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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 - Volume 41 of 55, 1691-1700

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson


        
Release date: November 2, 2009 [eBook #30397]
                Most recently updated: October 24, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898 - VOLUME 41 OF 55, 1691-1700 ***

                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                         Volume XLI, 1691-1700



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.







CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLI.


    Preface                                                       9

    Documents of 1691-1700

        Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela,
        and others; Manila, 1691 and 1694                        33
        Discovery of the Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J.;
        Manila, June 10, 1697                                    39
        Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro
        de San Francisco de Assis; Zaragoza, 1756. Juan de
        la Concepción; Manila, 1788                              57

    Bibliographical Data                                        273

    Appendix: Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth
    century. [Compiled from various historians.]                277







ILLUSTRATIONS


    Title-page of vol. vi of Lettres édifiantes (Paris, 1723);
    photographic facsimile of copy in library of Wisconsin
    Historical Society                                           41

    Map of New Philippines or Palaos Islands, 1710 (?);
    photographic facsimile of original map in Archivo general
    de Indias, Sevilla                                           45

    Map of Palaos Islands, discovered by Joseph Somera, 1710;
    from original manuscript map in Biblioteca de Vittorio
    Emanuele, Rome                                               53

    Map of Magendanao (Mindanao); drawn by Fakynolano, elder
    brother of the sultan of that place, ca., 1700; photographic
    facsimile of original manuscript map in the
    British Museum                                         280, 281







PREFACE


The main part of this volume is a record of the Recollect missions
in the Philippines from 1661 to 1712; these are conducted mainly
in western Luzón, Mindanao, and Calamianes, and Assis's account
contains much information of interest regarding conditions in those
regions. "Moro raids in the seventeenth century" summarizes the
principal events connected with that topic; and the Jesuit Clain
presents an interesting account of the discovery that the islands
called Palaos exist within range of the Philippines.

Extracts from letters written by Manila Jesuits in 1691 and 1694
furnish some items of news. Governor Cruzat y Gongora is making
rigorous exactions upon the alcaldes-mayor and the tributary Indians;
he engages in trade, and accepts gifts from office-seekers. In
1692, two richly-laden vessels from Manila are lost; and in 1694
another, which contained all the available wealth of the Manila
citizens. Various ecclesiastical squabbles continue as echoes of the
Pardo controversy.

A letter from the Jesuit Paul Clain (June 10, 1697) gives a vivid
description of the arrival in Samar of some strange people, driven
from their homes in the Palaos (or Pelew) Islands; and reports the
information gained from them about that hitherto unknown group in
the broad Pacific. These foreigners receive kind treatment from the
natives of Samar, and religious instruction from the missionaries
there; and they desire to open communication between their own islands
and the Philippines.

The chief part of this volume is devoted to the Recollect missions
in various portions of the Philippines, the period treated in general
being included in the years 1661-1712, although some few remarks touch
a later period. The main portion of the account is taken from the
chronicle of Pedro de San Francisco de Assis, the author of the fourth
part of the Recollect Historia general; the second and subsidiary
part from vols. viii and ix of Juan de la Concepción's Historia,
this portion being designed merely to supplement the preceding account.

San Pedro de Assis describes cursorily the insurrection in Pampanga
(there scarcely more than an attempt) and the more serious uprising in
the province of Pangasinan and Zambales, and the part played by the
Recollects in restoring peace. The revolt in Pampanga arises, like
so many minor revolts in the past, through the injustice of lesser
officials--this time the superintendent of the timber-cutting. Under
leadership of one Francisco Manyago, a native military official,
the Pampangos attempt to gain freedom, and plan a general uprising
among various provinces. But though the most warlike of the Filipinos,
they are at the same time the most reasonable, and are, consequently,
easily quieted by the personal efforts of the governor, assisted
ably by the various religious orders. More difficult to eliminate,
however, is the leaven of discontent injected by the Pampangos into
the other provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan. These northern provinces
begin to think of a union for the purpose of securing liberty, and
of a central government of their own. Our author chooses as his field
more particularly the story of the revolt in Zambales, which he calls
a district of the province of Pangasinan, and which is a Recollect
mission territory. The revolt of Pangasinan is under the leadership
of Andrés Málong, who aspires to kingship and who gradually gathers an
army, some say, of 40,000 men. He intrigues through certain relatives
and adherents in Zambales to compel the Zambals to declare in his
favor, but notwithstanding the many in sympathy with him there, his
attempts are bootless, for the Recollect religious work so strongly
and courageously against his machinations that, in the end, entirely
conquered by the troops sent against him from Manila, he meets the
fate of other insurgent leaders. The efforts of Málong, through
his relative Sumúlay, in the village of Bolináo, are frustrated by
the vigilance and courage of Juan de la Madre de Dios, the vicar in
charge of the convent there, but his church is burned by the insurgent
sympathizers. The fathers and loyal natives, notwithstanding repeated
threats of death, under the active leadership of the above father hold
to their post, although one of the fathers, Luis de San Joseph, would
have gladly abandoned the place. This same priest, however, performs
brave feats in his delivery of messages from the vicar of Lingayén
(who describes the revolt in Pangasinan, and asks aid from Manila),
to the convent of Masinloc. Thence those messages are taken to Manila
by Bernardino de la Concepción, accompanied by three loyal chiefs,
who are suitably rewarded for their services.

With the absence from Masinloc of the three loyal chiefs
above-mentioned, treason shows its head in that village, its immediate
outbreak being due to an inopportune rebuke administered by the
prior to a chief who had neglected to attend mass. The religious and
loyal natives are besieged in the convent, but escape by stratagem, by
seizing a boat in which some natives have come to the village. Reaching
the village of Bagác, they meet there the three loyal chiefs who
are returning from Manila, and with their aid and that of thirty men
gathered by the prior of Bagác, they recover the village of Masinloc
from the insurgents. The majority of the inhabitants receive pardon,
but three of the ringleaders are put to death.

In the village of Cigayén, a chief, Sirray, acts as agent for
Málong, but failing to succeed in his plan to murder the religious
there, finally joins Málong with twenty-five followers, while the
father retires to Manila, and the village is abandoned by its other
inhabitants. The village of Agno is quieted by the efforts of the
Recollect Luis de San Joseph; and the chief, Durrey, the cause of
the trouble there, and twelve of his partisans are forced to flee. In
Bolinao, the flames of insurrection break out once more, for the vicar,
Juan de la Madre de Dios, is now alone. Málong sends an emissary,
one Caucáo, to deliver to him a letter, demanding that the place be
turned over to him. The father, however, is enabled by the chance
arrival of a champan with some religious, Spaniards, and natives, who
are fleeing from Ilocos, to outwit his enemies for the time being. The
quiet of Bolinao lasts only so long as the above-mentioned champan
remains there. After its departure Málong tries to secure the murder
of the religious through Durrey and Sumúlay. The former is dissuaded
from the attempt, and the latter persisting, is in turn attacked by
the father, and wounded, although he escapes by the connivance of
some of the inhabitants of Bolináo.

Meanwhile definite arrangements are made in Manila--and that more
speedily than is the custom there--for sending troops to put down
the incipient rebellion. The aid consists of a fleet under Felipe de
Ugalde, and an army of 200 Spaniards, and 400 natives, under Francisco
de Estebár. These joining and assisted further by some Zambals, quickly
break up organized hostility. Punishment (too severe some think,
but our author justifies it) is meted out to the leaders: Málong is
shot; Sumúlay, Caucáo, Sirrey, and Durrey are hanged; while another
leader in order to escape the death-sentence kills himself. Thus the
insurrection, which has lasted but a portion of the years 1660 and
1661, comes to an end, and this attempt, perhaps the earliest in which
various tribes or peoples of the Filipinos (although but waveringly
it is true) show any desire to act in concert, is recorded only as a
failure. The Sangleys, who have openly encouraged the insurrection,
and have even fought in their ranks, also attempt to revolt, partly
in response to the efforts of the pirate Kuesing; but their plans,
both in 1661 and 1662, come to naught, divine Providence each time
allowing the Recollects to act as agents. But the second attempt is
put down only after the shedding of much Sangley blood.

Probably in the year 1662, the first work of the Recollect on the
coast of Luzon opposite Manila begins, with the invitation of the
Franciscans who are engaged in work there, but who must give up
that field, a poor one, because of a scarcity of religious. Quickly
accepting the invitation, the Recollects enter upon the work with
enthusiasm, and found the convents of Binangónan, Valér, Casigúran,
and Palánan. In that district much fruit for heaven is gathered;
but in 1704 the dearth of religious (for none pass from Spain to the
Philippines from 1692 to 1710) causes the order to restore the district
to the Franciscans. Continuing, the deaths of the missionaries Juan
de San Antonio and Joseph de la Anunciation in the years 1663 and
1664 are recorded, and synopses of their lives given.

In chapter viii, Assis, going back somewhat, gives a résumé of the
sufferings of the Recollects between the years 1640-1668. These
sufferings and persecutions come mainly from the Moros, who by their
continual raids make themselves the scourge of all the Philippine
mission villages; and such is the boldness of those pirates that
they do not even hesitate to carry on their operations in sight of
Manila itself. Added to the terrors of the Moros is also the active
injury inflicted by the Dutch, those heretics allying themselves
even with the Moros to cause injury to the true Catholic faith. The
peace between Spain and Holland comes as a most welcome relief to the
colony. The Recollect villages and missions being in the very midst
of the Moro territory are the worst afflicted by that scourge. Their
pitiful petitions for aid fall on deaf ears, for at Manila, self
interest rules, and trade is the syren of the hour, not religion. The
Recollects, too, are not without their martyrs for the faith as the
result of Moro persecutions, while others succumb to the hardships
of the missionary labors.

The work among the Zambals is again taken up by our author in the
year 1670. The inhabitants of that district are a fierce people,
those in the mountains being more so than those dwelling along the
coast and on the plains, where they have had intercourse with other
natives and with Spaniards. The mountain population contains many
apostates and heathens, while many Negritos wander homeless and in
utter barbarous condition through their fastnesses. Although all those
people are hostile among themselves, they unite against the Spaniards,
for their common hatred to the latter draws them together. All the
orders have had a share in the reduction of those fierce people,
but the Recollects with the greatest success. The fierceness of
the people leads the Recollects to employ gentle means, and thus
by adapting themselves to the genius of their flock they gain many
converts--the most abundant being during the years 1668-1671, when
the provincial Cristobal de Santa Monica appoints nine religious for
the work. As a result of their labors 2,000 people are reduced to
a Christian and settled life, and others also adopt the faith. The
new villages of Iba (formerly called Paynavén), Subic, and Mórong
are formed from the converts, while all the old villages increase in
population. Two new convents are established--one in Paynavén, and the
other in Bagác. All this is accomplished by the year 1670. In 1671,
Joseph de la Trinidad makes great gains for Christianity in the Zambal
district, and, on becoming provincial in 1674, takes especial care
of those missions. But unfortunately the Recollects clash with the
Dominicans, whose administration lies in the district of Batáan; and
although the Recollects resist, they are at length (1679) compelled
by the archbishop, Felipe de Pardo (who covets the entire district
for his order) and the governor to cede the Zambal missions to the
Dominicans, and to take in exchange the island of Mindoro, which has
been for many years in charge of the seculars.

Following is told in synopsis the life of Miguel de Santo Tomás, most
of whose mission life has been spent in the province of Caraga. The
general chapter of 1672, meeting in Spain, assigns definitors and
discreets to the Philippine province.

Chapter iv of the ninth decade of the history carries us into Mindanao,
where the work among the heathen Tagabalòyes is reviewed. These are
a heathen people living in the neighborhood of Bislig in Caraga, the
Recollect mission center farthest from Manila, in the mountains called
Balooy (whence their name). They are a domestically inclined people,
courageous and intelligent, faithful in their treaties and promises,
and said to be the descendants of the Japanese. Not much can be done
among them until the year 1671 because of the Moro wars, the little
government aid received, and the scarcity of religious, the two in
the district being unable to extend their labors much outside of their
regular duties. But in 1671, Juan de San Felipe, the new provincial,
who has been a missionary in Bislig, appoints a religious especially
to look after the conversion of the mountain people. That religious
aided by the other two, has baptized 300 adults by 1673, besides 100
others who die immediately after receiving that sacrament. By 1674 the
district of Bislig has increased from 200 to 800 whole tributes. This
conversion has been aided by certain miraculous occurrences.

In 1674, Joseph de la Trinidad the provincial increases the mission
forces by the appointment of special ministers who visit the various
districts continually, carrying aid to the most needed parts of the
districts assigned them, and thus easing the burden of the missionaries
already established in the various villages by giving them more time
to attend to their regular duties. His greatest efforts he expends
in the Mindanao provinces of Butuan and Cagayan, where Christianity,
in consequence, makes vast gains. The faith is carried among the
Manobos of the Linao district, and the population of the villages
increases. The three religious working in the mountains of Cagayan,
and in toward Lake Malanao, reduce more than one hundred tributes
to Christian villages in spite of the hostility of the Moros, the
conversion being aided throughout by manifest miracles.

The ninth chapter of the ninth decade relates the work in the new field
of Mindoro. The mission work of that island (of which and its people
a brief description is given) is first begun by the Augustinians,
who cede the district to the Franciscans. Later the Jesuits maintain a
number of missionaries there and found the permanent mission of Naojan,
which is maintained until Luis de San Vitores goes to the missions
of the Ladrones or Marianas, when the island is turned over to three
seculars. The district is a poor one, and the seculars, although
zealous in their duties, cannot be adequately supported. Finally in
1679, as related above, the Recollects, after their glorious record
in the Philippines and their flourishing mission work in the Zambal
district, take up the Mindoro mission field, after a vain protest at
being ousted from their Zambal missions. The transfer is speedily
concluded by chaplaincies being provided for the seculars, and the
Recollects, taking possession of the new territory, immediately put
six religious to work. The new leaver is felt instantly and the number
of Christians increases from 4,000 in 1679 to 8,000 in 1692, and to
12,000 in 1716. Although the Moro depredations lessen that number
later, in 1738, San Antonio still chronicles over 7,000. The first
convent established at Baco is later moved to Calapan. Convents are
also established at Naojan, Calavite, and Mangárin (which is later
removed to Bongabong, because of its unhealthy site and the raids
of the Moros), all of which have their visitas. A mountain mission
established later results in a great increase to the Christians
of Mindoro.

The succeeding chapter deals with the resumption of the Recollect
missions in Calamianes which have been abandoned in 1662 because of the
Chinese pirate Kuesing, and the consequent withdrawal of the support of
the military. All but two of the missions, those in Cuyo and Agutaya,
which are retained by the Recollects, have been given into the care
of one secular priest, and this arrangement is maintained until 1680,
when the Recollects (although somewhat unwillingly on their part)
again accept the ministry of those islands. In November of 1680
three religious are sent there, the possession of the Recollects is
given royal confirmation in 1682, and in 1684 the arrival of a new
mission allows them to assign other workers to the field. There are
plenty of hardships to suffer, but the fruit is great. New missions
are established, and by 1715 the number of Christians has risen from
4,500 in 1680 to 18,600; and in 1735 Calamianes and Romblón contain
21,076 Christians. Certain missionaries are named and praised for
their work. Incidentally an interesting description is given of the
training of the native children for the service of the Church, by which
our author refutes the charge that the religious have many servants.

Notwithstanding their efforts, several times all but successful,
the Recollects are unable to extend their evangelization to the
great empire of China, as is related in chapter ii of decade x. The
succeeding chapter tells of the Recollect missions sent from Spain
to the Philippines during the three decades covered by this history
(1661-1690). The first leaves Spain in 1660 under the leadership
of Eugenio de los Santos, and consists of twenty choristers and two
lay-brothers. One of the entire number reaches Manila in 1662, and
fourteen others the following year. The second mission is in charge
of Christobal de Santa Monica, who has been appointed procurator in
1663. All of that mission of twenty-four religious which sets sail
in 1666 reaches Manila in 1667, except two who remain in Mexico. The
third mission is collected in 1675 by Juan de la Madre de Dios, who
takes the twenty-six religious composing it to Mexico, but there hands
them over to another religious while he himself returns to Spain. They
reach the islands in 1676. In 1680, Cristobal de Santa Monica is sent
to Spain as procurator, reaching his destination in 1681. In 1683,
he sails from Cadiz with a mission consisting of nineteen fathers,
nineteen choristers, and five lay-brothers. All of that number, except
one who dies at sea and two who desert at Puerto Rico and return home,
reach the Philippines in April, 1684, and are distributed among the
convents. The general chapter of 1684 held in Spain elects definitors
and discreets for the Philippine province.

Most of chapter v of decade x treats of the life of Juan de la Madre
de Dios, which we give by synopsis and extract. He is one of the most
active and able workers whom the order has had in the islands, where he
has held many offices in the order and has also worked valiantly in the
missions. He is one of the most untiring of idol-worship destroyers,
and even dares to venture alone to the places where heathen assemblies
are held for the purpose of their nefarious worship. Of a political
nature also, so far as the order is concerned, his work is by no
means slight, and he obtains much for his province in Spain. His
death occurs in the latter country in 1685. This same chapter relates
also the life of Thomás de San Geronimo (given by us in synopsis),
a missionary in the Visayan region. He is elected provincial in 1680,
and so well is he liked that he is again elected in 1686 against his
will. His death occurs the same year.

In chapter viii of decade x the Recollect labors in the islands of
Masbate, Ticao, and Burias are reviewed. These islands which have
been conquered during the early years of Legazpi's arrival in the
archipelago are an important way-station for ships plying between
Nueva España and the islands. The faith is introduced into Masbate by
the Augustinians under Alonso Jimenez, who is called the "apostle of
Masbate." The Augustinians, however, abandon that island and Ticao in
1609, and seculars have charge of the mission work there from that year
until 1688. In the latter year the Recollects are substituted for the
seculars in accordance with the plan of the bishop of Nueva Cáceres,
that the district be given to a regular order. A decree of August 13,
1685 grants the islands to the Recollects as well as certain villages
in Luzón. The latter are resigned by that order to the Franciscans,
as they can be administered more easily by them, but the islands of
Masbate, Ticao, and Burias are accepted by them in 1687. In 1688 the
cession is made by the secular in charge at Mobó in the island of
Masbate, to the content of the natives who welcome the Recollects. A
good convent is founded in Mobó and three new villages, in addition to
the six existing when the Recollects enter, are established. In 1726
another convent is founded in the district after the wreck of a galleon
in order that the image of the Santo Cristo of Burgos which is carried
by that ship and which is saved through the diligence of one of the
passengers on the vessel, Julian de Velasco, may be properly housed. In
reply to a petition of the Recollects in 1724 asking royal confirmation
of the Masbate missions, a report on their work there is ordered. It
is found that the number of families has increased from 187 in 1687 to
585 in 1722, an increase of 398 families or 1,592 persons. In 1738,
there are 5,000 persons in the islands, and three new villages, one
in Ticao, and two in Masbate. This means that the order has formed
six villages and brought 3,252 persons to the bosom of the Church in
the time that they have had control of this district. The number has
been lessened by the invasions of the Moros. The conversions have been
made among heathens, apostates, refugees from other islands--all of
whom represent the worst elements. The Recollects have had to fight
against the forces of nature, the Moros, and sorcery. They have
persevered in the face of all manner of hardships--hardships that
cause some of the missionaries who have been there to say that the
Masbate territory offers more suffering than any other mission field.

The extracts from Concepción cover in part the same field as the
history by San Francisco de Assis; except the third, which tells
of the restoration of the missions of Zambales to the Recollects,
and gives a brief account of the judicial proceedings between that
order and the Dominicans.

The first extract concerns the enforced transfer of the Zambal missions
to the Dominicans. This comes about directly from the representation
made in the Council of the Indias by Diego de Villaroto, to the
effect that the conversion of the island of Mindoro would progress
much more rapidly if given to the religious order best suited
therefor, and if the seculars in charge of the curacies there be
appointed to chaplaincies. Royal attention is given this petition
and in 1677 a royal decree orders the governor and archbishop to
make the transfer. In consequence, Felipe Pardo, the archbishop,
quick to seize the opportunity, aided by the governor, compels the
unwilling Recollects to give up their missions among the Zambals and
take the island of Mindoro, in order that the Dominicans might take
the former. Such an arrangement is very convenient for the Dominicans,
as it enables them to better concentrate their missions in Pangasinan,
and affords them easier communication among their various missions. The
protests of the Recollects that the Zambals prefer their order and
that the people of Mindoro will prefer their old missionaries the
Jesuits, and that the two districts will be disturbed and restless has
no weight, and the governor sees that they are kept quiet through the
Spanish officials there. The three Recollects assigned to Mindoro are
Diego de la Madre de Dios, Diego de la Resurrection, and Eugenio de
los Santos, and they are each given one assistant. A description of
Mindoro and its people follows, and a résumé of its early conquest
and of missionary labors there. Since the Jesuits have abandoned
that field (with the going of Luis San Vítores to the Marianas) the
seculars have had ecclesiastical charge of the island, but it is a
poor place and scarcely can any secular be found who cares to accept
it. After the entrance of the Recollects, the number of Christians
steadily rises, evangelization making progress among the Mangyans,
Negritos, and other peoples. Four convents are established, each of
them with several visitas, and the mission to the Mangyans on the bay
of Ilog, in the last of which none of the apostatized Christians are
allowed to enter lest they pervert the new plants. "But that fine
flower-garden [i.e., the island of Mindoro] has been trampled down
and even ruined by the Moros." The Dominicans bend their energies
to the work in their newly-acquired missions of Zambales. With
malicious satisfaction, Concepción reports that their efforts have
resulted mainly in failure. Believing that the eleven villages which
they have received from the Recollects are too many for the best
administration of the district, they endeavor to consolidate and move
some of them. Bolinao, which under the Recollect regime was located on
a small island off the coast of Zambales, is moved across the channel
to the barren coast where "many inconveniences but no advantages" are
possessed. Agno is moved inland from the coast; Sigayen is also moved,
the only advantage made by the changed site being the river of fresh
water on which it is located. Paynavén is moved inland to the site
of Iba, to which its name is changed, and Iba becomes the capital of
the district, but in order that it may become so, some families are
moved from Bolinao. The villages of Cabangán and Subic are made from
the consolidation of several others, and the places left vacant by
refugees are tilled by families from Pangasinan, whence the natives
can be moved easier as that province is so densely populated that
there is not sufficient room for all of them. The inference is that
the evil caused by the administration of the Dominicans is greater
than the good, in discontent among the Zambals and the flight of many
families to Ilocos and to the mountains.

The second extract recounts, quite similarly to the version given
by San Francisco de Assis, the work in Recollect missions in the
islands of Masbate, Ticao, and Burias. These islands are a part of the
bishopric of Nueva Cáceres, and are under the civil control of the
alcalde of Albay. Masbate, the largest, has traces of gold and some
fine copper mines, but the gold has never paid well. All three islands
possess excellent timber and many civet-cats. The early history of
the islands and their early spiritual conquests are told. Through the
efforts of the bishop, Andres Gonzales, O. P., the islands are given
to the Recollects, the secular priest in charge there being given
a chaplaincy instead. Certain villages of Luzón, which were also to
be given to the Recollects, are given instead to the Franciscans who
contest them with the former. The islands are important both from a
secular and religious point of view, for they are a way-station for
the Acapulco ships, and also for the Recollect missions in Cebú and
Mindanao. As related above, the Recollects ask royal confirmation
of the missions of these islands in 1724, and the subsequent report
rendered shows that their work has resulted in great progress, and
that they have made the islands a safe place where before they were
most dangerous both on the coast and in the interior.

The third extract concerns the work of the Dominicans in the
missions of Zambales and the restoration of that district to the
Recollects. From Concepción's account (which must be read in connection
with that by Salazar, the Dominican), the Dominican order did not
have the success of their predecessors among the fierce Zambals,
and ended rather in alienating them by their aggressive treatment;
while the Recollects have, on the contrary, employed gentle means by
which they have won the hearts and minds of the Zambals. The presidio
at Paynavén which has been increased, is injudiciously allowed to make
raids among the natives upon any occasion. The trouble comes to a head
with the murder of the nephew of one of the chiefs, Dalinen, by another
chief Calignao, the latter of whom appears to have been a thoroughly
unreliable and malicious man. Dalinen, in order to avenge the murder
in accordance with Zambal traditions, takes to the wilds, but with
his followers, is pursued by the soldiers of the garrison. As Calignao
has not fled, the missionary Domingo Pérez, O.P., in order to win him
over, indiscreetly announces that the murder of Dalinen's nephew has
been by command of the government, which has ordered that all those
who refuse to reduce themselves to village life be killed. Calignao,
as another act in the tragedy, plans to kill Dalinen, and by the aid
of a Negrito, accomplishes that design. Then, in order to show in
full light his character, he compasses the death of Domingo Pérez,
wounding the latter so severely that he dies through lack of efficient
care. Although the Dominicans claim certain miraculous occurrences as
happening at the death of the above father, Concepción disproves them
all. The remainder of the extract has to do with the suits between
the Recollects and the Dominicans in regard to the Zambal missions,
which last spasmodically from the time the Recollects are compelled
to abandon them until the time of their restoration in 1712. The
Recollects claim throughout that they have been despoiled unjustly of
the missions, and that although they accepted the missions of Mindoro,
they have had no other alternative, and have not accepted them as a
compensation for the loss of the Zambal missions. Indeed they have
never renounced their claim to those missions, but have regularly
appointed ministers for them (who of course have not labored in
those missions). The Dominicans, on the other hand assert that they
have merely taken over those missions in response to commands from
the archbishop and the governor to that effect. The suit drags on
wearily, each side asserting its rights, and the matter being delayed
by such proceeding until it seems unending. Finally the Dominicans,
with a change of procurator, shift their tactics, and allege that they
are not at all a parry to any suit, and since they have received the
missions at the order of the governor, they are ready to resign them if
requested so to do. The Recollects maintain the opposite, namely, that
the Dominicans are a party to the suit; and the verdict is at length
given to them, and the Dominicans are ordered in 1690 to appear before
the Audiencia within three days to plead their right. The summons is
neglected until the year 1710, when the attorney for the Recollects
again stirs up the matter, and notwithstanding the fact that the
Dominicans still adhere to their former statements that they are not
a party to the suit, the matter is brought to court, and the missions
of the Zambals turned over to the Recollects by special sentence.

Through nearly all of the Spanish regime in the Philippines, those
islands, especially and most the Visayan, suffered greatly from the
frequent and cruel raids of the Moro pirates from Mindanao and other
islands south of it. Some account of these is a necessary part of this
work; but our limits of space will not allow us to reproduce verbose
and detailed relations like that of Combés (in his Hist. de Mindanao),
especially as this and some others of similar tenor cover but a short
period of time. In an appendix to this volume we present a brief
summary of this subject, down to the end of the seventeenth century;
the first part is an outline merely, drawn from our previous volumes,
giving full citations therefrom, which show the relations existing
between the Spaniards and the Mahometan Malays from 1565 to 1640. The
second part covers the same subject for the rest of the century; it
is composed of the accounts given by Murillo Velarde, Diaz, and other
historians, arranged in chronological order--sometimes synopsized,
sometimes translated in full, according to the prolixity or the
relative importance of each. From the beginning were evident various
elements of hostility--racial, religious, and commercial--between the
Spaniards and the Moros, which were soon aggravated by the Spanish
desire for conquest and the Moro greed for plunder and bloodshed. The
unfortunate natives of the northern islands who had been subjugated
by the Spaniards were unable to defend themselves from their enemies,
and the Spanish power was often inadequate to protect them or to punish
the invaders. The pirates were intimidated and curbed for a long time
by Corcuera's brilliant campaigns in Mindanao and Joló (1637-38); and
other punitive expeditions had a like though often temporary effect
in later years. In the latter part of the century peace prevailed
between these enemies for a long time, probably because no one of
the Moro chiefs had the ability and force of the noted Corralat.

In 1639 Almonte subdues the fierce Guimbanos, a mountain people in
Sulu. Later, they and the Joloans rebel, and in 1643-44 Agustín
de Cepeda again chastises them, defeating the natives in several
battles and ravaging their country. One of these expeditions is
related in detail by a Jesuit in Joló, who, as usual, ascribes
the success of the Spaniards to the favor of St. Ignatius and the
Virgin Mary. In Mindanao, Corcuera's invasion (1637) long restrains
Corralat; but in 1655 he treacherously causes the murder of three
Spanish envoys sent to him and attempts (but in vain) to stir up the
other Moro rulers to rebellion against the Spaniards. The latter are
not strong enough to wage war with him, and therefore overlook his
insolence; this encourages him to begin anew his piratical raids
against other islands. At this, several attempts are made to curb
them, most proving ineffectual--although in January-February, 1658,
Esteybar with a squadron of armed vessels, destroys several Mindanao
villages. Finally (in 1662) the Manila authorities decide to abandon
their forts in Mindanao and Joló; this causes the loss of Spanish
dominion there, and the christianized Moros soon relapse into their
former heathenism. Some of the Joloan chiefs make unauthorized raids
on the northern islands, but their king punishes them and restores
the captives. Corralat meanwhile, in his old age, maintains peace,
and charges his heir to do the same--an example which is followed by
the king of Joló. The Camucones are kept in awe by the light galleys
which are built at Manila for this purpose. Thus the latter part of
the century is a time of comparative peace, so far as the relations
of the Spaniards and Visayans with the Moros are concerned.


The Editors

July, 1906.







DOCUMENTS OF 1691-1700


    Extracts from Jesuit letters. Juan de Zarzuela, and others;
    1691 and 1694.
    Discovery of Palaos Islands. Paul Clain, S. J.; June 10, 1697.
    Recollect missions in the Philippines, 1661-1712. Pedro de
    San Francisco de Assis; 1756. Juan de la Concepción; 1788.


Sources: The first of these documents is obtained from the Ventura
del Arco MSS. (Ayer library), iv, pp. 1-3, 69-72; the second, from
Lettres édifiantes (1st Paris ed.), i, (1717), pp. 112-136, from a
copy in the library of the Wisconsin Historical Society; the third,
from the Historia general de los religiosos descalzos de San Agustin,
part iv, written by Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (Zaragoza, 1756),
from a copy in the Library of Congress.

Translations: The first document is translated by Emma Helen Blair;
the second, by Frances B. Marshall; the third, by James Alexander
Robertson.







EXTRACTS FROM JESUIT LETTERS, 1691-94


[From a letter by Father Juan de Zarzuela, [1] June 19, 1691.]

The governor Don Fausto Cruzat y Gongora is a royal official in these
islands, who makes every endeavor to collect the revenue of his
Majesty. He has a hasty disposition, and no one dares oppose him;
consequently there are few who wish him well, and there is no one
who desires the office of alcalde, on account of the burdens that he
imposes on them (never customary here), of completing every year the
royal revenue and its accounts, and filling out the quota of what they
must collect, even though they do not actually collect it. The result
is, that the alcaldes contribute from their own stores what they had
not collected; for, no matter what efforts they make, they cannot
during the year finish the collections, on account of the extreme
poverty of the Indians. The governor has for counselors or intimates
only Andaya and Antonio, for whom he does many things and confers many
offices. It is not known how much it costs them. His Lordship brought
over a great amount of silver from the viceroy, which is necessarily
sent as an investment; and there will be many who complain of this,
because [the goods procured by] it will occupy the greater part of
the ship. For this reason no one wished to accept command of the ship,
for it will be nothing more than to go in the governor's employ; and
finally it was given to Don José Mato Rayo. It is a new ship which
is sailing; it was built by Andaya as contractor, and superintendent
of the whole--whom the governor obeyed, as one who was necessary
to him, because there was no ship that could be sent. That is, the
"Santo Niño" was in such a condition that it could not be repaired;
and, as the time was short (it was then only nine months), it was
necessary to multiply the exactions [sacas]. Thus Silang, which has
two hundred and twenty-seven and a half tributes registered, had
one hundred and twenty men at one time outside of their village;
others had seventy, eighty, or more out--without being able to
take care of their grain-fields. Afterward, because there was not
enough rice for the king, through lack of foresight in the royal
officials, they levied another assessment of rice on the natives
[in Cavite] as also in La Laguna, the king paying but one-half of
what the Indians could sell it for later, and leaving them under the
necessity of buying the grain at double price. The worst thing is,
that now the rice has become so scarce that it is worth nine and
ten reals, at which price it is sold in the [royal] magazines; and
the tribute which is given by the very Indians on whom this purchase
was levied is sold at the magazines, without being placed therein,
to the rice-mills. This gentleman very willingly accepts what people
give him for the offices. At the beginning, it was understood that
he would not receive gifts; but with five children, a wife, and a
sister-in-law, and heavily indebted, the office costing him so much,
and he coming so great a distance, how can he avoid looking out for
money? He is not opposed to the Society [of Jesus], but we are under
no obligation to him. Our order has no kindly feeling toward thieves,
and it is thought most probable, as nearly as can be guessed, that he
will not speak [of us] very favorably to his Majesty. He says that
he will despatch the balandra [2] this year; but I do not know how
this will be, because they have not begun to get it ready.


[From a letter by Father Magino Sola, June 19, 1691.]

On the twenty-fifth of July, Señor Fausto Cruzat y Gongora took
possession of the government. When Don Juan de Vargas was ready to
embark this year, the city brought a new suit against him, and seized
the little that he possessed.


[From a letter by Father Juan de Montemayor, dated July 4, 1694.]

He says therein that information had been received in Manila that
the Dominicans would not be promoted to bishoprics in the Filipinas
Islands, a statement that had been well received. The bishop of
Troya had attempted to regain the government of the archbishopric,
founding his claim on a royal decree in which he was charged to
surrender it to the person who had been presented by his Majesty
(from which he inferred that the king approved his government), but
slighting the imperative order [ruego y encargo] that he should set
out for España. He demanded that the governor send him the official
correspondence from España for the governor of the archbishopric;
but the governor replied that he would send him that which should go
to the name of his illustrious Lordship.


[Letter by Father Pedro de Silva Alencastre, July 20, 1694.]

[He says] that for three years past no letters from the islands reached
Mejico, because in July of the year 1692 the patache which was going to
the Marianas, with more than twenty thousand pesos, was burned while
in the very port. In the same year the ship "Santo Cristo" sailed for
Acapulco, and had to come back to this port from the thirtieth degree
of latitude. Then she sailed in July of 93, from the port of Naga;
and up to the present time nothing is known about her fate. In 1694
a galleon was built that was 72 cubits long [de 72 codos de quilla],
an audacious attempt. It set sail on the eve of St. Peter's day;
and on the following Saturday, while off the shore of Maragondon, it
went to pieces. It was laden with more than twelve thousand packages;
for all the citizens had invested whatever they possessed, in order
to lade this ship, and even the wrought silver and the jewels of the
women had been sold in order to invest their value in stuffs. The
letter was sent by the patache which the governor was despatching
as an express, so that they might know in Mejico and España that the
islands were not destroyed.



[Letter by Father Gaspar Marco, [3] July 27, 1694.]

The bishop of Troya was going on, thinking that the government of the
archbishopric belonged to him, and did not ordain the clerics who
presented dismissory letters from the cabildo of Manila--assuming
that the king regarded him as ecclesiastical governor--and that,
in spite of the permit for absence which commanded him to return to
España. The cabildo had brought suit against Doctor Nicolas Caraballo,
sentencing him to exile in Nueva España. He embarked in the year
1692; but, the galleon having come back to the port of Naga in the
province of Camarines, the bishop of that diocese not only received
and entertained Caraballo, but absolved him and qualified him to hold
any office or benefice. The cabildo of Manila, who had sent a person to
conduct Caraballo to that city, endured this slight and said nothing,
when they knew of the conduct of the bishop of Camarines, in order
not to arouse another dispute. The bishop appointed Caraballo governor
of the bishopric of Cebu, on account of the death of its prelate, in
1692. He began his rule by visiting and punishing the curas, until
he removed the cura of Aclan, named Salazar, and seized his goods,
without allowing him any appeal to the metropolitan. Salazar escaped
to Manila, and informed the cabildo of this; and they commissioned
the cantor, Don Esteban de Olmedo, to arrest Caraballo. The bishop of
Camarines had information of all this, and went in person to protect
him. He arrived twenty-four hours after Olmedo, and arrested the
latter; he passed sentence on him, with the counsel and opinion of
Caraballo himself, and carried Olmedo to Camarines with a pair of
fetters, where he remained until the date [of the letter], without
the cabildo having taken any steps for his liberation.







DISCOVERY OF THE PALAOS ISLANDS

Letters written from Manila, June 10, 1697, by Father Paul Clain [4]
of the Society of Jesus to Reverend Father Tirso Gonzalez, general
of the same Society, on the new discovery that has been made of
thirty-two islands, south of the Marianas Islands.


After the departure of the vessel which was commissioned with the
letters which I wrote during the year past to your Paternity, there
arrived another which brought me the order to accompany the reverend
father Antonio Fuccio, [5] of Sicily, the new provincial of this
province. Making with him the circuit of our houses, I have taken
a survey of the country of the Pintados. There are large islands
separated from one another by arms of the sea, in which the tide
renders navigation difficult and dangerous. There are in these islands
seventy-seven thousand Christians, under the spiritual direction of
forty-one missionaries of our Society, who have with them two of our
brothers who provide for their subsistence.

I can scarcely express to you, my reverend Father, how I have been
moved at the sight of these poor Indians, of whom there are many who
die without receiving the sacraments of the church, in great danger
of their eternal salvation: because there are so few priests here,
that the majority of them have charge of two villages at the same
time. When it happens that they are occupied in one place, fulfilling
the functions of their ministry, they are not able to assist those
who die in the other. I have been still more greatly moved by the
forsaken condition in which we found several other persons, who died
in the islands that are called Pais. Although these islands are not
far from the Marianas, their inhabitants have no intercourse with
those of the latter group. The discovery of this new country has this
year been made certain, as is here recounted.

In making the visitation with the father provincial, as I have already
said, we arrived at the village of Guivam, [6] on the island of Samal,
the largest and southernmost island of the Eastern Pintados. We
found there twenty-nine Palaos, or natives of these newly-discovered
islands. The easterly winds which rule over these seas from the month
of December to the month of May had blown them three hundred leguas
from their islands to this village on the island of Samal. They had
come on two small vessels, that are called here "paraos." This is
how they relate their adventure.

They had embarked, thirty-five persons in all, intending to go to
a neighboring island, when there arose a wind so violent that they
were not able to gain the island where they wished to land, or any
other in the neighborhood, and were carried out to the open sea. They
made many efforts to land on some shore or some island known to them,
but without avail. They sailed thus at the will of the winds during
seventy days without being able to make land. Finally losing all
hope of returning to their country, and seeing themselves half-dead
with hunger, without water and without food, they resolved to abandon
themselves to the mercy of the winds, and land on the first island they
could find toward the west. Scarcely had they taken this resolution,
when they found themselves in sight of the village of Guivam on the
island of Samal. A man from that village who was on the seashore saw
them, and, judging by the structure of their little vessels that they
were some strangers who had lost their way, he took a piece of cloth
and made them a signal to enter by the channel that he indicated, in
order to avoid the rocks and the banks of sand upon which they were
about to run aground. These poor men were so frightened at seeing this
stranger that they began to put back to sea; however much effort they
made, they were not able to turn about, and the wind blew them a second
time toward the shore. When they were near, the Guivam man made them
understand by signs the route that they should take; but, seeing that
they were not taking it, and that they would surely be lost, he threw
himself into the sea, and swam to one of those two small vessels,
with the design of acting as pilot and of conducting them safely to
port. Scarcely had he reached the vessel when those who were on board,
even the women carrying their children, threw themselves into the
water to gain the other vessel, so much did they fear the approach
of this stranger. This man, seeing himself alone in the small vessel,
followed after them; and, having entered into the second, he cleared
all the rocks and piloted it safely into the harbor. During this time
the poor people remained motionless, and gave themselves up to the
guidance of the stranger, whose prisoners they considered themselves.

They landed on St. Innocent's day, the twenty-eighth of December of the
year 1696. The inhabitants of Guivam gathered on the shore, received
them with charity, and brought them some wine and some food. They
ate eagerly some cocoanuts, which are the fruit of the palms of
this country. The meat in them is somewhat like that of chestnuts,
except that it has more oil, and that it furnishes a kind of sweetened
water which is agreeable to drink. The natives presented them with
rice boiled in water, which the people use here and in all of Asia,
as one does bread in Europe. They looked at it with wonder, and
took some grains of it, which they immediately threw on the ground,
imagining that they were worms. They exhibited much pleasure when
some of the large roots that are called palavan were brought to them,
and eagerly ate them.

Meanwhile the natives brought two women whom the wind had thrown upon
the same shore at Guivam some time before. As they knew a little of
the language of this country, they served as interpreters, and it is
through them that we learned what I am about to relate. One of those
women found among these strangers some of her kindred, and they no
sooner recognized each other than they began to weep. The father who
had charge of this village, having learned of the arrival of these poor
people, had them come to Guivam. Some, when they saw him and perceived
the respect that was shown him, imagined that he was the king of the
country, and that their lives and their fate were in his hands. In
this belief they threw themselves upon the ground to implore his
mercy, and to beg that he would grant them their lives. The father,
touched with compassion at seeing them in such great desolation,
did all that he could to console them; and, to mitigate their fears,
he caressed their children, of whom three were still at the breast,
and five others a trifle older, and promised their parents to give
them all the help that was in his power.

The inhabitants of Guivam vied with each other in offering to the
father to take the strangers into their houses, and to furnish them
with all things that they needed, both food and clothing. The father
committed the strangers to them, but on condition that they should
not separate those who were married (for there were some married ones
among them); and that they should not take less than two together, for
fear that those who were left alone would die of grief. Of thirty-five
who had come aboard the ships there now remained no more than thirty;
five had died during the voyage, because of the lack of food and the
privations of the long journey. A little while after their arrival
still another died, who had the good fortune to receive holy baptism.

They said that their country consisted of thirty-three islands. They
cannot be very far from the Marianas, to judge from the structure of
their vessels, and by the form of their sails, since these are of the
same style. There is strong indication that these islands are farther
to the south than the Marianas, in eleven or twelve degrees north
latitude, and upon the same parallel as Guivam; since the strangers
came straight from the east to the west, and landed on the shore at
this settlement. There is also ground for believing that this is one
of the islands that was discovered from afar some years ago. A vessel
belonging to the Philippines (in 1686) having left the customary route,
which is from east to west upon the thirteenth parallel, and having
veered somewhat toward the southwest, saw it for the first time. These
people called this island Carolina, in honor of the king (Charles II,
king of Spain); and the others called it St. Barnabas, because it was
discovered on the day when the church celebrates the feast of this
apostle. This island was seen last year by another vessel that the
tempest had blown out of its course, in going from here to the Marianas
Islands. The governor of the Philippines had often given orders to the
ship which went nearly every year to the Marianas, to seek for this
island and the others that were thought to be near; but these orders
had been useless, God reserving to this time the discovery of them,
and as we hope, the complete conversion of these people.

The strangers added that of these thirty-three islands there were three
which were inhabited only by birds, but that the others were thickly
peopled. When asked what was the number of the inhabitants, they took a
grain of sand or of dust, and intimated to the father in this fashion,
the innumerable multitude of men who lived there. These islands
are named Pais, Lamululutup, Saraon, Yaropie, Valayyay, Satavan,
Cutac, Yfaluc, Piraulop, Ytai, Pic, Piga, Lamurrec, Puc, Falait,
Caruvaruvong, Ylatu, Lamuliur, Tavas, Saypen, Tacaulat, Rapiyang,
Tavon, Mutacusan, Piylu, Olatan, Palu, Cucumyat, Piyalucunung. The
three which are only inhabited by birds are Piculat, Hulutan, and
Tagian. Lamurrec is the largest of all these islands. It is where
the king of all that country holds his court. The chiefs of all those
settlements submit to him. There was found among these strangers one
of the chiefs with his wife, who is the daughter of a king. Although
they may be half-naked, they have manners and a certain air of dignity,
which makes one recognize well enough who they are. The husband has
all his body painted with certain lines, the arrangement of which
forms various figures. The other men of this tribe have also some
similar lines, some of them more than the others; but the women and
the children do not have them at all. There are nineteen men and ten
women, of different ages. The contour and the color of their faces
are very similar to those of the natives of the Philippines. The men
have no other dress than a kind of girdle which covers their loins
and thighs, and which is wound several times about their bodies. They
have upon their shoulders more than an ell and a half of coarse cloth,
of which they make a kind of hood, which they tie in front, and allow
to hang carelessly behind. The men and the women are dressed in the
same fashion, except that the women have their wearing apparel a
little longer, descending from the waist almost to the knees.

Their language is different from that of the Philippines, and
resembles that of the Marianas Islands. Their manner of pronouncing
words is something like that of the Arabs. The woman who appears to
be of highest station has many rings and necklaces of tortoise-shell,
that are called here carey; and others of a material that is unknown
to us. This material, which somewhat resembles ambergris, is not
transparent.

This is the manner in which they lived upon the sea during the seventy
days while they had been at the mercy of the waves. They threw into
the sea a sort of weir, made of several small branches of trees tied
together. This weir had a large opening to allow the fish to enter,
and ended in a point to prevent their going out. The fish that they
caught in this manner were all the nourishment they had, and they
did not drink any water except that which the rain furnished them;
they caught it in the shells of cocoanuts--which are the fruit of
the palms of this country, as I have already said; they are of the
shape and size of a man's skull.

There are no cows in those islands. The natives tried to run away when
they saw some cows browsing the grass, just as when they heard a small
dog bark in the house of the missionaries. There are neither cats
nor deer, nor horses, nor, in general, any four-legged beast. There
are but few birds, except those which live on the sea. They have,
however, fowls which they eat; but they never eat their eggs.

In spite of this lack of all things, they are happy and content
with their lot. They have some songs and dances in tolerably regular
time. They sing all together and make the same gestures, which has
a pleasing effect.

They are surprised at the government, the politeness, and the
manners of Europe, of which they have no knowledge. They admire
not only that august majesty of the ceremonies by which the church
celebrates divine worship, but also the music, the instruments, the
dances of the Spaniards, the weapons which they carry, and, above
all, the gunpowder. They admire also the whiteness of the Europeans;
for the inhabitants of this country are all of swarthy complexion.

They appear until now to have had no knowledge of God, nor do
they adore idols. We have noticed in them only a life altogether
barbarous. All their care is to seek for food and drink. They have
a great deference for their king and the chiefs of their villages,
and they obey them with the greatest exactitude. They do not have
regular hours for their meals. They drink and eat at any time and
wherever they may be, when they are hungry and thirsty, and when they
find wherewith to satisfy themselves. But they eat little at a time,
and one of their meals is not enough to suffice for all the day.

Their civility and mark of respect consists in taking the hand or
the foot of the one to whom they wish to do honor, and in rubbing it
gently over their face. They have among their possessions some saws
not made of iron, but of a large shell that is called here taclobo,
[7] which they sharpen by rubbing against certain stones. They have
also one of iron, as long as a finger. They were much astonished on
the occasion of a trading-vessel being built at Guivam, to see the
great variety of tools for carpentry which were used. They looked
at all these, one after another, with much wonder. They do not have
metals in their country. The father missionary gave them each a
good-sized piece of iron, which they received with more joy than if
he had given them so much gold. They had so much fear that it would
be taken away from them that they put it under their heads when they
wanted to sleep. They do not have any arms except lances or darts
made of human bones. They are very peaceful among themselves. When
it happens that there is a quarrel among them, it is settled by a few
blows of their fists upon each other's heads. But this rarely happens;
because, if some wish to come to blows, others separate them and make
them stop the dispute. They are not, nevertheless, stupid or heavy;
on the contrary, they have fire and vivacity. They are not as stout as
the natives of the Marianas Islands, but they are well proportioned,
and of nearly the same height as the Philippinos. Both men and women
let their hair grow, which falls upon their shoulders.

When these strangers learned that they were to be conducted into
the presence of the father missionary, they painted themselves all
over the body with a certain yellow color, which they consider a
great adornment. They are so satisfied at finding here in abundance
all that is necessary to life, that they have offered to return to
their own country in order to attract here their compatriots, and
to persuade them to enter into intercourse with these islands. Our
governor is much pleased with this design, in view of the fact that
he has subjected all this country to the king of Spain; and this would
open a wide door for the propagation of the gospel. The eldest of the
strangers had once before been thrown upon the coast of the province of
Caragan in one of these islands; but, as he found only some infidels
who dwelt in the mountains and along these deserted shores, he had
returned to his own country, without having known of the abundance
and the riches of these islands. He had been more fortunate in this
second voyage. The children have already been baptized, and the
others have been instructed in the mysteries of our religion. They
are very skilful in diving; and it is said that they recently found,
while fishing, two large pearls in the shells, which they threw back
into the sea, because they did not know their value. [8]

I write you all this, my reverend Father, persuaded that you will be
glad to learn news so advantageous to those of your children who have
the good fortune to carry the faith into this new country. We have
need of workers, for there is much work to do. We hope that you will
have the kindness to send some workers to us, and will not forget us
in your holy devotions. I am with profound respect, my very reverend
Father, your Paternity's very humble and obedient servant and son,


Paul Clain, missionary of the Society of Jesus. At Manila, June
10, 1697.







MISSIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES

1661-1712


I

General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by
Fray Pedro de San Francisco de Assis [9]


[From this work, as in the three preceding parts of the General
History of the Discalced Augustinians, we translate the important
matter relating to the Philippines, with synopsis or mention of
matter omitted.]




DECADE EIGHT


CHAPTER I


Mention of the insurrections of some provinces in Philipinas, with
the labors that began for our religious. The exemplary lives of some,
who died holily in their convents.


The Year 1661


§ I


One insurrection having been put down in Pampànga, another one follows
in Pangasinàn. Mention of the great sufferings of our religious in
Zambàles, in keeping their villages duly loyal to God and the king.


... 2. From the beginning of the year 1660, the Indians of Pampanga,
a province not far from the city of Manila in Philipinas, incited
by many grievous annoyances unjustly caused by the superintendent of
timber cutting, which was ordered to be done within their boundaries by
the governor of the islands, Don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara, determined
to withdraw themselves from the yoke of the Spanish dominion. Although
that dominion is very mild per se, some subordinate government employes
generally make it intolerable, for tyrannically availing themselves
of the name of the king, they endeavor to trample everything under
foot. The Pampangos elected as leader a master-of-camp of their own
nation, one Don Francisco Manyàgo. He clutched the staff of office
as though it were a scepter. Although this insurrection caused
considerable fear in Manila at the beginning, since the Pampango
nation is so warlike, yet since at the same time, its individuals are
the most reasonable of the islands, the governor hastening thither
in person together with many religious of various orders (for the
religious form the most powerful army for quieting the Indians) the
whole disturbance was readily quieted by means of negotiation. Justice
was done them in their grievances, while no punishment was omitted,
and was administered to the seditious leaders. Fathers Fray Joseph
de la Annunciacion, and Fray Juan de San Antonio, ex-provincials of
our Family, together with fathers Fray Carlos de Jesus, and Fray Juan
de San Diego, were of considerable aid in that pacification. Those
fathers, exposing themselves to not few dangers, had the boldness to
go to some of the principal Indians, who were their acquaintances,
whom by dint of their persuasion, they succeeded in bringing back to
reason. And by their means, discussion and friendly agreements having
been introduced, those so harmful insurrections were put down.

3. But at the beginning of their insurrection, the Pampangos had
written many letters to the provinces of Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, and
Cagayàn, which lie farther north in the island of Luzon. In those
letters they assured the inhabitants of those provinces that they
had risen with so great force that they had no doubt but that they
could gain Manila by force of arms. They besought those people to
heed the common cause, for once that the Spanish yoke was thrown off,
they could all get together in firm friendship and relations, and
maintain their liberty, by electing a king to govern them, or become
feared by the other nations under the form of a republic. Those were
counsels which like a cancer in the human body, continued to spread in
the civil affairs of those provinces, and the majority of the Indians
followed them with only too great rapidity. Hence, when the Indians
of Pampanga were quieted they were incapable of extinguishing the
fire that they themselves had kindled.

4. In Pangasinàn, Ilòcos, and Cagayàn, the flame acquired too much
force because of the fierceness of the well arranged combustibles,
which were applied by several Indian chiefs, who endeavored, under the
specious name of liberty, to oppress in the most intolerable manner
the ones who did not recognize the blessings which they had while
they had the good fortune to call themselves a part of the Spanish
monarchy. But in order that this history may not wander into parts
that do not belong to it, we shall treat only of what happened in
the province of Pangasinàn; for one part of that province, namely the
territory of Zambàles, which is composed of ten villages, was then,
and is also at present, cultivated in regard to spiritual matters by
our holy Recollect order. On that account our religious necessarily
suffered considerably, and they aided in the pacification of the
Indians, as did the other holy orders in the villages entrusted to
their care.

5. At the end, then, of the year 1660, the insurgents of Pangasinàn
elected as their leader an Indian chief of the village of Binalatòngan,
one Don Andrès Màlong. He having usurped the title of king, went
to Campaña, escorted by nine thousand Indian warriors. This number
was increased enormously within a few days; for it was either a
boast of the rebels and they so published it, or it was a fact,
his army was composed of forty thousand men. An Indian noble, by the
name of Don Francisco Sumùlay, a very near relative of Màlong, was
living in Bolinào, a village within our administration. On account
of that relationship he looked upon his progress as his own, and
helped him as much as he could to attain his purposes. He, in order
to incite Bolinào and its environs to revolt, spared no effort that
he considered fitting. But the father prior, Fray Juan de la Madre
de Dios (or Blancas), opposed him openly and in secret, destroying
with cunning whatever Sumùlay wrought deceitfully. No sooner did the
restlessness and excited condition of the Indians force him to take
prudent precautions, than he caused ten soldiers to disembark from a
champan which was on its way to Cagayàn. The latter obeyed him for the
captain agreed thereto, and because they knew how much the governor
of the islands favored the above-named religious, and that he would
approve whatever was done with the latter's advice. The father found
himself somewhat ready to offer resistance with those soldiers and
with the faithful Indians, who by dint of his persuasions were not
few; but he had not sufficient forces to attack the rebels or to
seize the wicked Sumùlay, who was the cause of all the disorder.

6. The latter starting a rumor that the hostile Mindanàos were in
the neighborhood, imagined that by that false report, and by setting
fire to the convent and church at night, the soldiers would flee to
the mountains, and that the religious and the loyal Indians of the
village would imitate them. It would then follow that, since he would
remain behind with the insurgents who were already thoroughly advised,
he would be able, after having conquered the port and settlement at
his safety, to kill all who were not of his party. Those ideas were
not very badly conceived, and had they arrived at the desired success,
would have been only too potent for the attainment of his malicious
purpose. For, after the surrender of Bolinào, would doubtless follow
that of all the territory of Zambàles, and then, the great difficulty
of maritime aid from Manila to Pangasinàn, a circumstance which gave
great strength to the revolt. But the same arguments also served the
father prior to procure the preservation of Bolinào with the greatest
watchfulness. Hence scarcely had Sumùlay fired the edifice, when the
soldiers and loyal Indians protecting it, and fortifying themselves as
well as they could, maintained the village in the faith for their God,
and in the loyalty due their king. It is a fact that while attending
to that, the church was reduced to ashes, as were the sacristy and
most of the convent. But that was considered as a little loss as it
was well employed, so long as the enemy did not attain their purpose.

7. The above happened in the early part of December, when authentic
tidings were not known in Bolinào of the insurrection, and only
various movements were descried in the Indians which provoked
fear. However, they had been compelled to dissimulate through lack
of forces. But on the twentieth day of the above-mentioned month,
the conspiracy was finally published in the village, and Simùlay and
his associates notified the religious in the following manner. In
front of the cells of the father prior and of his associate father
Fray Luis de San Joseph, were placed two bamboos and at the end of
them two cocoanuts. That is a barbarous ceremony of those countries
by which to threaten one with decapitation. Simùlay thought that that
would be sufficient to frighten the fathers and make them abandon the
village, and especially since they now had no soldiers, as the soldiers
mentioned above had proceeded on their way. But he was mistaken in
his reckoning, for although father Fray Luis was of that opinion,
and Indian chiefs were not wanting who supported him, either because
they were already infected with the rebellion, or, perhaps, in order to
assure the lives of the fathers, were carried away by their good zeal,
the father prior resolved to die rather than fail in his service to
God and the king. He did not change his decision, however much the
sign was repeated the following day. On the contrary, he considered
the time suitable to ascertain and establish with cunning the degree
of the fidelity of his parishioners. He convened the Indians in the
atrium of the convent, and in eloquent and powerful arguments gave
them to understand that God having entrusted their souls to him,
he would not leave their land, although he knew that he was to
suffer a thousand martyrdoms. "I am not ignorant," he said, "that
the aim of those who occasion these insurrections is to apostatize
from the Catholic faith, and to return to their former paganism; but
for that same reason, I must oppose myself to that with the greatest
strength. Go ahead, send news of my constancy to the partisans of the
rebel Màlong, if perchance there are any in the village, so that they
may not tire themselves with threatening me with death. Assure them
that I shall consider myself very fortunate, if I transform myself
into a good martyr from so poor a priest. But meanwhile, I warn you,
that I shall know by each one's actions who are the rebels and who
are faithful; and that accordingly the proper reward or punishment
will follow each one, when the Manila fleet, which will not delay,
subdues affairs properly." By that effort some who were wavering in
their loyalty were confirmed in it, while those who were on the side
of the seditious ones did not dare to put their treacherous thoughts
into execution.

8. Very soon did experience show the great importance of the firmness
of so valiant a religious. For on the night of that same day, after
the convent was locked, some of the loyal Indians, who were guarding
the outside of it, captured a strange Indian, who declared that he was
bringing a message to the father prior, which was to be given into his
own hand. He was taken into the father's presence after observing the
necessary precautions, where he delivered the message. It was from
the father vicar of Lingayèn and contained extensive notices of the
insurrection of Pangasinàn which had broken out, the murder of the
alcalde-mayor, and the devastation of that part of so flourishing
a province. He sent letters for his provincial and for the governor
of the islands, in which a speedy relief was asked in order that the
sedition might be stifled at its beginning. He besought the father
prior to send them quickly to Manila, as it was impossible to send
them from Pangasinàn overland. And now it is seen that if the father
prior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, had retired from Bolinào as
fear persuaded him, that despatch would have been fruitless, and
perhaps had those advices been unknown in Manila, Pangasinàn would
have been endangered; but since he remained inflexible against the
incentives of fear, he was able to take the fitting means, in order
that the promptest and most efficacious aid might be obtained.

9. It was not considered advisable to entrust the conveyance of such
letters to the Indians of Bolinào, and accordingly it was resolved
to despatch father Fray Luis de San Joseph overland to Masingloc
under the pretext that he was going on affairs connected with the
spiritual administration, but his real purpose was to deliver the
messages to the minister of the said village, in order that the
latter might despatch them. The religious exposed himself to evident
danger of death; for the village of Agno, through which he could not
avoid passing, was almost entirely in insurrection, and because in
the stretch extending from the territory of Agno to that of Bàlcac,
it was necessary to take the rough sea in a small fishing boat which
carried no sail and only one oar with the religious himself at the
helm. At last he reached Masingloc, after conquering so great an
obstacle. Thence, not without the most serious dangers, the minister
sent the messages to Manila, arranging to have them carried by father
Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion, accompanied by three of the most
faithful chiefs. One of those chiefs was appointed master-of-camp
by the governor as a reward for so excellent a service, another,
sargento-mayor, and the third, captain of the militia of his village;
and they were exempted for life from paying tribute. And since the
father vicar of Lingayèn despatched a second mail to Bolinào in
case that the first should fail, the father prior, Fray Juan de la
Madre de Dios, despatched the letters in a Chinese vessel which made
a way-station there, and was on its way from the island of Hermosa
to Manila. But while the army and naval fleet are being prepared in
that city, in order to take relief to Pangasinàn, let us return to
our villages of Zambàles, in order to see what is happening there,
and the dangers by which our religious were afflicted.




§ II

Continuation of the foregoing matter, with the declaration of what
happened to our religious in Masingloc, Cagayàn, Agno, and Bolinào.

10. With the absence of the three said chiefs in Masingloc, the prior
found himself greatly troubled and persecuted, for those who favored
the rebellion, who had thitherto not dared to show their faces in
public, showed openly the most foul face of treason on the day of
St. Stephen. They threw the village into such consternation that
if God had not aided it, it would have been impossible to restore
it to its former quiet. It happened that, as some Indians had not
been at mass on either the eve or day of the nativity, the prior
meeting one of them afterward who was most esteemed for his bravery,
chid him for his fault, although with demonstrations of paternal
charity. He had no intentions of exasperating him, for he knew quite
well that the Indian was inducing his countrymen to swell the number
of the insurgents by persuasion and threat. But the Indian would not
suffer the mild rebuke for that sin, which in other circumstances
would have made him experience the severities of punishment, and
deeming the occasion very suitable for the revolt of the village, he
began to pretend implacable annoyance because the father admonished
him. Following this, he became excessively angry, and hurled many
insults at the evangelical minister, and concluded by crying out:
"Long live Màlong! Death to the Spaniards and the fathers!"

11. By that means the Indian obtained his desires, for more than
fifty armed companions gathered about him. They proclaimed the traitor
Màlong as king; hacked the Spanish coat-of-arms which was placed on
the site where the principales met to administer justice; and they
obliged the prior, whom it was a miracle of divine Providence that they
did not kill instantly, to retire to his convent, where a guard was
established by means of some Indians who could be gathered together,
while many others who were of the loyal party, were oppressed in
their homes. There they held the prior and those who accompanied them
besieged, and did not allow them to communicate with the outside,
and refused to allow any kind of food to be taken to them, trying
by this means to restrict them to the heighth of necessity. Within
the danger was so much greater, as it was less known by the loyal
villages near by which could have sent them some aid. If the rebels
did not attack the convent in order to kill the loyal ones, it was
because they were afraid of some few arquebuses with which those
of the inside threatened them. But they endeavored to set fire to
the convent and church three times without being able to succeed,
notwithstanding that the material of the building was but little less
combustible than tinder, for it was all constructed of wood, bamboo,
and nipa. Those who tried to burn that edifice, regarded that as a
miracle. Moreover, one can well understand the necessity that they
suffered for they had no place whence to get relief, not even for the
necessities of life. Consequently they were placed at the will of the
divine Providence, who as is His custom with those in tribulation,
very quickly declared His patronage.

12. Having passed the time in this way until New Year's eve, it was
noted then that a medium-sized vessel was anchored not far from the
convent, and that almost all of its Indians having landed, engaged in
a very interesting conversation with the insurgents. On that account,
the prior and his men had an opportunity, to leave the convent
without being perceived, to go to the beach, and make themselves
masters of the above-mentioned vessel. They set sail without loss
of time in it. Thus freed from their peril they took their course
toward Manila. But as they were in need of food, they put in at
Bagàc, where they met the three chiefs who had guided father Fray
Bernardino, and were now returning to their village. They recounted
to those chiefs the deplorable condition in which they were; and
considering that the remedy for wrongs generally lies in quickness,
they determined to take thirty well-armed Indians, whom the father
minister of Bagàc prepared, and who were fortunately at that place;
and then retracing their way, to attack Masingloc suddenly. They hoped
that if they attacked the rebels when they appeared to be most secure,
it would not be difficult to reduce them all to their former quiet. So
did it happen, for the season favoring them, they disembarked on
the night of the third of January in a bay one-half hour's distance
from Masingloc, and went overland to that village. At dawn of the
fourth, they surprised the insurgents so completely, that overtaken
by fear, the latter could not put themselves in a state of defense,
while they even had no opportunity for flight. They were all seized,
and the prior, although he was full of grief at the robbery of the
sacristy and church, interceded for the prisoners, and succeeded in
having all except three set at liberty. Those three were the leaders
and later paid for their wickedness on the gallows.

13. In Cigayèn (a village which had decreased very sensibly in houses
and inhabitants since the violent death of the venerable father, Fray
Alonso de San Agustin, in the year 1612), was father Fray Francisco de
San Agustin, an especially zealous minister, who was applying all the
persuasive powers of his eloquence to retaining the remnants of that
great settlement in due fidelity to God and the king. But a chief,
called Don Antonio Sìrray, desired the contrary, in order to keep
things in confusion for his own profit. Knowing that he would have no
opportunity so long as father Fray Francisco was living, he tried to
kill him twice, but the religious man was delivered from his ambushes,
for God took his part in a very visible and special manner. In the
discussion that the two had together, (one persuading to good, and
the other inducing to evil), it happened that Sìrray and all his
partisans went to swell the army of Màlong. The loyal Indians with
their families and possessions went to another village; father Fray
Francisco retired to Manila. With that the village was completely
abandoned and no more thought was expended on its rebuilding. Such
harm do dissensions cause, when, because there is no strength to attack
them, they increase to the highest degree when agitated by violence.

14. In Agno (a visita or annex of Bolinào), there was a chief called
Don Juan Dùrrey, a very near relative of Sumùlay, and consequently
he was bound up very closely to the rebels. Three Spaniards reached
that place on Christmas day, who were fleeing from the insurgents of
Pangasinàn. They showed the Indians a diamond ring, as a reward or
payment for something to eat, for they were suffering dire need. But
scarcely had they sat down to table, when Dùrrey inhumanly killed
them. As father Fray Luis de San Joseph (who was returning from
Masingloc whither he had taken the messages as related above), was
passing in the afternoon toward Bolinào, he noted the loud shouts
in the village, caused by the feasting and dancing that they made
according to their custom with the heads of the three Spaniards. He
attempted to approach nearer in order to check their inhumanity,
but an Indian instigated by the devil, scarcely saw the father when
he threw two spears at him. It was regarded as a miracle that the
father escaped the blow and was not wounded. Thereupon our valiant
religious lifted up his voice, and loudly condemned so unjust actions
in a fervent sermon. According to circumstances, the words on each
occasion must have served as does music on the ears of the tiger. But
in the midst of the necessary disturbance, he was enabled to tell
them with the help of God, such things that Dùrrey with twelve others
who followed him, had to leave the village. The others, humble and
obedient to the voice of their shepherd, surrendered the heads in
order that he might give them ecclesiastical burial. From that moment
Agno remained in the greatest quiet, like the sea, which shows the
most exquisite quietness and serenity after the most terrible storm.

15. But the place where the rage of the insurgents was felt more was
in Bolinào. Màlong regarded its minister, father Fray Juan de la Madre
de Dios, with irreproachable hatred, for he was not unaware of his
great labor in restraining the Zambals. They are so warlike a nation
that they have always caused themselves to be respected not only in
Pangasinàn, which province they glorify as a not despicable part, but
also throughout the Philipinas Islands where they have been able to
acquire renown through their arms. Having, then, as we have related,
sent his associate to Masingloc, he considered that the Indians left
him alone in the convent, and that they were going about cautiously
talking one with another. He summoned one of the chiefs to him and chid
him for that coldness. He learned from the Indian that Don Francisco
Caucào, a cousin of the usurping king, had arrived from Binalatòngon
with an order to the effect that the Zambals should declare against
the Spaniards, under pain of being treated as rebels if they did not
do so. The Indian added that Caucào was staying in Sumùlay's house,
and they were afraid that he intended to conquer their countrymen, and
that was the reason why they were all so confused. Without allowing,
then, the talk which generally increases dangers beyond what they
are in themselves, the religious father set out for Sumùlay's house
in order to have an interview with Caucào, as well as for the purpose
of examining and exploring the village, in order to see whether there
were any ambuscades about it.

16. After he was assured that there were no strange enemies, he went
into the presence of the Indian, who received him seated, without
showing him the least sign of respect. The father asked him why he
came, and he answered haughtily that his cousin Don Andres Màlong,
the powerful king of Pangasinàn, looking with love on the Zambal
nation, and not desiring to treat them with the greatest rigor of war,
sent him to inform them to recognize him as their seignior, and that
on that same day some papers were to be read in the church in which
that would be intimated; and that the father was to reply to a letter
written by his cousin the king, conceding whatever was asked of him,
for if he did not do so, it would cost him his life. Another of less
valor than father Fray Juan would doubtless have been intimidated at
the sight of such arrogance, especially when it be considered that he
could not be sure of the people of the village. But the very injustice
of the Indian giving the father courage, he said to the chiefs who
had accompanied him: "What is this? What is this? Can it be possible
to write of the loyalty of Bolinào, that a traitor, sent by a rebel
to God, and the king, publicly induces you to insurrection, and that
he remain unpunished? Come, seize him. But no, it is to his advantage
to have been found in the house of Sumùlay, whose nobility is worthy
of this attention. But I warn you, O wretch, that you do not leave
the house which serves you as a sanctuary, and that you do not sow
any discord in order to pervert the fidelity of the Zambals, until I
have answered this letter of your vicious cousin; for if you disobey
my order, and these men do not tear you to pieces, I shall be able
to send you to Manila laden with irons and chains, where you will
pay for your treason on the gallows."

17. Caucào, Sumùlay, and all the others were full of dismay at
hearing the argument of the prior: Caucào, because he thought that
the village sided with the Spaniards since the father spoke with so
great assurance; Sumùlay, because he imagined the same, and because
he thought also that the prior was ignorant of his evil designs,
since he spoke so lovingly to him; and the others, because a rumor
that had been shortly before cunningly spread to the effect that a
fleet was already coming from Manila to punish those who had declared
for Màlong, was thus corroborated. For, they argued, if it were not
so, a poor religious would not have the courage to do so much. In
short the father prior obtained his wish, namely, to puzzle them all
in order to gain time. That done, the venerable man retired to his
convent quite perplexed. Opening the letter, he beheld that Màlong
expressed himself in the same manner as Caucào had done. He deemed
best not to answer it, for while he was thinking how he would dismiss
the messenger, he was advised that a champan had just anchored in the
port, in which were two religious. He proceeded thither in order to
receive them, and was met by fathers Fray Juan de Bergàra and Fray
Juan de Fisla, who were retiring from Ilòcos, where the rebels were
committing innumerable acts of cruelty, and had inhumanly taken the
life of father Fray Joseph Arias, all of our observance.

18. He led them to the convent, arranging also that two Spaniards
and six Tagálog Indians who could be withdrawn from the champan
without their loss being felt therein, should accompany them
with firearms. Then seeing that he was in a state of defense if
anything should be attempted by the rebels, he had Caucào and Sumùlay
summoned. They came at the first notice, but curiosity brought all the
people of the village. Then the father tearing the letter of Màlong
to pieces in the presence of the multitude, said: "This is the reply
merited by such an arrogant method of writing, and especially since
it is the letter of a traitor. You," he proceeded, addressing Caucào,
"who have had the shamelessness to come on so insolent an embassy,
well merit being sent a prisoner to Manila, and in order that I might
do so, God has, perhaps, presented me with this champan. But since
you would go to the gallows, the kindness of my estate does not allow
me to cooperate in the death of my neighbor. Therefore, get you gone
immediately to Binalatòngon, and tell your cousin that I pity him,
since the fleet of Manila is already on its way to punish him. Assure
him that his threats make me laugh; that his demand for obedience from
the Zambal nation is irrational; and that I am sending him his relative
Sumùlay in order to increase his army, besides twenty-five Indians
of this village, who are, according to appearances, looking upon him
with too much affection." The father designated those persons by name,
and added with a show of great anger: "Not a single one of those whom
I have just named will remain in Bolinào, under penalty that whoever
refuses to obey, he and the one who hides him shall be sent to Manila
without fail, where justice will punish his resistance." Thus did
he say, and then turned his back with a show of so great anger that
no one dared not to fulfil his orders. On the contrary, all those
comprehended in the order, left the village immediately, for they
feared the threat of punishment. By that means after thus getting
rid of the evil humors of that body politic that troubled it, it
remained in its former health, and the great and estimable blessing
of peace followed.

19. After the execution of so heroic an action, the father prior
endeavored to welcome his new guests, whom he provided with all that
was needful for the continuation of their journey to Manila. They set
sail December 26, leaving Ours behind especially sad, because we were
defenseless if the traitor Màlong attempted any new persecution. They
were not deceived in their judgment, for the rebel angered at the lack
of effect produced by his letter, sent an order to Don Juan Dùrrey,
chief of the hamlet of Agno, to cut off the head of that illustrious
man without fail and to send it to him. That chief went to Bolinào
accompanied by another valiant Indian, and entered the convent for
the feast of the new year. He found the prior praying outside of his
cell, and the good religious imagining that he was come to ask aid,
began to exhort him especially to be loyal and offered him pardon
in the king's name. God giving force to these words, Dùrrey changed
his intention, and refused to kill the father of his spirit. But
the Indian who accompanied him, shutting his ears, like an asp, to
the voices of health, seeing that his chief would not do the deed,
unsheathed a weapon called igua in those parts, and approached quickly
in order to strike the father. But since the chiefs of the village
who had come to speak with the prior on a matter of moment, entered
at the same time, the Indian was completely embarrassed and both of
them were greatly confused. Thus can God, by so casual happenings,
set a hindrance to even greater fatalities, making use of the very
occurrence of secondary causes in order to free His servants from
the dangers that threaten them.

20. It appears that Màlong was not entirely satisfied with the order
that he had despatched to Dùrrey; for, aroused to anger he also ordered
Sumùlay to return to Bolinào in order to cut off the prior's head,
as well as the heads of all the other religious whom he might find
there. Sumùlay obeyed instantly, for he was confident that he still
had some well inclined to him in the village. He arrived at night, and
waiting until the morning of January 3, entered the convent at the time
that the venerable minister was about to go out with a rattan staff
in his hand in order to go to confess a sick man. Sumùlay attacked
him with a short sword, without any waste of arguments. The poor
religious, seeing himself involved in the worst kind of a conflict,
but infused with valor by the divine hand, beat back the first blows
with his cane, and defending himself with it, just as he might have
done with the best kind of a sword, seeing that no one came to his
aid, passed to the offensive. The cane had a long sharp steel point
and the father gave the aggressor so powerful a blow or thrust in
the breast, that he brought him to the earth grievously wounded. Then
the prior called out, whereupon the village chiefs came up. However,
they were remiss in arresting Sumùlay, but on the contrary favored
his retreat, and allowed him to go away after he recovered from
his wound. Consequently, when the prior returned from his confession
(whither he had not omitted to go, despite all the confusion), Sumùlay
no longer appeared. The prior had to put a good face on regarding the
ill behavior of his parishioners, in order not to put the village in
a worse condition, which, at least publicly, did not aid the seditious
ones as much as they could have done.




§ III

Arrival of the Manila fleet which was aided by our religious.
Destruction of the rebels.

21. Having now related what happened in the villages of Zambàles, and
the dangers which our religious suffered, let us turn our eyes toward
Manila, and see what preparations the government was taking in order
to meet so many depredations. Scarcely had father Fray Bernardino de
la Concepcion delivered his messages, when Don Sabiniano Manriquez de
Lara, governor of the islands, with extraordinary quickness mustered
an army of two hundred Spaniards, besides four hundred other soldiers,
consisting of Pampàngos, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizos. As general
he appointed the master-of-camp, Francisco de Esteybàr, a Visayan
noble, who in addition to his credit as so fine a soldier, appeared
a most observant religious in his habits. He was ordered to march
overland to Pangasinàn without loss of time. A fleet consisting of
four champans, two galleys, and six medium-sized vessels, which were
manned with many good soldiers, and a goodly supply of all sorts of
firearms were also prepared. This fleet was put in command of General
Don Phelipe de Ugalde, who was ordered to set out on the voyage at
once, and go to the port of Bolinào, where he was to confer with the
father prior, Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, whose counsel he was
to prize greatly. He was advised that he was not to attempt anything
ashore, until the arrival of Esteybàr, and their forces were united.

22. Everything was done in so short a time (to the contrary of what is
generally written of Spanish aid), that the father prior was advised by
the bantàyes or sentinels at dawn of January 5, that several vessels
were seen to be headed to the port, which as was judged from their
direction appeared to be from Manila. At nine in the morning the
fleet anchored in the port of Bolinào, which is about one-quarter
legua from the village. The father prior flew thither, with the
rapidity of one who is in search of consolation, for he was most
afflicted. Scarcely was he descried on the beach, when the general
sent a skiff for him. He was taken by the skiff to the flagship,
where he was received with repeated salvos of artillery. All the
men expressed mutual joy, which sprung from the bottom of the heart,
and were not superficial and born from the habit of deceit. Father
Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion returned as chaplain of the fleet,
because he urged the father provincial that he might do so, for he
considered his absence from the field of battle, where his comrades
were accomplishing so much for the crown, dishonorable to his valor
in the spiritual militia. When the mutual congratulations which
were exchanged between the father prior and those who composed the
relief were exhausted, the general gave the former a letter from the
governor. It read as follows:

"My Dear Father Fray Juan: Very sad has been the news that we have
had here of your Reverence and of the other fathers, and we were even
assured that you had all been killed. Consequently, the news from your
Reverence served me as a special source of joy, notwithstanding the
melancholy information contained therein of those insurrections. I
trust implicitly through God that your person will be kept safe for
the service of both Majesties. And I hope that that fleet which I have
been able to assemble quickly will keep you safe and that it will have
your Reverence's advice which I have ordered the general to receive as
you are a person of experience in that district. The army in charge of
General Esteybàr is ordered to make forced marches. And next to God,
I look for success in all things to your Reverence because you are
there. May God preserve you, etc. Manila, January 2, 1661.

Don Sabiniano"

23. The general and the prior then discussed many points in regard
to the order that was to be followed in the war. It was known that
the weapons of the insurgents were poisoned arrows which caused death
irremediably no matter how small a wound they made. And although there
is not wanting an antidote to counteract that danger, yet that secret
is known only by certain Indians who refused to disclose it because
they desired the insolent multitude to conquer. But the vigilance of
our religious had already shown its foresight in a matter of so great
weight, and availing himself of a chief of Bolinào, one Don Antonio
Dàcap, he had obtained from him the recipe for making the antidote;
and he had even prepared a large quantity of it, which he gave to the
general, in order that the latter might distribute it among the men of
the fleet, so that they might suffer no harm from the arrows. Ugalde
asked for some things which could not be prepared in Manila on account
of the haste [of their departure]: namely, bamboo and cowhide for
making parapets, small boats for use in shallow water; rice for the
crew; spears such as the Indians use, and certain shields or bucklers
which are called caràzas, in order to make use of them in default of
the firearms. He was provided with all that he asked immediately. After
these arrangements were made, the father prior advised the general,
notwithstanding the forced delay of the army as it was coming overland,
to go immediately with his fleet to the port of Suàl; for although
he could not begin operations until the arrival of Esteybàr, yet his
appearance with his vessels in Pangasinàn in sight of Lingayèn, would
be of great use in terrifying the rebels, and in encouraging the loyal.

24. The general did so, and although the prior desired to accompany
the fleet, the former would not consent, alleging as a reason therefor
that since Bolinào was so important a post, its conservation was
considered necessary, and the presence of the father religious was
inevitable for that, and also to provide the fleet with necessities
in the accidents of war. On that ever propitious and sacred day of
the Epiphany, after mass had been said, which was celebrated in the
flagship by the father prior, the fleet left the port of Bolinào. At
five in the afternoon it came within sight of Lingayèn, to the joy of
the religious of St. Dominic, who had retired there from almost all
of Pangasinàn, as it was the least exposed place. Until that moment
they had been besieged by constant frights. The general did not
dare to go ashore, as many crowds of people were seen on the beach,
who appeared to be hostile; as well as because he had yet no news
of the army, without which he had orders not to do anything, and he
had no forces for that. On that account the fleet kept tacking to
windward on one tack and another for the space of three days. But at
the end of that time, a felucca was seen to cross the bar of Lingayèn
headed toward the flagship. The father vicar of the said village came
aboard and informed the general that the Indians of that district,
although they had risen, were maintained in their insurrection with
great difficulty, and that without making pacts or contracts, desired
to surrender to the piety of the king, according to the arrangements
that he had already discussed with the chiefs. Consequently, in his
opinion, the men could disembark without the slightest fear.

25. A council of war was called to discuss the matter. The said father
vicar, and the father chaplain, Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion,
were given a vote with the others, as was right. All were of the
opinion that the general should land with all his soldiers in order
that he might place himself in a position of defense for whatever
might happen. But that was unnecessary, for the Indians received
him with the greatest proofs of surrender, and from that time the
village of Lingayèn, which is the capital of the province, was one of
the most safe villages. The rebels who were there fled, as they were
fearful of punishment. But at that same time, the sedition was very
much alive in the rest of the province; for Màlong treated those who
refused obedience to him with the utmost rigor unless they had forces
with which to resist him. This rigor was seen in his native place
Binalatòngan, which he reduced to ashes, and allowed his soldiers to
sack, as the Indians fearful of the Spaniards opposed his purposes. In
Ilòcos and Cagayàn, the provinces lying next to Pangasinàn, was
another Indian Don Juan Manzàno, who acted as Màlong's agent, and
who was general of his armies. He burned villages, killed Indians,
and reduced everything to the most fatal pass, because he claimed
that they denied obedience to our king.

26. On that account, Ugalde knew that the sword would be necessary
in order to cut the gordian knot of so obstinate an insurrection. He,
believing that since the Zambals were so valiant and were especially
experienced in the mountains, where the rebels had their haunts, they
could be of great use to the army, wrote the father prior of Bolinào
to procure a goodly levy of them, and send them out as soldiers,
with the assurance that he would give them help. That famous hero
went through the villages of Zambàles with the greatest diligence,
and collected about three hundred of the most faithful, valiant,
and well-intentioned Indians. They, furnished with their accustomed
arms, and the above-mentioned Don Antonio Dàcap, being appointed
master-of-camp with the necessary captains (whose titles the general
confirmed, as did afterward the governor, as a payment for their
good services) were despatched to Lingayèn, where they arrived on
the eighteenth of January. And in order that the joy of the fleet
might be complete, on the afternoon of that same day, the desired
news was received that the army of Esteybàr had entered the district
of Pangasinàn without having met any considerable disaster in its
difficult march. Thereupon, Ugalde arranged his troops, in order to
go to join him. When the two armies were united they began to work
together. They attacked Màlong first, and after several engagements,
the traitor was obliged to retire together with those who remained of
his men, to certain inaccessible mountains, where they imagined that
they would be safe. But here the valor of the Zambals shone forth,
for directed by father Fray Bernardino who never deserted them, they
pursued the rebels through crag and thicket, so that they compelled
them, defiling gradually one after the other, to surrender. Finally
Màlong himself fell into an ambush which was boldly set for him,
and he was seized on February 6 whereupon the Pangasinàn war ended.

27. But in order not to leave this matter without conclusion, we
must add that our army, immediately increased by some companies of
Pangasinans (a nation that declared itself entirely favorable to the
Spaniards as soon as Màlong was defeated), resolved after holding
a council of war to go immediately to Ilòcos for the purpose of
destroying Manzano. But he with few men because many had been lost
in several frays, retired to some desolate places where he built a
fort. Our captains attacked him, however, full in front, and inspired
by their example the soldiers and Indians, and conquered him. Many
of the enemy were slaughtered, and we on our side did not fail to
lose many, because the resistance was especially obstinate. Manzano
escaped thence with some few of his men, and hid in certain mountains,
but the Zambals, Pangasinans, and Cagayans pursued him, and finally,
the justice of our arms prevailed. For, in order that no spark might
be left which might kindle a new fire, he was also seized on March
22. Thus was that difficult war ended, which had caused Manila many
terrors, for it caused not a few fears to the Spaniards. Thereupon, the
provinces continued to become pacified. The governor Don Sabiniano,
in obedience to the action of the royal Audiencia, despatched a
commissary-general of causes, so that, forming a tribunal together
with Esteybàr, Ugalde, and other necessary ministers, he might make a
process in regard to those who had been most active among the rebels;
and after giving such persons the necessary punishment, publish a
general pardon, which would comprehend the remainder. It was reported
then that the judges proceeded with too great rigor, but I should not
be so bold as to impute that guilt to them, for they aimed to spread
a warning, without it ceasing to be very necessary.

28. The least thing that was seen in the disorders of so unjust a
rebellion was the deaths that were caused, notwithstanding that they
were numerous. There was seen vengeance clothed with zeal; ambition
usurping the staff of justice; tyranny proclaiming liberty; treason
applauded with adoration; and he who never knew the law of reason,
making laws. There were seen thefts, conflagrations, profanations
of the temples, persecutions, scorn, and the evangelical ministers
killed sacrilegiously; the Catholic religion abandoned in great part;
and the door opened to apostasy and infidelity. For what time, then,
is the purpose of inexorable justice, if it is not applied at such a
time? That was no sickness that could be cured by mild means when only
iron and fire were found capable of reëstablishing that vast body in
health, rigor exercised there being a preservative medicine for the
rest. And if, perchance, any innocent one paid what he did not owe, one
must reflect that public vengeance was inflicted by the hands of men,
who, although they try to work with equity, are after all only men,
and that they would cease to be men, if they proceeded without the
least defect in all things. At last among many others who suffered
the last punishment, Màlong was shot in Lingayèn, Caucào hanged in
Binalatòngan, Sumùlay in Bolinào, Sìrray in Masingloc, Dùrrey in Agno,
and Manzàno, in the village of Bacàrra, killed himself in order to
escape the hand of the hangman. But if some of them left the marks
of treason in the Zambal nation, which is ever valiant and loyal to
the king, most of them in number and rank, washed away that stain
more than clean. Everything yielded the great praise to the discalced
Augustinians, who were able, by their exhortations, to restrain and
maintain the loyalty of so many Indians of their districts, despising
for that purpose many perils.



§ IV

Relation of the insurrection of the Sangleys or Chinese and how our
religious aided in bringing about peace and victory.

29. Outside the walls of the city of Manila, under the cannon of the
plaza, there is a very thickly populated settlement called the Parién,
where a large number of Chinese live. Those people are known there
under the name of Sangleys. Although heathen they have been allowed to
reside there for the sake of commerce and because they are employed
in almost all the mechanical trades. It cannot be denied that that
nation fomented and maintained with aid and cunning the rebellions
of the Indians which we have just related. That is apparent, because,
when the alcalde-mayor Don Francisco Pulido was killed in Pangasinàn,
some Sangleys were found among the rebels, who contrived that under
cover of the small boats they might capture the large vessel where
the alcalde-mayor was defending his life very gallantly; and on the
arrival of our naval fleet to explore the beach of Lingayèn, there
were seen there many armed men, consisting of Sangleys and Indians,
as is affirmed by Father Santa Cruz, in volume 2 of his Dominican
history of the Philipinas. [10] But it is still more fully shown by
the many bodies of Sangleys which were found in the field whenever
there was an engagement with the rebels, for on all occasions they
served the Indians as auxiliaries. Let us examine the motive for the
Chinese taking part in a war that concerned them so little.

[Here follows a brief description of China and an account of the
victories of the Tartars about this time, the alliance of the pirate
Kuesing with the legitimate Chinese king Junglie, and following
the latter's death, the retreat of the pirate to Formosa whence he
expels the Dutch. His design to make the conquest is also related,
and his embassy by Father Victorio Riccio to Manila, demanding "prompt
vassalage, and a huge tribute from the islands, and threatening the
most bloody war if Spaniards and Indians did not obey this obligation
and recognize him as king." The Chinese in Manila, hating the Tartars
and favorable to Kuesing, begin to raise disturbances. Their anger
is also further aroused by a commercial treaty between the Spaniards
and the Tartar emperor of China. But little attention is paid to
the Chinese of the Parián, however, but both interior and exterior
fortifications are strengthened and constructed in case of an attack
by Kuesing. The narrative continues:]

34. For this purpose some scaffolds were built outside the wall so
that the pioneers might work comfortably. This, which was a means
for fortification, might, had not the divine aid intervened, have
been the cause of the loss of the city, the center of the faith in
Assia and a firm column of the Catholic religion. For the Sangleys
determined with the utmost secrecy not to let the opportunity slip,
but, on the contrary, to seize time by the forelock, and to climb
in great numbers by night by means of those scaffolds which were
not guarded in proportion to the danger. They thought that if they
did so, and first gained the wall by an unexpected and furtive rush
they could obtain the mastery of the city immediately without any
opposition. In fact they would have planned well had it not been that
God tied their hands. It happened, then, that the father sacristan of
our convent going down one morning to arrange the altar of the Santo
Ecce Homo (an image of which mention was made in volume iii, [11] as
well as the great devotion that Governor Don Sabiniano had for it),
found at its divine feet a message reading as follows: "Governor,
guard thy city, for they are trying to take thee by surprise." The
sacristan immediately put that message into the hands of the father
prior. The latter, considering that no one had to hide himself in
order to give such advice, (for, if it were true, any person would
be assured of a not small reward), he formed the concept that that
notice came from the hand of God; and above all that it would be well
to inform the governor of it. For where there are so many enemies,
the most careful watch is none too much.

35. Consequently, he took the message to the governor, to whom he told
the manner in which he had found it. The prudent superior not only
esteemed the caution, but he doubled his care and vigilance by visiting
the walls and sentinels hourly. But on the morning of the following
day, another more detailed paper was found in the same place, which
read as follows: "Governor, guard thy city. Remove the scaffoldings
from the walls, and do not trust anyone, for the enemy are very
near thee." The father prior also took that message to the governor,
alleging that because of his quality as a good vassal, he could not
avoid giving him that annoyance. But the governor was not annoyed
but instead thanked him again and again, and in his presence had an
adjutant, one Don Joseph Zamora, summoned, and ordered the latter to
remove the scaffolding of the walls, and double the guards in all the
posts. It was afterwards learned how important the arrangement that
has been practiced had been, for it was discovered when the deserved
punishment was meted out to the insurgents that the surprise of the
city was to have been attempted on the night following that day, but
that they had not succeeded because what was to have served them as
a ladder had been removed.

36. The Sangleys seeing the destruction of their designs, resolved,
at the beginning of the year 1662, to arm suddenly one day, with
the weapons which came first to hand, and to take the city openly,
for they trusted too much to their valor. There is a gate in the
city called the gate of the Parián, which gives on the Sangley
settlement, and innumerable numbers of that nation enter the city
through it hourly. They would find it easy if some of them were to
make themselves masters of this gate, for the others to enter the
city armed. By a special Providence of God, as brother Fray Diego
de Santa Ana, one of our religious lay-brothers, went to adjust an
account with a certain Sangley, on the morning of the day on which
they had resolved to make the attack, he observed that the Chinese
were in great disorder, and he even heard some words indicative of
arrogance, and that they were premeditating some sedition. The brother
understood the Chinese language somewhat, and having conceived the
said suspicion, he went about the Parián carefully and joined in
conversation cunningly with several Sangley acquaintances. By that
means originated the confirmation of his fears. He advised a captain of
everything, who took him into the presence of the governor so that he
might inform the latter. Upon receiving that information, the guards
of the gates and of the walls were doubled without any confusion,
and most opportune orders were given secretly for the artillerymen
and soldiers to be prepared to resist any attack.

37. Scarce six o'clock could have struck, when the Sangleys advanced
to the gate of the city in a confused mass, with such violence that
doubtless they would have gained it, had our men not been so prepared
for its defense. With the regular discharge of the artillery, and
with the muskets of the guards, many of them were killed. At that
misfortune the others retired as furiously as they had begun the
attack. But honoring our discalced religious greatly the governor
was wont to say whenever he saw brother Fray Diego, that next to the
patronage of the Santo Ecce Homo, the defense of the city was due to
his opportune advice. The enemy having been repulsed in this manner, a
portion of them, about two thousand, threw themselves into the river in
order to cross it. About three hundred of them having perished there,
the others fled to the mountains. As they passed it, they left our
convent and church of San Sebastian reduced to ashes. Its building
had been finished but a short time before, as it had been burned
during another insurrection. It could not but cause time and trouble
to reduce those rebels, but it was accomplished at last although
accompanied with the shedding of much blood. They were pursued on
one side by the Pampango Indians and on the other by the Zambals,
who were led and captained by our religious. The remaining Sangleys,
who reached the number of ten thousand, took their stand on the field
in front of the walls, thus causing not a little anxiety to Manila. But
they were so disposed that, anticipating a general pardon, conceded by
the governor, with the exception of some few leaders, before nightfall
they were all subdued, and that troubled sea was totally calm.

38. Father Palanco, [12] a Dominican, declared very truly in the
memorial which he presented to the king, on that rebellion of
the Sangleys, "that all the Orders worked and aided with singular
vigilance on that occasion exposing their lives to the service of
both Majesties." For the individuals of all the orders endeavored to
excel, as ever, in their zeal and deeds, now by taking arms to go to
the defense of the walls, just as the most ordinary soldier might do;
now imploring divine clemency with supplications and prayers; and anon
assisting with advice and information. But there is no doubt that,
as is inferred from the abovesaid, our Recollects had a great share
in that victory, and that they shared considerably in the dangers of
the war. Thus are they able without failing in their obligations as
evangelical ministers, to serve their earthly king on all occasions,
as professors of both militias.

[Sections v-vii relate the lives of various Recollects, both priests
and lay-brothers, who died in Spanish convents at this time. No one
of them had been in the Philippine missions.]




CHAPTER II

Our province of Philipinas extends its apostolic preaching to the
districts called Contracosta [i.e., the opposite coast]. FatherFray
Agustin de San Ildephonso, a learned and holy religious, dies in
Tobòso.


The Year 1662


§ I

The missions of the Contracosta, whither the preaching has spread,
are received into our province of Philipinas, and four convents
are founded.

64. [The Philippines, says our author, may be regarded as the limits
of the earth, and hence the text of Isaias xviii, 2, may be regarded
as spoken of the Philippines, in which the gospel is to be published.]

65. In obedience to the insinuation of that text, even before the
roots necessary for its subsistence had been fixed our discalced
congregation despatched apostolic missionaries to the above-mentioned
islands, in order that they might be illumined by the splendors
of the evangelical doctrine, and enriched by the examples of its
angelic perfection. It was not content with that first squadron,
for the undertaking commenced has been prosecuted at various times,
and a great number of its sons have been sacrificed to an undertaking
as arduous as useful. We have already seen in the preceding volumes,
the greatness of their actions in the conversion of the most terrible
peoples of that archipelago, in Zambàles, Carahaga, Calamiànes, and
the islands of Romblòn. In this volume we shall treat of the spread
of the faith, which was extended into other villages, a proof that
new zeal has ever been gathered, also born of the salvation of their
neighbors. But at present we shall speak of a new field, which was
handed over to the cultivation of our ever sure workers in the island
of Luzòn and the Contracosta of Manila. And although that field was
abandoned afterwards for lack of evangelical ministers, there is no
reason why endeavors so meritorious should be forgotten. Let our pen,
therefore, be busied in the relation of these labors.

66. The island of Luzòn, which is the largest and chiefest of the
Philipinas, has the appearance of an arm somewhat bent, according to
the description of father Fray Juan Francisco de San Antonio. [13]
It has a circumference of more than four hundred Spanish leguas, and
lies between twelve and nineteen degrees of latitude. Not far from the
point of San Tiago, which we shall pretend to be the elbow of this arm,
journeying thence toward cape Bogeador, lies the great bay of Manila,
in the center of which this city is located. It is the capital of all
the possessions of the Spanish scepter in these islands. Lapping the
walls of Manila is a large river which empties at that place into
the sea. By it one ascends to the Lake of Bay, and on the opposite
shore of that lake one finds the village of Sinilòan. Thence to the
port of Lampòn, which is located on the Contracosta of Manila, and
comes to be as it were, inside of the arm, one need only pass the
mountains of Daraètan, and Cabòan, which is a crossing of five or
six leguas. Consequently, in order to go by sea from Manila to the
port of Lampòn, one must sail about one hundred and forty leguas;
but by ascending the river and crossing over the lake to Sinilòan,
and crossing the mountains of Daraètan and Cabòan there is scarce
twenty leguas of distance.

67. In the environs, then, of the port of Lampòn, following the coast
opposite the bay of Manila, are the districts of Binangònan, Balèr,
Casigùran, and Palànan composed of various villages and collections
of huts. The first three belonged at first to the alcaldeship
or province of Mindòro. Since in the year 1588, the discalced
Franciscan fathers Fray Estevan Ortiz and Fray Juan de Pòrras were
destined to that jurisdiction, they gathered most seasonable fruits
in the above-mentioned districts, having sown there the seed of the
Catholic name. However, having been called to other parts by their
obedience, they could not further the Church in those districts, much
as they desired it. The venerable martyr, Fray Francisco de Santa
Maria, completed the perfection of the work, by forming the three
above-mentioned missions with a sufficient number of the faithful
who were withdrawn from the darkness of paganism by the influences
of a zeal so seraphic. Afterwards other workers of the same family
extended their missions down the beach toward the province of Cagayàn
or Nueva Segovia, and founded the village and district of Palànan. With
that there were four missions situated on that Contracosta, and the
Franciscan province kept the administration of them in their own hands
for many years. They hoped that, although there were but few people
and conveniences, as the mountains which were peopled by pagans were
near by, they could continue ever to increase the flock of Christ,
as they did do without ceasing, the sword of the evangelical preaching
fencing with the advantage gained by repeated triumphs. [14]

68. But since in this time with which the history is concerned,
the boat of the above-mentioned province found itself with a great
quantity of fish in its nets, and with few fishers in its number for
the support of the work, they called to their aid the individuals of
our holy province. Nothing more than a sign was necessary to make them
hasten thither, expressing their thanks for the opportunity. Although
I have been unable to ascertain the year with certainty, I have
foundation for the conjecture that in the chapter celebrated in the
year 1662, the Franciscan fathers invited our Recollect family to
take the above-mentioned missions of the Contracosta. They alleged
that they were unable to attend to so many villages, whose care
devolved upon them, because of the lack of religious. They promised
to cede those missions to the Recollects, and not to retain any right
of reversion. Those missions were not very desirable, both because
of the wretchedness of the earth, and because of the small number
of tributes that they contained. For, although they had increased
greatly with the new conversions, they only contained 4,800 Christian
souls in the year 1738, as was asserted by the historian of that
seraphic province. [15] But our Recollect order has obtained a
writ which was gained in Philipinas to occupy the least profitable
posts so far as earth is concerned, but the most meritorious in
the heavens. Consequently, those zealous fathers received that work
immediately, and forthwith assigned evangelical ministers to cultivate
the new vineyard, increasing the rational vines in it with the care
and zeal which the seraphic workers had managed to exert thitherto.

69. In consequence of this, the province chose father Fray Benito
de San Joseph, Fray Francisco de San Joseph, and Fray Clemente
de San Nicolàs, with three others whose names we have been unable
to discover. They took formal charge of the districts and founded
the following convents. Near the bay and port of Lampòn, somewhat
inland toward the mountain, is located the village of Binangònan,
and there the first house and church was established with the title
of San Guillermo. Two religious were left there. The Tagálog language
is spoken in that territory, although it belongs to the province of
Tayàbas and to the bishopric of Camarìnes, or as it is called, Nueva
Càceres. The ministers assigned to that village attended to various
scattered collections of huts along the bays of Lampòn and Umirèy,
as well as to the reduction of the infidels which extends along
the neighboring mountains for the distance of twelve or fourteen
leguas. Going thence following the coast to the north, one meets
the river and village of Valèr. Another convent was founded there,
titular and patron of which was St. Nicholas of Tolentino. It belongs
to the same language, province, and bishopric, as the other. Only
one religious was stationed there, although afterward, according to
the times, two lived there. They tended to the mission which was very
laborious because of its size, and labored in the conversion of the
Aetas, heathen of the neighboring mountains, which allow passage from
Valèr to the province of Pampànga through the territory of Patabàngan
and Santòr, by a not long, but very rough road.

70. Sailing along the same coast toward Cape Engaño one comes to the
bay of Casigùran, which has a circumference of twelve leguas. On its
shore is located the village of the same name. The third convent was
erected there and was given the title of our father St. Augustine. It
belongs also to the Tagálog language, the province of Tayàbas, and
the bishopric of Camarìnes. Two religious resided there generally,
and sometimes three, for they extended their administration to many
leguas of coast, and their zeal for the spread of the faith to the
extensive mountains near by, which being filled with Aètas, blacks,
and Calìngas heathen gave worthy although most toilsome occupation
to the messengers of the law of grace. From one extremity of the bay
of Casigùran, the point called San Ildephonso protrudes three leguas
seaward. At its head end the province of Tayàbas and the bishopric
of Camarìnes. Having doubled that point, and after one has navigated
ten or twelve leguas northward one comes to the village and district
of Palànan, which belongs to the bishopric and province of Cagayàn
or Nueva Segovia. The fourth convent is founded there, and bears
the title of Santa Maria Magdalena. And although all the religious
who could be assigned to that mission illumined it, considering
the lack of them from which this holy province usually suffers,
yet notwithstanding this, it could always be said that the harvest
was great and the laborers few. For besides the Christians already
reduced, the fathers had to contend with an innumerable number of
heathen who overran the neighboring mountains for a distance of more
than thirty leguas from the point of San Ildephonso to Cape Engaño.

71. I assert that I have several times heard from fathers Fray Valero
de San Salvador and Fray Silvestre de la Purificacion (who passed a
considerable portion of their well-employed lives in those missions,
and whom I knew in Manila, and who attained a venerable and exemplary
age) that from the admission of that territory by our province to
the year 1704, the multitude of infidels who were turned by the
preaching of our brothers from the unhappy liberty of paganism to
the mild yoke of the Catholic faith, was vast. For, notwithstanding
that there were three or four epidemics in all those villages in
the above-named period, which occasioned the death of an excessive
portion of the old Christians, the settlements were replaced by
those newly converted. Consequently, the lack was not observed, for
the same number of tributes were collected for the king during the
latter years as during the first. This same thing is attested by the
documents and depositions that I have before me, which designate the
Recollect religious who lived on the Contracosta with the character
of laborers in the living missions because of the many souls that
their apostolic zeal drew to the sheepfold of the Church.

72. But notwithstanding that, the fruit must have caused entire
consolation as it was so visible, and given greater earnestness to
continue. That fatal interruption of missions in which no workers
of our Recollect family passed to Philipinas from España from the
year 1692 to that of 1710, having occurred, the province found it
impossible to give, as it had done hitherto six or eight religious for
those missions because their exhaustion made them needed for other
missions. Although our brothers were more than men in their zeal,
in material work they could do nothing more than men. Therefore, it
was impossible to look after so great an employ as they had in their
charge, since they had so few subjects. And already it is seen that
if necessity obliged them to abandon any district, it must be that of
the Contracosta. They did not regard that as a conquest proper, but
as received in trust. It was so, for in the provincial chapter held
in the year 1704, after that apostolic province had possessed those
doctrinas and convents for more than forty years, it was resolved to
abandon them all, and return them to their first masters, the religious
of St. Francis, as they could not attend to their administration. Those
seraphic workers, learning the reason; took new charge of those souls
in order to attend to them with the bread of the instruction. On this
account, the above-mentioned convents do not now belong to the order,
and the villages of the Contracosta are not in our charge. But the
narration of the so plausible readinesss practiced by our oldtime
heroes has been deemed indispensable. In due time, namely, the year
1703, when the prodigious life of the venerable mantelata [16] Juana
de Jesus, whose virtue sprang from the teaching of our religious, is
related, one will see that with that fruit alone all their evangelical
attempts can be considered as well employed.

[The second and last section of this chapter deals with the life of
Fray Agustin de San Ildephonso, who died in the convent of Toboso,
Spain, during this year 1662. He was never in the Philippines.]

[Section i of chapter iii treats of the seventh general chapter of the
order, which was held in Alcalá de Henares in 1663. Sections ii and
iii narrate the life of Fray Juan de San Antonio, an ex-provincial of
the Philippines. Born of a noble family in Granada, he early showed
great precocity and attained proficiency in his studies while very
young. Being strongly called to the religious life he entered the
Recollect convent at Granada, September 13, 1617, at the age of
twenty and professed the following year. After a short course in
theology he went to Mexico in 1619, whence after another course in
theology in that city he was sent to Manila, where he was ordained
priest after a third theological course, in 1621. The following
year found him master of novitiates in Manila convent. Although his
parents obtained permission for him to return to Spain, in 1624, he
preferred to remain in the field which he had chosen. That same year
he was prior of the convent of Igaquet and was later occupied in many
missions, especially in Calamianes. In 1635 he was elected definitor,
and desirous of preaching the gospel in Japan, made two attempts
to penetrate that empire, both of which were failures, the second
time sickness not even allowing him to leave the Philippines. He was
elected prior of Manila convent in 1638 and after his three years'
term worked again in the missions of Calamianes and composed two
hooks in the language of that district, one of moral sermons and
the other an explanation of the catechism. In 1644 he was elected
provincial almost by acclamation. His term was a busy one, and a
number of churches and convents were erected during it. During the
disastrous earthquake of 1645, he rendered distinct service. He began
the repair of the Recollect church and convent of Manila, which had
been partially destroyed by the earthquake. At the end of his term he
retired to his cell in Manila, but became implicated in some way with
the civil-religious troubles that rose during the governorship of Diego
Faxardo, and he was arrested in 1651 and sent to Marivelez. With the
change of government, he returned to Manila, and then retired to the
Cavite convent, where he died from an illness in January 1663. He was
pure minded and austere in his devotions. The fourth and last section
of this chapter narrates the life of a Recollect who died in 1663 at
the convent of Zaragoza, Spain.]

[Chapter iii recounts the lives of three Recollect religious who died
in the year 1664, only the first of whom was in the Philippines. This
was Fray Joseph de la Anunciacion, and his life is discussed in the
first two sections. He was born in Madrid and took the Recollect
habit in that city, October 8, 1615. He was chosen for the Philippine
missions and arrived at Manila in 1623. Most of his work in the
islands was as Spanish preacher, and his work lay principally in the
convents of Manila, San Juan, San Sebastian, Cavite, and Cebú. He did
considerable work among the native Filipinos, the Chinese, mestizos,
negroes, and mulattoes, ever in the Spanish language, but he was able
to adapt himself well to their degree of intelligence. His preaching
was especially effective in the city of Cebú which was more densely
populated in his time than a century later. His influence was far
reaching among all classes. Twice he was elected provincial of his
order--April 8, 1635, and May 7, 1650. His terms were active and
productive of good work. Recollects began their work in the island of
Romblon under his directions, and he attempted to send missionaries to
Japan. During his term also Recollects were successful in pacifying
many disaffected districts. His death occurred in the Cebú convent
of which he was prior at the time.]




CHAPTER VIII

Treating of the hardships endured by our religious in Philipinas,
because of various persecutions that occurred in our fields of
Christendom.

The year 1668




§ I

Abridged relation of the persecutions of our holy faith in Philipinas,
from the year 1640 to the year under consideration, 1668, and which
are not mentioned in the preceding volumes.

307. He who would like to know what manner of province is ours in
Philipinas and its height of love to God and its neighbor, which
that Lord has given to it, who is so well able to inculcate charity,
must not be governed only by the immense zeal of its individuals in
alluring souls into the sheepfold of the Church but as well by the
continual persecutions which they have suffered in order that they
might maintain that field of Christendom in the purity of the faith,
despising their lives at each step in order to preserve it. The
lack of fear of death, by which those valiant soldiers of the God
of armies have sustained the field of battle against all the power
of the gates of hell, is doubtless one of the greatest of miracles
which divine Providence has hung in its temple in this world, to
the no small glory of these provinces of España, that have become
such marvels of charity through so good milk, that they consider
and have considered it an honor to suffer and even to die, in order
to defend that harassed church. Many events in confirmation of this
truth are drawn With most accurate brush in the preceding volumes
of this history. By them one may see that our brothers have left us
examples worthy of imitation by incessantly placing in practice the
highest perfection of exposing their lives to death for the assistance
and consolation of certain poor Indians, that they might encourage
them in the continual invasions of the Moros. But notwithstanding the
great skill that accompanied the painters of so idealistic canvasses,
I find in a lower degree not a few pictures worthy of immortality,
for without doubt the colors of the notices were lacking, which are
so indispensable to form the pictures in the painting of history. I
having obtained trustworthy relations of the many misfortunes that
assaulted our fields of Christendom and their directors from the
year 1640 until the present of 1668, which is under consideration, it
would not be laudable to leave such trophies buried in forgetfulness,
although the copy, which would have been most accurate if done by
the brushes of the other writers, be disfigured.

308. To continue; Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuèra, governor of
Philipinas, thought that by building and garrisoning some strongholds
in Tolò [i.e., Joló], an island which is given over to the perfidy
of Mahomet and is the nesting place of the robbers of the whole
archipelago, he could restrain its inhabitants by preventing them
from going to our villages with their fleets as they had done until
that time, with the sequel of innumerable depredations. He put that
idea into practice in the year 1638, after the conclusion of the
war with the koran, in the beginning of which when the sword was
drawn the scabbard was thrown away. But neither his valor nor that
diligence were sufficient for the attainment of his end. For in the
year 1640, now by the Joloans themselves, and now by means of the
Borneans their allies, and now by making use of their vassals who
inhabited the adjacent islands, they tried to find in sea surprises
some betterment of their fortune or some havoc by which to temper
it. With that object they attacked missions belonging to our reformed
order both boldly and treacherously in the districts of Calamiànes,
Butuàn, and Cagayang; and it is a fact that we always had the worst
of it in those wars. They committed depredations very much to their
liking, with the boldness that their greed gave them and with the
severity which their hatred to the evangelical law inspired in
them. The captives who were taken in our villages on that occasion
numbered three hundred and more. The churches were ruined, the holy
images profaned, the evangelical ministers became fugitives in the
mountains, the sheep were scattered as their shepherds could not attend
to them with their watchful eye, the villages were reduced to ashes,
and all of those fields of Christendom became the necessary object
of the most bitter lamentation.

309. They did almost the same thing in the three following years,
and there was no means of taking worthy satisfaction from enemies so
inhuman who, like wild and hellish beasts, destroyed a great portion
of the rich patrimony of Christ which had flourished in that country
under the care of our discalced order. The devastation was so general
that it appears to have been presaged by heaven with very extraordinary
portents. For on the fourth day of January, 1640, a volcano suddenly
burst forth in the island of Sanguiz, not far from the cape of San
Agustin in the island of Mindanao, which showed very rare and unusual
results. For the ashes, rocks, and burning material which it cast up
traveled for many leguas as far as Zebù. Noises like artillery were
heard, which caused the Spanish garrisons to get under arms, and
the day grew dark from ten in the morning, so that it seemed pitch
black night. The same thing happened in another volcano in an islet
opposite the bar of the river of Jolò. There was a furious hurricane
in the island of Luzòn up toward the province of Ilòcos in the part
where the Igolòtes live. That hurricane was followed by the most
frightful earthquake, and the earth swallowed up three inaccessible
mountains with as many settlements which were located at the foot of
the mountains, and in the space left a large lake was formed. Such
was the noise at the dislocation of the huge mass of those mountains,
that it was heard not only in all the Philipinas Islands and in
Malùco but also in the kingdoms of Cochinchina, China, and Cambòja,
throughout a circumference of more than nine hundred leguas. So great
was the persecution that it was believed to have been announced by
the so great heaping together of surprises and misfortunes. [17]

310. But the time when the Moros gave full rein to their barbaric fury,
was from the beginning of the year 1645, for then they were freed
from the terror that had been caused them by Corcuèra who had just
been succeeded in the government of the islands by the master-of-camp
Don Diego Fajardo. The arrival also of two ships well manned with
Dutchmen at Jolò and which had been asked for by Prince Salicàla, the
heir to the scepter, for the purpose of destroying the strongholds
which the Spaniards held in the said island, gave them at that time
a motive for employing greater power in their piracies. Although
the commandant of those strongholds, Don Estevan de Orella Hugalde,
caused the enemy to return to their factories badly the losers,
and without having obtained the end of their attempt, the Joloans
were able, through their protection, to launch three squadrons which
filled our villages with fear and confusion. It is no new thing in
that continent for the heretics to lend arms to the pagans and to
the Mahometans in order to put down the Christian name. A savage
end it is to pit themselves for the private ends of trade and in a
religious war, on the side of the koran and of idolatry, which they
themselves condemn, against the gospel, which they persecute with
fury. The three fleets went out then, for their campaign, and not
having anyone to oppose them, the enemy filled their boats with what
they called spoils, took about two hundred captives, persecuted our
religious as ever, with mortal hate, and destroyed fifteen villages,
almost all of them of our spiritual administration, and they filled
Calamiànes especially with bitterness and grief.

311. The Dutch were not content with protecting the Moros, in order
that they might persecute the name of Christ, but they themselves tried
to drive that name from all that archipelago. Among all the disunited
members of the Spanish monarchy, which the Dutch have endeavored to cut
off from it, (in order that their power might wax more formidable at
the expense of another) they have ever cast their eyes on the honorable
and wealthy dominion of the Philipinas Islands. That country is such
for their designs and trade, that better could not be desired: both
because from there they were assured of all the trade of China, Japòn,
Cochinchina, Cambòja, and the Malùcas; and because they were guaranteed
the best woods for the building of their ships that can be found on
the whole round earth. For that reason, the Dutch have left no stone
unturned in all times if it pertained to the maxim of their desire,
as can be deduced from several passages which are to be found in the
previous decades and are necessary for the intelligence of the history
that is treated in them. [18] The year, then, of 1646, they were seen
with fifteen warships. With five of them they besieged the district of
Playahònda, while seven of them were stationed in the Embocadero or
strait of San Bernardino, and the remaining three filled the islands
of the Pintados with fear. Our villages of Masìnloc, Iba, Marivèlez,
Romblòn, Bantòn, and Surigào, suffered more harm and vexation than
usual, of which the greater part touched the religious ministers.

312. Two galleons left Cavìte and fought first with five ships and
twice afterwards with seven, and obtained three victories which were
clearly miraculous. For they destroyed the enemy, without receiving
any special damage, and the enemy were compelled to abandon their
attempts for the nonce. Although father Fray Balthassar de Santa
Cruz attributes all of the prodigy to Our Lady of the Rosary with
sufficient foundation, [19] we, while confessing the might of so
holy a warrior, must suggest that St. Nicholas of Tolentino had no
small part in it, whom the soldiers, persuaded by two Recollects, as
is mentioned in volume 3 of this history, who served as chaplains in
our small fleet, also invoked as the sworn patron of those seas. [20]
But under shelter of the Dutch enemy, who continued their attempts
with no more success the two following years, the Moros, always
emboldened, transgressed all bounds, attacking ceaselessly the
villages of the Spanish dominion. For, although Corralàt, king of
Mindanào, kept quiet during so dangerous a season for reasons of his
own convenience, and had even acted as mediator so that Butria Bòngso,
king of Jolò should make peace with our arms, which was done April 14,
1646, none of all that was sufficient to give quiet to that field
of Christendom. Mahometan perfidy took the pretext that the Joloan
Prince Salicàla and Paguyàn Cachile, prince of the Guinbanos, [21]
and seignior of Tuptup in Bornèy, should refuse to sign the peace. With
that excuse those princes, aided in secret by those kings, peopled the
sea with boats and caused unspeakable damage to Calamiànes, Camiguìn,
and Romblòn.

313. That was not the only fatal consequence that followed from those
inhuman premises which were set by the Dutch. For if we had thitherto
seen the aliens fighting against the faith, from the year 1649 the
very sons of the Church worked for its destruction. The Dutch incited
the Indians, already Christian and subject, to withdraw themselves
from the mild yoke of Spain, the country which had drawn them from
the darkness of paganism, and kept them on the road to salvation. Nor
were they deaf to the voices filled with the fraud most difficult to
recognize, for since they carried the agreeable sound of liberty, they
secretly induced them to undergo the most tyrannical subjection; and
God permitting by His secret judgments excessive flights to audacity
and shamelessness for the credit of the virtuous and the crown
of the just; the most cowardly of nations were seen with surprise
and the nakedness of the Indians was armed against the invincible
sword of the Spaniards. The insurrection began in the village of
Palapàg in the province of Hibabào in the island of Sàmar, whence the
good outcome of the first action traveling on the wings of unsteady
report, found minds so ready throughout the islands of Pintàdos, that
(just as if the counsel were common, and they were only awaiting the
signal in order to do it), the temples were burned in many places,
and sacred things profaned. The evangelical ministers fled, and the
rebels retiring to the loftiest mountains, imagined that they could
defend their former barbarity there.

314. Our reformed order had enough things to bewail in those
revolutions; for in addition to the tragedies of Linao, which
are related in volume 3, [22] the villages of Cagayàng, Camiguin,
Hingòog, Romblòn, Bantòn, and Cibuyàn added wood to the fire of the
sedition. If the promised help of the Dutch had come over and above
the boldness of the Indians, it is inferred that what had taken so
many years to conquer would have been lost in a few days. But God
who always punishes as a father those who try to serve Him, measured
the times so accurately, that amid the echoes of the insurrection,
the proclamations of the peace which had been arranged between España
and Olanda resounded in Manila. With that the Catholic arms were freed
from their chastisement, and all things returned to their pristine
quiet. That was not the case with the Moros, who were then and for
many years after, the perennial enemies of that afflicted field of
Christianity. Barbarously blinded in their treacherous gains as if it
were a thing done, they made a practice of going every year to take
captives in the islands of our administration, often outraging the
temples sacrilegiously and not a single one that was near the beach
escaped profanation and they utterly abused everything intended for
religious worship, with great scorn to the name of Christian. They
cut the sacred vestments, into robes and other garments [capisayos],
and they destined the ciboriums and sacred chalices to the dirty use
of their wine, tobacco, and buyo.

315. But it did not so happen, I return to say. For notwithstanding
that they were a terror every year from that of 1649 to 1655 because
of their piracies, now in some and now in other parts, they remained
without the due punishment although so sacrilegious insults demanded
it so justifiably. Without fear of our arms, they overran those
seas at will, trusting their security to their swiftness; for their
boats were built on purpose for piracy, and ours compared to theirs
of lead. It happened not once only that they were taken because of
carelessness between the bars of the rivers with forces sufficient to
make one consider their destruction sure; but they got out laughing
on one side or the other, amid the discharge of their artillery. And
the forces of Manila, Zebù, Zamboàngan, and Carhàga, which were not
despicable squadrons, served no other purpose than to scare off the
evil, so that the persecution might be enormously expanded. They
carried their insolence so far that two small vessels with but
small crews, dashed into the bay of Manila one of the above years,
and almost in sight of that capital, seized a caracoa from Iloilo
with the rich cargo aboard it. Then they went out haughtily, and no
one could take their prize from them, or punish their arrogance. In
view of this one may infer how harassed were the distant villages,
and how filled with tribulations were our religious ministers, who
ever occupied the most advanced and dangerous posts.

316. It even transcended the tragic representation of so doleful
misfortunes, when in the year 1655 Corralàt, king of Mindanào,
proclaimed war against the Christian name. He began his treachery by
the inhuman murders of two fathers of the Society whom their rank as
ambassadors, which is so greatly respected by the law of nations, did
not aid. That prince was in Philipinas what Gustavus Adolphus, king
of Suecia, was in Alemania, namely, the thunderbolt of Lucifer, the
scourge of Catholicism, and the Attila of the evangelical ministers,
who never practiced courtesy toward them except when force or some
reason of state compelled him so to do. For his private convenience
he had pretended that he was peaceful in public during the preceding
years. But now with no other reason than his fury, he gave license
to his vassals to infest the Christian villages; and they did it
like a river which overflows its bed, after having rid itself of
the embarrassment of its dikes. He was not content with that, but in
order to give greater flights to his impiety, he excused it among the
neighboring Moros under the name of a religious war; and under that
title he invited to it the Borneans, Tidorans, and Joloans, so that
confederated with him into one body they might unfurl the banners of
the perfidious Mahomet, without stopping until they utterly destroyed
the law of grace.

317. He incited so great an uprising against that straitened field
of Christendom that, although the previous persecutions that the
Moros had practiced against it were so inhuman, (as may be seen in
the places of this history cited in the margin) [23] they were all
assuredly less intolerable than those which were now incited; for now
fury and barbarity were carried to the extreme. That was so fierce
that disinterested pens did not hesitate to compare it with the last
of antichrist; so persevering, that until the year 1668, of which this
history is treating, and the year when the relations which we follow
end, there was not a single instant of rest; so shameless that ruin was
seen almost at the very gates of Manila; and so universal that but few
villages of our administration escaped being the theater of war and
the lamentable object of its misfortunes. This is a brief compendium
of the tragic events which happened in the Philippine church, which
was surrounded on all sides by the waters of contradiction, as is
the territory of those islands by the salt waves of the sea. This
is a sketch of the cold winds, which, notwithstanding the heat of
its climate, parched in great part the wavy exuberance of that leafy
garden, so abounding in the flowers of Christianity and the mature
fruits of virtue. Let us now consider with the most possible brevity,
a concise sketch of the glory which was obtained by our discalced
order in return for the hardships which overwhelmed its evangelical
workers at so calamitous a time. We warn the reader that we shall
follow no other chronological order than chance offers.




§ II

Of the hardships of our religious during these persecutions. The
venerable father, Fray Antonio de San Agustin, dies at the hands of
the Moros, in glorious martyrdom.

318. In the above-mentioned pillaging, [24] which God permitted for
so many years, the Moros were triumphant, the Catholic arms rebuffed,
the Christian villages without other defense than that of heaven,
and the Indians drowned in the sea of tribulations. Moreover, as the
sword of the persecutor, also that of greed and vengeance, was moved
by the hatred of our holy faith, the direction of its greatest force
was toward the sowers of the gospel. Daily did religious who had been
driven from their ministries and missions bring to Manila news of
entire villages ruined, the outcries of priests who had been captured,
and letters which announced the death of others. All was confusion,
all lamentation, all chaos, where the enemies of God were trying
to elevate their throne in the darkness upon so bloody and confused
injustice. It has already been seen that our Recollects had to suffer
greatly, since they occupy the vanguard of the army of God in Carhàga
and Calamianes; but that was irremediable in so disastrous a storm. The
ship was seen to be buffeted hither and yon by the waves; and it was
impossible that the sailors should not suffer from the buffeting. The
winds were both violent and hostile; the ship could not but be dashed
from one side to another. The hurricane was both furious and fierce;
necessarily the pilots had to suffer greatly.

319. Our provincials called out for relief, exciting pity by the
relation of their churches which had been burned and profaned; of their
sheep that had been scattered, and many of them lost; and by their
subjects who had been killed or captured, or at the least obliged to
hide in the mountains, where deprived of all necessity, they suffered
indescribable misery, traveling in the inconveniences and darkness
of the night in order to fulfil their obligation as missionaries. But
Manila is, as a rule, the place where least attention is paid to the
wretchedness of the poor Indians and to the misfortunes of the gospel
workers; for, since the citizens are busied in their Asiatic and
American trade, the only thing that troubles them is any opposition
to their profits. Very few are the Spaniards who risk themselves in
small boats to seek profit from island to island; and consequently,
they hear of misfortunes, which ought to cause the greatest horror,
quietly and without any special disturbance. The passages from
some islands to others being occupied and even embarrassed by Moro
craft, the latter cause those who sail thither innumerable ruin; but
many of the inhabitants of Manila have very little or, perhaps, no
feeling. If news arrives that a religious has been killed or captured,
some insolent tongue is not wanting to break out with the ballad as
infamous as ancient, that the king brings us for this, namely, to
suffer and die in defense of the law of God; as if it were compatible
with the royal piety to abandon the defenseless ministers of Christ,
however much they may expose themselves with heroic mind to endure
a thousand martyrdoms. Nothing in short, matters to those people, if
it do not touch their persons or interests: neither the misfortunes
nor the violent deaths of their neighbors, nor the outrages of
his Majesty's vassals, nor the losses of his royal treasury in the
tributes which are lessened by such confusions, because the Indians
are lost by the thousand.

320. Although the captain-general tries, as a good minister, to attend
to such wrongs, it is quite common that he is unable to do all that
he tries; now because of the depletion of the royal treasury, whose
funds do not suffice to meet the calls upon it; and now since he must
proceed with the advice of the council of war in which those have many
votes who understand only what pertains to the exercise of merchants,
although they sign their names with military titles. If the vessels
in which they are interested are in danger, all difficulties are
conquered, for there is no one who does not hasten with vote and
money to fit out fleets to oppose the enemy. But if not then each
proposition is a labyrinth, whence he who makes it cannot unravel
himself, although Ariadne gives him a thread to guide him. Hence it
follows, either that squadrons are not prepared of size sufficient to
warn the aggressors, or if they are prepared, they set sail when it
would be better for them not to, for they only occasion the vassals
new trouble. Let no one imagine that the matter of these two numbers
includes imagination or lack of truth. This is proved by authentic
documents in what touches the past; while so far as the present century
is concerned (during which the same persecutions have been repeatedly
shown), experience has given me knowledge of such injuries, when I,
as procurator-general and secretary of the province of Philipinas,
found that I had to solicit relief for the persecuted Indians and
for the afflicted religious. It is also certain that the same thing
happened in almost all the wars of which we are speaking, so that
our oppressed missionaries had no other consolation than that of God,
in the pains that it was indispensable for them to suffer, and which
we shall now begin to relate.

321. We have already mentioned in various parts of this history,
that when our Recollects arrived at the Philipinas Islands, in
order to illumine them with the splendors of the faith, and to fight
like well-ordained astral bodies against the sissara of the abyss,
they chose with apostolic strength the most difficult districts,
the islands of the most barbaric people, and the places where, if the
light of the gospel had shone, it had allowed itself to be seen only
in fitful gleams. Hence it is that our ministers are the most exposed
to peril and danger among all those of the archipelago; for they are
very distant, not only from Manila, but also among themselves from
one another, and surrounded by enemies to the Christian name. Each
district consists of many villages and even of distinct islands. Since
all of them have a right to the bread of the doctrine, which is
the only food for souls, the religious, in order to attend to that
obligation, has to be in continual movement. He must travel by sea
threatened by so many dangers to his life, among frights and chance;
and he who considers it of value to endure them and despise them, can
only form a just opinion of them. They do this without other profit
than the spiritual, enduring to the uttermost penury, and the lack
of necessities, in order to teach and instruct certain poor peoples
whom they are alluring from the most wild barbarism in order to get
them to live like men in a civilized Christian society.

321. Let one add to all the above bodily hardships the lack of one
to employ himself in so great charity, to whatever serves in this
life as a consolation to the spirit. For there our religious is
properly a hermit, although he may live among many people. Now, it
is because he is deprived of the company of his brothers, for he is
almost always alone in villages that are too large, and the nearest
minister is fifteen or twenty leguas away and separated by rough
seas, or inaccessible mountains, which render it impossible most of
the year for them to have the comfort of seeing one another, or even
to have communication with one another by means of letters, in order
that they might console one another in their mutual troubles. Now,
it is because the Indians make them no company for the blessings that
human association brings with it, but serve only for an insupportable
martyrdom; for, in addition to the fatigues incumbent on them
as missionaries, they must attend to all their quarrels, grudges,
necessities, and troubles. For these reasons and others that cannot be
expressed at present, the governor of Philipinas, Don Fausto Cruzàt
y Gòngora, when addressing the king in a report, did not hesitate
to affirm that the discalced Augustinians, even in times of peace,
and after the subjection of the villages of their administration,
suffer the same hardships as do missionaries in the lands of the
infidels. His Excellency, the bishop of Zebù, Don Manuel Antonio de
Ocio y Ocampo, was wont to say, as I have heard from his own mouth,
and not only once, that if he had authority for it he would not
hesitate to canonize any Recollect, who happens to lose his life
among the fatigues of his calling, while completely fulfilling his
obligation in the missions of those islands, as is the case with many.

323. And if this is endured in only the hardships annexed to the
spiritual administration, what must it not be when the destructive
tempests of the persecutions of the Moros, the greatest part of
which assail our laborers, happen to come? Then there is no other
relief than to flee to the mountains in order to live in passes and
caves, seeking their preservation, not so much for their self-love,
but because of that for others. There, through lack of food, too much
heat, continual rains, and many other discomforts, they are generally
so disfigured and so weak that rivaling Job, they only live because
of a skin loosely stretched over their bones. How many contract
incurable diseases there, who dragging along all their life with
them prove themselves to be stages of the greatest pity! How many by
trampling under foot evident dangers, in hastening to the consolation
of their sheep, to confess the sick, to aid the dying, either gave
themselves into the hands of the enemy to be the victims of their
cruelty, or offered themselves a willing sacrifice to the precipices
of the mountains and to the shipwrecks of the seas! How many, since
the world is unworthy of their noble and Christian intercourse, and,
it seems, tried to cast from itself, wander for months at a time,
naked, an hungered, persecuted, followed on all sides by the shadow
of death, without other consolation than that of God, in whose hands
they desire to finish their lives, delivering to Him their wearied
souls! And how many, finally, obtained the precious crown of martyrdom,
after having coursed the sands of so many hardships, which were ended
either by the edge of the sword, or by a spear-thrust, or at the
spindle of hardships, or at grief at seeing holy things so outraged,
or by the inundations of penalties in atrocious captivities! Mention
has been made of many in the preceding volumes, but some who will
serve to ornament this volume were omitted.

[In the remainder of this section are contained accounts of several
who suffered the martyrdoms above mentioned in their war of the faith,
and all of whom are mentioned by Combés in his Historia de Mindanao,
who is cited at length by our author. [25] The first martyr (see
Combés, book vi, chapter xiv) is not even named by Combés, nor can
Assis give anything more definite of him. He was captured by the
Moro pirates (presumably in 1645) and taken to their home. Induced
by desire for a good ransom, his captors took the father to the Joló
fort, but no agreement could be reached. Father Juan Contreras, then
chaplain of the fort, tried to aid him in effecting his escape, but
in vain. The captive was thereafter treated so harshly that he became
ill, and in spite of a pitiable letter, which aroused great sympathy
for him in the Spanish Joloan fort, and spurred on the soldiers to
beg that he be ransomed at their expense, he remained in captivity
until Alejandro Lopez of the Society went to Joló from Zamboanga and
ransomed him for 300 pesos. In 1649 (see Combés, book vii, chapter
xii; and Santa Theresa, no. 271 ff.), the father prior of Linao in
Caraga, Fray Agustin de Santa Maria, was killed by the insurgents;
and in the same troubles the father prior of Camiguin, whose name is
not given, was captured and maltreated. In 1658, (see Combés, book
viii, chapter viii), the Moros caused Fray Cristobal de Santa Monica
to flee, and killed Fray Antonio de las Missas, or de San Agustin
(his religious name). This latter happened while San Agustin was
returning from a trip to Cuyo and Calamianes as visitor. San Agustin
was born in Manila, his father being Captain Francisco de las Missas,
and his mother Fabiana de Villafanne, both Spaniards. He took the
Recollect habit July 14, 1612. He served in several important posts,
having as early as 1624 been prior of Bolinao and of Cebú. He was
sixty-six years old at the time of his death.]

[The remaining two sections of this chapter continue with the
persecutions of the Moros and the deaths of various Recollects. The
first, Francisco de San Joseph, was born in Jaca, Aragon, and shortly
after professing (June 12, 1632) he went to the Philippines. He was
soon sent to the Visayans, where he held several important posts. He
suffered greatly from the Moro raids for he was compelled more than
once to hide in the mountains from that fierce folk. He was elected
provincial in 1653 and during his term was a vigilant worker. At
the completion of his term he was sent to the village of Cuyo as
associate to the prior. His death occurred in the island of Romblón,
where he was mortally wounded by the Moros, while endeavoring to repel
an attack in the fort built by the famous Padre Capitan. He published
an explanation of the catechism in 1654 in Manila, and left numerous
manuscript works in both Spanish and Visayan. The father reader,
Fray Francisco de San Juan Bautista, was born in Alagon of rich and
noble parentage. He professed in the Zaragoza convent, October 8,
1614, and went to the Philippines in 1619. He read philosophy and
theology in Manila, and after the completion of a course in the arts
was appointed secretary to Fray Onofre de la Madre de Dios. He served
as prior of the villages of Marivelez, Cuyo, Bolinao, Calamianes,
and Tandag, during his mission work there learning three languages
thoroughly. He was essentially a worker and did not care to remain in
either Manila or Cavite, but desired the mission fields where danger
was thickest. He did not seek office, and it is related of him that
he once delayed his return to the chapter meeting because he heard
that there was talk of electing him provincial. Though he was twice
definitor, he still sought the hardest work, laboring among both
infidels and Christians. The Moros were especially vindictive to him
and gave him many chances to acquire merit. Finally he fell sick on
the desolate island of Paragua, and after reaching Manila through the
efforts of some natives who braved the risks of the Moros, he died
in that city. Another active worker was Fray Domingo de San Nicolás,
who was born at Alcalá de Henares. The place of his profession is
unknown, but he is first met in the Philippines. He labored in the
provinces of Calamianes and Visayas, performing marvels until his
feet having swollen on account of the damp, he was ordered to retire
to Cebú convent. There, however, instead of resting he engaged in
the work of the missions, for the laborers were few. He worked in
many villages, and finally met his death in consequence of exposure
from a shipwreck on the coast of Bohol, whither he had accompanied a
vessel hastily fitted out to secure information concerning a recent
raid by the Malanao Moros in Cagayan village. Although some of the
other occupants of the boat were drowned, the friar with others was
saved by the natives of Bohol, and sent back to Cebú, where he died
in a few days. Fray Bernardino de la Concepcion (whose family name
was Durán) was born in Madrid, and took the habit in the same city,
December 8, 1636. He went to the Philippines in 1651 with Fray Jacinto
de San Fulgencio. His mission field was principally in the south,
and he served in the villages of Bislig, Cagayan, and Caraga. His
work and the necessity of opposing the Moro Mahometans so wore upon
him that he became unwell, but still he persevered in his labors
for lost souls. The treacherous Mindanaos won over his servant one
day in Caraga, and poison was administered through the agency of the
latter, who also apostatized. The attempt failed, however, but Fray
Bernardino was sent to the province of Zambales for a season. There
he was of great use in aiding to quell the insurrection. The quiet
that ensued after their pacification not proving to the liking of
this intrepid warrior of the faith he begged and obtained leave
to go again to the province of Caraga. Resuming his former vigils
and labors there, he again fell sick and this time died, being at
the time prior of Cagayan. He could speak the Visayan, Tagálog, and
Zambal languages. Fray Carlos de Jesus, son of Nicolás Léconte, was
born of Flemish parents. After various fortunes he went to Madrid,
and although a brilliant life was offered him, for he was a scholar
and fine mathematician, he took the Recollect habit in the convent
of that city, January 2, 1648, being already at middle age. He also
accompanied Fray Jacinto de San Fulgencio to the Philippines in
1651. He worked in Calamianes and Caraga, where his military genius
as well as his missionary traits shone out. He recalls the famous
Padre Capitan by his exploits, for he drilled and led the Indians
as well as looked after their souls, and his name became a terror to
the Moros. In the village of Busuagan, however, his native followers
fled when attacked by the Moros, and Fray Carlos was forced also to
take refuge in a swamp filled with brambles and thorns. For five days
(the length of time that the victorious Moros stayed in Busuagan)
he remained in the swamp up to his middle in water, and wounded by
thorns and molested by swarms of mosquitoes. Having retired to Manila
because of illness brought on by such events, his recovery found
him anxious to return to his mission field. The prudence, however,
of the superiors, dictated his remaining in Manila as prior of the
convent of that city which was then vacant. With his old-time ardor
he threw himself into the work there, but the effort was too great
for one in his weakened state and another illness seizing him he
passed away. The lay-brother, Fray Francisco de San Fulgencio, the
son of Diego de Covarrubias, was born at Simancas. He adopted the
life of a soldier, and after serving in Spain went to Nueva España in
the same capacity. Thence he went to Manila as alférez of one of the
companies raised for the islands. A religious life appealing to him he
adopted the Recollect habit (December 17, 1620), and shortly after his
arrival in Manila, he was sent to Caraga to aid the fathers who were
laboring in the missions there. At the time of the insurrection, he
was captured in the village of Bacoag, but after four months of almost
unendurable captivity, was ransomed. After this he remained several
years in Caraga, but was finally recalled to Manila. His life was most
active, for he made five trips to Caraga, and three to Calamianes,
with despatches or to accompany the fathers going to those posts,
and often meeting with Moros on the way, was in continual danger. He
was twice wounded and twice shipwrecked. His death occurred in the
convent of Bagungbagàn.]




CHAPTER X

Our religious propagate the Catholic faith in Zambàles, a province of
Philipinas. Two religious die in España, with great marks of holiness.

The year 1670


§ I

Information is given of the preaching of Ours in Zambàles; and that
many Indians came newly to the Church.

396. ...Some people here in España imagine that the first illustrious
champions of our reformed order who went to those countries [i.e., the
Philippines], reared and finished the sightly structure of that Church,
and that the missionaries, their successors, have been and are quite
comfortable, and have no other occupation than to maintain what the
first ones built. It is a fact that, according to the philosophic axiom
that the conservation is equivalent to a second production, that would
not be doing little even did they do no more. But as a matter of truth
it must be said that if so holy a province rests in the conservation
of the conquests acquired, it also labors without end in the building
and planting of other new conquests. To this point the history has
shown many of them, [26] and I shall narrate others below. But this
year we have the profitable and difficult expedition which our ever
tireless and laborious province made into the Zambàles Mountains,
for the sake of obtaining not little growth for the Christian faith.

397. The mountains called Zambàles extend a distance of fifty
leguas from Mount Batàn to the plains of Pangasinàn in the island of
Luzòn. They are peopled by an innumerable race, who defend themselves
from the Spanish arms almost within sight of Manila, because of the
roughness of the ground, and maintain along with their heathenism,
their barbarous customs. Who these people are can be seen in volume i,
to which we refer the reader, [27] We only warn him that the Indians
of whom that volume talks, inasmuch as they live in the beaches and
plains extending from Marivèlez to Bolinào, and being, consequently,
needed in the trade with Spaniards and civilized Indians, are not
so ferocious as those who without these mitigating circumstances,
inhabit the rough mountains of which we speak. Not a few natives of
several nations are found in that place. Some of them are born in the
dense thickets and are reared in the most barbaric infidelity. Others
are called Zimarrònes, and have apostatized from the Catholic faith,
after having fled from the nearby Christian villages. There is also an
incredible number of blacks who, without God, without king, without
law, without civilization, without settlement, live as though they
had no rational soul. All of those Indians, notwithstanding that they
wage most bloody wars among themselves, generally unite to oppose
the Spanish arms, when the Spaniards have attempted their conquest,
and stake their greatest reputation in shedding human blood.

398. The evangelical ministers have always fought with the sword of
the divine word against that wild forest of men almost unreasoning,
and with all the means dictated by charitable prudence, in order to
convert it into a pleasant garden by means of the Catholic faith. The
Dominican fathers stationed in the district of Pangasinàn, and in
the villages called El Partido, which are located on the opposite
side of Manila Bay, have always cast their net, and obtained not
few hauls of good fish. The Observantine Augustinian fathers have
also done the same from their missions in Pampanga, which border
the above-mentioned mountains. The fathers of the Society have done
the same from the village of San Mathèo, which is situated almost on
the brow of the said mountains on the Manila side. And our discalced
Recollects, equally with those who have done most, have labored in
this undertaking at all times, without despising occasions. They have
great opportunity for doing that, for, as a general thing, ten or
twelve laborers live in the fifteen reduced villages of the Zambals,
who occupy all the coast for a distance of forty leguas from Bolinào
to Marivèlez, and surround all the above-mentioned mountains by the
sea side.

399. Thence, then, did the illustrious champions of our holy reformed
order generally issue in order to overrun the rough territory of
the mountains so that they might seize multiple spoils from the
enemy of souls, and direct them to eternal life. As those people
are very ferocious and difficult to convert, it was necessary to use
gentle methods there, making use of caresses rather than of noise and
din. Notwithstanding, on several occasions very many conversions of
Indians, Zimarrònes and heathen, who were reduced to villages formed by
the indefatigable solicitation of our religious, were obtained. Then,
as appears from four letters of the definitory of that holy province,
which were written to our respective fathers vicars-general--the first,
June 20, 1646; the second, July 2, 1655; the third, June 14, 1658; and
the fourth, July 4, 1668--more than one thousand five hundred souls (at
the date of the last letter) had been drawn from the mountains, freed
from the darkness of the heathen, and illumined with the splendors
of the Catholic faith. And it has been impossible to discover who
were the illustrious laborers who obtained so wonderful trophies,
in order to enrich history with their names.

400. But the most abundant season of those fruits was seen to be during
the triennium of April 21, 1668, to 1671. Our father, Fray Christoval
de Santa Monica, governed the province during those three years. He
having heightened and ennobled the missions of Zambàles, when other
superior employments gave him the opportunity, had placed there the
whole of his affections. On that account, in addition to the great
zeal that he had for the salvation of souls, from the very chapter,
he made up his mind that during the term of his government, the utmost
effort should be made to unfurl the standard of the faith in the
Zambàles Mountains, and to have salvation carried to its inhabitants
on the wings of charity. For that purpose he managed to have father
Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, a native of Zaragoza, a religious born,
one would say, for the missions, elected prior of Bolinào. Later he
appointed him vicar-provincial of the jurisdiction of Zambàles. That
man, then, together with fathers Fray Martin de San Pablo, prior
of Masinloc, Fray Agustin de San Nicolàs, prior of Marivèlez, and
six other religious, who were appointed as helpers, fought against
idolatry so tenaciously, that our holy faith was incredibly advanced.

401. He arranged the attack upon that proud Jericho (more impregnable
because of the obstinacy of its inhabitants, than by the wall of its
inaccessible mountains) by ordering that it be assaulted at the same
time by several parts by different soldiers of so holy a militia
with the bugles of the divine word. One began the conquest by the
side of Bolinào, another at Masinloc, two by Playahonda, and two
others by Sùbig and Bagàc. The father vicar-provincial went to all
parts in order to direct actions, and to fight in person with his
accustomed success. The father provincial also, with his secretary,
then father Fray Diego de la Madre de Dios, made it a point of honor
to take part in so dangerous a field, whenever the tasks of his office
permitted, and they both fought as valiant soldiers. For the expenses
which were heavy for the maintenance of many missions and for the
other things which accompany like expeditions, the province acted as
proxy, for they did not wish to have recourse to the royal treasury
which generally supports such undertakings. And to the labors which
are indispensable in wars of that quality, and which were excessive
there, those illustrious warriors set their shoulders, well armed
with endurance, for they had already been exercised in other conquests
and had always been victorious.

402. Thus did they work constantly until the end of the year 1670,
and with so good result, that they converted that bitter sea of
idolatries and superstitions in great part into a leafy land of
virtues. On account of the insurrections which so great acts of
wickedness caused in Pangasinàn, Zambàles, and Pampànga, as I have
already written in chapter i of this decade, many whole families
had fled from the Christian villages to the mountains, together with
a very great number of Indians, who having abandoned the faith and
subjection, lived there as the declared enemies of God and of the
king. Of those it appears that more than two thousand souls were
reduced, and another great number, which is not specified by the
relations, of other people of several nations, who had either been
born in heathendom, or had formerly deserted the Catholic camp. The
evangelical workers were greatly elated with that fruit and rewarded
for their unspeakable labors, and were encouraged beyond all manner to
follow up such conquests and even to undertake other new ones. For,
it is a fact that when the fruit of one's preaching can be seen, it
causes such joy in the missionaries, and gives them so great courage
for other undertakings that that alone can serve as a worthy reward
in this life and infuses valor for other more difficult enterprises.

403. Those zealous laborers formed anew from the people whom they
allured from the mountains, the villages of Iba, or as they are
also called, Paynavèn, Cavangaàn, Sùbig, and Mòrong. In addition
to this the ancient villages increased in population. Until the
present time, there was not along all that coast, that belonged to
our administration, more than three convents or ministries--one even
in Bolinào, another in Masìnloc, and the third in Marivèlez--with
the exception of that of Cigayàn, which was destroyed. But now two
new convents were established, which were necessary for the greater
convenience of the spiritual administration--one in Paynavèn, under
the title of Nuestro Padre San Agustin, to which were assigned three
annexes or visitas; a second in Bagàc with the advocacy of Our Lady
of the Pillar of Zaragoza (which was moved to Mòrong some years later
under the same title), and to it were assigned three other villages as
visitas. All the above was completely accomplished in the year 1670,
with which this history is concerned. That year can be marked by a
white stone by that holy province and indeed by our whole Recollect
congregation, because of the so great progress that was obtained in
the propagation of the faith, the only aim to which their desires were
expended. Next to God, successes so happy are due to the tenacity with
which these zealous missionaries worked, for they trampled all dangers
under foot, and to the good arrangements and holy wisdom of the father
provincial, Fray Christoval de Santa Monica, as well as to the zeal,
courage, and care of his vicar, father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad.

404. In order to conclude this matter we must add that the same
activity proceeded in the immediate years with equal fruit. For,
as in the chapter of 1671, father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad was
elected definitor, he besought the father provincial, Fray Juan de
San Phelipe, very urgently, to allow him to make a mission to the
Zambàles Mountains. Permission having been obtained, he went to the
convent of Paynavèn and gave a new beginning to the conquest on the
side toward Babàyan with results so favorable that he tamed the wild
and inhuman hearts of many Zimarrònes and heathens. Hence, during the
three years of his definitorship the recently-created villages were
greatly increased by a considerable number of souls who were allured
from the mountains and brought into the Church. As payment for this
service, and in consideration of his many merits, he was elected
provincial in the chapter celebrated in the year 1674. The first care
of his successful government was to see that those missions should be
kept up. He sent two of the best religious to continue that undertaking
and finished the leveling of so impenetrable and rough thickets.

405. Those laborers (whose names will be written in the book of life,
since, due to the omissions of the relations, they are lacking in the
book of history) penetrated into the mountains of Zambàles in such
manner, that they arrived within a short time at the contrary part of
them toward Manila Bay. By so doing their approach to the villages of
the district of Batàn, the administration of which, as we have already
stated, belongs to the Dominican fathers, was indispensable. The
latter, reasonably, as they thought, took what had been done ill,
saying that Ours were sowing the seed in a field whose territory did
not belong to them; for, in these bodies of militia, more than in
any other, it is easily perceived that triumphs are taken from the
hands of the one to advance others in their obligations. Their father
provincial, Fray Phelipe Pardo (later archbishop of Manila), assumed
charge of that litigation, alleging before the royal Audiencia,
that the conquest of that part of the mountains belonged to his
province, as it was contiguous to their ministries. He petitioned
that our discalced religious be ordered to retire. But our father,
Fray Joseph de la Trinidad, opposed that demand so energetically that
justice was compelled to decide that if the extension of the Catholic
flock followed, it mattered very little which instruments were used,
whether these or those ministers.

406. Divine Providence usually permits such rivalry, certainly holy
in itself in the holy squadrons that serve the God of armies for
the spiritual conquest of the world. Whenever judicial authority
has determined in this way, experience has demonstrated that great
progress follows in favor of the Catholic faith. For each side with
the incentive of the other, dares to undertake greater enterprises,
and repeated triumphs are obtained. So was it now; for seeing the door
locked to their demand in the above-said court, the father provincial,
Fray Phelipe Pardo, resolved to assign two religious of his order,
so that they might, with the zeal that he infuses in all of his
holy institute, make a mission thither by way of Mount Batàn. They
began that mission in the month of October, 1675, as is affirmed in
his history of Philipinas by father Fray Balthassar de Santa Cruz,
although he says nothing as to the reason for the expedition. [28]
Accordingly Ours went to another part, thus leaving a sufficient
field for the Dominican fathers, for truly, there is room enough
for all. This strife being the origin of the obstinate work of the
missionaries of both families, who labored with all their might, they
reduced many Zambals to the bosom of our holy faith, and filled their
respective villages with new converts. Had so laudable a rivalry
continued, excellently founded hopes that so glorious a conquest
would be ended would have been conceived. But it was God's will to
have all the territory of Zambàles shortly after left for several
years in charge of the fathers of St. Dominic, while our laborers
went to the territory of Mindòro, as we shall relate in chapter ix
of the following decade. Thereupon the strife entirely ceased, and
even the fruit, so far as our reformed order is concerned.

407. Father Fray Joseph de la Trinidad finished his provincialate
in April, 1677, and then immediately went in person to continue
the expedition that cost him so great anxiety. He penetrated the
mountains on foot in various places in order to seek sheep there
whom he might convey into the flock of Christ. Exposing himself to
the will of their barbaric natures, without any fear of the perils
or caring for the dangers to himself, he persevered there until he
had to retire two years later for the reasons given above. As we do
not possess the necessary manuscripts, we cannot state the number of
souls that were drawn down from the mountains from the year 1671 to
that of 1679. The relations which we follow only assure us that as
it was not considered advisable at that time to form settlements in
the wildnesses of the mountains many reduced families were withdrawn
thence, in order to live in the coast villages. Those villages have
been augmented in tributes and inhabitants, to such a degree that those
ministries were constituted with a great abundance of people and were
the most flourishing of the province, as they were so thickly populated
by souls who embraced the Catholic faith with fervor. In due time
(decade 13, in the year 1741) this history will show forth another
most fruitful expedition, which was made into the same mountains by
our Recollect family, founding there villages and convents in order
to attend to whatever pertained to them in the conversion of those
Indians. Now we shall end this relation by giving due thanks to God,
for He has in all times infused into our brothers a spirit fervent
in undertaking, and in proceeding in such obligations.

[The second and last section of this chapter deals entirely with
Recollect affairs in Spain.]




DECADE NINE

[The first four sections of the first chapter which covers the year
1671 deal with the life of the father lector, Fray Miguèl de Santo
Thomàs. Nothing is known of his early life, not even his birthplace
or his family name, nor the date or convent of his profession. By
some he is called Miguèl de San Agustin. His life in the Philippines
was almost all spent in the province of Caraga. He shunned publicity,
although he did fill several priorates. He worked in the villages of
Bislig, Tàndag, Siargào, and Butuàn where he accomplished much, and
where he was greatly beloved by the natives. He endeavored to induce
industrious habits in the natives, and reclaimed many of them from
the apostasy into which they had fallen, besides strengthening old
Christians and converting heathen. He was especially devoted to the
Virgin, to St. Augustine, and to St. Nicholas of Tolentino. He is said
to have been the object of several marvelous occurrences which can be
traced to his devotion. To him also was vouchsafed at times the gift
of prophecy. He labored fearlessly in the insurrection of Linao and
surrounding districts, braving death more than once in his endeavors
to pacify the Indians. The sexual sin which was offered him failed to
move him as did all other dangers. His death occurred in Butuàn and he
was buried in the church there. The remainder of this chapter does not
concern Philippine affairs. The first section of chapter ii contains a
notice of the eleventh general chapter of the order held in Calatayud
convent in 1672. Fathers Fray Alonso de la Concepcion and Fray Joseph
de la Circuncision were elected definitors for the Philippines; and
fathers Fray Manuel de San Agustin, and Fray Lucas de San Bernardo,
discreets. The remainder of chapter ii and the following chapter do
not contain Philippine matter.]




CHAPTER IV

The Catholic faith makes new progress in Philipinas through the
preaching of our religious. Death of some religious in España of
great reputation.



§ I

A great multitude of heathen Tagabalòyes who lived in the mountains
near the district of Bislig, is converted in the island of Mindanào
by the preaching of our tireless laborers.

600. [The author draws a parallel between the capture of Jericho by the
Hebrews and the evangelization of the Philippines. When God pleases,
the walls of idolatry must fall.] This maxim has followed our reformed
order in the Philipinas, and has been proved many times. For contending
almost continuously with paganism fortified in the mountains contiguous
to the districts reduced to their administration, although they were
disappointed by not few fatigues, without being able to sing victory,
they were at last crowned with triumphs when it appeared fitting to
divine Providence. We have seen and shall see several activities that
prove this truth. At the present we are offered the feats performed
in the mountains of Bislìg.

601. The district of Bislìg, which is the last and most distant from
Manila among those possessed there by our reformed order, is located in
Carhàga, in the island of Mindanào and consists of five villages. These
are Bislìg, which is the chief one, Hinatòan, Catèl, Bagàngan, and
Carhàga. At its beginning the province was named from the last one, as
it was then the settlement of the greatest population. Two religious
only are generally designated for the spiritual administration of
this district, and they have too much work in the exercise of it. For
the villages are located at great distances from one another, the
people are especially warlike, they are contiguous to the Moros,
those irreconcilable enemies, while the sea of those districts on
which they have to travel from one village to another, is extremely
boisterous, rough, and at times impassable, and on its reef in the
dangers already mentioned, several religious have lost their lives,
as will be patent further on in this history. But, notwithstanding
that the two religious assigned to those villages can scarcely attend
fully to the direction of the Christian Indians, and although because
of the dearth of religious from which our reformed order almost always
suffers in those islands, but rarely could more subjects be employed
there, those few following the maxim practiced there of one doing
the work of many, they did not cease to solicit ever the conversion
of the surrounding heathens, who are very numerous in those mountains.

602. There is especially so great a number of heathen Indians and
barbarous nations in certain mountains that extend along the coast,
from opposite Carhàga near Bislìg (a distance of about twenty-five
leguas, while it is not known how far they extend inland), that even
the Christian Indians do not know them all. The nearest nation to our
villages is that of the Tagabalòyes, who are so named from certain
mountains which they call Baloòy. They live amid their briers without
submission to the Catholic faith or to the monarchy of España. Those
Indians are domestic, peaceable, tractable, and always allied with the
Christians, whom they imitate in being irreconcilable enemies of the
Moros. They are a very corpulent race, well built, of great courage
and strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding,
and more than half way industrious. That nation is faithful in its
treaties, and constant in its promises, as they are descendants,
so they pride themselves, of the Japanese, whom they resemble in
complexion, countenance, and manners. Their life is quite civilized,
and they show no aversion to human society. All those of the same kin,
however extensive, generally live in one house, the quarters being
separated according to the families. Those houses are built very high,
so that there are generally two pike lengths from the ground to the
first floor. The whole household make use of only one stairway, which
is constructed so cunningly, that when all are inside they remove it
from above, and thus they are safe from their enemies. Many of those
Tagabalòyes live near the Christians, and those peoples have mutual
intercourse, and visit and aid one another. They do not run away from
our religious, but on the contrary like to communicate with them,
and show them the greatest love and respect. Hence any ministers can
live among them as safely as in a Christian village.

603. It is now seen how suitable are all these districts to induce
so docile a nation to receive our holy faith. But for all that, very
little progress was made in their reduction until the year 1671, and
then it was that the care and the continual preaching of Ours obtained
it. Besides the will of God, whose resolutions are unsearchable, there
were several motives of a natural order, which made the attempts of
the evangelical ministers fruitless. The first was the continual wars
with the Moros. That fact scarcely permitted the Christians and even
the Tagabalòyes to let their weapons out of their hands. With the din
of arms the Catholic religion, always inclined to quiet and peace,
can generally make but little progress. The second consisted in
the little or no aid rendered in this attempt by the alcalde-mayor,
the military leaders of Catèl, and even some chiefs of the subject
villages. All of the above were assured of greater profits in their
trade and commerce, if those Indians were heathens than if they were
Christians; and it is very old in human malice that the first objects
of anxiety are the pernicious ideas of greed, and the progress of
the faith is disregarded if it opposes their cupidity.

604. But the strongest reason for the failure of the desired fruit
was the third. This reason is reduced, as we have already mentioned,
to the fact that there were but two religious generally in the said
district, and of those no one could be in residence at the villages
of Catèl or Carhàga, the nearest ones to the said mountains, and they
only went thither two or three times per year. Consequently, although
they wished never so strongly to labor in the conversion of the heathen
Indians, they could not obtain the fruit up to the measures of their
desires. It happened almost always that the minister was detained a
fortnight at most, in the said villages, the greater part of which
was necessarily spent in instructing the Christians. And although,
by stealing some hours from sleep, the mi

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