, it was by Tumultuary instigations obtruded
again, and by a few carried, when most of the Peers were forced to
absent themselves.
In like manner as the Bill against Root and Branch, brought on by
tumultuary Clamours, and schismaticall Terrours, which could never
passe til both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed.
To which partialitie, while in all Reason, Justice, and Religion, my
Conscience forbids me, by consenting, to make up their Votes to Acts
of Parliament, I must now be urged with an Armie, and constrained
either to hazard my Own, and my Kingdoms ruine, by my Defence, or
prostrate my Conscience to the blinde obedience of those men, whose
zealous superstition thinks, or pretends, they cannot do God and the
Church a greater service, then utterly to destroy that Primitive,
Apostolicall, and anciently Universall Government of the Church by
Bishops.
Which, if other mens judgments bind them to maintain, or forbids them
to consent to the abolishing of it, mine much more; who, besides
the grounds I have in my judgement, have also a most strict and
indispensable Oath upon my Conscience, to preserve that Order, and
the Rights of the Church; to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred
Perjurie, most un-beseeming a Christian King, should I ever, by
giving my consent, be betrayed, I should account it infinitely greater
miserie, then any hath, or can befall me; in as much as the least sin
hath more evill in it then the greatest affliction. Had I gratified
their Anti-Episcopall Faction at first in this point with my Consent,
and sacrificed the Ecclesiasticall Government and Revenues to the fury
of their covetousness, ambition, and revenge, I beleeve they would
then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in
and punish Delinquents.
That I consented to the Bil of putting the Bishops out of the House
of Peers, was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to
suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for my sake,
and the Commonweals, which I was confident they would readily yeeld
unto, rather then occasion (by the least obstruction on their part)
any dangers to Me, or to my Kingdom. That I cannot add my consent for
the totall extirpation of that Government (which I have often offered
to all fit regulations) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience,
as what I think Religious and Apostolicall, and so very sacred and
Divine, is not to be dispensed with, or destroyed, when what is onely
of civill Favour, and priviledge of Honour granted to men of that
Order, may with their consent who are concerned in it, be annulled.
This is the true state of those obstructions pretended to be in point
of Justice and Authority of Parliament; when I call God to witness,
I know none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a War, being
onely such as Justice, Reason and Religion had made in my own and
other mens Consciences.
Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made, which were but
consequences necessarily following upon Mine, or others withdrawing
from, or defence against violence: but those could not be the first
occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from
preventing them, (as they have declared often, that they might seem to
have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part, and load Me with
all the envie and injuries of first assaulting them) that (God knows)
I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in My thoughts. Had the
Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary
justice, and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated, that all Members
of either House might with Honour and Freedom, becoming such a Senate,
have come and discharged their Consciences, I had obtained all that I
designed by My withdrawing, and had much more willingly and speedily
returned, then I retired; this being My necessity driving, the other
my choice desiring.
But some men knew, I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy
which I carryed with Me, which would never fit their designes; and
so while they invited Me to come, and grievously complained of My
absence, yet they could not but be pleased with it: especially, when
they had found out that plausible and popular pretexts of raising an
Army to fetch in Delinquents: when all that while they never punished
the greatest and most intolerable delinquencie of the Tumults, and
their Exciters, which drave my Self, and so many of both Houses from
their places, by most barbarous indignities; which yet in all Reason
and Honour, they were as loath to have deserted, as those others were
willing they should, that so they might have occasion to persecute
them with the injuries of an Army, for not suffering more tamely the
injuries of Tumults.
That this is the true state, and first drift and designe in raising an
Army against me, is by the sequel so evident, that all other pretences
vanish. For when they declared by Propositions, or Treaties, what they
would have to appease them; there was nothing of consequence offered
to Mee, or demanded of Mee, as any originall difference in any point
of Law, or order of Justice. But among other lesser Innovations, this
chiefly was urged, The Abolition of Episcopall, and the Establishment
of Presbyterian Government.
All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to
any ground of a War, or easily granted by me, and onely to make up a
number; or else they were meerly consequentiall, and accessarie, after
the War was by them unjustly began.
I cannot hinder other mens thoughts, whom the noise and shew of
piety, and heat of Reformation and Religion, might easily so fill
with prejudice, that all equality and clearness of judgement might be
obstructed. But this was, and is, as to my best observation, the true
state of affairs between Us, when they first raised an Armie, with
this designe, either to stop my mouth, or to force my consent: and
in this truth, as to my conscience, (who was God knowes, as far from
meditating a War, as I was in the eye of the world, from having any
preparation for one) I finde that comfort, that in the midst of all
the unfortunate Successes of this War, on my side, I do not think
my Innocency any whit prejudiced or darkned; Nor am I without that
Integrity and Peace before God, as with humble confidence to address
my Prayer to Him.
_For thou, O Lord, seest cleerly thorow all the cloudings of humane
affairs: Thou judgest without prejudice: Thy Omniscience eternally
guides thy unerrable Judgment._
_O my God, the proud are risen against Me, and the Assemblies of
violent men have sought after my Soul, and have not set Thee before
their eyes._
_Consider mine Enemies, O Lord, for they are many, and they hate me
with a deadly hatred, without a cause._
_For thou knowest, I had no passion, design, or preparation to embroil
My Kingdoms in a Civil War; whereto I had least temptation; as knowing
I must adventure more then any, and could gain least of any by it._
_Thou, O Lord, art my witness, how oft I have deplored and studied
to divert the necessity thereof, wherin I cannot well be thought so
prodigally thirstie of my Subjects blood, as to venture my own life,
which I have bin oft compelled to do in this unhappie War; and which
were better spent to save then to destroy my people._
_O Lord, I need much of thy grace, with patience to bear the many
afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me; but much
more to bear the unjust reproaches of those, who not content that
I suffer most by the War, will needs perswade the world that I have
raised first, or given just cause to raise it._
_The confidence of some mens false tongues is such, that they would
almost make me suspect my own innocencie: Yea, I could be content (at
least by my silence) to take upon me so great a guilt before men, If
by that I might allay the malice of mine enemies, and redeem my people
from this miserable War; since thou, O Lord, knowest my innocencie in
this thing._
_Thou wilt find out bloodie and deceitful men; many of whom have
not lived out half their daies, in which they promised themselvs the
enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels._
_Save, O Lord, thy servant, as hitherto thou hast, and in thy due time
scatter the people that delight in War._
_Arise, O Lord, lift up thy Self, because of the rage of mine enemies,
which increaseth more and more. Behold them that have conceived
mischief, travelled with iniquitie, and brought forth falshood._
_Thou knowest the chief designe of this War is, either to destroy my
Person, or force my Judgement, and to make me renege my Conscience,
and thy Truth._
_I am driven to crosse_ DAVIDS _choice, and desire rather to fall into
the hands of men by denying them (though their mercie be cruell) then
into thy hands by sinning against My Conscience, and in that against
thee, who art a consuming fire: Better they destroy Me, then thou
shouldest damn Me._
_Be thou the defence of My soul, who wilt save the upright in heart._
_If nothing but My blood will satisfie My Enemies, or quench the
flames of My Kingdoms, or thy temporall Justice, I am content, if it
be thy will, that it be shed by mine own Subjects hands._
_But O let the bloud of Me, though their King, yet a sinner, be washed
with the blood of my Innocent cent and peace-making Redeemer, for in
that thy Justice will finde not only a temporary expiation, but an
eternall plenary satisfaction, both for my sins, and the sins of my
People; whom I beseech thee still own for thine, and when thy wrath is
appeased by my Death, O Remember thy great mercies towards them, and
forgive them! O my Father, for they know not what they doe._
* * * * *
10. _Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navy, and
Militia._
How untruly I am charged with the first raising of an Army, and
beginning this Civill Warre, the eyes that onely pitty Me, and the
Loyall hearts that durst only pray for me, at first, might witnesse,
which yet appear not so many on my side, as there were men in Armes
lifted against me; my unpreparednesse for a War may well dis-hearten
those that would help Me; while it argues (truly) my willingnes to
fight; yet it testifies for me, that I am set on the defensive part;
having so little hopes or power to defend others, that I have none to
defend my self, or to preserve what is mine own from their proreption.
No man can doubt but they prevented me in their purposes, as well
as their injuries, who are so much before-hand in their preparations
against me, and surprisals of my Strength. Such as are not for Them,
yet dare not be for Me; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by the others
numbers and terrours. I believe my innocency and unpreparedness
to assert my Rights and Honour, makes me the more guilty in their
esteems; who would not so easily have declared a War against me, if I
had first assaulted them.
They knew, my chiefest Arms left me, were those only which the Ancient
Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors, Prayers and
Tears. These may serve a good mans turn, if not to conquer as a
Souldier, yet to suffer as a Martyr.
Their preventing of me, and surprising my Castles, Forts, Arms and
Navy, with the Militia, is so far best for me, That it may drive me
from putting any trust in the arm of flesh, and wholly to cast my self
into the protection of the living God, who can save by few or none, as
well as by many.
He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias Caterers, and bring him
food, may also make their surprisall of outward force and defence,
an opportunity to shew me the special support of his power and
protection.
I thank God, I reckon not now the want of the _Militia_ so much in
reference to my own protection, as my Peoples.
Their many and sore oppressions grieve me, I am above mine own: What I
want in the hands of Force and Power, I have in the wings of Faith and
Prayer.
But this is the strange method these men will needs take to resolve
their riddle of Making Me a glorious King, by taking away my Kingly
power: Thus I shall become a Support to my Friends, and a Terrour to
my Enemies, by being unable to succour the one, or suppress the other.
For thus have they designed and proposed to me the new modeling of
Soveraignty and Kingship, as without any reality of power, so without
any necessity of subjection and obedience: That the Majesty of the
Kings of England might hereafter hang like Mahomet's Tomb, by a
magnetique Charm, between the Power and Priviledges of the two Houses,
in an airy imagination of Regality.
But I beleeve the surfet of too much power, which some men have
greedily seized on, and now seek wholly to devour, will ere long make
the Common-wealth sick both of it and them, since they cannot well
digest it; Soveraign Power in Subjects seldom agreeing with the
stomacks of fellow-subjects.
Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia, sought, by
satisfying their fears and importunities, both to secure my Friends,
and overcome mine Enemies, to gain the peace of all, by depriving
my self of a sole power to help, or hurt any: yeelding the Militia,
(which is my undoubted Right no less then the Crown) to be disposed of
as the two Houses shall think fit, during my time.
So willing am I to bury all jealousies in them of me, and to live
above all jealousies of them, as to my self; I desire not to be safer
then I wish them and my People: If I had the sole actuall disposing
of the Militia, I could not protect my People, further then they
protected Me and Themselves: so that the use of the Militia is
mutuall. I would but defend my self so far, as to be able to defend
my good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud, who conscious to
their own evill merits and designes, will needs perswade the world,
that none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the
Shepherd and his Flock. Miserable experience hath taught my Subjects,
since power hath been wrested from Me, and imployed against Me and
Them, that neither can be safe, if both be not in such a way as the
Law hath intrusted the publike safety and welfare.
Yet even this Concession of mine, as to the exercise of the Militia,
so vast and large, is not satisfactory to some men; which seem to
be Enemies not to me only, but to all Monarchy; and are resolved to
transmit to posterity such Jealousies of the Crown, as they should
never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary Rights in point of
power; to which (at last) all Law is resolved, while thereby it is
best protected.
But here Honour and Justice due to my Successors, forbid me to yeeld
to such total alienation of that power from them, which civility and
duty, no less then Justice and Honour should have forbad them to have
asked of me.
For, although I can be content to Eclypse my own beams, to satisfie
their fears; who think they must needs be scorched or blinded, if I
should shine in the full lustre of Kingly power wherewith God and the
Laws have invested me: Yet I will never consent to put out the Sun
of Soveraignty to all posterity, and succeeding Kings; whose just
recovery of their Rights from unjust Usurpations and Extortions, shall
never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of mine; which indeed,
would not be more injurious to succeeding Kings, then to my Subjects;
whom I desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the
future; so as by a Law to be ever subjected to those many factious
distractions, which must needs follow the many-headed _Hydra_ of
Government: which as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes
to foresee; so they will find it hath more mouths too, which must be
satisfied: and (at best) it hath rather a monstrosity, then any thing
of perfection, beyond that of right Monarchy; where counsell may be
in many as the senses, but the Supreme Power can be but in One as the
Head.
Happily where men have tried the horrours and malignant influence
which will certainly follow my enforced darkness and Eclypse,
(occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that body, which as the
Moon receiveth its chiefest lights from me) which will at length more
esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light.
And if at present I may seem by My receding so much from the use of my
Right in the Power of the _Militia_, to come short of the discharge of
that trust to which I am sworn for my peoples protection; I conceive
those men are guilty of the inforced perjury; (if so it may seem) who
compell me to take this new and strange way of discharging my trust,
by seeming to desert it; of protecting my Subjects, by exposing my
self to danger or dishonour, for their safety and quiet.
Which in the conflicts of Civill War and advantages of power, cannot
be effected but by some side yeilding; to which the greatest love
of the publique peace, and the firmest assurance of Gods protection
(arising from a good Conscience) doth more invite me, then can be
expected from other mens fears; which arising from the injustice of
their actions (though never so successfull) yet dare not adventure
their Authours upon any other way of safety then that of the Sword and
Militia; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of divine
Vengeance, which will overtake; or of mens own Consciences, which
alwayes attend injurious perpetrations.
For my self, I do not think that I can want any thing which
providential necessity is pleased to take from me, in order to my
Peoples tranquillity and Gods glory, whose protection is sufficient
for me; and he is able by his being with me, abundantly to compensate
to me, as he did to Job, what-ever Honour, Power, or Liberty the
Chaldeans, the Sabeans, or the Divel himself can deprive me of.
Although they take from me all defence of Arms and Militia, all refuge
by Land of Forts and Castles, all flight by Sea in my Ships and Navie;
yea, though they study to rob me of the Hearts of my Subjects, the
greatest Treasure and best Ammunition of a King; yet cannot they
deprive me of my own innocencie, or Gods mercie, nor obstruct my way
to heaven.
_Therefore, O my God, to thee I fly for help; if thou wilt be on my
side, I shall have more with me then can be against me._
_There is none in Heaven, or in Earth that I desire in comparison of
thee: In the losse of all, be thou more then all to me: Make haste
to succour me, thou that never failest them that put their trust in
thee._
_Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come against me, who
are encouraged to fight under pretence of fighting for me: But my eies
are towards thee._
_Thou needest no help, nor shall I, if I may have thine; if not to
conquer, yet at least to suffer._
_If thou delightest not in my safety, and prosperity, behold here I am
willing to be reduced to what thou wilt have me; whose Judgements oft
begin with thy own Children._
_I am content to be nothing that thou maiest be all._
_Thou hast taught me, that no King can be saved by the multitude of an
host; but yet Thou canst save me by the multitude of Thy mercies, who
art the Lord of Hosts, and the Father of mercies._
_Help me, O Lord, who am sore distressed on every side, yet be thou on
my side, and I shall not fear what man can do unto me._
_I will give thy Justice the glorie of my distress._
_I let thy mercie have the glorie of my deliverance from them that
persecute my soul:_
_By my sins have I fought against Thee, and robbed thee of thy glory,
who am thy subject; and justly maist thou by my own Subjects, strip me
of my strength, and eclipse my glory._
_But shew thy self, O my hope and only refuge! Let not mine enemies
say, There is no help for him in his God._
_Hold up my goings in thy paths, that my footsteps slip not._
_Keep me as the apple of thine eye, hide me under the shadow of thy
wings._
_Shew thy marvelous loving kindness, O thou that savest by thy right
hand them that put their trust in thee, from those that rise up
against them;_
_From the wicked that oppress me, from my deadly enemies that compass
me about._
_Shew me the path of life. In thy presence is fulness of joy, at thy
right hand there are pleasures for evermore._
* * * * *
11. _Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the_ KING; _and more
afterwards._
Although there be many things, they demand, yet if these be all, I
am glad to see at what price they set my own safety, and my peoples
peace; which I cannot think I buy at too dear a rate, save only the
parting with my Conscience and Honor. If nothing else will satisfie, I
must chuse rather to be as miserable and inglorious, as My enemies can
make or wish me.
Some things here propounded to me have been offered by me; others are
easily granted; The rest (I think) ought not to be obtruded upon me,
with the point of the sword; nor urged with the injuries of a Warr;
when I have already declared that I cannot yeeld to them, without
violating my Conscience: 'tis strange, there can be no method of
peace, but by making war upon my soul.
Here are many things required of me, but I see nothing offer'd to me,
by the way of gratefull Exchange of Honour; or any requitall or those
favours, I have, or can yet grant them.
This Honour they do me, to put Me on the giving part, which is more
princely and divine. They cannot ask more then I can give, may I but
reserve to my Self the incommunicable Jewell of my Conscience; and not
be forced to part with that, whose loss nothing can repair or requite.
Some things (which they are pleased to propound) seem unreasonable to
Me; and while I have any mastery of my Reason, how can they think I
can consent to them; who know they are such as are inconsistent with
being either a King, or a good Christian? My yeilding so much (as I
have already) makes some men confident I will deny nothing.
The love I have of my peoples peace, hath (indeed) great influence
upon Me; but the love of truth and inward peace hath more.
Should I grant some things they require, I should not so much
weaken my outward state of a King, as wound that inward quiet of my
Conscience; which ought to be, is, and ever shall be (by Gods Grace)
dearer to Me then my Kingdoms.
Some things which a King might approve, yet in Honour and Policy are
at some time to be denied, to some men, lest he should seem not
to dare to deny any thing; and give too much incouragement to
unreasonable demands or importunities.
But to bind my Self to a generall and implicite consent to what-ever
they shall desire or propound, (for such is one of their Propositions)
were such a latitude of blind obedience, as never was expected from
any Free-men, nor fit to be required of any man, much less of a King
by his own Subjects; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in
wisdom, as he doth in place and power.
This were, as if _Samson_ should have consented, not only to bind his
own hands, and cut off his hair, but to put out his own eys, that the
Philistins might with the more safety mock and abuse him; which they
chose rather to do, then quite destroy him, when he was become so tame
an object, and fit occasion for their sport and scorn.
Certainly, to exclude all power of denyall, seems an arrogancy least
of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble
and loyall way of petitioning; who by that, sufficiently confess their
own inferiority, which obligeth them to rest, if not satisfied, yet
quieted, with such an Answer as the Will and Reason of their Superiour
thinks fit to give; who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of
Reason, to Consent or Dissent, else it were very foolish and absurd
to ask, what another having not liberty to deny, neither hath power to
grant.
But if this be my Right belonging to Me, in Reason as a Man, and in
Honour as a Soveraign King (as undoubtedly it doth) how can it be
other then extreme injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of
granting all they have a mind to ask, whose minds may be as differing
from mine, both in reason and honour, as their aims may be, and
their qualities are? which last God and the Laws have sufficiently
distinguisht, making me their Soveraign, and them my Subjects: whose
Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions, if once they gain to
be necessary impositions upon the Regall Authority; Since no man seeks
to limit and confine his King in Reason, who hath not a secret aim to
share with him, or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion.
But they would have me trust to their moderation, and abandon mine
own discretion; that so I might verifie what representations some have
made of me to the world, that I am fitter to be their Pupil then their
Prince. Truly, I am not so confident of my own sufficiency, as
not willingly to admit the Counsel of others: But yet I am not so
diffident of my self, as brutishly to submit to any mans dictates,
and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in my soul, and the
Majesty of my own Crown to any of my Subjects.
Least of all have I any ground of credulity, to induce me fully to
submit to all the desires of those men, who will not admit, or do
refuse, and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others
Sitting and Voting in Parliament.
Besides, all men that knew them, knew this, how young States-men the
most part of these propounders are; so that till experience of one
seven years have shewed me how well they can govern themselves, and so
much power as is wrested from me, I should be very foolish indeed, and
unfaithful in my Trust, to put the reins of both Reason and Government
wholly out of my Own, into their hands, whose driving is already too
much like _Jehues_; and whose forwardnesse to ascend the throne of
Supremacie pretends more of _Phaeton_ then of _Phebus_; God divert the
Omen of his will.
They may remember that at best they sit in Parliament, as my Subjects,
not my Superiours: called to be My Counsellours, not Dictatours: Their
Summons extends to recommend their Advice, not to command my Dutie.
When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me, I expected either
some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time,
or overlaid by the corruption of manners, had been desired to a
restauration of their vigour and due execution; or some evil Customs
preterlegall, and abuses personall had been to be removed: or some
injuries done by my Self, and others, to the Common-weal, were to be
repaired: or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me, wherein
the advantages of my Crown being considered by them, might fairly
induce me to condescend to what tended to my Subjects good, without
any great diminution of my Self, whom Nature, Law, Reason and
Religion binde Me (in the first place) to preserve; without which 'tis
impossible to preserve my people according to my place.
Or (at least) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of
what was (indeed) amisse in Church and State, as might still preserve
the foundation and essentials of Government in both; not shake and
quite overthrow either of them, without any regard to the Laws in
force, the wisdom and piety of former Parliaments, the ancient, and
universall practice of Christian Churches; the Rights and Priviledges
of particular men: Nor yet any thing offered in lieu, or in the room
of what must be destroyed, which might at once reach the good end of
the others Institution, and also supply its pretended defects,
reform its abuses, and satisfie sober and wise men, not with soft and
specious words, pretending zeal, and special piety, but with pregnant
and solid Reasons, both divine and humane, which might justifie the
abruptnesse and necessity of such vast Alterations.
But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kindes,
or to these ends: Nothing of any Laws dis-jointed, which are to be
restored; of any right invaded; of any justice to be unobstructed;
of any compensations to be made; of any impartiall Reformation to be
granted: to all or any of which Reason, Religion, true Policy, or any
other humane motives might induce Me.
But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time, in which
is either great novelty or difficulty, I perceive, that what were
formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State, and Schisms in the
Church, and so punishable by the Laws, have now the confidence,
by vulgar clamours, and assistance (chiefly) to demand not onely
Tolerations of themselves, in their vanity, novelty, and confusion;
but also Abolition of the Laws against them, and a totall extirpation
of that Government, whose Rights they have a mind to invade.
This as to the main: Other Propositions are (for the most part) but
as waste paper in which those are wrapped up, to present them somewhat
more handsomly.
Nor do I so much wonder at the variety, and horrible noveltie of some
Propositions, (there being nothing so monstrous, which some fancies
are not prone to long for).
This casts me into, not an admiration, but an extasie, how such things
should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two Houses
of the Parliament of England, among whom, I am very confident, there
was not a fourth part of the Members of either House, whose Judgements
free, single and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes
in the Government of the Church.
I am perswaded there remains in far the Major part of both Houses
(if free and full) so much Learning, Reason, Religion, and just
Moderation, as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of
things, the institution and the corruption, the Government and
the mis-government, the Primitive Patterns and the aberrations or
blottings of after-Copies.
Sure they could not at all, upon so little, or no Reason (as yet
produced to the contrary) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in
force, to antiquity, to the piety of their Reforming progenitors, to
the prosperity of former times in this Church and State, under the
present Government of the Church.
Yet, by a strange fatality, these men suffer, either by their absence,
or silence, or negligence, or supine credulity (beleeving that all
is good, which is guilded with shewes of Zeal and Reformation) their
private dissenting in Judgement to be drawn into the common sewer or
streame of the present vogue and humour; which hath its chief rise and
abetment from those popular clamors and tumults: which served to give
life and strength to the infinite activity of those men, who studied
with all diligence, and policy, to improve to their innovating
designes, the present distractions.
Such Armies of Propositions having so little, in my judgment, of
Reason, Justice, and Religion on their side, as they had Tumult and
Faction for their rise, must not go alone, but ever be backt and
seconded, with Armies of Souldiers; Though the second should prevaile
against my Person, yet that first shall never overcome me further then
I see cause; for, I look not at their number and power, so much as I
weigh their Reason and Justice.
Had the two Houses first sued out their Livery, and once effectually
redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults, (which can be no
other then the Hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men, who
hunt after factions and private Designes, to the ruine of Church and
State.)
Did my Judgement tell Me, that the propositions sent to Me were the
Results of the major part of their Votes, who exercise their freedom,
as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament: I should then
suspect my Own judgment, for not speedily and fully concurring with
every one of them.
For, I have charity enough to think there are wise men among them: and
humility to think, that, as in some things I may want, so 'tis fit I
should use their advice, which is the end for which I called them to
a Parliament. But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness
and inerrability as to exclude my Self; since none of them hath that
part to act, that Trust to discharge, nor that Estate and Honour to
preserve, as my Self; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs
(as the Suns influence is necessary in all Natures, productions) they
cannot beget, or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of
publick wisdom, which makes the Laws.
But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is not more evident to
me then this is, That they are not the joynt and free desires of those
in their Major number, who are of right to Sit and Vote in Parliament.
For, many of them favour very strong of that old leaven of
Innovations, masked under the name of Reformation; (which in my Two
last famous Predecessours days heaved, at, and sometime threatned
both Prince and Parliaments:) But, I am sure, was never wont so far
to infect the whole masse of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom;
how-ever it dispersed among the Vulgar: Nor was it likely so
suddenly to taint the Major part of both Houses, as that they should
unanimously desire, and effect so enormous and dangerous innovations
in Church and State, contrary to their former education, practice, and
judgment.
Not that I am ignorant, how the choice of many Members was carried by
much Faction in the Countries; some thirsting after nothing more
then a passionate revenge of what-ever displeasure they had conceived
against Me, my Court, or the Clergy.
But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of
change to those few, who armed themselves with the many-headed, and
many-handed Tumults.
No less doth Reason, Honour, and Safety both of Church and State
command me to chew such morsels before I let them down; If the
straitness of my Conscience will not give me leave to swallow down
such Camels, as others do, of Sacriledge, and injustice both to God
and man, they have no more cause to quarrell with me, then for this,
that my throat is not so wide as theirs. Yet, by Gods help, I
am resolved, That nothing of passion or peevishnesse, or list to
contradict, or vanity to shew my negative power, shall have any byas
upon my judgment, to make me gratifie my will, by denying any thing
which my Reason and Conscience commands me not.
Nor on the other side, will I consent to more then Reason, Justice,
Honor and Religion perswade me to be, for Gods glory, the Churches
good, my Peoples welfare, and my own peace.
I will study to satisfie my Parliament, and my People; but I will
never for fear, or flatterie gratifie any Faction, how potent soever;
for this were to nourish the disease, and oppresse the body.
Although many mens loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving me,
that free and faithfull counsel, which they are able and willing to
impart, and I may want; yet none can hinder me from craving of the
councell of that mighty Counsellor who can both suggest what is best,
and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it.
_O thou first and eternal Reason; whose wisdom is fortified with
omnipotencie, furnish thy servant, first with clear discoveries of
Truth, Reason and Justice in My understanding; then so confirm my
will and resolution to adhere to them, that no terrors, injuries or
oppressions of mine enemies may ever inforce me against those rules,
which thou by them hast planted in My Conscience._
_Thou never madest me a King, that I should be less then a Man; and
not dare to say, Yea, or Nay, as I see cause; which freedom is not
denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of Reason, and
liberty of speech._
_Shall that be blameable in me, which is commendable veracity and
constancy in others?_
_Thou seest, O Lord, with what partiallity, and injustice, they deny
that freedom to me their_ KING, _which Thou hast given to all men; and
which Themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves, while they
are so tender of the least breach of their priviledges._
_To thee I make my supplication, who canst guide us by an unerring
rule, through the perplexed Labyrinths of our own thoughts, and other
mens Proposals; which I have some cause to suspect, are purposely
cast as snares, that by My granting or denying them, I might be more
entangled in those difficulties, wherewith they lie in wait to afflict
me._
_O Lord, make thy way plain before Me._
_Let not my own sinful passions cloud, or divert thy sacred
suggestions._
_Let thy Glory be my end, thy Word my rule, and then thy will be
done._
_I cannot please all, I care not to please some men; if I may be
happie to please thee, I need not fear whom I displease._
_Thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolishnesse, and takest
in their own devices, such as are wise in their own conceits, make Me
wise by thy Truth, for thy honor, my Kingdoms generall good, and my
own souls salvation, and I shall not much regard the worlds opinion or
diminution of Me._
_The lesse of wisdome they are willing to impute to Me, the more they
shall be convinced of thy Wisdom directing Me, while I deny nothing
fit to be granted, out of crosnesse or humour; nor grant any thing
which is to be denied, out of any fear or flatterie of men._
_Suffer me not to be guiltie or unhappie, by willing or inconsiderate
advancing any mens designes, which are injurious to the publique good,
while I confirm them by My consent._
_Nor let Me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the Publick of what
is best, by any morose or perverse dissentings._
_Make Me so humbly charitable, as to follow their advice, when it
appears to be for the publick good; of whose affections to me, I have
yet but few evidencies to assure Me._
_Thou canst as well blesse honest errours, as blast fraudulent
counsels._
_Since we must give an account of every evill and idle word in
private, at thy Tribunall; Lord make me carefull of those solemne
Declarations of mine which are like to have the greatest influence
upon the Publique, either for woe, or weale._
_The lesse others consider what they aske, make me the more solicitous
what I answer._
_Though Mine own, and My Peoples pressures are grievous, and peace
would be very pleasing; yet Lord, never suffer Me to avoid the one, or
purchase the other, with the least expense or wast of my Conscience;
whereof thou, O Lord, onely art deservedly more Master then my self._
* * * * *
12. _Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in_ Ireland.
The Commotions in _Ireland_ were so sudden, and so violent, that it
was hard at first either to discern the rise, or apply a remedie to
that precipitant Rebellion.
Indeed that Sea of blood, which hath there bin cruelly & barbarously
shed, is enough to drown any man in eternall both infamy and misery,
whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of its
effusion.
It fell out, as a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against
me; that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to my charge,
this bloody oppertunity should be offered them, with which I must be
aspersed. Although there was nothing which could be more abhorred
to me, being so ful of sin against God, disloyalty to myself, and
destructive to my Subjects.
Some men took it very ill not to be beleeved, when they affirmed, that
what the Irish Rebels did, was done with my privitie (at least) if not
by my Commission: But these knew too well, that it is no news for som
of my Subjects to fight not only without my Commission, but against my
Command, and Person too, yet all the while to pretend, they fight by
my Authoritie, and for my safety.
I would to God the _Irish_ had nothing to alledge for their imitation
against those whose blame must needs be the greater, by how much
Protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against Princes,
then those of Papists. Nor wil the goodnes of mens intentions excuse
the scandall, and contagion of their examples.
But who ever fail of their Dutie toward me, I must bear the blame;
this honour my enemies have alwayes done me, to think moderate
injuries not proportionate to me, nor competent trials, either of my
patience under them, or my pardon of them.
Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar
of falsity and contempt, with the cup of my Affliction; charging Me
not only with untruths, but such, as wherin I have the greatest share
of loss & dishonor by what is comitted; wherby, (in all policy, reason
and Religion, having least cause to give the least consent, and most
grounds of utter detestation) I might be represented by them to the
world, the more inhumane and barbarous: Like some Cyclopick monster,
whom nothing will serve to eat and drink, but the flesh and bloud of
my own Subjects; in whose common welfare my interest lies, as much as
some mens doth in their perturbations: who think they cannot do wel
but in evil times; nor so cunningly, as in laying the _odium_ of
those sad events on others, wherewith themselves are most pleased, and
whereof they have been not the least occasion.
And certainly, 'tis thought by many wise men, that the preposterous
rigour and unreasonable severity, which some men carried before them
in _England_, was not the least incentive, that kindled, and blew up
into those horrid flames, the sparks of discontent, which wanted not
pre-disposed fewel for Rebellion in _Ireland_; where dispair being
added to their former discontents, and the fear of utter extirpation
to their wonted oppressions, it was easie to provoke to an open
Rebellion a people prone enough to break out into all exorbitant
violence, both by some principles of their Religion, and the naturall
desires of liberty; both to exempt themselves from their present
restraints, and to prevent those after rigours, wherewith they saw
themselves apparantly threatned by the covetous zeal and uncharitable
fury of some men, who think it a great Argument of the truth of their
Religion, to endure no other but their own.
God knows, as I can with truth wash my hands in innocency, as to any
guilt in that Rebellion; so I might wash them in my tears, as to the
sad apprehensions I had to see it spread so far, and make such waste:
and this in a time when distractions and jealousies here in _England_
made most men rather intent to their own safety, or designes they were
driving, then to the relief of those who were every day inhumanely
butchered in Ireland: Whose tears and bloud might, if nothing else,
have quenched, or at least for a time, repressed and smothered those
sparks of Civill Dissentions and Jealousies which in England some men
most industriously scattered.
I would to God no man had been less affected with Irelands' sad estate
then my self; I offered to go my Self in person upon that Expedition:
But some men were either affraid I should have any one Kingdom
quieted; or loth they were to shoot at any mark here less then
my Self; or that any should have the glory of my destruction but
themselves. Had my many offers been accepted, I am confident, neither
the ruin had been so great, nor the calamity so long, nor the remedy
so desperate.
So that, next to the sin of those who began that Rebellion, theirs
must needs be, who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by
Domestick Dissentions, or diverted the Aids, or exasperated the Rebels
to the most desperate resolutions and actions, by threatning all
extremities, not onely to the known Heads and chiefe incendiaries, but
even to the whole Community of that Nation; resolving to destroy Root
and Branch, men, women, and children; without any regard to those
usuall pleas for mercy which Conquerours, not wholly barbarous,
are wont to bear from their own brests, in behalf of those, whose
oppressive faces, rather then their malice, engaged them; or whose
imbecility for Sex and Age was such, as they could neither lift up a
hand against them, nor distinguish between their right hand and their
left: Which preposterous (and I think) un-Evangelicall zeal is too
like that of the rebuked Disciples, who would go no lower in their
revenge, then to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities, for the
repulse and neglect of a few; or like that of _Jacob_'s sons,
which the Father both blamed and cursed: chusing rather to use all
extreamities, which might drive men to desperate obstinacy, then to
apply moderate remedies; such as might punish some with exemplary
Justice, yet disarm others, with tenders of mercy upon their
submission, & our protection of them, from the fury of those, who
would soon drown them, if they refused to swim down the popular stream
with them.
But som kind of Zeal counts all merciful moderation, luke-warmness;
and had rather be cruel then counted cold, and is not seldom more
greedy to kill the Bear for his skin, then for any harm he hath done.
The confiscation of mens estates being more beneficiall, then the
charity of saving their lives, or reforming their Errors.
When all proportionable succors of the poor Protestants in _Ireland_
(who were daily massacred and over-born with numbers of now desperate
Enemies) was diverted and obstructed here; I was earnestly entreated,
& generally advised by the chief of the Protestant party there, to get
them some respite and breathing by a cessation, without which they saw
no probability (unless by miracle) to preserve the remnant that had
yet escaped: God knows with how much commiseration and solicitous
caution I carried on that business, by persons of Honor and Integrity,
that so I might neither incourage the Rebels Insolence, nor discourage
the Protestants Loyaltie and Patience.
Yet when this was effected in the best sort, that the necessity and
difficulty of affairs would then permit, I was then to suffer again in
my Reputation and Honor; because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to
devour the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there.
I thought that in all reason, the gaining of that respite could not be
so much to the Rebels advantages (which some have highly calumniated
against me) as it might have been for the Protestants future, as well
as present safety: If during the time of that Cessation, some men had
the grace to have laid _Ireland_'s sad condition more to heart; & laid
aside those violent motions, which were here carried on by those, that
had better skill to let blood then to stanch it.
But in all the misconstructions of my actions, (which are prone to
find more credulity in men to what is false, and evil, then love or
charity to what is true and good) as I have no Judge but God above
me, so I can have comfort to appeal to his omniscience, who doth not
therefore deny my Innocence, because he is pleased so far to try my
patience, as he did his servant _Job_'s.
I have enough to do to look to my own Conscience, and the faithfull
discharge of my Trust as a King: I have scarce leisure to consider
those swarms of reproches, which issue out of some mens mouths &
hearts, as easily as smoke, or sparks do out of a furnace: Much lesse
to make such prolix Apologies, as might give those men satisfaction:
who conscious to their own depth of wickednesse are loth to beleeve
any man not to be as bad as themselves.
'Tis Kingly to do well, and hear ill: If I can but act the one, I
shall not much regard to bear the other.
I thank God, I can hear with patience as bad as my worst enemies can
safly say. And I hope I shall still do better then they desire, or
deserve I should.
I beleeve it will at last appear, that they who first began to embroil
my other Kingdoms, are in great part guilty, if not of the first
letting out, yet of the not timely stopping those horrid effusions of
bloud in _Ireland_.
Which (whatever my Enemies please to say, or think) I look upon, as
that of my other kingdoms, exhausted out of my own veins: no man being
so much weakened by it as my Self: And I hope, though mens unsatiable
cruelties never wil, yet the Mercy of God will at length say to his
Justice, _It is enough_; and command the sword of Civil Wars to sheath
it self: his mercifull Justice intending, I trust, not our utter
confusion, but our cure: the abatement of our sins, not the desolation
of these Nations.
_O my God, let those infinite mercies prevent us once again, which I
and my Kingdoms have formerly abused, and can never deserve, should be
restored._
_Thou seest how much cruelty among Christians is acted under the
colour of Religion; as if we could not be Christians, unless we
crucifie one another._
_Because we have no more loved thy truth, and practised in charitie,
thou hast suffered a Spirit of Errour and bitterness, of mutuall and
mortall hatred to rise among us._
_O Lord, forgive wherein we have sinned, and sanctifie what we have
suffered._
_Let our repentance be our recovery, as our great sins have been our
ruine._
_Let not the miseries I and my Kingdoms have hitherto suffered seem
small to thee: but make our sins appear to our consciences, as
they are represented in the glass of thy Judgements; for thou never
punishest small failings, with so severe afflictions._
_O therefore, according to the multitude of thy great mercies, pardon
our sinnes, and remove thy judgments, which are very many, and very
heavy._
_Yet let our sins be ever more grievous to us, then thy judgments; and
make us more willing to repent, then to be relieved; first give us the
grace of penitent consciences, and then the tranquillitie of united
Kingdomes._
_In the Sea of our Saviours Blood drown our sins, and through this red
sea of our own Blood bring us at last to a state of Piety, Peace and
Plenty._
_As my publick relations to all, make me share in all my Subjects
suffering; so give me such a pious sense of them, as becoms a
Christian King, and a loving father of my people._
_Let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon me, be as a
breath, more to kindle my compassion; Give me grace to heap charitable
coales of fire upon their heads to melt them, whose malice or cruel
zeal hath kindled, or hindred the quenching of those flames, which
hath so much wasted my three Kingdoms._
_O rescue and assist those poor Protestants in IRELAND, whom thou hast
hitherto preserved._
_And lead those in the ways of thy saving Truths, whose Ignorance or
Errors have filled them with rebellious and destructive Principles,
which they act under an opinion, That they do thee good service._
_Let the hand of thy justice be against those, who malitiously and
despightfully have raised or fomented these cruel and desperate Wars._
_Thou that art far from destroying the innocent with the guilty, & the
erroneous with the malicious; thou that hadst pitty on_ Niniveh _for
the many children that were therein, give not over the whole stock
of that populous and seduced Nation, to the wrath of those, whose
covetousness makes them cruel; nor to their anger, which is too
fierce, and therefore justly cursed._
_Preserve, if it be thy will, in the midst of the furnace of thy
severe justice, a Posterity which may praise thee for thy mercie._
_And deal with me, not according to mans unjust reproaches, but
according to the innocency of my Hands in thy sight._
_If I have desired or delighted in the wofull day of my Kingdoms
calamities, If I have not earnestly studied, and faithfully
endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloody Distractions;
then let thy hand be against me and my Fathers House. O Lord thou
seest I have enemies enough of men; as I need not, so should I not
dare thus to imprecate thy curse on me and mine, if my Conscience did
not witnesse my integrity, which thou, O Lord, knowest right well. But
I trust not to my own merit, but thy mercies; spare us, O Lord, and be
not angry with us for ever._
* * * * *
_13. Upon the calling in of the_ SCOTS, _and their Comming._
The _Scots_ are a Nation, upon whom I have not onely common ties of
Nature, Soveraignty, and Bounty, with My Father of blessed memory; but
also speciall and late obligations of favours, having gratified the
active Spirits among them so far, that I seemed to many to prefer the
desires of that party, before My own interest and honor. But, I see,
Royall bountie emboldens some men to ask, and act beyond all bounds of
modesty and gratitude.
My charity, and Act of Pacification, forbids Me to reflect on former
passages, wherin I shal ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude,
or inconstancy, make me repent of what I granted them for the publique
good: I pray God it may so prove.
The coming again of that Party into _England_, with an Army only
to conforme this Church to their late New model, cannot but seem as
unreasonable, as they would have thought the same measure offered from
hence to themselves.
Other errand I could never understand, they had, (besides those common
and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty) save only to confirme
the Presbyterian Copy they had set, by making this Church to write
after them, though it were in bloudy Characters.
Which design and end, whether it will justifie the use of such violent
means, before the divine Justice, I leave to their Consciences to
judge, who have already felt the misery of the means, but not reaped
the benefit of the end, either in this Kingdom, or that.
Such knots and crosseness of grain being objected here, as will hardly
suffer that form which they cry up, as the only just reformation, and
settling of Government and Discipline in Churches to go on so smoothly
here, as it might do in _Scotland_; and was by them imagined would
have done in _England_, when so many of the _English_ Clergy, through
levity, or discontent, if no worse passion, suddenly quitted their
former engagements to Episcopacy, and faced about to their Presbytery.
It cannot but seem either passion, or some self-seeking, more then
true Zeal, and pious discretion, for any forraign State or Church to
prescribe such medicins only for others, which themselves have used,
rather successefully then commendably; not considering that the same
Physick on different constitutions, will have different operations:
That may kill one, which doth but cure another.
Nor do I know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution
of the _English_ Church, which gentler applications then those of an
Army, might not easily have removed: Nor is it so proper to hew out
Religious Reformations by the sword, as to polish them by fair & equal
disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences,
whom not force, but reason ought to convince.
But their design now seemed rather to cut off all disputation here,
then to procure a fair and equal one: For it was concluded there, That
the _English_ Clergy must conform to the _Scots_ pattern before ever
they could be heard, what they could say for themselves, or against
the others way.
I could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits, who
urge things with such violence; and for other mens Consciences
too; who can receive litle satisfaction in these points which are
maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the Field, then Scholars
disputing in free and learned Synods.
Sure in matters of Religion those truths gain most on mens Judgments
and Consciences, which are least urged with secular violence, which
weakens truth with prejudices; and is unreasonable to be used, till
such means of rational conviction hath been applied, as leaving no
excuse for ignorance, condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties.
Which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious
Church-men in _England_; who being alwaies bred up, and conformable
to the Government of Episcopacy, cannot so soon renounce both their
former opinion & practice, only because that Party of the _Scots_
will needs, by force assist a like Party here, either to drive all
Ministers as sheep, into the common fold of Presbyterie, or destroy
them; at least fleece them, by depriving them of the benefit of their
Flocks. If the _Scotch_ sole Presbyterie were approved to be the
only Institution of Jesus Christ, for all Churches Government; yet I
beleeve it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those _Scots_,
or any other of my Subjects, Comission by the Sword, to set it up in
any of my Kingdomes, without my consent.
What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief
governors of States, where they lived, is very cleer in the Gospel:
but that he, or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of
Presbyters, and in such a way as those _Scots_ endeavour, I think is
not very disputable.
If Presbyterie in such a Supremacy be an institution of Christ,
sure it differs from all others: and is the first and only point
of Christianity, that was to be planted and watered with so much
Christian bloud; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that
of the Primitive planters, both of Christianity and Episcopacy, which
was with patient shedding of their own bloud, not violently drawing
other mens: sure there is too much of Man in it, to have much of
Christ; none of whose institutions were carried on, or begun with
the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition, of both which this is
vehemently suspected.
Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those _Scots_ had
by an Army or Commissioners to move Me with, by their many Solemn
obtestations, and pious threatnings, but only this, to represent to me
the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in _England_,
to avoid the further miseries of a War, which some men chiefly on
this design at first had begun, & now further engaged themselves to
continue.
What hinders that any Sects, Schisms, or Heresies, if they can get but
numbers, strength and opportunity, may not, according to this opinion
and pattern, set up their wayes by the like methods of violence?
all which Presbitery seeks to suppresse, & render odious under those
names: when wise & learned men think, that nothing hath more marks
of Schism, and Sectarism, then this Presbyterian way, both as to the
Ancient, and still most Universal way of the Church-government,
and especially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this
_English_ Church, which are not yet repealed, nor are like to be for
me, till I see more Rational and Religious motives, then Souldiers use
to carry in their Knapsacks.
But we must leave the successe of all to God, who hath many wayes
(having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions, and fury
of our passion) to teach us those rules of true Reason, and peaceable
Wisdom, which is from above, tending most to Gods glory, and his
Churches good: which I think my self so much the more bound in
Conscience to attend, with the most judicious zeal and care, by how
much I esteem the Church above the State, the glory of Christ above
mine Own: and the Salvation of mens Souls above the preservation of
their Bodies and Estates.
Nor may any men, I think, without sin and presumption, forcibly
endeavour to cast the Churches under my care and tuition, into the
moulds they have fancied, & fashioned to their designs, till they have
first gained my consent, and resolved, both mine own and other mens
Consciences by the strength of their Reasons.
Other violent motions, w^{ch} are neither Manly, Christian, nor Loyal,
shall never either shake or settle my Religion, nor any mans else who
knows what Religion means: And how far it is removed from all Faction,
whose proper engine is force, the arbitrator of beasts, not of
reasonable men, much lesse of humble Christians, and loyal Subjects,
in matters of Religion.
But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves, that they
care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions: especially those
that have some temptation of gain, to recompence their losses and
hazards.
Yet I was not more scandalized at the _Scots_ Armies coming in against
my will, and their forfeiture of so many obligations of duty, and
gratitude to me: then I wondred how those here, could so much distrust
Gods assistance, who so much pretended Gods cause to the people, as
if they had the certainty of some divine Revelation; considering
they were more then competently furnished with my Subjects Arms and
Ammunition, my Navie by Sea, my Forts, Castles and Cities by Land.
But I finde that men jealous of the Justificableness of their doings,
and designs before God, never thinke they have humane strength enough
to carry their work on, seem it never so plausible to the people; what
cannot be justified in Law and Religion, had need to be fortified with
power.
And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in
violent motion, that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to
come in to their assistance; others of them soon after are weary of,
and with nauseating cast them out: what one party thought to rivet
to a setlednes by the strength and influence of the _Scots_, that the
other rejects and contemns; at once, despising the Kirk-government,
& discipline of the _Scots_, and frustrating the successe of so
chargeable, more then charitable assistance: For, sure the Church
of _England_ might have purchased at a far cheaper rate, the Truth
& happines of Reformed Government and Discipline (if it had been
wanting) though it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for
their advice in a ful & free Synod; which, I was ever willing to,
and desirous of, that matters being impartially setled, might be more
satisfactory to all, and more durable.
But much of Gods justice, & mans folly will at length be discovered,
through all the filmes and pretentions of Religion, in which
Polititians wrap up their designes: in vaine do men hope to build
their Piety on the Ruines of loyalty. Nor can those considerations or
designes be durable, when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegiance,
under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion.
But, as my best Subjects of _Scotland_ never deserted me, so I cannot
think that the most are gone so far from me, in a prodigality of
their love and respects towards me, as to make me to despair of their
return; when besides the bonds of Nature and Conscience which they
have to me, all Reason and true Policy will teach them, That their
chiefest interest consists in their fidelity to the Crown, not in
their serviceableness to any Party of the People, to a neglect and
betraying of my Safety and Honor for their own advantages: However the
lesse cause I have to trust to men, the more I shall apply my Self to
God.
_The Troubles of my Soul are enlarged, O Lord, bring thou me out of my
distresse._
_Lord direct thy Servant in the ways of that pious simplicity, which
is the best policie._
_Deliver me from the combined strength of those, who have so much of
the Serpents subtilty, that they forget the Doves Innocency._
_Though hand joyn in hand, yet let them not prevail against my Soul,
to the betraying of my Conscience and Honour._
_Thou, O Lord, canst turn the hearts of those Parties in both Nations,
as thou didst the men of_ Judah _and ISRAEL, to restore_ David _with
as much loyal zeal, as they did with inconstancy and eagernesse pursue
him._
_Preserve the love of thy truth and uprightness in me, and I shall not
despair of My Subjects affections returning towards me._
_Thou canst soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe, and retire back
again to the bounds which thou hast appointed for them._
_O My God, I trust in thee; let me not be ashamed; let not my enemies
triumph over me._
_Let them be ashamed who transgress without a cause; let them be
turned back that persecute my soul._
_Let integrity and uprightness preserve me, for I wait on thee O
Lord._
_Redeem thy Church, O God, out of all its Troubles._
* * * * *
_14. Upon the Covenant._
The _Presbyterian Scots_ are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of
Auxiliaries; nothing will induce them to engage, till those that
call them in, have pawned their Souls to them, by a Solemn League and
Covenant.
Where many engines of religious and fair pretensions are brought
chiefly to batter or rase Episcopacy: This they make the grand evil
Spirit, which with other Imps purposely added, to make it more odious,
& terrible to the Vulgar, must by so solemn a charm & exorcism be cast
out of this Church, after more then a thousand years possession here,
from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island, and an
universal prescription of time and practice in all other Churches
since the Apostles times till this last Century.
But no Antiquity must plead for it; Presbytery like a young Heir,
thinks the Father hath lived long enough, & impatient not to be in the
Bishops chair and authority (though Lay-men go away with the Revenus)
all art is used to sink Episcopacy, and lanch Presbytery in _England_;
which was lately boyed up in _Scotland_ by the late artifice of a
Covenant.
Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant some
referring to my self with very dubious and dangerous limitations (yet
I chiefly wonder at the design and drift touching the Discipline and
Government of the Church); and such a manner of carrying them on to new
ways, by Oaths and Covenants, where it is hard for men to be engaged
by no less, then swearing for, or against those things, which are of
no clear morall necessity, but very disputable, and controverted among
learned and godly men: whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be
made and enjoyned with that judgment and certainty in ones self, or
that charity or candour to others of different opinion, as I think
religion requires, which never refuses fair and equable deliberations;
yea, and dissentings too, in matters only probable.
The enjoyning of Oaths upon People must needs in things doubtfull be
dangerous, as in things unlawfull, damnable; and no lesse superfluous,
where former Religious and Legal Engagements, bound men sufficiently,
to all necessary duties. Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an
Innovating Oath and Covenant, with their former Protestation which was
so lately taken, to maintain the Religion established in the Church of
_England_; since they count Discipline so great a part of Religion.
But ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes
enough to catch and hold the vulgar credulity: for by such politicke
and seemingly pious stratagems, they think to keep the popularity fast
to their Parties under the terrour of perjury: Whereas certainly all
honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by
former ties of Religion, Allegiance, and lawes, to God and man.
Nor can such after-contracts, devised and imposed by a few men in
a declared Party, without my consent, and without any like power or
president from Gods or mans laws, be ever thought by judicious men
sufficient either to obsolve or slacked those moral and eternall bonds
of duty which lie upon all My Subjects consciences both to God and me.
Yet as things now stand, good men shall least offend God or Me, by
keeping their Covenant in honest and lawfull wayes; since I have the
charity to think, that the chief end of the Covenant in such mens
intentions, was, to preserve Religion in purity, and the Kingdoms in
peace: To other then such ends and meanes they cannot think themselves
engaged; nor will those, that have any true touches of Conscience
endeavour to carry on the best designes, (much lesse such as are, and
will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious) by any unlawfull
means, under that title of the Covenant: unlesse they dare preferre
ambiguous, dangerous and un-authorized novelties, before their known
and sworn duties, which are indespensable, both to God and my self.
I am prone to beleeve and hope, That many who took the Covenant, are
yet firme to this judgment, That such latter Vowes, Oaths, or Leagues,
can never blot out those former gravings, and characters, which by
just and lawfull Oaths were made upon their Souls.
That which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and
Covenants more to be suspected, is, That they are the common road,
used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of State or Church:
when formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more
studied and elaborate, then, when Polititians most agitate desperate
designes against all that is setled, or sacred in Religion, and Laws,
which by such scrues are cunningly, yet forcibly wrested by secret
steps, and lesse sencible degrees, from their known rule and wonted
practise, and comply with the humours of those men, who ayme to
subdue all to their own will and power, under the disguises of Holy
Combinations.
Which cords and wythes will hold mens Consciences no longer, then
force attends and twists them: for every man soon grows his own Pope,
and easily absolves himself of those ties, which, not the commands of
Gods Word, or the Laws of the Land, but only the subtilty and terrour
of a Party casts upon him; either superfluous and vain, when they
were sufficiently tied before; or fraudulent and injurious, if by such
afterligaments they find the Imposers really ayming to dissolve, or
suspend their former just and necessary obligations.
Indeed such illegall ways seldom or never intend the engaging men more
to duties, but only to Parties; therefore it is not regarded how they
keep their Covenants in point of piety pretended, provided they adhere
firmly to the Party and Design intended.
I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna
(not that it came from Heaven, as this did) agreeable to every mans
palate and rellish, who will but swallow it: They admit any mens
senses of it, the divers or contrary; with any salvoes, cautions and
reservations, so as they cross not their chief Design, which is laid
against the Church and me.
It is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to
their Party; so little do men remember that God is not mocked.
In such latitudes of sense, _I_ beleive many that love Me, and the
Church well, may have taken the Covenant, who yet are not so fondly
and superstitiously taken by it, as now to act cleerly against both
all piety & loyalty: who first yeelded to it, more to prevent that
imminent violence and ruine, which hung over their heads in case they
wholly refused it, then for any value of it, or devotion to it.
Wherein, the latitude of some generall Clauses may (perhaps) serve
somewhat to relieve them, as of _Doing and endeavouring what lawfully
they may, in their Places and Callings_, and _according to the Word
of God_: for these (indeed) carry no man beyond those bounds of good
Conscience, which are certain & fixed either in Gods Laws, as to the
Generall; or the Laws of the State and Kingdom, as to the particular
regulation and exercise of mens duties.
I would to God such as glory most in the name of _Covenanters_, would
keep themselves within those lawfull bounds, to which God hath called
them: surely it were the best way to expiate the rashnesse of taking
it; which must needs then appear, when besides the want of a full and
lawfull Authority at first to enjoyn it, it shall actually be carried
on beyond and against those ends which were in it specified and
pretended. I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant, who keep
it within such bounds of Piety, Law, and Loyaltie, as can never hurt
either the Church, My self, or the Publick Peace: Against which, no
mans lawfull Calling can engage him.
As for that Reformation of the Church which the Covenant pretends, I
cannot think it just or comely, that by the partiall advice of a
few Divines, (of so soft and servile tempers, as disposed them to so
sudden acting and compliance, contrary to their former judgements,
profession, and practise) such foule scandalls and suspitions should
be cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of _England_,
as was never done (that I have heard) by any that deserved the name of
_Reformed Churches_ abroad, nor by any men of learning and candour at
home: all whose judgments _I_ cannot but prefer before any mens now
factiously engaged.
No man can be more forward then My self to carry on all due
Reformations, which mature judgment, and a good Conscience, in what
things I shall (after impartiall advise) be, by Gods Word, and right
reason, convinced to be amiss, I have offered more than ever the
fullest, freest, and wisest Parliaments did desire.
But the sequele of some mens actions makes it evident, that the maine
information intended, is the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery,
and the robbing of the Church of its Lands and Revenues: For, no men
have been more injuriously used, as to their legall Rights then
the Bishops, and Church-men. These, as the fattest Dear, must be
destroyed; the other Rascal herd of Schismes, Heresies, &c. being
leane, may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration: Thus _Naboth_'s
Vine-yard made him the onely Blasphemer of his City, and fit to die.
Still I see: while the breath of Religion fills the Sailes, Profit
is the compasse, by which Factious men steer their course in all
seditious Commotions.
I thank God, as no man lay more open to the sacrilegious temptation of
usurping the Churches Lands, and Revenues, (which issuing chiefly from
the Crown, are held of it, and legally can revert onely to the Crowne
with my Consent) so I have alwayes had such a perfect abhorrence of
it in my Soule, that I never found the least inclination to such
sacrilegious Reformings: yet no man hath a greater desire to have
Bishops and all Church-men, so reformed, that they may best deserve
and use, not onely what the pious munificence of My Predecessours
hath given to God and the Church, but all other additions of Christian
bounty.
But no necessity shall ever, I hope, drive me or Mine to invade
or sell the Priests Lands, which both _Pharaoh's_ divinity, and
_Joseph's_ true piety abhorred to do: So unjust I think it both in the
eye of Reason and Religion, to deprive the most sacred employment of
all due incouragements; and like that other hard-hearted _Pharaoh_, to
withdraw the Straw, and encrease the Task; so pursuing the oppressed
Church as some have done, to the red Sea of a Civill War, where
nothing but a miracle can save either it, or him, who esteems it
his greatest Title to be called, and his chiefest glory to be
_The defender of the Church, both in its true faith, and its just
fruitions; equally abhoring Sacriledge and Apostacy_.
I had rather live as my Predecessour _Henry_ the 3. sometime did, on
the Churches alms, then violently to take the bread out of Bishops and
Ministers mouths.
The next work will be _Jeroboam's_ reformation, consecrating the
meanest of the people to be Priests in _Israel_, to serve those Golden
_Calves_ who have enrich'd themselves with the Churches Patrimony and
Dowry; which how it thrived both with Prince, Priests and people, is
well enough known: And so it will be here, when from the tuition of
Kings and Queens, which have been nursing fathers and mothers of this
Church, it will be at their allowance, who have already discovered,
what hard fathers and step-mothers they will be.
If the poverty of _Scotland_ might, yet the plenty of _England_ cannot
excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues.
I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad consequences, which
will inevitably follow the parity and poverty of Ministers, both
in Church and State; since I think it no lesse then a mocking and
tempting of God, to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose
occasions and remedies are in our own power; it being every mans sin
not to avoid the one, and not to use the other.
There are ways enough to repair the breaches of the State without the
ruins of the Church; as I would be a restorer of the one, so I would
not be an oppressor of the other under the pretence of publick Debts:
The occasions contracting them were bad enough, but such a discharging
of them would be much worse; I pray God neither I, nor mine, may be
accessary to either.
_To thee, O Lord, do I addresse my Prayer, beseeching thee to pardon
the rashness of my Subjects Swearings, and to quicken their sense and
observation of those just, morall and indispensable bonds, which thy
word and the Laws of this Kingdom have laid upon their Consciences;
From which no pretensions of Piety & reformation are sufficient to
absolve them; or to engage them to any contrary practises._
_Make them at length seriously to consider that nothing violent and
injurious can be religious._
_Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledge under the zeal of
abhorring Idols._
_Suffer not sacrilegious designs to have the countenance of religious
ties._
_Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings, that it is a snare to
take things that are holy, and Vows to mak enquiry._
_Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to perjurious and sacraligeous
rapinei, that I may not have the brand and curse to all posterity of
robing Thee and thy Church, of what thy bounty hath given us, and thy
clemencie hath accepted from us, wherewith to encourage Learning and
Religion._
_Though My Treasures are Exhausted, My Revenues Diminished, and My
Debts Encreased, yet never suffer Me to be tempted to use such profane
Reparation; lest a coal from thine Altar set such a fire on My Throne
and Conscience as will hardly be quenched._
_Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publique, which some mens
folly and prodigalitie hath contracted, be an occasion to impoverish
thy Church._
_The State may soon recover, by thy blessing of peace upon us; The
Church is never likely, in times, where the Charity of most men is
grown so cold, and their Religion so illiberall._
_Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church all those
encouragements, which by the will of the pious Donours, and the
justice of the Laws are due unto them; and give them grace to deserve
and use them aright to thy glory, & the relief of the poor: That
shy Priests may be cloathed with righteousnesse, and the poor may be
satisfed with bread._
_Let not holy things be given to Swine; nor the Churches bread to
Dogs; rather let them go about the City, grin like a Dog, and grudge
that they are not satisfied._
_Let those sacred morsels, which some men have already by violence
devoured, never digest with them, nor theirs; Let them be as_ Naboth's
_Vineyard to_ Ahab, _gall in their mouths, rottennesse to their names,
a moth to their families, and a sting to their Consciences._
_Break in sunder O Lord, all violent and sacrilegious Confederations
to do wickedly and injuriously._
_Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the
Church and State, that the folly of such may be manifest to all men,
and proceed no further._
_But so savour My righteous dealing, O Lord, that in the mercies of
thee, the most High, I may never miscarry._
* * * * *
15. _Vpon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon the_
KING, _to stirre up the People against him._
If _I_ had not My own Innocency, and Gods protection, it were hard
for Me to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice,
which by falsities seek to oppresse the Truth; and by Jealousies to
supply the defect of reall causes, which might seem to justifie so
unjust ingagements against Me.
And indeed, the worst effects of open hostility come short of these
designes: For, _I_ can more willingly lose My Crownes, then My credit;
nor are My Kingdomes so dear to Me, as My Reputation and Honor.
Those must have a period with my life; but these may survive to a
glorious kind of Immortality, when I am dead and gone: A good name
being the imbalming of Princes, and a sweet consecrating of them to an
Eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity.
Those foul and false aspersions were secret engines at first employed
against My peoples love to Me: that undermining their opinion and
value of Me, My enemies, and theirs too might at one blow up their
affections, and batter down their loyalty.
Wherein yet, I thank God, the detriment of My Honor is not so
afflictive to Me, as the sin and danger of My peoples souls, whose
eyes once blinded with such mists of suspicions, they are soon misled
into the most desperate precipices of actions: wherein they do not
only, not consider their sin and danger, but glory in their zealous
adventures; while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed, that
many are ambitious to merit the name of My Destroyers; Imagining they
then fear God most, when they least honor their King.
I thank God, I never found but My pity was above My anger; nor have
My passions ever so prevailed against me, as to exclude My most
compassionate prayers for them, whom devout errours more then their
own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion.
I had the Charity to interpret, that most part of My Subjects fought
against My supposed Errours, not My person; and intended to mend Me,
not to end Me: And _I_ hope that God pardoning their Errours, hath
so farre accepted and answered their good intentions, as he hath yet
preserved Me, so he hath by these afflictions prepared me, both to do
him better service, and My people more good then hitherto I have done.
I do not more willingly forgive their seductions, which occasioned
their loyall injuries, then I am ambitious by all Princely merits to
redeem them from their unjust suspicions, and reward them for their
good intentions.
I am too conscious to My own affections toward the generality of my
people to suspect theirs to Me; nor shall the malice of My Enemies
ever be able to deprive Me of the comfort which that confidence
gives Me; I shall never gratifie the spightfulnesse of a few with
any sinister thoughts of all their Allegiance, whom pious frauds have
seduced.
The worst some mens ambition can do, shall never perswade Me, to make
so bad interpretations of most of My Subjects actions; who possibly
may be erroneous, but not Hereticall in point of Loyalty.
The sence of the injuries done to My Subjects is as sharp, as those
done to My Self; our welfares being inseparable; in this only they
suffer more then My self, that they are animated by some seducers to
injure at once both themselves and Me.
For this it is not enough to the malice of My Enemies, that I
be afflicted; but it must be done by such instruments, that My
afflictions grieve Me not more, then this doth, that I am afflicted
by those, whose prosperity I earnestly desire, and whose seduction I
heartily deplore.
If they had been my open and forraign Enemies, I could have born it;
but they must be My own Subjects, who are next to My Children dear to
me: And for the restoring of some tranquillity, I could willingly
be the _Jonah_, if I did not evidently fore-see, that by the divided
interests of their and Mine Enemies, as by contrary winds, the storm
of their miseries would be rather increased then allayed.
I had rather prevent my peoples ruin then rule over them; nor am I
so ambitious of that Dominion which is but My Right, as of their
happiness; If it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining
it, by the highest injuries of subjects committed against their
Soveraign.
Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of life, and die many deaths,
then shamefully to desert, or dishonourable to betray My own just
Rights and Soveraignty; thereby to gratifie the ambition, or justifie
the malice of my enemies; between whose malice, and other mens
mistakes, I put as great a difference, as between an ordinary Ague and
the Plague; or the Itch of Novelty, and the Leprosie of Disloyalty.
As Liars need have good memories, so malicious persons need good
inventions; that their calumnies may fit every mans fancy; and what
their reproaches want of truth, they may make up with numbers and
shew.
My patience (I thank God) wil better serve Me to bear, and My charity
to forgive, then My leisure to answer the many false Aspersions which
some men have cast upon Me.
Did I not more consider My Subjects Satisfaction, then my owne
Vindication, I should never have given the malice of some men that
pleasure, as to see me take notice of, or remember what they say, or
object.
I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evill manners,
and seared Consciences, which will, I believe, in a shorter time then
they be aware of, both confute and revenge all those black and false
Scandals which they have cast on me; And make the world see, there is
as little truth in them, as there was little worth in the broaching of
them, or Civility, (I need not say Loyalty) in the not suppressing
of them; whose credit and reputation, even with the people, shall ere
long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of popular
obloquy, and detraction, which they have studied to heat and inflame
to the highest degree of infamy, and wherein they have sought to cast
and consume My Name and Honor.
First, nothing gave me more cause to suspect, and search mine own
innocencie, then when I observed so many forward to engage against
me, who had made great professions of singular piety; For this gave
to Vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon me and my Cause, as if it
had been impossible to adhere to me, and not withall part from God;
to think or speak well of me, and not to blaspheme him; so many were
perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent, to be at once
Loyall to Me, and truly Religious toward God.
Not but that I had (I thank God) many with me, which were both
learned and Religious, (much above that ordinary size, and that Vulgar
proportion wherein some men glory so much) who were so well satisfied
in the cause of my sufferings, that they chose rather to suffer with
me, then forsake me.
Nor is it strange, that so religious Pretensions as were used against
me, should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose me;
especially, being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin
to lie for God, and what they please to call Gods Cause, cursing all
that will not curse with them; looking so much at, and crying up the
goodnesse of the end propounded, that they consider not the lawfulness
of the means used nor the depth of the mischief, chiefly plotted and
intended.
The weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours
and activity.
It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize me and mine;
they thought theirs could not be true, if they cried not down Mine as
false.
I thank God, I have had more triall of his grace, as to the constancy
of my Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of
_England_, both abroad, and at home, then ever they are like to have.
Nor do _I_ know any exception I am so liable to, in their opinion,
as too great a fixedness in that Religion, whose judicious and
solid grounds, both from Scripture, and Antiquity, will not give my
conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and
divided innovations, which the bold ignorance of some men would needs
obtrude upon me, and my people.
Contrary to those well tried foundations both of Truth, and Order,
which men of far greater Learning, and clearer Zeal, have settled in
the Confession and Constitution of this Church in _England_, which
many former Parliaments in the most calm, and unpassionate times,
have oft confirmed; In which I shall ever, by Gods help, persevere, as
beleeving it hath most of primitive Truth and Order.
Nor did my using the assistance of some Papists, which were my
Subjects, any way fight against my Religion, some men would needs
interpret it: especially those who least of all men cared whom they
imployed, or what they said and did, so they might prevail.
'Tis strange that so wise men, as they would be esteemed, should not
conceive, That differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may
easily fall out, where there is the samenesse of duty, Allegeance
and subjection: The first they owe as men and Christians to God; the
second they owe to me in common, as their KING: different professions
in point of Religion cannot (any more then in civill Trades) take away
the community of relations either to Parents, or to Princes. And where
is there such an _Oglio_ or medly of various Religions in the world
again, as those men entertain in their service (who finde most fault
with me) without any scruple, as to the diversity of their Sects and
Opinions!
It was, indeed, a foul and indeleable shame, for such as would be
counted Protestants, to inforce Me, a declared Protestant, their Lord
and King, to a necessary use of Papists, or any other, who did but
their duty to help Me to defend my self.
Nor did I more then is lawful for any King, in such exigents to use
the aid of any his Subjects.
I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegeance
then many Protestant Professors; who seem to have learned, and to
practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists.
Indeed, it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in
me, (and very pleading, no doubt to my Enemies) to have been then
disputing the points of different beliefs in my Subjects, when I
was disputed with by Swords points: and when I needed the help of my
Subjects as men, no lesse then their prayers as Christians.
The noise of my evill Counsellours was another usefull device for
those, who were impatient any mens counsels but their own should be
followed in Church or State; who were so eager in giving me better
counsel, that they would not give me leave to take it with freedom, as
a Man; or honour, as a King; making their Counsels more like a drench,
that must be powred down, then a draught, which might be fairly and
leisurely drank, if I liked it.
I will not justifie beyond humane errour and frailties my Self, or my
Counsellours: They might be subject to some miscarriages, yet such
as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts, then those
enormous extravagances wherewith some men have now even wildred, and
almost quite lost both Church and State.
The event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects, that
had I followed the worst Counsels that my worst Counsellours ever had
the boldnesse to offer to me, or my Self any inclination to use;
I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in three
flourishing Kingdoms, to such a _Chaos_ of confusion, and hell of
miseries as some have done; out of which they cannot, or will not,
in the midst of their many great advantages, redeem either Me, or my
Subjects.
No men were more willing to complain, then I was to redresse what I
saw in reason was either done or advised amisse: and this I thought I
had done, even beyond the expectation of moderate men: who were sorry
to see me prone even to injure my Self, out of a zeal to relieve my
Subjects.
But other mens insatiable desire of revenge upon Me, my Court, and my
Clergie, hath wholly beguiled both Church and State of the benefit of
all my either Retractations or Concessions; and withall, hath deprived
all those (now so zealous Persecutors) both of the comfort and reward
of their former pretended Persecutions, wherein they so much gloryed
among the Vulgar; and which, indeed a truly humbly Christian will so
highly prize, as rather not be relieved, then be revenged, so as to be
bereaved of that Crown of Christian patience, which attends humble and
injured sufferers.
Another artifice used to withdraw my peoples affections from me to
their designes, was, the noise and ostentation of Liberty, which men
are not more prone to desire, then unapt to bear in the popular sense;
which is to doe what every man liketh best.
If the divinest Liberty be to will what men should, and to do what
they so will, according to Reason, Laws and Religion; I envie not my
Subjects that liberty, which is all I desire to enjoy my self; So far
am I from the desire of oppressing theirs. Now were those Lords and
Gentlemen which assisted me, so prodigal of their Liberties, as with
their Lives and Fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves and
their Posterities?
As to Civil Immunities, none but such as desire to drive on their
ambitious and covetous Designes over the ruines of Church and State,
Prince, Peers, and People, will ever desire greater Freedoms than the
Laws allow; whose bounds good men count their Ornament and Protection;
others their Manacles and Oppression.
Nor is it just any man should expect the reward and benefit of the
Law, who despiseth his rule and direction, losing justly his Safety,
while he seeks an unreasonable Libertie.
Time will best inform my Subjects, that those are the best
preservers of their true Liberties, who allow themselves the least
licentiousnesse against or beyond the Laws.
They will feel it at last to their cost, that it is impossible those
men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties, who
have the hardinesse to use their King with so severe restraints,
against all Laws, both Divine and Humane; under which yet I wil rather
perish, then complain to those, who want nothing to compleat their
mirth and triumph, but such musick.
In point of true conscientious tendernesse (attended with humility and
meeknesse, not with proud and arrogant activity, which seeks to hatch
every egg of different opinion to a Faction or Schism) I have oft
declared, how little I desire my Laws and Scepter should intrench on
Gods Soveraignty, which is the onely King of mens Consciences; and yet
he hath laid such restraints upon men, as commands them to be
subject for conscience sake, giving no men liberty to break the Law
established, further then with meeknesse and patience they are content
to suffer the penalty annexed, rather then perturb the publick Peace.
The truth is, some mens thirst after Novelties, others despair to
relieve the necessities of their Fortunes, or satisfie their Ambition
in peaceable times, (distrusting Gods providence, as well as their own
merits) were the secret (but principal) impulsives to these popular
Commotions, by which Subjects have been perswaded to expend much of
those plentifull Estates they got, and enjoyed under my Government
in peaceable times; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious
reproaches which impotent malice can invent; and my Self exposed to
all those contempts, which may most diminish the Majesty of a King,
and increase the ingratefull insolencies of my People.
For mine Honour, I am well assured, that as mine Innocency is clear
before God, in point of any calumnies they object; so my Reputation
shall like the Sun (after Owls and Bats have had their freedom in the
night and darker times) rise and recover it self to such a degree
of splendour, as those ferall Birds shall be grieved to behold, and
unable to bear. For never were any Princes more glorious, then those
whom God hath suffered to be tried in the fournace of afflictions, by
their injurious Subjects.
And who knows but the just and mercifull God will do me good, for some
mens hard, false, and evill speeches against Me; wherein they speak
rather what they wish, then what they beleeve, or know.
Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour, by those rude and
scandalous Pamphlets (which like fire in great conflagrations, fly
up and down to set all places on like flames) as those men do, who
pretending to so much piety, are so forgetfull of their duty to God
and Me: By no way ever vindicating the Majesty of their KING against
any of those, who contrary to the precept of God, and precedent
of Angels, _speak evil of dignities, and bring railing accusations
against those_ who are honoured with the name of _Gods_.
But 'tis no wonder if men not fearing God, should not honour their
KING.
They will easily contemn such shadows of God, who reverence not that
Supreme and adorable Majestie, in comparison of whom all the glory of
Men and Angels is but obscurity; yet hath he graven such Characters of
divine Authority, and sacred Power upon Kings, as none may without sin
seek to blot them out. Nor shall their black veils be able to hide the
shining of my face, while God gives me an heart frequently and humbly
to converse with him, from whom alone are all the traditions of true
glory and majestie.
_Thou, O Lord, knowest my reproach, and my dishonour; my adversaries
are all before thee._
_My soul is among Lions, among them that are set on fire, even the
sons of men; whose teeth are spears and arrows, their tongue a sharp
sword._
_Mine enemies reproach me all the day long, and those that are mad
against me, are sworn together._
_O my God, how long shall the sons of men turn my glory into shame?
how long shall they love vanity, and seek after lies?_
_Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side. Hold not
thy peace, lest my Enemies prevail against me, and lay mine honour in
the dust._
_Thou, O Lord, shalt destroy them that speak lies; the Lord will abhor
both the blood-thirsty and deceitfull men._
_Make my righteousnesse to appear as the light, and mine innocencie to
shine forth as the Sun at noon-day._
_Suffer not my silence to betray mine innocence, nor my displeasure,
my patience; That after my Saviours example, being reviled, I may not
revile again; and being cursed by them, I may bless them._
_Thou that wouldst not suffer_ Shimei's _tongue to go unpunished; when
by thy judgements on_ David _he might seem to justifie his disdainfull
reproaches, give me grace to intercede with thy mercy for these my
enemies, that the reward of false and lying tongues, even hot burning
coales of eternall fire, may not be brought upon them._
_Let my prayers, and patience, be as water to coole and quench their
tongues, who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell, and
tormented with those malitious flames._
_Let me be happy to refute, and put to silence their evill speaking by
well-doing; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips, but of my
prayer for their repentance, and thy pardon._
_Teach me_ Davids _patience and_ Hezekiah's _devotion, that I may look
to thy mercy through mans malice and see thy justice in their sin._
_Let_ Sheba's _seditious speeches_, Rabshekah's _railing, and_
Shimei's _cursing, provoke, as my humble prayer to thee, so thy renued
blessing towards me._
_Though they curse, do thou bless, and I shall be blessed; and made a
blessing to my people._
_That the stone, which some builders refuse, may become the head-stone
of the corner._
_Look down from heaven, and save me, from the reproach of them that
would swallow me up._
_Hide me in the secret of thy presence, from the pride of man, and
keep me from the strife of tongues._
* * * * *
16. _Upon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer Book._
It is no newes to have all Innovations ushered in with the name
of Reformations in Church and State, by those, who seeking to gain
reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary parts, and piety,
must needs undoe what ever was formerly setled never so well and
wisely.
So hardly can the pride of those that study Novelties, allow former
times any share or degree of wisedom or godliness.
And because matter of prayer and devotion to God justly bears a great
part in Religion, (being the soules more immediate converse with the
divine Majesty) nothing could be more plausible to the people then to
tell them, they served God amiss in that point.
Hence our publike Liturgy, or Forms of constant Prayers must be (not
amended, in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men
inconvenient for matter or manner, to which I should easily consent,
but) wholly cashiered, and abolished, and after many popular contempts
offered to the Booke, and those that used it according to their
consciences, and the Lawes in force, it must be crucified by an
Ordinance the better to please either those men, who gloried in their
extemporary veine and fluency: or others, who conscious to their own
formality in the use of it, thought they fully expiated their sin of
not using it aright, by laying all the blame upon it, and a totall
rejection of it as a dead letter, thereby to excuse the deadness of
their hearts.
As for the matter contained in the Book, sober and learned men have
sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those
who thought it a part of piety to make what profane objections they
could against it; especially for Popery and Superstition; whereas no
doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church
of _England_; & this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most
sound and Orthodox.
For the manner of using set and prescribed Forms, there is no doubt
but that wholsome words being known and fitted to mens understandings,
are soonest received into their hearts, and aptest to excite and carry
along with them judicious and fervent affections.
Nor doe I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a
well-composed Liturgie (as I hold this to be) more then of all other
things, wherein the constancy abates nothing of the excellency and
usefulness.
I could never see any Reason, why any Christian should abhor, or be
forbidden to use the same Forms of prayer, since he prayes to the same
God, believes in the same Saviour, professeth the same Truths, reads
the same Scriptures, hath the same duties upon him, and feels the
same daily wants for the most part, both inward and outward, which are
common to the whole Church.
Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray, as to whom we pray;
and in what word, as to what sense; when we desire the same things,
what hinders we may not use the same words? our appetite and digestion
too may be good, when we use, as we pray for, _our daily bread_.
Some men, I hear, are so impatient not to use in all their devotions
their own invention and gifts, that they not only disuse (as too many)
but wholly cast away and contemn the _Lords Prayer_: whose great guilt
is, that it is the warrant and originall patern of all set Liturgies
in the Christian Church.
I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for
invention, and the vain affectation of variety for expressions, in
publike prayer, or any sacred administrations, merits a greater brand
of sin, then that which they call coldness and Barrenness: Nor are men
in those novelties less subject to formall and superficiall tempers,
(as to their hearts) then in the use of constant Forms, where not the
words, but mens hearts are to blame.
I make no doubt but a man may be very formall in the most extemporary
variety; & very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions: Nor
is God more a God of variety, than of constancy: Nor are constant
Forms of prayers more likely to flat, and hinder the Spirit of Prayer
and Devotion, than an unpremeditated and confused variety, to distract
and lose it.
Though I am not against a grave, modest, discreet, and humble use of
Ministers gifts, even in publique, the better to fit, and excite their
owne, and the peoples affections to the present occasions: yet I know
no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out,
& deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of
many learned and godly men; such as the Composers of the Service-Book
were; who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts & graces
enabling them to compose with serious deliberation & concurrent
advice, such Forms of prayers, as may best fit the Churches common
wants, inform the Hearers understanding, and stir up that fiduciary
and fervent application of their spirits (wherein consists the very
life and soul of prayer, and that so much pretended Spirit of prayer)
then any private man by his solitary abilities, can be presumed to
have; which, what they are many times (even there, where they make
a great noise and shew) the affectations, emptinesse, impertinency,
rudenesse, confusions, flatnesse, levity, obscurity, vain and
ridiculous repetitions, the senslesse, and oft-times blasphemous
expressions; all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable
length, do sufficiently convince all men, but those who glory in that
Pharisaick way.
Wherein men must be strangely impudent, and flatterers of themselves,
not to have an infinite shame of what they do and say, in things of so
sacred a nature, before God and the Church, after so ridiculous, and
indeed, profane a manner.
Nor can it be expected, but that in duties of frequent performance, as
Sacramentall administrations, and the like, which are still the same;
Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly, which
are not like to be so sound, or comprehensive of the nature of the
duty, as forms of publike composure; or else they must every time
affect new expressions when the subject is the same; which can hardly
be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want (many
times) much of that compleatnesse, order, and gravity, becoming those
duties; which by this meanes are exposed at every celebration to every
Ministers private infirmities, indispositions, errours, disorders, and
defects, both for judgement and expression.
A serious sense of which inconvenience in the Church unavoidably
following every mans severall manner of officiating, no doubt, first
occasioned the wisdome and piety of the Ancient Churches, to
remedy those mischiefs, by the use of constant Liturgies of publike
composure.
The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel, when
the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance, and confident
defects, shall be discovered in more errours, schismes, disorders, and
uncharitable distractions in Religion, which are already but too many,
and the more is the pitie.
However, if violence must needs bring in and abet those innovations,
(that men may not seem to have nothing to do) which Law, Reason, and
Religion forbids, at least to be so obtruded, as wholly to justle out
the publike Liturgy;
Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partiall severity of those
men, who either lately had subscribed to, used and maintained the
Service-book; or refused to use it, cried out of the rigour of Laws
and Bishops, which suffered them not to use the Liberty of their
Consciences in not using it.
That these men, (I say) should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a
Directory, as if the Spirit needed help for invention, though not
for expressions; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and
obstruct the Spirit, as if it were cloathed in, and confined to fit
words (so slight & easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to
delude the vulgar.)
That further, they should use such severity as not to suffer without
penalty, any to use the Common-Prayer-Book publikely, although their
consciences bind them to it, as a duty of Piety to God, and Obedience
to the Laws.
Thus I see, no men are prone to be greater Tyrants, and more rigorous
exactors upon others to conform to their illegall novelties, then
such, whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of
lawfull Constitutions; and whose licentious humours most pretended
consciencious liberties, which freedome, with much regret, they now
allow to Me, and My Chaplains, when they may have leave to serve Me,
whose abilities, even in their extemporary way comes not short of the
others, but their modesty and learning far exceeds the most of them.
But this matter is of so popular a nature, as some men knew it would
not bear learned and sober debates, lest being convinced by the
evidence of Reason, as well as Laws, they should have been driven
either to sin more against their knowledge, by taking away the
Liturgie; or to displease some faction of the people, by continuing
the use of it.
Though, I beleeve, they have offended more considerable men, not onely
for their numbers and estates, but for their weighty and judicious
piety, then those are, whose weaknesse or giddinesse they sought to
gratifie by taking it away.
One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book,
I beleeve, was this, That it taught them to pray so oft for Me; to
which Petitions they had not Loyaltie enough to say _Amen_, nor yet
Charitie enough to forbear Reproaches, and even Cursings of Me in
their own Forms, in stead of praying for Me.
I wish their repentance may be their onely punishment; that seeing
the mischiefs, which the disuse of publick Liturgies hath already
produced, they may restore that credit, use and reverence to them,
which by the ancient Churches were given to set Forms of sound and
wholsom words.
_And thou, O Lord, which art the same God, blessed for ever, whose
Mercies are full of varietie, and yet of constancie; Thou deniest us
not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants nor despisest
renewed affections joyned to constant expressions._
_Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well advised
Devotions._
_Let the matters of our praiers be agreeable to thy will which is
always the same, and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy
holy Spirit in us._
_And then we doubt not, but thy spirituall perfections are such as
thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or
manner, nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them
both._
_Whose varietie or constancie thou hast no where either forbidden or
commanded but left them to the piety and prudence of thy Church, that
both may be used, neither despised._
_Keep men in that pious moderation of their judgements in matters
of Religion; that their ignorance may not offend others, nor their
opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what
they may lawfully and devoutly use, to help their infirmities._
_And since the advantage of Error consists in novelty & variety, as
truths in unity and constancy: Suffer not thy Church to be pestered
with errours, and deformed with undecencies in thy service, under the
pretence of variety and noveltie. Nor to be deprived of truth,
unitie, and order under this fallacy, That constancie is the cause of
formality._
_Lord, keepe us from formall Hypocrisie in our own Hearts, and then
we know that praying to thee, or praising of thee (with_ David, _and
other Holy men) in the same formes cannot hurt us._
_Give us wisdom to amend what is amiss within us, and there will be
less to mend without us._
_Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind
zeale and over-bold devotion._
* * * * *
17. _Of the differences between the_ KING _and the two Houses, in
Point of Church-Government._
Touching the Government of the Church by Bishops, the common Jealousie
hath been, that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it, not so much
out of pietie, as policie, and reason of State.
Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce me to approve that
Government above any other, as I find it impossible for a Prince to
preserve the State in quiet, unlesse he hath such an influence upon
Church-men, and they such a dependance on Him, as may best restraine
the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues; who with the Keyes
of Heaven have so far the Keyes of the Peoples hearts, as they prevail
much by their Oratory to let in, or shut out, both Peace and Loyalty.
So that I being (as King) intrusted by God, and the Lawes, with the
good both of Church and State; I see no Reason I should give up, or
weaken by any change, that power and influence which in right and
reason I ought to have over both.
The moving Bishops out of the House of Peers (of which I have elswhere
given an account) was sufficient to take off any suspicion, that
I inclined to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State
affaires: Though indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in
that House, who would not Vote according to his Conscience.
I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government
in its Right constitution, as a matter of Religion; wherein both my
judgement is fully satisfied, that it hath of all other the fullest
Scripture grounds, and also the constant practise of all Christian
Churches; till of late years, the tumultuarinesse of People, or the
factiousnesse and pride of Presbyters, or the covetousnesse of some
States and Princes, gave occasion to some mens wits to invent
new models, and propose them under suspicious titles of _Christs
government, Scepter, and Kingdom_; the better to serve their turns, to
whom the change was beneficiall.
They must give me leave, having none of their temptations to invite
me to alter the Government of Bishops, (that I may have a title to
their Estates) not to beleeve their pretended grounds to any new
waies: contrary to the full, and constant testimony of all Histories
sufficiently convincing unbiased men; that as the Primitive Churches
were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate
Successours the first & best Bishops: so it cannot in reason or
charity be supposed, that all Churches in the world should either be
ignorant of the rule by them prescribed, or so soon deviate from their
divine & holy pattern: That since the first Age, for 1500 years not
one Example can be produced of any setled Church, wherein were many
Ministers and Congregations, which had not some Bishop above them,
under whose jurisdiction and government they were.
Whose constant and universall practise agreeing with so large and
evident Scripture-directions, and examples, are set down in the
Epistles to _Timothy_ and _Titus_, for the setling of that Government
not in the persons onely _Timothy_ and _Titus_, but in the succession;
(the want of Government being that, which the Church can no more
dispence with, in point of wel-being, then the want of the word and
Sacrament in point of being.)
I wonder how men came to looke with so envious an eye upon Bishops
power and authority, as to over-see both the Ecclesiasticall use
of them, and Apostolicall constitution: which to me seems no lesse
evidently set forth, as to the maine scope and designe of those
Epistles, for the setling of a peculiar Office, Power, and Authority
in them as President-Bishops above others, in point of Ordination,
Censures, and other acts of Ecclesiasticall discipline; then those
shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops,
and Deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles; who
in the latitude & community of the name were then, and may now not
improperly be called Bishops; as to the oversight and care of
single Congregations, committed to them by the Apostles, or those
Apostolicall Bishops, who (as _Timothy_ and _Titus_) succeeded them,
in that ordinary power, there assigned over larger divisions in which
were many presbyters.
The humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of
Apostles as a name in the Churches stile appropriated from its common
notion (_of a Messenger, or one sent_) to that speciall dignity, which
had extraordinary call, mission, gifts and power immediately from
Christ: they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops
and Presbyters, until Use (the great Arbitrator of words, and Master
of language) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name those
persons, whose Power and Office were indeed distinct from, and above
all other in the Church, as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary
and constant power of governing the Churches, (the honour of whose
name they moderately, yet commendably declined) all Christian Churches
(submitting to that special Authority) appropriated also the name of
Bishop, without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancie, to those who
were by Apostolicall propagation rightly descended and invested into
that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and
Primitive Churches: which, without all doubt, had many such holy
Bishops, after the pattern of _Timothy_ and _Titus_; whose special
power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles (the chief
grounds and limits of all Episcopall claim, as from divine Right) then
are the characters of these perilous times and those men that make
them such; who not enduring sound Doctrine, and clear testimonies
of all Churches practice, are most perverse Disputers, and proud
Usurpers, against true Episcopacy: who if they be not Traytours and
Boasters, yet they seem to be very covetous, heady, high-minded;
inordinate and fierce, lovers of themselves, having much of the form,
little of the power of godlinesse.
Who, by popular heaps of weak, light, and unlearned Teachers, seek
to over-lay and smother the pregnancy & authority of that power of
Episcopall Government, which, beyond all equivocation and vulgar
fallacy of names, is most convincingly set forth, both by Scripture,
and all after Histories of the Church.
This I write rather like a Divine, then a Prince, that Posterity may
see (if ever these papers be publique) that I had faire grounds
both from Scripture-Canons, and Ecclesiasticall examples whereon my
judgement was stated for Episcopall Government.
Nor was it any pollicy of State or obstinacy of will, or partiallity
of affection, either to the men, or their Function which fixed me;
who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to me as to
recompence the injuries and losses I and my dearest relations with
my Kingdomes have sustained, and hazarded, chiefly at first upon this
quarrell.
And not only in Religion, of which, Scripture is the best rule, and
the Churches Universall practise the best commentary, but also in
right reason, and the true nature of Government, it cannot be thought,
that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters, or Ministers, should
be any more against Christianity, then it is in all secular and civill
Governments, where Parity breeds confusion and faction.
I can no more beleeve, that such Order is inconsistent with true
Religion, then good features are with beautie, or numbers with
harmonie.
Nor is it likely that God, who appointed several Orders, and a
Prelacy, in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests,
should abhor or forbid them amongst Christian Ministers; who have
as much of the principles of Schism and division as other men; for
preventing and suppressing of which, the Apostolical wisdom (which was
Divine) after that Christians were multiplied to many Congregations,
and Presbyters with them appointed this way of Government, which might
best preserve Order and Union with Authority.
So that, I conceive, it was not the favour of Princes, or ambition
of Presbyters; but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles, that first
settled Bishops in the Church; which Authority they constantly used
and enjoyned in those times, which were purest for Religion, though
sharpest for Persecution.
Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in
one man, by the joynt Councell and consent of many Presbyters: I
have offered to restore that, as a fit meanes to avoid those Errours,
Corruptions, and Partialities, which are incident to any one man: Also
to avoid Tyranny, which becoms no Christians, least of all Church-men;
besides, it will be a means to take away that burden, and _odium_ of
affairs, which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders, as indeed I
think it formerly did on the Bishops here.
Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion,
then such a frame or Government which is paternall, not Magistericall;
and wherein not onely the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion,
Emulations and Contempts, which are prone to arise among equals in
power and function; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts,
and aptitudes for Government above others, doth invite to imploy them,
in reference to those Abilities wherin they are Eminent.
Nor is this judgement of mine touching Episcopacy, any re-occupation
of opinion, which will not admit any oppositions against it: It is
well known I have endeavoured to satisfie my self in what the chief
Patrons for other wayes can say against this, or for theirs: And I
find they have, as far lesse of Scripture grounds, and of Reason; so
for examples, and practice of the Church, or testimonies of Histories,
they are wholly destitute; wherein the whole stream runs so for
Episcopacy, that there is not the least rivulet for any others.
As for those obtruded examples of some late reformed Churches (for
many retain Bishops still) whom necessity of Times and Affairs rather
excuseth, then commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity; I
could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed, and governed
by Bishops, should be forced to conform to those few, rather then
to the catholick Example of all ancient Churches, which needed no
Reformation: And to those Churches at this day, who governed by
Bishops in all the Christian world, are many more then Presbyterians
or Independents can pretend to be; All whom the Churches in my three
Kingdoms, lately Governed by Bishops, would equalize (I think) if not
exceed.
Nor is it any point of wisdom or charitie, where Christians differ (as
many do in some points) there to widen the differences, and at once to
give all the Christian world (except an handfull of some Protestants)
so great a scandall in point of Church-Government; whom, though you
may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine; yet you
shall never perswade them, that to compleat their Reformation, they
must necessarily desert, and wholly cast off that Government, which
they, and all before them have ever owned as Catholick, Primitive,
and Apostolical, so far, that never Schismaticks nor Hereticks (except
those Arrians) have strayed from the Unitie and Conformitie of the
Church in that point; ever having Bishops above Presbyters.
Besides, the late generall approbation and submission to this
Government of Bishops, by the Clergy, as well as the Laitie of
these Kingdomes, is a great confirmation of my Judgment; and their
inconstancie is a great prejudice against their noveltie: I cannot
in charity so far doubt of their Learning or Integrity, as if they
understood not what heretofore they did; or that they did conform
contrary to their Consciences: So that their facility and levity is
never to be excused, who, before ever the point of Church-government
had any free & impartiall Debate, contrary to their former Oathes and
Practice, against their obedience to the Lawes in force, and against
my Consent, have not onely quite cryed down the Government by Bishops;
but have approved and incouraged the violent and most illegall
stripping all the Bishops, and many other Church-men, of all their due
Authority and Revenues, even to the selling away, and utter alienation
of those Church-lands from any Ecclesiastical uses: So great a power
hath the stream of times, and the prevalency of parties over some mens
judgments; of whose so sudden and so total change, little reason can
be given, besides the _Scots_ Armie coming into _England_.
But the folly of these men will at last punish it self, and the
Desertors of Episcopacy will appear the greatest Enemies to,
and Betrayers of their own Interest: For Presbytery is never so
considerable or effectuall, as when it is joyned to, and crowned with
Episcopacy. All Ministers wil find as great a difference in point of
thriving, between the favour of the people, and of Princes, as plants
do between being watered by hand, or by the sweet and liberall dews of
Heaven.
The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see, what a
poor carcasse they are, when parted from the influence of that Head,
to whose Supremacy they have been sworn.
A little moderation might have prevented great mischiefs. I am firm to
primitive Episcopacie, not to have it extirpated (if I can hinder it.)
Discretion without passion might easily reform what-ever the rust of
Times, or indulgence of Laws, or corruption of Manners have brought
upon it. It being a grosse vulgar errour, to impute to, or revenge
upon the Function, the faults of Times or Persons; which seditious and
popular principle and practice all wise men abhor.
For these secular Additaments and Ornaments of Authority, Civil
Honour and Estate, which my Predecessours and Christian Princes in all
Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men; I look upon them but
as just rewards of their learning and piety, who are fit to be in any
degree of Church-Government: also enablements to works of Charitie
and Hospitality, meet strengthnings of their Authoritie in point of
respect and observance; which in peacefull Times is hardly paid to
any Governours by the measure of their Vertues, so much, as by that of
their Estates; Povertie and meanness exposing them and their Authority
to the contempt of licentious mindes and manners, which persecuting
Times much restrained.
I would have such men Bishops, as are most worthy of those
encouragements, and best able to use them: if at any time my judgment
of men failed, my good intention made my errour veniall: And some
Bishops, I am sure, I had, whose learning, gravitie, and pietie, no
men of any worth or forehead can deny: But, of all men, I would have
Church-men, especially the Governours, to be redeemed from that vulgar
neglect; (which besides an innate principle of vitious opposition,
which is in all men against those that seem to reprove, or restrain
them) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity, which
makes all Ministers equall; and the Independent inferiority, which
sets their Pastor below the People.
This for My judgment touching Episcopacy, wherein (Gods knows) I doe
not gratifie any design or passion with the least perverting of Truth.
And now I appeal to God above, and all the Christian world, whether
it be just for Subjects, or pious for Christians, by violence, and
infinite indignities, with servile restraints to seek to force Me
their KING and Soveraign, as some men have endevo
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