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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55, 1683-1690

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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898—Volume 39 of 55, 1683-1690

Editor: Emma Helen Blair

Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne

Editor: James Alexander Robertson


        
Release date: May 21, 2009 [eBook #28899]
                Most recently updated: January 5, 2021

Language: English

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                   The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898

   Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
   their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
    as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
   political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
   islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
                    close of the nineteenth century,

                        Volume XXXIX, 1683-1690



 Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
  with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
                                Bourne.






CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIX


    Preface                                                       9

    Miscellaneous Documents, 1683-1690

        Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William
        Dampier; London, 1697                                    21
        Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de
        Villalva; [Madrid, 1687?]                               122
        Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.]   131
        The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others;
        Manila, 1683-89                                         149
        Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; Manila,
        1689-90.]                                               276

    Bibliographical Data                                        303






ILLUSTRATIONS


    View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of
    engraving in Dampier's Nouveau voyage autour du monde
    (French trans., Amsterdam, 1698) between pp. 434 and
    435; from copy in Library of Congress                        89

    Map of the Philippine Islands; photographic facsimile
    from Pierrè du Val's La géographie universelle, "Isles
    Philippines" (Paris, 1682), between pp. 306 and 307;
    from copy of original map in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris  129

    Autograph signature of Pedro Murillo Velarde, S.J.;
    photographic facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo
    general de Indias, Sevilla                                  195






PREFACE


The present volume, which covers the period 1683-90, is mainly
devoted to an account of the controversy between Archbishop Pardo
and the religious orders on one side, and the secular government on
the other--a conflict of which such events as the disputes between
Salazar and Dasmariñas (1591) and Guerrero and Corcuera (1635-36)
were but preliminary skirmishes. In this case the archbishop gains
the ascendency, being reënforced by one of the governors.

Dampier's account of his sojourn in the islands is here concluded from
the preceding volume. He finds the Mindanaos friendly to the English,
but distrustful of the Dutch and Spaniards. They are ingenious and
clever in metal-work, and with very primitive tools and appliances
make excellent utensils and ship-repairs; another industry of
theirs is shipbuilding. The English ship remains about a week on the
southern shore of Mindanao, to wait for favorable weather, and then
proceeds to the Rio Grande of Mindanao, where it arrives July 18. The
natives there are anxious to secure trade with the English merchants,
and Dampier regrets that his companions did not resolve to give up
freebooting for Spice-Island trade, especially as they were so well
fitted, by experience and training, for establishing a trading-post,
and had an excellent equipment for that purpose. The English officers
maintain friendly intercourse with the natives, which enables them
to see much of Malay life and customs. Some of the English sailors
desert here, some are poisoned by the natives, and most of the crew
become drunken and disaffected. The captain neglects to discipline
them, and finally the crew sail away with their ship and leave him
(January 14, 1687), with thirty-six of his men, at Mindanao. They
halt at Guimarás Island to "scrub" their ship and lay in water; then
(February 10) sail northward past Panay. At Mindoro they encounter
some Indians, from whom they gain information as to the commerce of
Manila, which they intend to attack and pillage. On February 23, the
English begin their piratical acts in the Philippines by capturing a
Spanish bark, near the coast of Luzón. After describing that island,
he relates how some of the English sailors left at Mindanao find
their way to Manila. The men on Dampier's vessel, not finding the
Chinese vessels that they expected to seize, decide to wait on the
coast of Cambodia and Siam until the time when the Acapulco galleon
is expected. Having cruised along the mainland until July 29, they
direct their course to the Batanes Islands, north of Luzón, arriving
there August 6; they trade with the natives, clean the ship, and lay in
provisions, intending to go afterward to harry the Manila commerce. But
a fierce storm arises (September 25), driving them about for a week,
and disheartening the men; and finally (October 3) they sail from
the northern end of Luzón past the eastern coast of that island and
Leyte, until they reach Sarangani, where they halt to repair their
ship. Departing thence November 2, they go to Australia, and Dampier
soon afterward leaves the ship--spending the next four years in the
Malasian Islands, and, after numerous and varied adventures, arriving
in England in September, 1691.

Francisco de Villalva, procurator for the Dominicans at Madrid,
petitions for royal aid in sending forty missionaries of that order
to the Philippines.

Some unknown Jesuit furnishes a "diary of events from June,
1686 to June, 1687." These include the arrivals and departures of
ships from the port of Cavite; the deaths of prominent persons; the
dissensions between the Jesuits and the archbishop, and between the
religious orders; the conflicts between governor and Audiencia, and
their relations with the archbishop; attacks by pirates; and other
news-items, of miscellaneous character. A similar record (whether by
the same hand is uncertain) continues through 1688.

A notable event in the history of the islands was the
controversy (1681-89) between Archbishop Pardo and the secular
authorities. Hundreds of documents and printed books are extant
concerning this dispute, but our limited space will not allow us
to reproduce many of these; it seems most useful for our purpose
to give an outline of the main events during that time, as told by
some of those who took part therein, both secular and religious, and
representing different sides of the controversy. These contemporary
documents are reënforced with abundant citations from the chroniclers
of the religious orders--the Augustinian Diaz, the Jesuit Murillo
Velarde, the Dominican Salazar, and the Recollect Concepción;
these are found in the annotations accompanying our text. The first
account is that written by Juan Sánchez, secretary of the Audiencia,
dated June 15, 1683; he relates the difficulties which arose between
the secular and the religious authorities during the three years
preceding that date--that controversy having begun in 1680, with
the complaint of the cura of Vigan against the acting head of the
diocese of Nueva Segovia, that the latter does not reside at the seat
of that bishopric, and interferes with the above cura. The Audiencia
undertakes to settle the affair, and the archbishop insists that it
belongs to his jurisdiction. His cathedral chapter are offended at
certain proceedings of his, and jealous of the influence acquired
over him by Fray Raimundo Berart, a friar of the Dominican order
(to which Pardo also belongs). The new bishop of Nueva Segovia
also claims that the Vigan case belongs to his jurisdiction, not
the archbishop's. Several other cases occur in which Pardo acts
in an arbitrary manner, among them his seizure of a shipment of
goods for the Jesuits, and his excommunication of a Jesuit for
declining to render him an accounting in a certain executorship
entrusted to the latter--Ortega alleging that this affair, as purely
secular, pertains to the Audiencia alone. The Audiencia endeavor to
restrain Pardo, but in vain; and the strained relations between them
quickly grow into open hostilities. The situation is complicated
by various antagonistic elements, which may be briefly summarized
thus: The archbishop's arbitrary conduct toward his own clerics and
other persons, and his strenuous insistence on his ecclesiastical
prerogatives; the undue influence over him obtained by his Dominican
brethren; the jealousies between the various religious orders; and,
still more fundamental, the unceasing conflict between ecclesiastical
and secular authority--the latter embodied mainly in the Audiencia,
as the governors often ranged themselves against that tribunal, under
the pressure of ecclesiastical influence. To these may be added the
remoteness of the colony from Spain, and its smallness, which renders
the limits within which these human forces are at work more narrow and
circumscribed, and therefore intensifies their action. After a long
conflict between Pardo and the Audiencia, in which their weapons are
used freely on both sides--decrees, appeals, protests, censures, and
legal technicalities of every sort, civil and canonical--that tribunal
decides (October 1, 1682) to banish the archbishop, a sentence which
is not executed until May 1, 1683. He is then seized by the officials
of the Audiencia, and deported to Lingayén, a village in Cagayán. His
assistant bishop, Barrientos, demands the right to act in Pardo's
place; but his claim is set aside in favor of the cathedral chapter,
or cabildo--which declares the see vacant in consequence of Pardo's
exile. Another Dominican, Francisco de Villalba, is banished to Nueva
España for seditious preaching; and others are sent to Cagayán.

The narration of events in Manila is continued in another document,
from July, 1684, to June, 1685; this account is unsigned, but it
suggests the hand of the preceding writer, Sánchez. On August 24 of
the former year occurs the formal entrance into the city of the new
governor, Curuzelaegui. This change of administration gives opportunity
for the return of the banished Dominicans, and an agitation for the
restoration of Pardo to his see, which is quickly accomplished. Soon
he lays an iron hand on all persons who had formerly opposed
him. Excommunications are imposed on ex-governor Vargas, the auditors,
and other persons concerned in the archbishop's banishment; and the
members of the cathedral chapter are suspended, and their official
acts during his absence are annulled. They are not absolved until near
the end of Lent (1685), and this is done in public, and very harshly,
with great humiliation to the penitents. At the urgent remonstrances
and entreaties of Curuzelaegui, Pardo finally consents to absolve the
ex-governor, Vargas; but he loads this concession with conditions so
grievous and humiliating that Vargas is unwilling to accept them.

Another unsigned document relates the "occurrences during the
government of Cruzalaegui," of which a part, relating to the Pardo
controversy only, is placed here with others on that subject; it covers
only the first year, 1684-85. This writer also sympathizes with the
auditors; his account is given mainly as an index of popular feeling
on one side of the controversy. A letter from Auditor Bolivar to his
agent at Madrid (June 15, 1685) presents an interesting view of the
affair from the inside, and of the intrigues which kept Manila in
a ferment during most of Pardo's term of office. Bolivar dares not
write to the Council of the Indias, lest his letters be seized; he
therefore directs his agent to take certain measures in his behalf,
"for one cannot trust in friars." He recounts the proceedings in the
residencia of Vargas, in which there are many false witnesses. He
thinks that the Spaniards of Manila are more fickle than any others,
and regards that colony as "a little edition of hell." He is eager
to get away from the islands, and urges his friend to secure for
him permission to do so, and to make arrangements so that he may
not be needlessly detained in the islands. A letter from the Jesuit
Pimentel (February 8, 1686) relates the scheming by which Pardo's
return from exile was facilitated. Another unsigned paper contains
"news since the year 1688;" the writer claims that his intention is
"only that the truth may be known." This account is mainly occupied
with the fate of the auditors and other officials who had incurred
Pardo's wrath by taking part in his banishment. They are subjected
to imprisonment, privation, and exile; a reign of terror prevails in
Manila; and the governor is in close alliance with the archbishop,
so that there "is no recourse, except to God." The writer mentions
several things in condemnation of the governor's personal character,
and regards him as unscrupulous and tyrannical. Finally, the Dominican
account of this controversy is related by Vicénte de Salazar,
one of the official historians of that order, in his biography of
Pardo. In 1677 that prelate enters upon the vacant see of Manila;
he finds many ecclesiastical abuses and social scandals, and much
official corruption. Undertaking to correct these, he incurs the
enmity of many persons, and the ecclesiastical tribunal is filled
with cases. For nearly three years the relations of the archbishop
with the governor and Audiencia remain friendly; but finally (1680)
certain ecclesiastics under censure have recourse to the Audiencia
against the archbishop's authority, and this soon leads to hostilities
between the religious and secular branches of the government. Next the
cathedral chapter become insubordinate to Pardo, their proper head,
and they too appeal to the Audiencia; and a long legal war ensues,
in which the weapons are official acts on both sides. At last (in
1682) the Audiencia decree Pardo's banishment from his see, but
hold this measure in suspense for a time. He irritates the Jesuits,
by proceeding against one of their number who is acting as executor
for an estate, and seizes goods belonging to that order which are
brought by the Acapulco galleon; and soon the archbishop encounters
complaints and clamors from all sides. The decree of banishment is
enforced, and Pardo is arrested (March 31, 1683) and deported to the
village of Lingayén, in the province of Pangasinán. The cabildo assume
the government of the archbishopric, ignoring Pardo's appointment of
Barrientos to that office; and many of Pardo's supporters are banished
or otherwise chastised. A new governor coming to the islands, the
archbishop is reinstated in his see (November 16, 1685) and the case
is afterward decided by the courts of Rome and Madrid in his favor. He
finds much to do in restoring his church to its former condition, and
defending the ecclesiastical rights and privileges--an undertaking
which keeps him engaged in conflicts, but cannot abate his zeal and
constancy. In the outcome he is vindicated, even God taking vengeance
on the enemies of the archbishop, whose saintly qualities are extolled
by Salazar. Pardo dies on December 31, 1689.

A royal official comes to the islands (1688) to bring suit against
the auditors who had banished the archbishop; but he finds that
all of them are dead, except Bolivar, and even he dies while on
his way to Manila. Accounts (ca. 1690) of Valdivia's proceedings
are given by a Dominican and a Jesuit respectively (as appears from
internal evidence). He reconciles the Jesuits and the Dominicans in
Manila; sends Vargas, sentenced in residencia to pay 100,000 pesos,
to Pangasinán; and sides with the archbishop in everything. This
encourages Pardo to continue taking vengeance on his enemies; and
he and Valdivia chastise whomsoever they will, in highly arbitrary
fashion--the visitor aiding Pardo in many cases, and in others
inflicting penalties on citizens of Manila in connection with purely
secular affairs. Vargas is sent into exile, the archbishop refusing
to the last to absolve him, notwithstanding the commands of the
Audiencia. The second letter, written from Nueva España (probably
1691), apparently by a Jesuit, relates briefly the proceedings
of Valdivia in the islands. The writer sends a warning to combat
the influences that will be exerted at court to secure the see for
Barrientos; and asserts that Valdivia has appropriated to himself
great wealth (part of which has been seized) obtained from the Manila
proceedings. The governor died in April, 1690.


The Editors May, 1906.






MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS,

1683-1690


    Dampier in the Philippines (concluded). William Dampier; 1697.
    Petition for Dominican missionaries. Francisco de Villalva;
    [1687?].
    Events in Filipinas, 1686-88. [Unsigned and undated.]
    The Pardo controversy. Juan Sanchez, and others; 1683-89.
    Official visitation by Valdivia. [Unsigned; 1689-90.]



Sources: The first document is concluded from VOL. XXXVIII, q.v. The
second is obtained from a rare pamphlet in the British Museum; the
third and fifth, from the Ventura del Arco MSS., iii, pp. 625-638,
727-732; and 589-596, 641-673; the fourth, mainly from the same
volume, with additions from Retana's Archivo, i, no. iv, and Salazar's
Hist. Sant. Rosario,  pp. 490-513.

Translations: All save the first document are translated by Emma
Helen Blair.






DAMPIER IN THE PHILIPPINES

(CONCLUDED)


CHAP. XII

    Of the Inhabitants, and Civil State of the Isle of
    Mindanao. The Mindanayans, Hilanoones, Sologues, and
    Alfoorees. Of the Mindanayans, properly so called; Their
    Manners and Habits. The Habits and Manners of their Women. A
    Comical Custom at Mindanao. Their Houses, their Diet, and
    Washings. The Languages spoken there, and Transactions with
    the Spaniards. Their fear of the Dutch, and seeming desire
    of the English. Their Handy-crafts, and peculiar sort of
    Smiths Bellows. Their Shipping, Commodities, and Trade. The
    Mindanao and Manila Tobacco. A sort of Leprosie there, and
    other Distempers. Their Marriages. The Sultan of Mindanao, his
    Poverty, Power, Family, &c. The Proes or Boats here. Raja Laut
    the General, Brother of the Sultan, and his Family. Their way
    of Fighting. Their Religion. Raja Laut's Devotion. A Clock
    or Drum in their Mosques. Of their Circumcision, and the
    Solemnity then used. Of other their Religious Observations
    and Superstitions. Their abhorrence of Swines Flesh, &c.


This Island is not subject to one Prince, neither is the Language
one and the same; but the People are much alike, in colour, strength,
and stature. They are all or most of them of one Religion, which is
Mahometanism, and their customs and manner of living are alike. The
Mindanao People, more particularly so called, are the greatest
Nation in the Island, and trading by Sea with other Nations, they
are therefore the more civil. I shall say but little of the rest,
being less known to me, but so much as hath come to my knowledge,
take as follows. There are besides the Mindanayans, the Hilanoones,
(as they call them) or the Mountaneers, the Sologues and Alfoores. [1]

The Hilanoones live in the Heart of the Country: They have little
or no commerce by Sea, yet they have Proe's that row with 12 or 14
Oars apiece. They enjoy the benefit of the Gold Mines; and with their
Gold buy forreign Commodities of the Mindanao People. They have also
plenty of Bees-Wax, which they exchange for other Commodities.

The Sologues inhabit the N.W. end of the Island. [2] They are the
least Nation of all; they Trade to Manila in Proes, and to some of
the neighboring Islands, but have no Commerce with the Mindanao People.

The Alfoores are the same with the Mindanayans, and were formerly
under the subjection of the Sultan of Mindanao, but were divided
among the Sultan's Children, and have of late had a Sultan of their
own; but having by Marriage contracted an alliance with the Sultan
of Mindanao, this has occasioned that Prince to claim them again as
his Subjects; and he made War with them a little after we went away,
as I afterwards understood.

The Mindanayans properly so called, are Men of mean statures; small
Limbs, straight Bodies, and little Heads. Their Faces are oval, their
Foreheads flat, with black small Eyes, short low Noses, pretty large
Mouths; their Lips thin and red, their Teeth black, yet very sound,
their Hair black and straight, the colour of their Skin tawney, but
inclining to a brighter yellow than some other Indians, especially
the Women. They have a Custom to wear their Thumb-nails very long,
especially that on their left Thumb, for they do never cut it but
scrape it often. They are indued with good natural Wits, are ingenious,
nimble, and active, when they are minded; but generally very lazy and
thievish, and will not work except forced by Hunger. This laziness
is natural to most Indians; but these People's lazinesz seems rather
to proceed not so much from their natural Inclinations, as from the
severity of their Prince of whom they stand in awe: For he dealing with
them very arbitrarily, and taking from them what they get, this damps
their Industry, so they never strive to have any thing but from Hand
to Mouth. They are generally proud, and walk very stately. They are
civil enough to Strangers, and will easily be acquainted with them,
and entertain them with great freedom; but they are implacable to
their Enemies, and very revengeful if they are injured, frequently
poisoning secretly those that have affronted them.

They wear but few Cloaths; their Heads are circled with a short
turban, fringed or laced at both ends; it goes once about the Head,
and is tied in a knot, the laced ends hanging down. They wear Frocks
and Breeches, but no Stockings nor Shooes.

The Women are fairer than the Men; and their Hair is black and long;
which they tie in a knot, that hangs back in their Poles. They are
more round visaged than the Men, and generally well featured; only
their Noses are very small, and so low between their Eyes, that in
some of the Female Children the rising that should be between the Eyes
is scarce discernable; neither is their any sensible rising in their
Foreheads. At a distance they appear very well; but being nigh, these
Impediments are very obvious. They have very small Limbs. They wear but
two Garments; a Frock, and a sort of Petticoat; the Petticoat is only
a piece of Cloth, sewed both ends together; but it is made two Foot
too big for their Wastes, so that they may wear either end uppermost;
that part that comes up to their Wastes, because it is so much too
big, they gather it in their Hands, and twist it till it fits close
to their Wastes, tucking in the twisted part between their Waste and
the edge of the Petticoat, which keeps it close. The Frock fits loose
about them, and reaches down a little below the Waste. The Sleeves
are a great deal longer than their Arms, and so small at the end,
that their Hands will scarce go through. Being on, the Sleeve fits
in folds about the wrist, wherein they take great pride.

The better sort of People have their Garments made of long Cloth;
but the ordinary sort wear Cloth made of Plantain-tree, which they
call Saggen; [3] by which name they call the Plantain. They have
neither Stocking or Shooe, and the Women have very small Feet.

The Women are very desirous of the Company of Strangers, especially
White Men; and doubtless would be very familiar, if the Custom of the
Country did not debar them from that freedom, which seems coveted by
them. Yet from the highest to the lowest they are allowed liberty to
converse with, or treat strangers in the sight of their Husbands.

There is a kind of begging Custom at Mindanao, that I have not met
elsewhere with in all my Travels; and which I believe is owing to the
little Trade they have; which is thus: When Strangers arrive here,
the Mindanao Men will come aboard, and invite them to their Houses,
and inquire who has a Comrade, (which word I believe they have from
the Spaniards) or a Pagally, and who has not. A Comrade is a familiar
Male-friend; a Pagally [4] is an innocent Platonick Friend of the
other Sex. All Strangers are in a manner oblig'd to accept of this
Acquaintance and Familiarity, which must be first purchased with a
small Present, and afterwards confirmed with some Gift or other to
continue the Acquaintance: and as often as the Stranger goes ashore,
he is welcome to his Comrade or Pagally's House, where he may be
entertained for his Money, to Eat, Drink, or Sleep, and complimented,
as often as he comes ashore, with Tobacco and Betel-Nut, which is
all the Entertainment he must expect gratis. The richest Mens Wives
are allow'd the freedom to converse with her Pagally in publick,
and may give or receive Presents from him. Even the Sultans and the
Generals Wives, who are always coopt up, will yet look out of their
Cages when a Stranger passeth by, and demand of him if he wants a
Pagally: and to invite him to their Friendship, will send a Present
of Tobacco and Betel-nut to him by their Servants.

The chiefest City on this Island is called by the same Name of
Mindanao. It is seated on the South side of the Island, in lat. 7
d. 20 m. N. on the banks of a small River, about two Mile from the
Sea. The manner of building is somewhat strange: yet generally used
in this Part of the East-Indies. Their House are all built on Posts,
about 14, 16, 18, or 20 Foot high. These Posts are bigger or less,
according to the intended magnificence of the Superstructure. They
have but one Floor, but many Partitions or Rooms, and a Ladder or
Stairs to go up out of the Streets. The Roof is large, and covered
with Palmeto or Palm-leaves. So there is a clear passage like a Piazza
(but a filthy one) under the House. Some of the poorer People that
keep Ducks or Hens, have a fence made round the Posts of their Houses,
with a Door to go in and out; and this Under-room serves for no other
use. Some use this place for the common draught of their Houses,
but building mostly close by the River in all parts of the Indies,
they make the River receive all the filth of their House; and at the
time of the Land-floods, all is washed very clean.

The Sultan's House is much bigger than any of the rest. It stands
on about 180 great Posts or Trees, a great deal higher than the
common Building, with great broad Stairs made to go up. In the first
Room he hath about 20 Iron Guns, all Saker and Minion, placed on
Field-Carriages. The General, and other great Men have some Guns also
in their Houses. About 20 paces from the Sultan's House there is a
small low House, built purposely for the Reception of Ambassadors
or Merchant Strangers. This also stands on Posts, but the Floor is
not raised above three or four Foot above the Ground, and is neatly
Matted purposely for the Sultan and his Council to sit on; for they
use no Chairs, but sit cross-legg'd like Taylors on the Floor.

The common Food at Mindanao is Rice, or Sago, and a small Fish or
two. The better sort eat Buffalo, or Fowls ill drest, and abundance
of Rice with it. They use no Spoons to eat their Rice, but every Man
takes a handful out of the Platter, and by wetting his Hand in Water,
that it may not stick to his Hand, squeezes it into a lump, as hard
as possibly he can make it, and then crams it into his Mouth. They
all strive to make these lumps as big as their Mouths can receive
them; and seem to vie with each other, and glory in taking in the
biggest lump; so that sometimes they almost choke themselves. They
always wash after Meals, or if they touch any thing that is unclean;
for which reason they spend abundance of Water in their Houses. This
Water, with the washing of their Dishes, and what other filth they
make, they pour down near their Fire-place: for their Chambers are
not boarded, but floored with split Bamboes, like Lathe, so that
the Water presently falls underneath their dwelling Rooms, where it
breeds Maggots, and makes a prodigious stink. Besides this filthiness,
the sick People ease themselves, and make Water in their Chambers;
there being a small hole made purposely in the Floor, to let it drop
through. But healthy sound People commonly ease themselves, and make
Water in the River. For that reason you shall always see abundance
of People, of both Sexes in the River, from Morning till Night;
some easing themselves, others washing their bodies or Cloaths. If
they come into the River purposely to wash their Cloaths, they strip
and stand naked till they have done; then put them on, and march out
again: both Men and Women take great delight in swimming, and washing
themselves, being bred to it from their Infancy. I do believe it is
very wholsom to wash Mornings and Evenings in these hot Countries,
at least three or four Days in the Week: For I did use my self to it
when I lived afterwards at Ben-cooly, and found it very refreshing and
comfortable. It is very good for those that have Fluxes to wash and
stand in the Rivers Mornings and Evenings. I speak it experimentally;
for I was brought very low with that distemper at Achin; but by
washing constantly Mornings and Evenings I found great benefit,
and was quickly cured by it.

In the City of Mindanao they speak two Languages indifferently: their
own Mindanao Language, and the Malaya; but in other parts or the
Island they speak only their proper Language, having little Commerce
abroad. They have Schools, and instruct the Children to Read and
Write, and bring them up in the Mahometan Religion. Therefore many
of the words, especially their Prayers, are in Arabick; and many
of the words of civility the same as in Turkey; and especially when
they meet in the Morning, or take leave of each other, they express
themselves in that Language.

Many of the old People, both Men and Women, can speak Spanish, for the
Spaniards were formerly settled among them, and had several Forts on
this Island; and then they sent two Friers to the City, to convert
the Sultan of Mindanao and his People. At that time these People
began to learn Spanish, and the Spaniards incroached on them and
endeavoured to bring them into subjection; and probably before this
time had brought them all under their yoak, if they themselves had
not been drawn off from this Island to Manila, to resist the Chinese,
who threatened to invade them there. When the Spaniards were gone,
the old Sultan of Mindanao, Father to the present, in whose time
it was, razed and demolished their Forts, brought away their Guns,
and sent away the Friers; and since that time will not suffer the
Spaniards to settle on the Islands.

They are now most afraid of the Dutch, being sensible how they have
inslaved many of the Neighboring Islands. For that Reason they have a
long time desired the English to settle among them, and have offered
them any convenient Place to build a Fort in, as the General himself
told us; giving this Reason, that they do not find the English so
incroaching as the Dutch or Spanish. The Dutch are no less jealous
of their admitting the English, for they are sensible what detriment
it would be to them if the English should settle here.

There are but few Tradesmen at the City of Mindanao. The chiefest
Trades are Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, and Carpenters. There are but
two or three Goldsmiths; these will work in Gold or Silver, and make
any thing that you desire: but they have no Shop furnished with Ware
ready made for Sale. Here are several Blacksmiths who work very well,
considering the Tools that they work with. Their Bellows are much
different from ours. They are made of a wooden Cylinder, the Trunk
of a Tree, about three Foot long, bored hollow like a Pump, and set
upright on the ground, on which the Fire it self is made. Near the
lower end there is a small hole, in the side of the Trunk next the
Fire, made to receive a Pipe, through which the Wind is driven to
the Fire by a great bunch of fine Feathers fastened to one end of
the Stick, which closing up the inside of the Cylinder, drives the
Air out of the Cylinder through the Pipe: Two of these Trunks or
Cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a Man standing between
them may work them both at once alternately, one with each Hand. They
have neither Vice nor Anvil, but a great hard Stone or a piece of an
old Gun, to hammer upon: yet they will perform their work making both
common Utensils and Iron-works about Ships to admiration. They work
altogether with Charcoal. Every Man almost is a Carpenter, for they
can work with the Ax and Adds. Their Ax is but small, and so made that
they can take it out of the Helve, and by turning it make an Adds of
it. They have no Saws; but when they make Plank, they split the Tree
in two, and make a Plank of each part, plaining it with the Ax and
Adds. This requires much pains, and takes up a great deal of time;
but they work cheap, and the goodness of the Plank thus hewed, which
hath its grain preserv'd entire, makes amends for their cost and pains.

They build good and serviceable Ships or Barks for the Sea, some
for Trade, others for Pleasure; and some Ships of War. Their trading
Vessels they send chiefly to Manila. Thither they transport Bees-wax,
which, I think, is the only Commodity, besides Gold that they vend
there. The Inhabitants of the City of Mindanao get a great deal of
Bees-wax themselves: but the greatest quantity they purchase is
of the Mountaneers, from whom they also get the Gold which they
send to Manila; and with these they buy their Calicoes, Muslins,
and China Silk. They send sometimes their Barks to Borneo and other
Islands; but what they transport thither, or import from thence, I
know not. The Dutch come hither in Sloops from Ternate and Tidore,
and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco: for there is a great deal of
Tobacco grown on this Island, more than in any Island or Country
in the East-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is
an excellent sort of Tobacco; but these People have not the Art of
managing this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards have
at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither from
Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from
America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is,
that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf larger
and grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in
a fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an
indifferent size, not strong, but Pleasant to Smoak. The Spaniards at
Manila are very curious about this Tobacco, having a peculiar way of
making it up neatly in the Leaf. For they take two little Sticks,
each about a Foot long, and flat, and placing the Stalks of the
Tobacco Leaves in a row, 40 or 50 of them between the two Sticks,
they bind them hard together, so that the Leaves hang dangling
down. One of these bundles is sold for a Rial at Fort St. George:
but you may have 10 or 12 pound of Tobacco at Mindanao for a Rial:
and the Tobacco is as good, or rather better than the Manila Tobacco,
but they have not that vent for it as the Spaniards have.

The Mindanao People are much troubled with a sort of Leprosie, the
same as we observed at Guam. This Distemper runs with a dry Scurf all
over their Bodies, and causeth great itching in those that have it,
making them frequently scratch and scrub themselves, which raiseth the
outer skin in small whitish flakes, like the scales of little Fish,
when they are raised on end with a knife. This makes their skin
extraordinary rough, and in some you shall see broad white spots
in several parts of their Body. I judge such have had it, but are
cured; for their skins were smooth, and I did not perceive them to
scrub themselves: yet I have learnt from their own mouths that these
spots were from this Distemper. Whether they use any means to cure
themselves, or whether it goes away of it self, I know not: but I did
not perceive that they made any great matter of it, for they did never
refrain any Company for it; none of our People caught it of them,
for we were afraid of it, and kept off. They are sometimes troubled
with the Small Pox, but their ordinary Distempers are Fevers, Agues,
Fluxes, with great pains, and gripings in their Guts. The Country
affords a great many Drugs and Medicinal Herbs, whose Virtues are
not unknown to some of them that pretend to cure the Sick.

The Mindanao Men have many Wives: but what Ceremonies are used when
they Marry I know not. There is commonly a great Feast made by the
Bridegroom to entertain his Friends, and the most part of the Night
is spent in Mirth.

The Sultan is absolute in his Power over all his Subjects. He is but
a poor Prince; for as I mentioned before, they have but little Trade,
and therefore cannot be rich. If the Sultan understands that any Man
has Money, if it be but 20 Dollars, which is a great matter among them,
he will send to borrow so much Money, pretending urgent occasions for
it; and they dare not deny him. Sometimes he will send to sell one
thing or another that he hath to dispose of, to such whom he knows
to have Money, and they must buy it, and give him his price; and if
afterwards he hath occasion for the same thing, he must have it if
he sends for it. He is but a little Man, between 50 or 60 Years old,
and by relation very good natured, but over-ruled by those about
him. [5] He has a Queen, and keeps about 29 Women, or Wives more,
in whose company he spends most of his time. He has one Daughter by
his Sultaness or Queen, and a great many Sons and Daughters by the
rest. These walk about the Streets, and would be always begging things
of us; but it is reported that the young Princess is kept in a Room,
and never stirs out, and that she did never see any Man but her Father
and Raja Laut her Uncle, being then about Fourteen Years Old.

When the Sultan visits his Friends, he is carried in a small Couch on
four Mens shoulders, with eight or ten armed Men to guard him; but
he never goes far this way; for the Country is very Woody, and they
have but little Paths, which render it the less commodious. When he
takes his pleasure by Water, he carries some of his Wives along with
him. The Proes that are built for this purpose, are large enough to
entertain 50 or 60 Persons or more. The Hull is neatly built, with
a round Head and Stern, and over the Hull there is a small slight
House built with Bamboes; the sides are made up with split Bamboes,
about four Foot high, with little Windows in them of the same, to open
and shut at their pleasure. The roof is almost flat, neatly thatched
with Palmeto Leaves. This House is divided into two or three small
Partitions or Chambers, one particularly for himself. This is neatly
Matted underneath, and round the sides; and there is a Carpet and
Pillows for him to sleep on. The second Room is for his Women, much
like the former. The third is for the Servants, who tend them with
Tobacco and Betel-Nut; for they are always chewing or smoking. The
fore and after-parts of the Vessel are for the Marriners to sit and
Row. Besides this, they have Outlayers, such as those I described at
Guam; only the Boats and Outlayers here are larger. These Boats are
more round, like the Half-Moon almost; and the Bamboes or Outlayers
that reach from the Boat are also crooked. Besides, the Boat is not
flat on one side here, as at Guam; but hath a Belly and Outlayers
on each side: and whereas at Guam there is a little Boat fasten'd to
the Outlayers, that lies in the Water; the Beams or Bamboes here are
fasten'd traverse-wise to the Outlayers on each side, and touch not
the Water like Boats, but 1, 3 or 4 Foot above the Water, and serve for
the Barge Men to sit and Row and paddle on; the inside of the Vessel,
except only just afore and abaft, being taken up with the apartments
for the Passengers. There run a-cross the Outlayers two tire of Beams
for the Padlers to sit on, on each side the Vessel. The lower tire
of these Beams is not above a Foot from the Water: so that upon any
the least reeling of the Vessel, the Beams are dipt in the Water,
and the Men that sit are wet up to their Waste: their Feet seldom
escaping the Water. And thus as all our Vessels are Rowed from within,
these are Paddled from without.

The Sultan hath a Brother called Raja Laut, a brave Man. He is the
second Man in the Kingdom. All Strangers that come hither to Trade
must make their Address to him, for all Sea Affairs belong to him. He
Licenceth Strangers to Import or Export any Commodity, and 'tis by
his Permission that the Natives themselves are suffered to Trade:
Nay the very Fishermen must [t]ake a Permit from him: So that there is
no Man can come into the River or go out but by his leave. He is two
or three Years younger than the Sultan, and a little Man like him. He
has eight Women, by some of whom he hath Issue. He hath only one Son,
about twelve or fourteen Years old, who was Circumcised while we were
there. His Eldest Son died a little before we came hither, for whom
he was still in great heaviness. If he had lived a little longer he
should have Married the young Princess, but whether this second Son
must have her I know not, for I did never hear any Discourse about
it. Raja Laut is a very sharp Man; he speaks and writes Spanish, which
he learned in his Youth. He has by often conversing with Strangers,
got a great sight into the Customs of other Nations, and by Spanish
Books has some knowledge of Europe. He is General of the Mindanayans,
and is accounted an expert Soldier and a very stout Man; and the
Women in their Dances, Sing many Songs in his praise.

The Sultan of Mindanao sometimes makes War with his Neighbors the
Mountaneers or Alfoores. Their Weapons are Swords, Lances and some
Hand-Cressets. The Cresset [6] is a small thing like a Baggonet, which
they always wear in War or Peace, at Work or Play, from the greatest
of them to the poorest, or the meanest Persons. They do never meet
each other so as to have a pitcht Battle, but they build small Works
or Forts of Timber, wherein they plant little Guns, and lie in sight
of each other 2 or 3 Months, skirmishing every Day in small Parties,
and sometimes surprizing a Brestwork; and whatever side is like to be
worsted, if they have no probability to escape by flight, they sell
their lives as dear as they can; for there is seldom any quarter given,
but the Conqueror cuts and hacks his Enemies to pieces.

The Religion of these People is Mahometanism, Friday is their Sabbath;
but I did never see any difference that they make between this Day
and any other Day, only the Sultan himself goes then to the Mosque
twice. Raja Laut never goes to the Mosque, but Prays at certain
Hours, Eight or Ten times in a Day; where-ever he is, he is very
punctual to his Canonical Hours, and if he be aboard will go ashore,
on purpose to Pray. For no Business nor Company hinders him from this
Duty. Whether he is at home or abroad, in a House or in the Field,
he leaves all his Company, and goes about 100 Yards off, and there
kneels down to his Devotion. He first kisses the Ground, then prays
aloud, and divers times in his Prayers he kisses the Ground, and does
the same when he leaves off. His Servants, and his Wives and Children
talk and sing, or play how they please all the time, but himself is
very serious. The meaner sort of People have little Devotion: I did
never see any of them at their Prayers, or go into a Mosque.

In the Sultan's Mosque there is a great Drum with but one Head called
a Gong; which is instead of a Clock. This Gong is beaten at 12 a Clock,
at 3, 6, and 9; a Man being appointed for that Service. He has a Stick
as big as a Man's Arm, with a great knob at the end, bigger than a
Man's Fist, made with Cotton, bound fast with small Cords: with this
he strikes the Gong as hard as he can, about 20 strokes; beginning to
strike leisurely the first 5 or 6 strokes; then he strikes faster, and
at last strikes as fast as he can; and then he strikes again slower
and slower so many strokes: thus he rises and falls three times,
and then leaves off till three Hours after. This is done Night and Day.

They circumcise the Males at 11 or 12 Years of Age, or older; and many
are circumcised at once. This Ceremony is performed with a great deal
of Solemnity. There had been no Circumcision for some Years before
our being here; and then there was one for Raja Laut's Son. They
chuse to have a general Circumcision when the Sultan, or General,
or some other great Person hath a Son fit to be Circumcised; for
with him a great many more are Circumcised. There is notice given
about 8 or 10 Days before for all Men to appear in Arms, and great
preparation is made against the solemn Day. In the Morning before the
Boys are Circumcised, Presents are sent to the Father of the Child,
that keeps the Feast; which, as I said before, is either the Sultan,
or some great Person: and about 10 or 11 a Clock the Mahometan Priest
does his Office. He takes hold of the fore-skin with two Sticks,
and with a pair of Scissors snips it off. After this most of the
Men, both in City and Country being in Arms before the House, begin
to act as if they were ingaged with an Enemy, having such Arms as I
described. Only one acts at a time, the rest make a great Ring of 2
or 300 Yards round about him. He that is to exercise comes into the
Ring with a great shriek or two, and a horrid look; then he fetches
two or three large stately strides, and falls to work. He holds his
broad Sword in one Hand, and his Lance in the other, and traverses
his Ground, leaping from one side of the Ring to the other; and in
a menacing posture and look, bids defiance to the Enemy, whom his
Fancy frames to him; for there is nothing but Air to oppose him. Then
he stamps and shakes his Head, and grinning with his Teeth, makes
many ruful Faces. Then he throws his Lance, and nimbly snatches out
his Cresset, with which he hacks and hews the Air like a Mad-man,
often shrieking. At last, being almost tired with motion, he flies
to the middle of the Ring, where he seems to have his Enemy at his
Mercy, and with two or three blows cuts on the Ground as if he was
cutting off his Enemy's Head. By this time he is all of a Sweat, and
withdraws triumphantly out of the Ring, and presently another enters
with the like shrieks and gesture. Thus they continue combating their
imaginary Enemy all the rest of the Day: towards the conclusion of
which the richest Men act, and at last the General, and then the Sultan
concludes this Ceremony: He and the General with some other great Men,
are in Armor, but the rest have none. After this the Sultan returns
home, accompanied with abundance of People who wait on him there till
they are dismist. But at the time when we were there, there was an
after-game to be played; for the General's Son being then Circumcised,
the Sultan intended to give him a second visit in the Night, so they
all waited to attend him thither. The General also provided to meet
him in the best manner, and therefore desired Captain Swan with his
Men to attend him. Accordingly Captain Swan ordered us to get our
Guns, and wait at the General's House till further Orders. So about
40 of us waited till Eight a Clock in the Evening. When the General
with Captain Swan, and about 1000 Men, went to meet the Sultan, with
abundance of Torches that made it as light as Day. The manner of the
march was thus: First of all there was a Pageant, and upon it two
dancing Women gorgeously apparelled, with Coronets on their Heads,
full of glittering Spangles, and Pendants of the same, hanging down
over their Breast and Shoulders. These are Women bred up purposely for
dancing: Their Feet and Legs are but little imployed, except sometimes
to turn round very gently; but their Hands, Arms, Head and Body are in
continual motion, especially their Arms, which they turn and twist so
strangely, that you would think them to be made without Bones. Besides
the two dancing Women, there were two old Women in the Pageant, holding
each a lighted Torch in their Hands, close by the two dancing Women,
by which light the glittering Spangles appeared very gloriously. This
Pageant was carried by six lusty Men: Then came six or seven Torches,
lighting the General and Captain Swan, who marched side by side next,
and we that attended Captain Swan followed close after, marching in
order six and six abreast, with each Man his Gun on his Shoulder,
and Torches on each side. After us came twelve of the General's Men
with old Spanish Match-locks, marching four in a row. After them about
forty Lances, and behind them as many with great Swords, marching all
in order. After them came abundance only with Cressets by their sides,
who marched up close without any order. When we came near the Sultan's
House, the Sultan and his Men met us, and we wheel'd off to let them
pass. The Sultan had three Pageants [that] went before him: In the
first Pageant were four of his Sons, who were about 10 or 11 Years
old. They had gotten abundance of small Stones, which they roguishly
threw about on the People's Heads. In the next were four young Maidens,
nieces to the Sultan, being his Sisters Daughters; and in the 3d,
there were three of the Sultan's Children, not above six Years
old. The Sultan himself followed next, being carried in his Couch,
which was not like your Indian Palankins, but open, and very little
and ordinary. A multitude of People came after, without any order:
but as soon as he was past by, the General, and Captain Swan, and all
our Men, closed in just behind the Sultan, and so all marched together
to the General's House. We came thither between 10 and 11 a Clock,
where the biggest part of the Company were immediately dismist; but
the Sultan and his Children, and his Nieces, and some other Persons
of Quality, entred the General's House. They were met at the Head of
the Stairs by the General's Women, who with a great deal of Respect
conducted them into the House. Captain Swan, and we that were with
him followed after. It was not long before the General caused his
dancing Women to enter the Room, and divert the Company with that
pastime. I had forgot to tell you that they have none but vocal
Musick here, by what I could learn, except only a row of a kind of
Bells without Clappers, 16 in number, and their weight increasing
gradually from about three to ten pound weight. These were set in a
row on a Table in the General's House, where for seven or eight Days
together before the Circumcision day, they were struck each with a
little Stick, for the biggest part of the Day making a great noise,
and they ceased that Morning. So these dancing Women sung themselves,
and danced to their own Musick. After this the General's Women, and
the Sultan's Sons, and his Nieces danced. Two of the Sultan's Nieces
were about 18 or 19 Years Old, the other two were three or four Years
Younger. These Young Ladies were very richly drest, with loose garments
of Silk, and small Coronets on their Heads. They were much fairer
than any Women that I did ever see there, and very well featured;
and their Noses, tho' but small, yet higher than the other Womens,
and very well proportioned. When the Ladies had very well diverted
themselves and the Company with dancing, the General caused us to fire
some Sky-rockets, that were made by his and Captain Swan's Order,
purposely for this Nights Solemnity; and after that the Sultan and
his retinue went away with a few Attendants, and we all broke up,
and thus ended this Days Solemnity: but the Boys being sore with
their Amputation, went straddling for a fortnight after.

They are not, as I said before, very curious or strict in observing
any Days, or Times of particular Devotions, except it be Ramdam [i.e.,
Ramadan] time, as we call it. The Ramdam time was then in August,
as I take it, for it was shortly after our arrival here. In this
time they Fast all Day and about seven a Clock in the Evening, they
spend near an Hour in Prayer. Towards the latter end of their Prayer,
they loudly invoke their Prophet, for about a quarter of an Hour,
both old and young bawling out very strangely, as if they intended
to fright him out of his sleepiness or neglect of them. After their
Prayer is ended, they spend some time in Feasting before they take
their repose. Thus they do every Day for a whole Month at least;
for sometimes 'tis two or three Days longer before the Ramdam ends:
For it begins at the New Moon, and lasts till they see the next New
Moon, which sometimes in thick hazy Weather is not till three or four
Days after the Change, as it happen'd while I was at Achin, where
they continued the Ramdam till the New Moon's appearance. The next
Day after they have seen the New Moon, the Guns are all discharged
about Noon, and then the time ends.

A main part of their Religion consists in washing often, to keep
themselves from being defiled; or after they are defiled to cleanse
themselves again. They also take great care to keep themselves from
being polluted, by tasting or touching any thing that is accounted
Unclean; therefore Swines Flesh is very abominable to them; nay,
any one that hath either tasted of Swines flesh, or touched those
Creatures, is not permitted to come into their Houses in many Days
after, and there is nothing will scare them more than a Swine. Yet
there are wild Hogs in the Islands, and those so plentiful, that they
will come in troops out of the Woods in the Night into the very City,
and come under their Houses, to romage up and down the Filth that they
find there. The Natives therefore would even desire to lie in wait
for the Hogs, to destroy them, which we did frequently, by shooting
them and carrying them presently on board, but were prohibited their
Houses afterwards.

And now I am on this Subject, I cannot omit a Story concerning the
General. He once desired to have a pair of Shoes made after the
English Fashion, tho' he did very seldom wear any: So one [of] our
Men made him a Pair, which the General liked very well. Afterwards
some Body told him, That the Thread wherewith the Shoes were sowed,
were pointed with Hogs-bristles. This put him into a great Passion;
so he sent the Shoes to the Man that made them, and sent him withal
more Leather to make another Pair, with Threads pointed with some
other Hair, which was immediately done, and then he was well pleased.





CHAP. XIII

    Their coasting along the Isle of Mindanao, from a Bay on
    the East-side to another, at the S.E. end. Tornadoes and
    boisterous Weather. The S.E. Coast, and its Savannah and
    plenty of Deer. They coast along the South-side to the River
    of Mindanao City, and anchor there. The Sultan's Brother and
    Son come aboard them, and invite them to settle there. Of
    the Feasibleness and probable Advantage of such a Settlement,
    from the neighboring Gold and Spice Islands. Of the best way
    to Mindanao by the South Sea and Terra Australis; and of an
    accidental Discovery there by Captain Davis, and a probability
    of a greater. The Capacity they were in to settle here. The
    Mindanayans measure their Ship. Captain Swan's Present to the
    Sultan: his Reception of it, and Audience given to Captain
    Swan, with Raja Laut, the Sultans Brother's Entertainment of
    him. The Contents of two English Letters shewn them by the
    Sultan of Mindanao. Of the Commodities, and the Punishments
    there. The General's Caution how to demean themselves: at
    his Persuasion they lay up their Ships in the River. The
    Mindanaians Caresses. The great Rains and Floods at the
    City. The Mindanaians have Chinese Accomptants. How their
    Women dance. A Story of one John Thacker. Their Bark eaten
    up, and their Ship endangered by the Worm. Of the Worms here
    and elsewhere. Of Captain Swan. Raja Laut, the General's
    Deceitfulness. Hunting wild Kine. The Prodigality of some
    of the English. Captain Swan treats with a Young Indian of a
    Spice-Island. A Hunting Voyage with the General. His punishing
    a Servant of his. Of his Wives and Women. A sort of strong
    Rice-drink. The General's foul Dealing and Exactions. Captain
    Swan's Uneasiness and indiscreet Management. His Men Mutiny. Of
    a Snake twisting about on their Necks. The main part of the
    Crew go away with the Ship, leaving Captain Swan and some of
    his Men: Several others poisoned there.


Having in the two last Chapters given some Account of the Natural,
Civil, and Religious State of Mindanao, I shall now go on with the
prosecution of our Affairs during our stay there.

'Twas in a Bay on the N. East-side of the Island that we came to an
Anchor, as hath been said. We lay in this Bay but one Night, and part
of the next Day. Yet there we got Speech with some of the Natives,
who by signs made us to understand, that the City Mindanao was on
the West-side of the Island. We endeavored to persuade one of them,
to go with us to be our Pilot, but he would not: Therefore in the
Afternoon we loosed from hence, steering again to the South East,
having the Wind at S.W. When we came to the S.E. end of the Island
Mindanao, we saw two small Islands [7] about three Leagues distant
from it. We might have passed between them and the main Island,
as we learnt since, but not knowing them, nor what dangers we might
encounter there, we chose rather to Sail to the Eastward of them. But
meeting very strong Westerly Winds, we got nothing forward in many
Days. In this time we first saw the Islands Meangis, [8] which are
about 16 Leagues distant from the Mindanao, bearing S.E. I shall have
occasion to speak more of them hereafter.

The 4th Day of July we got into a deep Bay, four Leagues N.W. from
the two small Islands before mentioned. But the Night before, in a
violent Tornado, our Bark being unable to beat any longer, bore away,
which put us in some pain for fear she was overset, as we had like to
have been our selves. We anchored on the South West side of the Bay,
in fifteen fathom Water, about a Cables length from the shore. Here we
were forced to shelter our selves from the violence of the Weather,
which was so boisterous with Rains, and Tornadoes, and a strong
Westerly Wind, that we were very glad to find this place to Anchor in,
being the only shelter on this side from the West Winds.

This Bay is not above two Mile wide at the Mouth, but farther in it
is three Leagues wide, and seven fathom deep, running in N.N.W. There
is a good depth of Water about four or five Leagues in, but Rocky
foul Ground for about two Leagues in, from the Mouth on both sides of
the Bay, except only in that place where we lay. About three Leagues
in from the mouth, on the Eastern side, there are fair sandy Bays,
and very good anchoring in four, five, and six fathom. The Land on
the East side is high, Mountainous, and Woody, yet very well watered
with small Brooks, and there is one River large enough for Canoes
to enter. On the West side of the Bay, the Land is of a mean height
with a large Savannah, bordering on the Sea, and stretching from the
mouth of the Bay, a great way to the Westward.

This Savannah abounds with long Grass, and it is plentifully stock'd
with Deer. The adjacent Woods are a covert for them in the heat of
the Day: but Mornings and Evenings they feed in the open Plains, as
thick as in our Parks in England. I never saw any where such plenty
of wild Deer, tho' I have met with them in several parts of America,
both in the North and South Seas.

The Deer live here pretty peaceably and unmolested, for there are no
Inhabitants on that side of the Bay. We visited this Savannah every
Morning, and killed as many Deer as we pleased, sometimes 16 or 18 in
a Day; and we did eat nothing but Venison all the time we staid here.

We saw a great many Plantations by the sides of the Mountains, on
the East side of the Bay, and we went to one of them, in hopes to
learn of the Inhabitants whereabouts the City was, that we might not
over-sail it in the Night; but they fled from us.

We lay here till the 12th Day before the Winds abated of their fury,
and then we sailed from hence, directing our course to the Westward. In
the Morning we had a Land Wind at North. At 11 a Clock the Sea breeze
came at West, just in our Teeth, but it being fair Weather, we kept
on our way, turning and taking the advantage of the Land breezes by
Night, and the Sea breezes by Day.

Being now past the S.E. part of the Island, we coasted down on the
South side, and we saw abundance of Canoas a fishing, and now and
then a small Village. Neither were these Inhabitants afraid of us
(as the former) but came aboard; yet we could not understand them,
nor they us, but by signs: and when we mentioned the word Mindanao,
they would point towards it.

The 18th Day of July we arrived before the River of Mindanao; the
mouth of which lies in lat. 6 d. 22 m. N. and is laid in 231 d. 12
m. Longitude West, from the Lizard in England [9]. We anchored right
against the River in 15 fathom Water, clear hard Sand; about 2 Miles
from the shore, and 3 or 4 Miles from a small Island, that lay without
us to the Southward. We fired 7 or 9 Guns, I remember not well which,
and were answered again with 3 from the shore; for which we gave one
again. Immediately after our coming to an Anchor Raja Laut, and one of
the Sultan's Sons came off in a Canoa, being rowed with 10 Oars, and
demanded in Spanish what we were? and from whence we came? Mr. Smith
(he who was taken Prisoner at Leon in Mexico) answered in the same
Language, that we were English, and that we had been a great while
out of England. They told us that we were welcome, and asked us
a great many questions about England; especially concerning our
East India Merchants; and whether we were sent by them to settle a
Factory here? Mr. Smith told them that we came hither only to buy
Provision. They seemed a little discontented when they understood
that we were not come to settle among them: for they had heard of
our arrival on the East-side of the Island a great while before,
and entertained hopes that we were sent purposely out of England
hither to settle a Trade with them; which it would seem they are very
desirous of. For Capt. Goodlud had been here not long before to treat
with them about it; and when he went away told them (as they said)
that in a short time they might expect an Ambassador from England,
to make a full bargain with them.

Indeed upon mature thoughts, I should think we could not have done
better, than to have complied with the desire they seemed to have of
our settling here; and to have taken up our quarters among them. For as
thereby we might better have consulted our own profit and satisfaction,
than by the other loose roving way of life; so it might probably
have proved of publick benefit to our Nation, and been a means of
introducing an English Settlement and Trade, not only here, but
through several of the Spice-Islands, which lie in its neighborhood.

For the Islands Meangis, which I mentioned in the beginning of this
Chapter, lye within twenty Leagues of Mindanao. These are three small
Islands that abound with Gold and Cloves, if I may credit my Author
Prince Jeoly, [10] who was born on one of them, and was at that time a
Slave in the City of Mindanao. He might have been purchased by us of
his Master for a small matter, as he was afte[r]wards by Mr. Moody,
(who came hither to trade, and laded a Ship with Clove-Bark) and
by transporting him home to his own Country, we might have gotten a
Trade there. But of Prince Jeoly I shall speak more hereafter. These
Islands are as yet probably unknown to the Dutch, who as I said before,
indeavor to ingross all the Spice into their own Hands.

There was another opportunity offered us here of settling on another
Spice-Island that was very well inhabited: for the Inhabitants
fearing the Dutch, and understanding that the English were settling
at Mindanao, their Sultan sent his Nephew to Mindanao while we were
there to invite us thither: Captain Swan conferr'd with him about it
divers times, and I do believe he had some Inclination to accept the
offer; and I am sure most of the Men were for it: but this never came
to a head, for want of a true understanding between Captain Swan and
his Men, as may be declared hereafter.

Beside the benefit that might accrue from this Trade with Meangis,
and other the Spice Islands, the Philippine Islands themselves, by a
little care and industry, might have afforded us a very beneficial
Trade, and all these Trades might have been managed from Mindanao,
by settling there first. For that Island lyeth very convenient for
Trading either to the Spice-Islands, or to the rest of the Philippine
Islands: since as its Soil is much of the same nature with either of
them, so it lies as it were in the Center of the Gold and Spice Trade
in these parts; the Islands North of Mindanao abounding most in Gold,
and those South of Meangis in Spice.

As the Island Mindanao lies very convenient for Trade, so considering
its distance, the way thither may not be over-long and tiresome. The
Course that I would choose should be to set out of England about
the latter end of August, and to pass round Terra del Fuego, and
so stretching over towards New Holland, coast it along that Shore
till I came near to Mindanao; or first I would coast down near the
American Shore, as far as I found convenient, and then direct my Course
accordingly for the Island. By this I should avoid coming near any of
the Dutch Settlements, and be sure to meet always with a constant brisk
Easterly Trade Wind, after I was once past Terra del Fuego. Whereas
in passing about the Cape of Good Hope, after you are shot over the
East-Indian Ocean, and are come to the Islands, you must pass through
the Streights of Malacca or Sundy, or else some other Streights East
from Java, where you will be sure to meet with Country [i.e., contrary]
-winds, go on which side of the Equator you please; and this would
require ordinarily 7 or 8 Months for the Voyage, but the other I should
hope to perform in 6 or 7 at most. In your return from thence also you
must observe the same Rule as the Spaniards do in going from Manila to
Acapulco; [11] only as they run towards the North-Pole for variable
Winds, so you must run to the Southward, till you meet with a Wind
that will carry you over to Terra del Fuego. There are places enough
to touch at for Refreshment, either going or coming. You may touch
going thither on either side of Terra Patagonica, or, if you please,
at the Gallapagoes Islands, [12] where there is Refreshment enough;
and returning you may probably touch somewhere on New Holland, and
so make some profitable discovery in these Places without going out
of your way. And to speak my Thoughts freely, I believe 'tis owing
to the neglect of this easie way that all that vast Tract of Terra
Australis which bounds the South Sea is yet undiscovered: those that
cross that Sea seeming to design some Business on the Peruvian or
Mexican Coast, and so leaving that at a distance. To confirm which,
I shall add what Captain Davis [13] told me lately, That after his
departure from us at the Haven of Ria Lexa [14] (as is mentioned in
the 8th Chap.) he went after several Traverses, to the Gallapagoes
and that standing thus Southward for Wind, to bring him about Terra
del Fuego, in the Lat. of 27 South, about 500 Leagues from Copayapo,
[15] on the Coast of Chili, he saw a small sandy Island just by him;
and that they saw to the Westward of it a long Tract of pretty high
Land, tending away toward the North West out of sight. This might
probably be the Coast of Terra Australis Incognita.

But to return to Mindanao; as to the capacity we were then in, of
settling our selves at Mindanao, although we were not sent out of
any such design of settling, yet we were as well provided, or better,
considering all Circumstances, than if we had. For there was scarce any
useful Trade, but some or other of us understood it. We had Sawyers,
Carpenters, Joyners, Brickmakers, Bricklayers, Shoemakers, Taylors,
&c. we only wanted a good Smith for great Work; which we might have
had at Mindanao. We were very well provided with Iron, Lead, and all
sorts of Tools, as Saws, Axes, Hammers, &c. We had powder and Shot
enough, and very good small Arms. If we had designed to build a Fort,
we could have spared 8 or 10 Guns out of our Ship, and Men enough to
have managed it, and any Affair of Trade beside. We had also a great
Advantage above raw Men that are sent out of England into these places,
who proceed usually too cautiously, coldly and formally, to compass
any considerable design, which Experience better teaches than any
Rules whatsoever; besides the danger of their Lives in so great and
sudden a change of Air: whereas we were all inured to hot Climates,
hardened by many Fatigues, and, in general, daring Men, and such
as would not be easily baffled. To add one thing more, our Men were
almost tired, and began to desire a quietus est; and therefore they
would gladly have seated themselves any where. We had a good Ship
too, and enough of us (beside what might have been spared to manage
our new Settlement) to bring the News with the Effects to the Owners
in England: for Captain Swan had already 5000 l. in Gold, which he
and his Merchants received for Goods sold mostly to Captain Harris
[16] and his Men: which if he had laid but part of it out in Spice,
as probably he might have done, would have satisfy'd the Merchants
to their Hearts content. So much by way of digression.

To proceed therefore with our first Reception at Mindanao, Raja
Laut and his Nephew sat still in their Canoa, and would not come
aboard us; because, as they said, they had no Orders for it from the
Sultan. After about half an Hour's Discourse, they took their leaves,
first inviting Captain Swan ashore, and promising him to assist him
in getting Provision; which they said at present was scarce, but in
three or four Month's time the Rice would be gathered in, and then he
might have as much as he pleased: and that in the mean time he might
secure his Ship in some convenient place, for fear of the Westerly
winds, which they said would be very violent at the latter end of
this Month, and all the next, as we found them.

We did not know the quality of these two Persons till after they
were gone; else we should have fir'd some Guns at their Departure:
When they were gone, a certain Officer under the Sultan came aboard
and measured our Ship. A custom derived from the Chinese, who always
measure the length and breadth, and the depth of the Hold of all Ships
that come to load there; by which means they know how much each Ship
will carry. But for what reason this Custom is used either by the
Chinese, or Mindanao Men, I could never learn; unless the Mindanaians
design by this means to improve their skill in Shipping, against they
have a Trade.

Captain Swan, considering that the Season of the Year would oblige
us to spend some time at this Island, thought it convenient to
make what interest he could with the Sultan; who might afterwards
either obstruct, or advance his designs. He therefore immediately
provided a Present to send ashore to the Sultan, viz. 3 Yards of
Scarlet Cloth, 3 Yards of broad Gold Lace, a Turkish Scimiter and a
Pair of Pistols: and to Raja Laut he sent 3 Yards of Scarlet Cloth,
and 3 Yards of Silver Lace. This Present was carried by Mr. Henry
More in the Evening. He was first conducted to Raja Laut's House;
where he remained till report thereof was made to the Sultan, who
immediately gave order for all things to be made ready to receive him.

About Nine a Clock at Night, a Messenger came from the Sultan to bring
the Present away. Then Mr. More was conducted all the way with Torches
and armed Men, till he came to the House where the Sultan was. The
Sultan with eight or ten Men of his Council were seated on Carpets,
waiting his coming. The Present that Mr. More brought was laid down
before them, and was very kindly accepted by the Sultan, who caused
Mr. More to sit down by them, and asked a great many questions of
him. The discourse was in Spanish by an Interpreter. This Conference
lasted about an Hour, and then he was dismist, and returned again
to Raja Laut's House. There was a Supper provided for him, and the
Boats Crew; after which he returned aboard.

The next Day the Sultan sent for Capt. Swan: He immediately went
ashore with a Flag flying in the Boats Head, and two Trumpets sounding
all the way. When he came ashore, he was met at his Landing by two
principal Officers, guarded along with Soldiers, and abundance of
People gazing to see him. The Sultan waited for him in his Chamber
of Audience, where Captain Swan was treated with Tobacco and Betel,
which was all his Entertainment.

The Sultan sent for two English Letters for Captain Swan to read,
purposely to let him know, that our East-India Merchants did design
to settle here, and that they had already sent a Ship hither. One of
these Letters was sent to the Sultan from England, by the East-India
Merchants. The chiefest things contained in it, as I remember, for I
saw it afterwards in the Secretaries Hand, who was very proud to shew
it to us, was to desire some privileges, in order to the building of a
Fort there. This Letter was written in a very fair Hand; and between
each Line, there was a Gold Line drawn. The other Letter was left
by Captain Goodlud, directed to any English Men who should happen
to come thither. This related wholly to Trade, giving an account,
at what rate he had agreed with them for Goods of the Island, and
how European Goods should be sold to them; with an account of their
Weight and Measures, and their difference from ours.

The rate agreed on for Mindanao Gold, was 14 Spanish Dollars,
(which is a current Coin all over India) the English Ounce, and 18
Dollars the Mindanao Ounce. But for Bees-wax and Clove-bark, I do
not remember the rate neither do I well remember the rates of Europe
Commodities; but I think the rate of Iron was not above four Dollars
a Hundred. Captain Goodlud's Letter concluded thus, Trust none of
them, for they are all Thieves, but Tace is Latin for a Candle. We
understood afterwards that Captain Goodlud was robb'd of some Goods
by one of the General's Men, and that he that robb'd him was fled
into the Mountains, and could not be found while Captain Goodlud was
here. But the Fellow returning back to the City some time after our
arrival here, Raja Laut brought him bound to Captain Swan, and told
him what he had done, desiring him to punish him for it as he pleased;
but Captain Swan excused himself; and said it did not belong to him,
therefore he would have nothing to do with it. However, the General
Raja Laut, would not pardon him, but punished him according to their
own Custom, which I did never see but at this time.

He was stript stark naked in the Morning at Sunrising, and bound
to a Post, so that he could not stir Hand nor Foot, but as he was
mov'd; and was placed with his Face Eastward against the Sun. In the
Afternoon they turned his Face toward the West, that the Sun might
still be in his Face; and thus he stood all Day, parcht in the Sun
(which shines here excessively hot) and tormented with the Moskitos
or Gnats: After this the General would have kill'd him, if Captain
Swan had consented to it. I did never see any put to Death; but I
believe they are barbarous enough in it: The General told us himself
that he put two Men to Death in a Town where some of us were with him;
but I heard not the manner of it. Their common way of punishing is to
strip them in this manner, and place them in the Sun; but sometimes
they lay them flat on their Backs on the Sand, which is very hot;
where they remain a whole Day in the scorching Sun, with the Moskito's
biting them all the time.

This action of the General in offering Captain Swan the punishment of
the Thief, caus'd Captain Swan afterwards to make him the same offer
of his Men, when any had offended the Mindanao Men: but the General
left such Offenders to be punished by Captain Swan, as he thought
convenient. So that for the least Offence Captain Swan punished his
Men, and that in the sight of the Mindanaians; and I think sometimes
only for revenge; as he did once punish his Chief Mate Mr. Teat,
he that came Captain of the Bark to Mindanao. Indeed at that time
Captain Swan had his Men as much under command as if he had been in
a King's Ship; and had he known how to use his Authority, he might
have led them to any Settlement, and have brought them to assist him
in any design he had pleased.

Captain Swan being dismist from the Sultan, with abundance of
civility, after about two Hours Discourse with him, went thence to Raja
Laut's House. Raja Laut had then some difference with the Sultan, and
therefore he was not present at the Sultan's reception of our Captain,
but waited his return, and treated him and all his Men with boiled Rice
and Fowls. He then told Captain Swan again, and urged it to him, that
it would be best to get his Ship into the River as soon as he could,
because of the usual tempestuous Weather at this time of the Year;
and that he should want no assistance to further him in any thing. He
told him also, that as we must of necessity stay here some time, so
our Men would often come ashore; and he therefore desired him to warn
his Men to be careful to give no afront to the Natives; who, he said,
were very revengeful. That their Customs being different from ours, he
feared that Captain Swan's Men might some time or other offend them,
though ignorantly; that therefore he gave him this friendly warning,
to prevent it: that his House should always be open to receive him
or any of his Men, and that he knowing our Customs, would never be
offended at any thing. After a great deal of such Discourse he dismist
the Captain and his Company, who took their leave and came aboard.

Captain Swan having seen the two Letters, did not doubt but that the
English did design to settle a Factory here: therefore he did not much
scruple the honesty of these People, but immediately ordered us to get
the Ship into the River. The River upon which the City of Mindanao
stands is but small, and hath not above 10 or 11 Foot Water on the
Bar at a Spring-tide: therefore we lightened our Ship, and the Spring
coming on, we with much ado got her into the River, being assisted by
50 or 60 Mindanaian Fishermen, who liv'd at the Mouth of the River;
Raja Laut himself being aboard our Ship to direct them. We carried
her about a quarter of a Mile up, within the Mouth of the River,
and there moored her, Head and Stern in a hole, where we always rode
afloat. After this the Citizens of Mindanao came frequently aboard, to
invite our Men to their Houses, and to offer us Pagallies. 'Twas a long
time since any of us had received such Friendship, and therefore we
were the more easily drawn to accept of their kindnesses; and in a very
short time most of our Men got a Comrade or two, and as many Pagallies;
especially such of us as had good Cloths, and store of Gold, as many
had, who were of the number of those, that accompanied Captain Harris
over the Isthmus of Darien, the rest of us being Poor enough. Nay,
the very Poorest and Meanest of us could hardly pass the Streets, but
we were even hal'd by Force into their Houses, to be treated by them;
altho' their Treats were but mean, viz. Tobacco, or Betel-Nut, or a
little sweet spiced Water. Yet their seeming Sincerity, Simplicity, and
the manner of bestowing these Gifts, made them very acceptable. When
we came to their Houses, they would always be praising the English,
as declaring that the English and Mindanaians were all one. This they
exprest by putting their two Fore-fingers close together, and saying,
that the English and Mindanaians were samo, samo, [17] that is, all
one. Then they would draw their Fore-fingers half a Foot asunder,
and say the Dutch and they were Bugeto, which signifies so, that they
were at such distance in point of Friendship: And for the Spaniards,
they would make a greater Representation of distance than for the
Dutch: Fearing these, but having felt, and smarted from the Spaniards,
who had once almost brought them under.

Captain Swan did seldom go into any House at first, but into Raja
Laut's. There he dined commonly every day; and as many of his Men as
were ashore, and had no Money to Entertain themselves, resorted thither
about 12 a Clock, where they had Rice enough boiled and well drest, and
some scraps of Fowls, or bits of Buffaloe, drest very nastily. Captain
Swan was served a little better, and his two trumpeters sounded all
the time that he was at Dinner. After Dinner Raja Laut would sit
and Discourse with him most part of the Afternoon. It was now that
Ramdam time, therefore the General excused himself, that he could not
Entertain our Captain with Dances, and other Pastimes, as he intended
to do when this solemn Time was past; besides, it was the very height
of the wet Season, and therefore not so proper for Pastimes.

We had now very tempestuous Weather, and excessive Rains, which so
swell'd the River, that it overflowed its Banks; so that we had much
ado to keep our Ship safe: For every now and then we should have a
great Tree come floating down the River, and sometimes lodge against
our Bows, to the endangering the breaking our Cables, and either the
driving us in, over the Banks, or carrying us out to Sea; both which
would have been very dangerous to us, especially being without Ballast.

The City is about a Mile long (of no great breadth) winding with
the Banks of the River on the Right Hand going up, tho' it hath many
Houses on the other side too. But at this time it seemed to stand as
in a Pond, and there was no passing from one House to another but in
Canoas. This tempestuous Rainy Weather happened the latter end of July,
and lasted most part of August.

When the bad Weather was a little asswaged, Captain Swan hired a
House to put our Sails and Goods in, while we careen'd our Ship. We
had a great deal of Iron and Lead, which was brought ashore into this
House. Of these Commodities Captain Swan sold to the Sultan or General,
Eight or Ten Tuns, at the Rates agreed on by Captain Goodlud to be
paid in Rice. The Mindanaians are no good Accomptants; therefore the
Chinese that live here, do cast up their Accompts for them. After this
Captain Swan bought Timber-trees of the General, and set some of our
Men to Saw them into Planks, to Sheath the Ship's bottom. He had two
Whip-Saws on Board, which he brought out of England, and four or five
Men that knew the use of them, for they had been Sawyers in Jamaica.

When the Ramdam time was over, and the dry time set in a little,
the General, to oblige Captain Swan, entertained him every Night with
Dances. The dancing Women that are purposely bred up to it, and make
it their Trade, I have already described. But beside them, all the
Women in general are much addicted to Dancing. They Dance 40 or 50 at
once; and that standing all round in a Ring, joined Hand in Hand, and
Singing and keeping time. But they never budge out of their places,
nor make any motion till the Chorus is Sung; then all at once they
throw out one Leg, and bawl out aloud; and sometimes they only Clap
their Hands when the Chorus is Sung. Captain Swan, to retaliate the
General's Favours, sent for his Violins, and some that could Dance
English Dances; wherewith the General was very well pleased. They
commonly spent the biggest part of the Night in these sort of Pastimes.

Among the rest of our Men that did use to Dance thus before the
General, there was one John Thacker, who was a Seaman bred, and
could neither Write nor Read; but had formerly learnt to Dance in
the Musick-Houses about Wapping: This Man came into the South Seas
with Captain Harris, and getting with him a good quantity of Gold,
and being a pretty good Husband of his Share, had still had some
left, besides what he laid out in a very good Suit of Cloaths. The
General supposed by his Garb and his Dancing, that he had been of
noble Extraction; and to be satisfy'd of his Quality, asked of our
Men, if he did not guess aright of him? The Man of whom the General
asked this Question told him, he was much in the right; and that
most of our Ship's Company were of the like Extraction; especially
all those that had fine Cloaths; and that they came aboard only to
see the World, having Money enough to bear their expences where-ever
they came; but that for the rest, those that had but mean Clothes,
they were only common Seamen. After this, the General shew'd a great
deal of Respect to all that had good Clothes, but especially to John
Thacker, till Captain Swan came to know the Business, and marr'd all;
undeceiving the General, and drubbing the Noble-Man: For he was so
much incensed against John Thacker, that he could never indure him
afterwards; tho' the poor Fellow knew nothing of the Matter.

About the middle of November we began to work on our Ship's bottom,
which we found very much eaten with the Worm: For this is a horrid
place for Worms. We did not know this till after we had been in
the River a Month; and then we found our Canoas bottoms eaten like
Honey-combs; our Bark, which was a single bottom, was eaten thro';
so that she could not swim. But our Ship was sheathed, and the Worm
came no farther than the Hair between the sheathing Plank, and the
main Plank. We did not mistrust the General's Knavery till now: for
when he came down to our Ship, and found us ripping off the sheathing
Plank, and saw the firm bottom underneath, he shook his Head, and
seemed to be discontented; saying he did never see a Ship with two
bottoms before. We were told that in this place, where we now lay,
a Dutch Ship was eaten up in two months time, and the General had all
her Guns; and it is probable he did expect to have had Ours: Which I
do believe was the main Reason that made him so forward in assisting
us to get our Ship into the River, for when we went out again we had
no Assistance from him. We had no Worms till we came to this place:
For when we Careen'd at the Marias, the Worm had not touch'd us; nor at
Guam, for there we scrubb'd; nor after we came to the Island Mindanao;
for at the S.E. end of the Island we heel'd and scrubb'd also. The
Mindanaians are so sensible of their destructive Insects, that whenever
they come from Sea, they immediately hale their Ship into a dry Dock,
and burn her bottom, and there let her lye dry till they are ready
to get to Sea again. The Canoas or Proes they hale up dry, and never
suffer them to be long in the Water. It is reported that those Worms
which get into a Ships bottom in the salt Water, will die in the
fresh Water; and that the fresh Water Worms will die in Salt Water:
but in brackish Water both sorts will increase prodigiously. Now this
place where we lay was sometimes brackish Water, yet commonly fresh;
but what sort of Worm this was I know not. Some Men are of Opinion,
that these Worms breed in the Plank; but I am perswaded they breed
in the Sea: For I have seen Millions of them swimming in the Water,
particularly in the Bay of Panama; for there Captain Davis, Captain
Swan and my self, and most of our Men, did take notice of them divers
times, which was the reason of our Cleaning so often while we were
there: and these were the largest Worms that I did ever see. I have
also seen them in Virginia, and in the Bay of Campeachy; in the
latter of which places the Worms eat prodigiously. They are always
in Bays, Creeks, Mouths of Rivers, and such places as are near the
shore; being never found far out at Sea, that I could ever learn:
yet a Ship will bring them lodg'd in its Plank for a great way.

Having thus ript off all our Worm-eaten Plank, and clapt on new, by
the beginning of December 1686, our Ships bottom was sheathed and
tallowed, and the 10th Day went over the Bar, and took aboard the
Iron and Lead that we could not sell, and began to fill our Water,
and fetch aboard Rice for our Voyage: But C. Swan remain'd ashore
still, and was not yet determin'd when to sail, or whither. But I
am well assured that he did never intend to Cruise about Manila, as
his Crew designed; for I did once ask him, and he told me, That what
he had already done of that kind he was forc'd to; but now being at
Liberty, he would never more Engage in any such Design: For, said he,
there is no Prince on Earth is able to wipe off the Stain of such
Actions. What other Designs he had I know not, for he was commonly
very Cross; yet he did never propose doing any thing else, but only
ordered the Provision to be got Aboard in order to Sail; and I am
confident if he had made a motion to go to any English Factory, most
of his Men would have consented to it, tho' probably some would have
still opposed it. How ever, his Authority might soon have over-sway'd
those that were Refractory; for it was very strange to see the Awe
that these Men were in of him, for he punished the most stubborn and
daring of his Men. Yet when we had brought the Ship out into the Road,
they were not altogether so submissive, as while it lay in the River,
tho' even then it was that he punished Captain Teat.

I was at that time a Hunting with the General for Beef, which he
had a long time promised us. But now I saw that there was no Credit
to be given to his Word; for I was a Week out with him and saw but
four Cows, which were so wild, that we did not get one. There were
five or six more of our Company with me; these who were young Men,
and had Dalilahs there, which made them fond of the Place, all agreed
with the General to tell Captain Swan, that there were Beeves enough,
only they were wild. But I told him the Truth, and advised him not
to be too credulous of the General's Promises. He seemed to be very
angry, and stormed behind the General's Back, but in his Presence
was very mute, being a Man of small Courage.

It was about the 20th Day of December when we returned from Hunting,
and the General designed to go again to another place to Hunt for Beef;
but he stayed till after Christmas-day, because some of us designed
to go with him; and Captain Swan had desired all his Men to be aboard
that Day, that we might keep it solemnly together: And accordingly
he sent aboard a Buffaloe the Day before, that we might have a good
Dinner. So the 25th Day about 10 a Clock, Captain Swan came aboard,
and all his Men who were ashore: For you must understand that near
a third of our Men lived constantly ashore, with their Comrades and
Pagallies, and some with Women servants, whom they hired of their
Masters for Concubines. Some of our Men also had Houses, which
they hired or bought, for Houses are very cheap, for five or six
Dollars. For many of them having more Money than they knew what to do
with, eased themselves here of the trouble of telling it, spending it
very lavishly, their prodigality making the People impose upon them,
to the making the rest of us pay the dearer for what we bought, and
to the endangering the like impositions upon such Englishmen as may
come here hereafter. For the Mindanaians knew how to get our Squires
Gold from them (for we had no Silver,) and when our Men wanted Silver,
they would change now and then an Ounce of Gold, and could get for
it no more than 10 or 11 Dollars for a Mindanao Ounce, which they
would not part with again under 18 Dollars. Yet this, and the great
prices the Mindanaians set on their Goods, were not the only way to
lessen their stocks; for their Pagallies and Comrades would often be
begging somewhat of them, and our Men were generous enough, and would
bestow half an Ounce of Gold at a time, in a Ring for their Pagallies,
or in a Silver Wrist-band, or Hoop to come about their Arms, in hopes
to get a Nights Lodging with them.

When we were all aboard on Christmas-day, Captain Swan and his
two Merchants; I did expect that Captain Swan would have made some
proposals, or have told us his designs; but he only dined and went
ashore again, without speaking any thing of his Mind. Yet even then I
do think that he was driving on a design, of going to one of the Spice
Islands, to load with Spice; for the Young Man before mentioned, who I
said was sent by his Unkle, the Sultan of a Spice Island near Ternate,
to invite the English to their Island, came aboard at this time, and
after some private Discourse with Captain Swan, they both went ashore
together. This Young Man did not care that the Mindanaians should be
privy to what he said. I have heard Captain Swan say that he offered
to load his Ship with Spice, provided he would build a small Fort,
and leave some Men to secure the Island from the Dutch; but I am
since informed, that the Dutch have now got possession of the Island.

The next Day after Christmas the General went away again, and five or
six Englishmen with him, of whom I was one, under pretence of going
a hunting; and we all went together by Water in his Proe, together
with his Women and Servants, to the hunting place. The General always
carried his Wives and Children, his Money and Goods with him: so we
all imbarked in the Morning, and arrived there before Night. I have
already described the fashion of their Proes, and the Rooms made in
them. We were entertained in the General's Room or Cabbin. Our Voyage
was not so far, but that we reached our Port before Night.

At this time one of the General's Servants had offended, and was
punished in this manner: He was bound fast flat on his Belly, on a
Bamboe belonging to the Proe, which was so near the Water, that by
the Vessel's motion, it frequently delved under Water, and the Man
along with it; and sometimes when hoisted up, he had scarce time to
blow before he would be carried under Water again.

When we had rowed about two Leagues, we entered a pretty large
deep River, and rowed up a League further, the Water salt all the
way. There was a pretty large Village, the Houses built after the
Country fashion. We landed at this place, where there was a House
made ready immediately for us. The General and his Women lay at one
end of the House, and we at the other end, and in the Evening all
the Women in the Village danced before the General.

While he staid here, the General with his Men went out every Morning
betimes, and did not return till four or five a Clock in the Afternoon,
and he would often complement us, by telling us what good Trust and
Confidence he had in us, saying that he left his Women and Goods
under our Protection, and that he thought them as secure with us six,
(for we had all our Arms with us) as if he had left 100 of his own
Men to guard them. Yet for all this great Confidence, he always left
one of his principal Men, for fear some of us should be too familiar
with his Women.

They did never stir out of their own Room when the General was at
Home, but as soon as he was gone out, they would presently come into
our Room, and sit with us all Day, and ask a Thousand Questions of us
concerning our English Women, and our Customs. You may imagine that
before this time, some of us had attained so much of their Language
as to understand them, and give them Answers to their Demands. I
remember that one Day they asked how many Wives the King of England
had? We told them but one, and that our English Laws did not allow
of any more. They said it was a strange Custom, that a Man should
be confined to one Woman; some of them said it was a very bad Law,
but others again said it was a good Law; so there was a great Dispute
among them about it. But one of the General's Women said positively,
That our Law was better than theirs, and made them all silent by the
Reason which she gave for it. This was the War Queen, as we called
her, for she did always Accompany the General whenever he was called
out to Engage his Enemies, but the rest did not.

By this Familiarity among the Women, and by often discoursing [with]
them, we came to be acquainted with their Customs and Priviledges. The
General lies with his Wives by turns; but she by whom he had the
first Son, has a double Portion of his Company: For when it comes
to her turn, she has him two Nights, whereas the rest have him but
one. She with whom he is to lye at Night, seems to have a particular
Respect shewn her by the rest all the precedent Day; and for a Mark
of distinction, wears a striped silk Handkerchief about her Neck,
by which we knew who was Queen that Day.

We lay here about five or six Days, but did never in all that time
see the least sign of any Beef, which was the Business we came about;
neither were we suffered to go out with the General to see the wild
Kine, but we wanted for nothing else: However, this did not please us,
and we often importuned him to let go out among the Cattle. At last he
told us, That he had provided a Jar of Rice-drink to be merry with us,
and after that we should go with him.

This Rice-drink is made of Rice boiled and put into a Jar, where it
remains a long time steeping in Water. I know not the manner of making
it, but it is very strong pleasant Drink. The Evening when the General
designed to be merry, he caused a Jar of this Drink to be brought into
our Room, and he began to drink first himself, then afterwards his Men;
so they took turns till they were all as drunk as Swine, before they
suffered us to drink. After they had enough, then we drank, and they
drank no more, for they will not drink after us. The General leapt
about our Room a little while; but having his Load soon went to sleep.

The next Day we went out with the General into the Savannah, where we
had near 100 Men making of a large Pen to drive the Cattle into. For
that is the manner of their Hunting, having no Dogs. But I saw not
above 8 or 10 Cows, and those as wild as Deer so that we got none
this Day: yet the next Day some of his Men brought in 3 Heifers,
which they kill'd in the Savannah. With these we returned aboard,
they being all that we got there.

Captain Swan was much vext at the Generals Actions; for he promised
to supply us with as much Beef as we should want, but now either could
not, or would not make good his promise. Besides, he failed to perform
his Promise in a bargain of Rice, that we were to have for the iron
which he sold him, but he put us off still from time to time, and
would not come to any Account. Neither were these all his Tricks;
for a little before his Son was Circumcised, (of which I spake in
the foregoing Chapter) he pretended a great streight for Money,
to defray the Charges of that Day; and therefore desired Captain
Swan to lend him about 20 Ounces of Gold; for he knew that Captain
Swan had a considerable quantity of Gold in his possession, which
the General thought was his own, but indeed [he] had none but what
belonged to the Merchants. However he lent it the General, but when
he came to an Account with Captain Swan, he told him, that it was
usual at such solemn times to make Presents, and that he received it
as a Gift. He also demanded Payment for the Victuals that our Captain
and his Men did eat at his House. These things startled Captain Swan,
yet how to help himself he knew not. But all this, with other inward
troubles, lay hard on our Captain's Spirits, and put him very much
out of Humour; for his own Company also were pressing him every Day
to be gone, because, now was the heighth of the Easterly Monsoon,
the only Wind to carry us farther into the Indies.

About this time some of our Men, who were weary and tired with
wandring, ran away into the Country and absconded, they being assisted,
as was generally believed, by Raja Laut. There were others also,
who fearing we should not go to an English Port, bought a Canoa,
and designed to go in her to Borneo: For not long before a Mindanao
Vessel came from thence, and brought a Letter directed to the chief
of the English Factory at Mindanao. This Letter the General would
have Captain Swan have opened, but he thought it might come from some
of the East-India Merchants whose Affairs he would not intermeddle
with, and therefore did not open it. I since met Captain Bowry [18]
at Achin, and telling him this Story, he said that he sent that Letter,
supposing that the English were settled there at Mindanao, and by this
Letter we also thought that there was an English Factory at Borneo:
so here was a mistake on both sides. But this Canoa, wherewith some
of them thought to go to Borneo, Captain Swan took from them, and
threatned the Undertakers very hardly. However, this did not so far
discourage them, for they secretly bought another; but their Designs
taking Air, they were again frustrated by Captain Swan.

The whole Crew were at this time under a general Disaffection, and
full of very different Projects; and all for want of Action. The
main Division was between those that had Money and those that had
none. There was a great Difference in the Humours of these; for they
that had Money liv'd ashore, and did not care for leaving Mindanao;
whilst those that were poor liv'd Aboard, and urg'd Capt. Swan to go
to Sea. These began to be Unruly as well as Dissatisfy'd, and sent
ashore the Merchants Iron to sell for Rack and Honey, to make Punch,
wherewith they grew Drunk and Quarelsome: Which disorderly Actions
deterr'd me from going Aboard; for I did ever abhor Drunkenness,
which now our Men that were Aboard abandon'd themselves wholly to.

Yet these Disorders might have been crusht, if Capt. Swan had used his
Authority to Suppress them: But he with his Merchants living always
ashore, there was no Command; and therefore every Man did what he
pleased and encouraged each other in his Villanies. Now Mr. Harthop,
who was one of Captain Swan's Merchants, did very much importune him
to settle his Resolutions, and declare his Mind to his Men; which at
last he consented to do. Therefore he gave warning to all his Men to
come Aboard the 13th day of January, 1687.

We did all earnestly expect to hear what Captain Swan would propose,
and therefore were very willing to go Aboard. But unluckily for him,
two days before this Meeting was to be, Captain Swan sent Aboard
his Gunner, to fetch something ashore out of his Cabbin. The Gunner
rummaging to find what he was sent for, among other things took out
the Captain's Journal from America to the Island Guam, and laid [it]
down by him. This Journal was taken up by one John Read, a Bristol man,
whom I have mentioned in my 4th Chapter. He was a pretty Ingenious
young Man, and of a very civil carriage and behaviour. He was also
accounted a good Artist, and kept a Journal, and was now prompted
by his curiosity, to peep into Captain Swan's Journal, to see how
it agreed with his own; a thing very usual among Seamen that keep
Journals, when they have an opportunity, and especially young Men, who
have no great experience. At the first opening of the Book, he lights
on a place in which Captain Swan had inveighed bitterly against most
of his Men, especially against another John Reed a Jamaica man. This
was such stuff as he did not seek after: But hitting so pat on this
subject, his curiosity led him to pry farther; and therefore while
the Gunner was busie, he convey'd the Book away, to look over it at
his leisure. The Gunner having dispatch'd his business, lock'd up
the Cabbin-door, not missing the Book, and went ashore. Then John
Reed shewed it to his Namesake, and to the rest that were aboard,
who were by this time the biggest part of them ripe for mischief; only
wanting some fair pretence to set themselves to work upon it. Therefore
looking on what was written in this Journal to be matter sufficient
for them to accomplish their Ends, Captain Teat, who as I said before,
had been abused by Captain Swan, laid hold on this opportunity to be
revenged for his Injuries, and aggravated the matter to the height;
perswading the Men to turn out Captain Swan from being Commander, in
hopes to have commanded the Ship himself. As for the Sea-men they were
easily perswaded to anything; for they were quite tired with this long
and tedious Voyage, and most of them despaired of ever getting home,
and therefore did not care what they did, or whither they went. It was
only want of being busied in some Action that made them so uneasie;
therefore they consented to what Teat proposed, and immediately all
that were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out,
and to conceal this design from those that were ashore, until the
Ship was under Sail; which would have been presently, if the Surgeon
or his Mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they
thought it no Prudence to go to Sea without a Surgeon: Therefore
the next Morning they sent ashore one John Cookworthy, to hasten off
either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men in
the Night broke his Leg by falling into the Hold. The Surgeon told
him that he intended to come aboard the next Day with the Captain,
and would not come before: but sent his Mate, Herman Coppinger.

This Man sometime before this, was sleeping at his Pegallies, and a
Snake twisted himself about his Neck; but afterwards went away without
hurting him. In this Country it is usual to have the Snakes come into
the Houses, and into the Ships too; for we had several come aboard
our Ship when we lay in the River. But to proceed, Herman Coppinger
provided to go aboard; and the next day, being the time appointed for
Captain Swan and all his Men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him,
neither of us mistrusted what was designing by those aboard, till we
came thither. Then we found it was only a trick to get the Surgeon off;
for now, having obtained their Desires, the Canoa was sent ashore again
immediately, to desire as many as they could meet to come aboard; but
not to tell the Reason, lest Captain Swan should come to hear of it.

The 13th Day in the Morning they weighed, and fired a Gun: Capt. Swan
immediately sent aboard Mr. Nelly, who was now his chief Mate, to
see what the matter was: To him they told all their Grievances, and
shewed him the Journal. He perswaded them to stay till the next day,
for an Answer from Captain Swan and the Merchants. So they came to
an Anchor again, and the next Morning Mr. Harthop came aboard: He
perswaded them to be reconciled again, or at least to stay and get
more Rice: But they were deaf to it, and weighed again while he was
aboard. Yet at Mr. Harthop's Perswasion they promised to stay till 2
a Clock in the Afternoon for Captain Swan, and the rest of the Men,
if they would come aboard; but they suffered no Man to go ashore,
except one William Williams that had a wooden Leg, and another that
was a Sawyer.

If Capt. Swan had yet come aboard, he might have dash'd all their
designs; but he neither came himself, as a Captain of any Prudence
and Courage would have done, nor sent till the time was expired. So
we left Captain Swan and about 36 Men ashore in the City, and 6 or
8 that run away; and about 16 we had buried there, the most of which
died by Poison. The Natives are very expert at Poisoning, and do it
upon small occasions: Nor did our Men want for giving Offence, through
their general Rogueries, and sometimes by dallying too familiarly with
their Women, even before their Faces. Some of their Poisons are slow
and lingering; for we had some now aboard who were Poison'd there;
but died not till some Months after.





CHAP. XIV

    They depart from the River of Mindanao. Of the time lost or
    gain'd in sailing round the World: With a Caution to Seamen,
    about the allowance they are to take for difference of the
    Suns declination. The South Coast of Mindanao. Chambongo Town
    an Harbour with its Neighbouring Keys. Green Turtle. Ruins of
    a Spanish Fort. The Westermost point of Mindanao. Two Proes
    of the Sologues laden from Manila. An Isle to the West of
    Sebo. Walking Canes. Isle of Batts, very large; and numerous
    Turtles and Manatee. A dangerous Shoal. They sail by Panay
    belonging to the Spaniards, and others of the Philippine
    Islands. Isle of Mindora. Two Barks taken. A further account
    of the Isle Luconia, and the City and Harbour of Manila. They
    go off Pulo Condore to lye there. The Shoals of Pracel,
    &c. Pulo Condore. The Tar-tree. The Mango. Grape-tree. The
    Wild or Bastard Nutmeg. Their Animals. Of the Migration of
    the Turtle from place to place. Of the Commodious Situation of
    Pulo Condore; its Water and its Cochinchinese Inhabitants. Of
    the Malayan Tongue. The Custom of prostituting their Women in
    these Countries, and in Guinea. The Idolatry here, at Tunquin,
    and among the Chinese Seamen, and of a Procession at Fort
    St. George. They refit their Ship. Two of them dye of Poyson
    they took at Mindanao. They take in Water, and a Pilot for the
    Bay of Siam. Puly Uby; and Point of Cambodia. Two Cambodian
    Vessels. Isles in the Bay of Siam. The tight Vessels and
    Seamen of the Kingdom of Champa. Storms. A Chinese Jonk from
    Palimbam in Sumatra. They come again to Pulo Condore. A bloody
    Fray with a Malayan Vessel. The Surgeon's and the Author's
    desires of leaving their Crew.


The 14th Day of January, 1687, at 3 of the Clock in the Afternoon
we sailed from the River of Mindanao, designing to cruise before
Manila. [19]

[During their stay at Mindanao the English first notice the change of
time due to their having journeyed westward. There and in other places
they find the people reckoning a full day ahead of themselves, due to
the fact that the Portuguese had journeyed thither to the eastward. The
computation at the Ladrones is the same as their own. "But how the
reckoning was at Manila, and the rest of the Spanish Colonies in
the Philippine Islands, I know not; whether they keep it as they
brought it, or corrected it by the Accounts of the Natives, and of the
Portuguese, Dutch and English, coming the contrary way from Europe."]

We had the Wind at N.N.E. fair clear Weather, and a brisk Gale. We
coasted to the Westward, on the South-side of the Island of Mindanao,
keeping within 4 or 5 Leagues of the Shore. The Land from hence tends
away W. by S. It is of a good height by the Sea, and very woody,
and in the Country we saw high Hills.

The next Day we were abrest of Chambongo [i.e., Zamboanga]; a Town
in this Island, and 30 Leagues from the River of Mindanao. Here is
said to be a good Harbour, and a great Settlement, with plenty of
Beef and Buffaloe. It is reported that the Spaniards were formerly
fortified here also: There are two shoals lie off this place, 2 or
3 Leagues from the Shoar. From thence the Land is more low and even;
yet there are some Hills in the Country.

About 6 Leagues before we came to the West-end of the Island Mindanao,
we fell in with a great many small low Islands or Keys, and about
two or three Leagues to the Southward of these Keys, there is a long
Island stretching N.E. and S.W. about 12 Leagues. [20] This Island
is low by the Sea on the North-side, and has a Ridge of Hills in the
middle, running from one end to the other. Between this Isle and the
small Keys, there is a good large Channel: Among the Keys also there
is a good depth of Water, and a violent Tide; but on what point of
the Compass it flows, I know not, nor how much it riseth and falls.

The 17th Day we anchored on the East-side of all these Keys, in
8 fathom Water, clean Sand. Here are plenty of green Turtle, whose
flesh is as sweet as any in the West Indies: but they are very shy. A
little to the Westward of these Keys, on the Island Mindanao, we saw
abundance of Coco-nut Trees: Therefore we sent our Canoa ashore,
thinking to find Inhabitants, but found none, nor sign of any;
but great Tracts of Hogs, and great Cattle; and close by the Sea
there were Ruins of an old Fort. The Walls thereof were of a good
heighth, built with Stone and Lime; and by the Workmanship seem'd to
be Spanish. From this place the Land trends W.N.W. and it is of an
indifferent heighth by the Sea. It runs on this point of the Compass
4 or 5 Leagues, and then the Land trends away N.N.W. 5 or 6 Leagues
farther, making with many bluff Points.

We weigh'd again the 14th Day, and went thro' between the Keys; but met
such uncertain Tides, that we were forced to anchor again. The 22d day
we got about the Westermost Point of all Mindanao, and stood to the
Northward, plying under the Shore, and having the Wind at N.N.E. a
fresh Gale. As we sailed along further, we found the Land to trend
N.N.E. On this part of the Island the Land is high by the Sea, with
full bluff Points, and very woody. There are some small Sandy Bays,
which afford Streams of fresh Water.

Here we met with two Prows [i.e., praus] belonging to the Sologues,
one of the Mindanaian Nations before mentioned. They came from Manila
laden with Silks and Calicoes. We kept on this Western part of the
Island steering Northerly, till we came abrest of some other of the
Philippine Islands, that lay to the Northward of us; then steered
away towards them; but still keeping on the West-side of them, and
we had the Winds at N.N.E.

The 3d of February we anchored in a good Bay on the West side of
the Island, in Lat. 9 d. 55 min. where we had 13 Fathom-water, good
soft Oaze. This Island hath no Name that we could find in any Book,
out lieth on the West side of the Island Sebo. [21] It is about 8 or
10 Leagues long, mountainous and woody. At this place Captain Read,
who was the same Captain Swan had so much railed against in his
Journal, and was now made Captain in his room (as Captain Teat was
made Master, and Mr. Henry More Quarter-Master) ordered the Carpenters
to cut down our Quarter-Deck, to make the Ship snug, and the fitter
for sailing. When that was done, we heeled her, scrubbed her Bottom,
and tallowed it. Then we fill'd all our Water, for here is a delicate
small run of Water.

The Land was pretty low in this Bay, the Mould black and fat, and
the Trees of several Kinds, very thick and tall. In some places
we found plenty of Canes, [22] such as we use in England for
Walking-Canes. These were short-jointed, not above two Foot and a
half, or two Foot ten Inches the longest, and most of them not above
two Foot. They run along on the Ground like a Vine; or taking hold
of the Trees, they climb up to their very tops. They are 15 or 20
Fathom long, and much of a bigness from the Root, till within 5 or
6 Fathom of the end. They are of a pale green Colour, cloathed over
with a Coat of short thick hairy Substance, of a dun Colour; but it
comes off by only drawing the Cane through your Hand. We did cut many
of them, and they proved very tough heavy Canes.

We saw no Houses, nor sign of Inhabitants; but while we lay here,
there was a Canoa with 6 Men came into this Bay; but whither they
were bound, or from whence they came, I know not. They were Indians,
and we could not understand them.

In the middle of this Bay, about a Mile from the Shore, there is
a small low woody Island, not above a Mile in Circumference; our
Ship rode about a Mile from it. This Island was the Habitation of
an incredible number of great Batts, with Bodies as big as Ducks,
or large Fowl, and with vast Wings: For I saw at Mindanao one of
this sort, and I judge that the Wings stretcht out in length, could
not be less assunder than 7 or 8 Foot from tip to tip; for it was
much more than any of us could fathom with our Arms extended to the
utmost. The Wings are for Substance like those of other Batts, of a
Dun or Mouse colour. The Skin or Leather of them hath Ribs running
along it, and draws up in 3 or 4 Folds; and at the joints of those
Ribs and the Extremities of the Wings, there are sharp and crooked
Claws, by which they may hang on any thing. [A further description
of the great bats and their habits follows.] At this Isle also we
found plenty of Turtle and Manatee, but no Fish.

We stay'd here till the 10th of February, 1687, and then having
compleated our Business, we sailed hence with the Wind at North. But
going out we struck on a Rock, where we lay two Hours: It was very
smooth Water, and the Tide of Flood, or else we should have lost
our Ship. We struck off a great piece of our Rudder, which was all
the damage that we received, but we more narrowly mist losing our
Ships this time, than in any other in the whole Voyage. This is a
very dangerous Shoal, because it does not break, unless probably it
may appear in foul Weather. It lies about two mile to the Westward,
without the small Batt Island. Here we found the Tide of Flood setting
to the Southward, and the Ebb to the Northward.

After we were past this Shoal, we Coasted along by the rest of the
Philippine Islands, keeping on the West-side of them. Some of them
appeared to be very Mountainous dry Land. We saw many Fires in the
Night as we passed by Panay, a great Island settled by Spaniards,
and by the Fires up and down it seems to be well settled by them;
for this is a Spanish Custom, whereby they give Notice of any Danger
or the like from Sea; and 'tis probable they had seen our Ship the
day before. This is an unfrequented Coast, and 'tis rare to have any
Ship seen there. We touched not at Panay, nor any where else; tho'
we saw a great many small Islands to the Westward of us, and some
Shoals, but none of them laid down in our Draughts.

The 18th Day of Feb. we anchored at the N.W. end of the Island
Mindora, [23] in 10 Fathom-water, about 3 quarters of a Mile from
the Shore. Mindora is a large Island; the middle of it lying in
Lat. 13. about 40 Leagues long, stretching N.W. and S.E. It is High
and Mountainous, and not very Woody. At this Place where we anchored
the Land was neither very high nor low. There was a small Brook of
Water, and the Land by the Sea was very Woody, and the Trees high
and tall, but a League or two farther in, the Woods are very thin and
small. Here we saw great tracks of Hogs and Beef, and we saw some of
each, and hunted them; but they were wild, and we could kill none.

While we were here, there was a Canoa with 4 Indians came from
Manila. They were very shy of us a while: but at last, hearing us
speak Spanish, they came to us, and told us, that they were going to
a Fryer that liv'd at an Indian Village towards the S.E. end of the
Island. They told us also, that the Harbour of Manila is seldom or
never without 20 or 30 Sail of Vessels, most Chinese, some Portugueze,
and some few the Spaniards have of their own. They said, that when
they had done their business with the Fryer they would return to
Manila, and hoped to be back again at this place in 4 Days time. We
told them, that we came for a Trade with the Spaniards at Manila, and
should be glad if they would carry a Letter to some Merchant there,
which they promised to do. But this was only a pretence of ours,
to get out of them what intelligence we could as to their Shipping,
Strength, and the like, under Colour of seeking a Trade; for our
business was to pillage. Now if we had really designed to have Traded
there, this was as fair an opportunity as Men could have desired: for
these Men could have brought us to the Frier that they were going to,
and a small Present to him would have engaged him to do any kindness
in the way of Trade: for the Spanish Governors do not allow of it,
and we must Trade by stealth.

The 21st Day we went from hence with the Wind at E.N.E. a small
gale. The 23d Day in the Morning we were fair by the S.E. end of the
Island Luconia, the Place that had been so long desired by us. We
presently saw a Sail coming from the Northward, and making after her
we took her in 2 Hours time. She was a Spanish Bark, that came from
a place called Pangasanam, a small town on the N. end of Luconia,
as they told us; probably the same with Pagassinay, which lies on a
Bay at the N. W. side of the Island. She was bound to Manila but had
no goods aboard; and therefore we turned her away.

The 23d. we took another Spanish Vessel that came from the same place
of the other. She was laden with Rice and Cotton-Cloth, and bound for
Manila also. These Goods were purposely for the Acapulco Ship: The
Rice was for the Men to live on while they lay there, and in their
return: and the Cotton-cloth was to make Sail. The Master of this
Prize was Boatswain of the Acapulco Ship which escaped us at Guam,
and was now at Manila. It was this Man that gave us the Relation of
what Strength it had, how they were afraid of us there, and of the
accident that happen'd to them, as is before mentioned in the 10th
Chapter. We took these two Vessels within 7 or 8 Leagues of Manila.

Luconia I have spoken of already: but I shall now add this further
account of it. It is a great Island, taking up between 6 and 7
degrees of Lat. in length, and its breadth near the middle is about
60 Leagues; but the ends are narrow. The North end lies in about
19 d. North Lat. and the S. end in about 12 d. 30 m. This great
Island hath abundance of small Keys or Islands lying about it;
especially at the North-end. The South-side fronts towards the rest
of the Philippine Islands: Of these that are its nearest Neighbours,
Mindora, lately mentioned, is the chief, and gives name to the Sea
or Streight that parts it and the other Islands from Luconia: being
called the Streights of Mindora.

The Body of the Island Luconia is composed of many spacious plain
Savannahs, and large Mountains. The North-end seems to be more plain
and even, I mean freer from Hills, than the South-end: but the Land
is all along of a good heighth. It does not appear so flourishing
and green as some of the other Islands in this Range; especially
that of St. John, Mindanao, Batt Island, &c. yet in some places it
is very Woody. Some of the Mountains of this Island afford Gold,
and the Savannahs are well stockt with herds of Cattle, especially
Buaffaloes[sic]. These Cattle are in great plenty all over the
East-Indies; and therefore 'tis very probable that there were many of
these here even before the Spaniards come hither. But now there are
now also plenty of other Cattle, as I have been told, as Bullocks,
Horses, Sheep, Goats, Hogs, &c. brought hither by the Spaniards.

It is pretty well inhabited with Indians, most of them, if not all,
under the Spaniards, who now are masters of it. The Native Indians do
live together in Towns; and they have Priests among them to instruct
them in the Spanish Religion.

Manila the chief, or perhaps the only City, lies at the foot of
a ridge of high Hills, facing upon a spacious Harbour near the
S.W. point of the Island, in about the Lat. of 14 d. North. It is
environ'd with a high strong Wall, and very well fortify'd with
Forts and Breast-works. The Houses are large, strongly built, and
covered with Pan-tile. The Streets are large and pretty regular;
with a Parade in the midst, after the Spanish fashion. There are a
great many fair Buildings, beside Churches and other Religious Houses;
of which there are not a few.

The Harbour is so large, that some hundreds of Ships may ride here:
and is never without many, both of their own and strangers. I have
already given you an account of the two Ships going and coming between
this place and Acapulco. Besides them, they have some small Vessels
of their own; and they do not allow the Portuguese to trade here, but
the Chinese are the chiefest Merchants, and they drive the greatest
Trade; for they have commonly 20 or 30, or 40 Jonks in the Harbour at
a time, and a great many Merchants constantly residing in the City,
beside Shop-keepers, and Handy-crafts-men in abundance. Small Vessels
run up near the Town, but the Acapulco. Ships and others of greater
burthen, lye a League short of it, where there is a strong Fort also,
and Store-houses to put Goods in.

I had the major part of this relation 2 or 3 years after this time,
from Mr. Coppinger our Surgeon, for he made a Voyage hither from
Porto Nova, a Town on the Coast of Coromandel; in a Portuguese Ship,
as I think. Here he found 10 or 12 of Captain Swan's men; some of
those that we left at Mindanao. For after we came from thence, they
brought a Proe there, by the Instigation of an Irish man, who went
by the name of John Fitz-Gerald, a person that spoke Spanish very
well; and so in this their Proe they came hither. They had been here
but 18 months when Mr. Coppinger arrived here, and Mr. Fitz-Gerald
had in this time gotten a Spanish Mustesa Woman to Wife, and a good
Dowry with her. He then professed Physick and Surgery, and was highly
esteemed among the Spaniards for his supposed knowledge in those Arts:
for being always troubled with sore Shins while he was with us, he
kept some Plaisters and Salves by him; and with these he set up upon
his bare natural stock of knowledge, and his experience in Kibes. But
then he had a very great stock of Confidence withal, to help out the
other, and being an Irish Roman Catholick, and having the Spanish
Language he had a great advantage of all his Consorts; and he alone
lived well there of them all. We were not within sight of this Town,
but I was shewn the Hills that over-looked it, and drew a draft of
them as we lay off at Sea; which I have caused to be engraven among
a few others that I took my self:....

[The season for successful operations near Manila having passed,
the mutineers decide to go to some islands near the Cambodian shore
to wait until about May, the time for the Acapulco galleon, choosing
those islands as they were somewhat retired. The prisoners are set
ashore on the island of Luzon, and that island is left February 26. On
March 14 anchor is cast on Pulo (or Island) Condore, the largest and
only inhabited one of those islands which lie in north latitude 8°
40'. A short description of the islands, their products, fauna,
and inhabitants (who are Cochinchinese) and some of their customs
follows. At this island the ship is careened and refitted. There
also "2 of our Men died, who were poison'd at Mindanao, they told
us of it when they found themselves poison'd, and had linger'd ever
since. They were opened by our Doctor, according to their own Request
before they died, and their Livers were black, light and dry, like
pieces of Cork." After filling the water-butts anchor is weighed
(April 21) and the course taken to Pulo Ubi near Siam, reaching that
island April 23. From that date until May 13 they cruise about the
bay of Siam where they are becalmed. May 24 they anchor again at Pulo
Condore, together with a Chinese vessel laden with pepper from Sumatra;
from its men they learn that the "English were settled in the Island
Sumatra, at a place called Sillabar; and the first knowledge we had
that the English had any settlement on Sumatra was from these." [24]
An attempt there to investigate a Malayan vessel ends fatally for a
number of the English; for the Malays, thinking them to be pirates,
set upon the boarding party, and kill a number of them. At that
island also the surgeon, Herman Coppinger, attempts to escape, but
is taken back to the ship. Dampier is only deterred from making the
same attempt because he desires a more convenient opportunity. "For
neither he nor I, when we were last on board at Mindanao, had any
knowledge of the Plot that was laid to leave Captain Swan, and run
away with the Ship; and being sufficiently weary of this mad Crew,
we were willing to give them the slip at any place from whence we
might hope to get a passage to an English Factory."]





CHAP. XV

    They leave Pulo Condore, designing for Manila, but are driven
    off from thence, and from the Isle of Prata, by the Winds,
    and brought upon the Coast of China. Isle of St. John, on the
    Coast of the Province of Canton; its Soil and Productions,
    China Hogs, &c. The Inhabitants; and of the Tartars forcing
    the Chinese to cut off their Hair. Their Habits, and the little
    Feet of their Women. China-ware China-roots, Tea, &c. A Village
    at St. John's Island, and of their Husbandry of their Rice. A
    Story of a Chinese Pagoda, or Idol-Temple, and Image. Of the
    China Jonks, and their Rigging. They leave St. John's and the
    Coast of China. A most outragious Storm. Corpus Sant, a Light,
    or Meteor appearing in Storms. The Piscadores, or Fishers
    Islands near Formosa: A Tartarian Garrison, and Chinese Town
    on one of these Islands. They anchor in the Harbour near the
    Tartars Garrison, and treat with the Governour. Of Amoy in
    the Province of Fokieu, and Macao a Chinese and Portuguese
    Town near Canton in China. The Habits of a Tartarian Officer
    and his Retinue. Their Presents, excellent Beef. Samciu,
    a sort of Chinese Arack, and Hocciu a kind of Chinese Mum,
    and the Jars it is bottled in. Of the Isle of Formosa, and
    the five Islands; to which they give the Names of Orange,
    Monmouth, Grafton, Bashee, and Goat-Islands, in general,
    the Bashee-Islands. A Digression concerning the different
    depths of the Sea near high or low Lands. The Soil, &c. as
    before. The Soil, Fruits and Animals of these Islands. The
    Inhabitants and their Cloathing. Rings of a yellow Metal
    like Gold. Their Houses built on remarkable Precipices. Their
    Boats and Employments. Their Food, of Goat Skins, Entrails,
    &c. Parcht Locusts. Bashee, or Sugar-cane Drink. Of their
    Language and Original, Launces and Buffaloe Coats. No Idols,
    nor civil Form of Government. A young Man buried alive by
    them; supposed to be for Theft. Their Wives and Children, and
    Husbandry. Their Manners, Entertainments, and Traffick. Of the
    Ships first Entercourse with these People, and Bartering with
    them. Their Course among the Islands; their stay there, and
    provision to depart. They are driven off by a violent Storm,
    and return. The Natives Kindness to 6 of them left behind. The
    Crew discouraged by those Storms, quit their design of Cruising
    off Manila for the Acapulco Ship; and 'tis resolved to fetch
    a Compass to Cape Comorin, and so for the Red-Sea.


[The first part of this chapter, as is seen by the above list of
contents, relates to China and islands near the Chinese coast. Most
of the second half of the chapter relates to the Bashee or Batanes
Islands and is as follows.]

We stayed here [i.e., at the Piscador Islands near China] till the
29th Day [of July, 1687], and then sailed from hence with the Wind
at S.W. and pretty fair Weather. We now directed our course for
some Islands we had chosen to go to, that lye between Formosa and
Luconia. They are laid down in our Plots without any name, only with
a figure of 5, denoting the number of them. It was supposed by us,
that these Islands had no Inhabitants, because they had not any name
by our Hydrographers. Therefore we thought to lye there secure, and
be pretty near the Island Luconia, which we did still intend to visit.

In going to them we sailed by the South West end of Formosa, leaving
it on our Larboard-side. This is a large Island; the South-end is
in Lat. 21 d. 20 m. and the North-end in 25 d. 10 m. North Lat. the
Longitude of this Island is laid down 142 d. 5 m. to 143 d. 16
m. reckoning East from the Pike of Tenariffe, so that 'tis but narrow;
and the Tropick of Cancer crosses it. It is a High and Woody Island,
and was formerly well inhabited by the Chinese, and was then frequently
visited by English Merchants, there being a very good Harbour to
secure their Ships. But since the Tartars have conquered China,
they have spoiled the Harbour, (as I have been informed) to hinder
the Chinese that were then in Rebellion, from Fortifying themselves
there; and ordered the Foreign Merchants to come and Trade on the Main.

The sixth day of August we arrived at the five Islands that we were
bound to, and anchored on the East-side of the Northermost Island,
in 15 Fathom, a Cable's length from the Shore. Here, contrary to our
Expectation, we found abundance of Inhabitants in sight; for there
were 3 large Towns all within a League of the Sea; and another larger
Town than any of the three, and the backside of a small Hill close
by also, as we found afterwards. These Islands lie in Lat. 20 d. 20
m. North Lat. by my Observation, for I took it there, and I find
their Longitude according to our Drafts, to be 141 d. 50 m. These
Islands having no particular Names in the Drafts, some or other of
us made use of the Seamens priviledge, to give them what Names we
pleased. Three of the Islands were pretty large; the Westermost is
the biggest. This the Dutchmen who were among us called the Prince
of Orange's Island, in honour of his present Majesty. It is about
7 or 8 Leagues long, and about two Leagues wide; and it lies almost
N. and S. The other two great Islands are about 4 or 5 Leagues to the
Eastward of this. The Northermost of them, where we first anchored, I
called the Duke of Grafton's Isle, as soon as we landed on it; having
married my W[i]fe out of his Dutchess's Family, and leaving her at
Arlington-house, at my going Abroad. This Isle is about 4 Leagues long,
and one League and a half wide, stretching North and South. The other
great Island our Seamen called the Duke of Monmouth's Island. This
is about a League to the Southward of Grafton Isle. It is about 3
Leagues long, and a League wide, lying as the other. Between Monmouth
and the South end of Orange Island, there are two small Islands of a
roundish Form, lying East and West. The Eastermost Island of the two,
our Men unanimously called Bashee Island, [25] from a Liquor which
we drank there plentifully every day, after we came to an Anchor at
it. The other, which is the smallest of all, we called Goat Island,
from the great number of Goats there; and to the Northward of them all,
are two high Rocks.

Orange Island, which is the biggest of them all, is not Inhabited. It
is high Land, flat and even on the top, with steep Cliffs against the
Sea; for which Reason we could not go ashore there, as we did on all
the rest.

[Some general remarks on high and low lands and anchorages nearby
follow, in which the author states almost as an axiom that good
anchorages are found near low lands, while high rocky lands have
poor anchorages.]

But to return from this Digression, to speak of the rest of these
Islands. Monmouth and Grafton Isles are very Hilly, with many of
those steep inhabited Precipi[c]es on them, that I shall describe
particularly. The two small Islands are flat and even; only the Bashee
Island hath one steep scraggy Hill, but Goat Island is all flat and
very even.

The Mold of these Islands in the Valley, is blackish in some places,
but in most red. The Hills are very rocky: The Valleys are well watered
with Brooks of fresh Water, which run into the Sea in many different
places. The Soil is indifferent fruitful, especially in the Valleys;
producing pretty great plenty of Trees (tho' not very big) and thick
Grass. The sides of the Mountains have also short Grass; and some of
the Mountains have Mines within them, or the Natives told us, That
the yellow Metal they shewed us, (as I shall speak more particularly)
came from these Mountains; for when they held it up they would point
towards them.

The fruit of the Islands are a few Plantains, Bonanoes, Pineapples,
Pumkins, Sugar-canes, &c. and there might be more if the Natives would,
for the Ground seems fertile enough. Here are great plenty of Potatoes,
and Yames, which is the common Food for the Natives, for Bread-kind:
For those few Plantains they have, are only used as Fruit. They have
some Cotton growing here of the small Plants.

Here are plenty of Goats, and abundance of Hogs; but few Fowls,
either wild or tame. For this I have always observed in my Travels,
both in the East and West Indies, that in those Places where there
is plenty of Grain, that is, of Rice in one, and Maiz in the other,
there are also found great abundance of Fowls; but on the contrary,
few Fowls in those Countries where the Inhabitants feed on Fruits and
Roots only. The few wild Fowls that are here, are Parakites, and some
other small Birds. Their tame Fowl are only a few Cocks and Hens.

Monmouth and Grafton Islands are very thick inhabited; and Bashee
Island hath one Town on it. The Natives of these Islands are short
squat People; they are generally round visaged, with low Foreheads,
and thick Eye-brows; their Eyes of a hazle colour, and small, yet
bigger than the Chinese; short low Noses, and their Lip and Mouths
middle proportioned. Their Teeth are white; their Hair is black,
and thick, and lank, which they wear but short; it will just cover
their Ears, and so it is cut round very even. Their Skins are of a
very dark copper colour.

They wear no Hat, Cap, nor Turban, nor any thing to keep off the
Sun. The Men for the biggest part have only a small Clout to cover
their Nakedness; some of them have Jackets made of Plantain-leaves,
which were as rough as any Bear's-skin: I never saw such rugged
Things. The Women have a short Petticoat made of Cotton, which comes a
little below their Knees. It is a thick sort of stubborn Cloth, which
they make themselves of their Cotton. Both Men and Women do wear large
Ear-rings, made of that yellow Metal before mentioned. Whether it were
Gold or no I cannot positively say: I took it to be so; it was heavy,
and of the colour of our paler Gold. I would fain have brought away
some to have satisfied my Curiosity; but I had nothing where with
to buy any. Captain Read bought two of these Rings with some Iron,
of which the People are very greedy; and he would have bought more,
thinking he was come to a very fair Market, but that the paleness of
the Metal made him and the Crew distrust its being right Gold. For
my part, I should have ventured on the purchase of some, but having
no property in the Iron, of which we had great store on board, sent
from England, by the Merchants along with Captain Swan, I durst not
barter it away.

These Rings when first polished look very gloriously, but time makes
them fade, and turn to a pale yellow. Then they make a soft Paste
of red Earth, and smearing it over their Rings, they cast them into
a quick Fire, where they remain till they be red hot; then they take
them out and cool them in Water, and rub off the Paste; and they look
again of a glorious Colour and Lustre.

These People make but small low Houses. The sides which are made of
small Posts, watled with Boughs, are not above 4 foot and a half high:
the Ridge-pole is about 7 or 8 foot high. They have a Fire-place
at one end of their Houses, and Boards placed on the Ground to lye
on. They inhabit together in small Villages built on the sides and
tops of rocky Hills, 3 or 4 rows of Houses one above another, and on
such steep Precipices, that they go up to the first Row with a wooden
Ladder, and so with a Ladder still from every Story up to that above
it, there being no way to ascend. The Plain on the first Precipice may
be so wide, as to have room both for a Row of Houses that stand all
along on the Edge or Brink of it, and a very narrow Street running
along before their Doors, between the Row of Houses and the foot of
the next Precipice; the Plain of which is in a manner level to the
tops of the Houses below, and so for the rest. The common Ladder to
each Row or Street comes up at a narrow Passage left purposely about
the middle of it; and the Street being bounded with a Precipice also
at each end, 'tis but drawing up the Ladder, if they be assaulted,
and then there is no coming at them from below, but by climbing up
as against a perpendicular Wall: And that they may not be assaulted
from above, they take care to build on the side of such a Hill, whose
backside hangs over the Sea, or is some high, steep, perpendicular
Precipice, altogether inaccessible. These Precipices are natural; for
the Rocks seem too hard to work on; nor is there any sign that Art
hath been employed about them. On Bashee Island there is one such,
and built upon, with its back next the Sea. Grafton and Monmouth
Isles are very thick set with these Hills and Towns; and the Natives,
whether for fear of Pirates, or Foreign Enemies, or Factions among
their own Clans, care not for Building but in these Fastnesses; which
I take to be the Reason that Orange Isle, though the largest, and as
Fertile as any, yet being Level, and exposed, hath no Inhabitants. I
never saw the like Precipices and Towns.

These Towns are pretty Ingenious also in building Boats. Their small
Boats are much like our Deal Yalls, but not so big; and they are
built with very narrow Plank, pinn'd with wooden Pins, and some
Nails. They have also some pretty large Boats, which will carry
40 or 50 Men. These they Row with 12 or 14 Oars of a side. They
are built much like the small ones, and they Row doubled Banked;
that is, two Men setting on one Bench, but one Rowing on one side,
the other on the other side of the Boat. They understand the use of
Iron, and work it themselves. Their Bellows are like those at Mindanao.

The common Imployment for the Men is Fishing; but I did never see
them catch much: Whether it is more plenty at other times of the Year
I know not. The Women do manage their Plantations.

I did never see them kill any of their Goats or Hogs for themselves,
yet they would beg the Panches of the Goats that they themselves
did sell to us: And if any of our surly Seamen did heave them into
the Sea, they would take them up again, and the Skins of the Goats
also. They would not meddle with Hog-guts, if our Men threw away any
beside what they made Chitterlings and Sausages of. The Goat-skins
these People would carry ashore, and making a Fire they would singe
oft all the Hair, and afterwards let the Skin lie and Pearch on the
Coals, till they thought it eatable; and then they would knaw it,
and tear it to pieces with their Teeth, and at last swallow it. The
Paunches of the Goats would make them an excellent Dish; they drest it
in this manner. They would turn out all the Chopt Grass and Crudities
found in the Maw into their Pots, and set it over the Fire, and stir
it about often: This would Smoak and Puff, and heave up as it was
Boyling; wind breaking out of the Ferment, and making a very savory
Stink. While this was doing, if they had any Fish, as commonly they
had 2 or 3 small Fish, these they would make very clean (as hating
nastiness belike) and cut the Flesh from the Bone, and then mince the
Flesh as small as possibly they could, and when that in the Pot was
well boiled, they would take it up, and strewing a little Salt into it,
they would eat it, mixt with their raw minced Flesh. The Dung in the
Maw would look like so much boil'd Herbs minc'd very small; and they
took up their Mess with their Fingers, as the Moors do their Pilaw,
[26] using no Spoons.

They had another Dish made of a sort of Locusts, whose Bodies were
about an Inch and an half long, and as thick as the top of one's
little Finger; with large thin Wings, and long and small Legs. At
this time of the Year these Creatures came in great Swarms to devour
their Potato-leaves, and other Herbs; and the Natives would go out
with small Nets, and take a Quart at one sweep. When they had enough,
they would carry them home, and Parch them over the Fire in an earthen
Pan; and then their Wings and Legs would fall off, and their Heads and
Backs would turn red like boil'd Shrimps, being before brownish. Their
Bodies being full, would eat very moist, their Heads would crackle,
in one's Teeth. I did eat once of this Dish, and liked it well enough;
but their other Dish my Stomach would not take.

Their common Drink is Water; as it is of all other Indians: Beside
which they make a sort of Drink with the Juice of the Sugar-cane,
which they boil, and put some small black sort of Berries among
it. When it is well boiled, they put it into great Jars, and let it
stand 3 or 4 days and work. Then it settles and becomes clear, and
is presently fit to drink. This is an excellent Liquor, and very much
like English Beer, both in Colour and Taste. It is very strong, and I
do believe very wholesome: For our Men, who drunk briskly of it all day
for several Weeks, were frequently drunk with it, and never sick after
it. The Natives brought a vast deal of it every day to those aboard
and ashore: For some of our Men were ashore at work on Bashee Island;
which Island they gave that Name to from their drinking this Liquor
there; that being the Name which the Natives call'd this Liquor by:
and as they sold it to our Men very cheap, so they did not spare
to drink it as freely. And indeed from the plenty of this Liquor,
and their plentiful use of it, our Men call'd all these Islands,
the Bashee Islands.

What Language these People do speak I know not: for it had no affinity
in sound to the Chinese, which is spoke much through the Teeth;
nor yet to the Malayan Language. They called the Metal that their
Ear-rings were made of Bullawan, which is the Mindana word for Gold;
therefore probably they may be related to the Philippine Indians; for
that is the general Name for Gold among all those Indians. I could not
learn from whence they have their Iron; but it is most likely they go
in their great Boats to the North end of Luconia, and Trade with the
Indians of that Island for it. Neither did I see any thing beside Iron,
and pieces of Buffaloes Hides, which I could judge that they bought
of Strangers: Their Cloaths were of their own Growth and Manufacture.

These Men had Wooden Lances, and a few Lances headed with Iron;
which are all the Weapons that they have. Their Armour is a piece of
Buffaloe-hide, shaped like our Carters Frocks, being without Sleeves,
and sowed both sides together, with holes for the Head and the Arms to
come forth. This Buff-Coat reaches down to their Knees: It is close
about their Shoulders, but below it is 3 Foot wide, and as thick as
a Board.

I could never perceive them to Worship any thing, neither had they any
Idols; neither did they seem to observe any one day more than other. I
could never perceive that one Man was of greater Power than another;
but they seemed to be all equal; only every Man ruling his own House,
and the Children Respecting and Honouring their Parents.

Yet 'tis probable that they have some Law, or Custom, by which they
are govern'd; for while we lay here we saw a young Man buried alive
in the Earth; and 'twas for Theft, as far as we could understand from
them. There was a great deep hole dug, and abundance of People came to
the Place to take their last Farewell of him: Among the rest, there
was one Woman who made great Lamentation, and took off the condemn'd
Person's Ear-rings. We supposed her to be his Mother. After he had
taken his leave of her and some others, he was put into the Pit,
and covered over with Earth He did not struggle, but yielded very
quietly to his Punishment; and they cramm'd the Earth close upon him,
and stifled him.

They have but one Wife, with whom they live and agree very well;
and their Children live very obediently under them. The Boys go out
a Fishing with their Fathers; and the Girls live at home with their
Mothers: And when the Girls are grown pretty strong, they send them
to their Plantations, to dig Yames and Potatoes; of which they bring
home on their Heads every day enough to serve the whole Family;
for they have no Rice nor Maize.

Their Plantations are in the Valleys, at a good distance from their
Houses; where every Man has a certain spot of Land, which is properly
his own. This he manageth himself for his own use; and provides enough,
that he may not be beholding to his Neighbour.

Notwithstanding the seeming nastiness of their Dish of Goats Maw,
they are in their Persons a very neat cleanly People, both Men and
Women: And they are withal the quietest and civilest People that
I did ever meet with. I could never perceive them to be angry with
one another. I have admired to see 20 or 30 Boats aboard our Ship at
a time, and yet no difference among them; but all civil and quiet,
endeavouring to help each other on occasion; No noise nor appearance
of distaste: and although sometimes cross Accidents would happen,
which might have set other Men together by the Ears, yet they were
not moved by them. Sometimes they will also drink freely, and warm
themselves with their Drink; yet neither then could I ever perceive
them out of Humour. They are not only thus civil among themselves,
but very obliging and kind to Strangers; nor were their Children rude
to us, as is usual. Indeed the Women, when we came to their Houses,
would modestly beg any Rags, or small pieces of Cloth, to swaddle
their young ones in, holding out their Children to us; and begging
is usual among all these wild Nations. Yet neither did they beg so
importunely as in other Places; nor did the Men ever beg any thing
at all. Neither, except once at the first time we came to an Anchor
(as I shall relate) did they steal any thing; but dealt justly, and
with great sincerity with us; and made us very welcome to their Houses
with Bashee drink. If they had none of this Liquor themselves, they
would buy a Jar of Drink of their Neighbours, and sit down with us:
for we could see them go and give a piece or two of their Gold for
some Jars of Bashee. And indeed among Wild Indians, as these seem
to be, I wonder'd to see buying and selling, which is not so usual;
nor to converse so freely, as to go aboard Stranger's Ships with so
little caution: Yet their own small Trading may have brought them
to this. At these entertainments they and their Family, Wife and
Children drank out of small Callabashes; and when by themselves, they
drink about from one to another; but when any of us came among them,
they would always drink to one of us.

They have no sort of Coin; but they have small Crumbs of the Metal
before described, which they bind up very safe in Plantain Leaves,
or the like. This Metal they exchange for what they want, giving
a small quantity of it, about 2 or 3 Grains, for a Jar of Drink,
that would hold 5 or 6 Gallons. They have no Scales, but give it by
guess. Thus much in general.

To proceed therefore with our Affairs, I have said before, that
we anchored here the 6th day of August. While we were furling our
Sails, there came near 100 Boats of the Natives aboard, with 3 or
4 Men in each; so that our Deck was full of Men. We were at first
afraid of them, and therefore got up 20 or 30 small Arms on our
Poop, and kept 3 or 4 Men as Centinels, with Guns in their Hands,
ready to fire on them if they had offered to molest us. But they
were pretty quiet, only they pickt up such old Iron that they found
on our Deck, and they also took out our Pump-Bolts, and Linch-Pins
out of the Carriages of our Guns, before we perceived them. At last,
one of our Men perceived one of them very busie getting out one of our
Linch Pins; and took hold of the fellow, who immediately bawl'd out,
and all the rest presently leaped overboard, some into their Boats,
others into the Sea; and they all made away for the Shore. But when
we perceived their Fright, we made much of him that was in hold,
who stood Trembling all the while; and at last we gave him a small
piece of Iron, with which he immediately leapt overboard and swam
to his Consorts; who hovered about our Ship to see the Issue. Then
we beckned to them to come aboard again, being very loth to lose a
Commerce with them. Some of the Boats came aboard again, and they
were always very Honest and Civil afterward.

We presently after this sent a Canoa ashore, to see their manner of
living, and what Provision they had: The Canao's Crew were made very
welcome with Bashee drink, and saw abundance of Hogs, some of which
they bought, and returned aboard. After this the Natives brought
aboard both Hogs and Goats to us in their own Boats; and every day we
should have 15 or 20 Hogs and Goats in Boats aboard by our side. These
we bought for a small matter; we could buy a good fat Goat for an
old Iron Hoop, and a Hog of 70 or 80 pound weight for 2 or 3 pound
of Iron. Their drink also they brought off in Jars, which we bought
for old Nails, Spikes, and Leaden Bullets. Besides the fore-mentioned
Commodities, they brought aboard great quantities of Yams and Potatoes;
which we purchased for Nails, Spikes, or Bullets. It was one Man's
work to be all day cutting out Bars of Iron into small pieces with a
cold Chisel: And these were for the great Purchases of Hogs and Goats,
which they would not sell for Nails, as their Drinks and Roots. We
never let them know what Store we have, that they may value it the
more. Every Morning, as soon as it was light, they would thus come
aboard with their Commodities; which we bought as we had occasion. We
did commonly furnish our selves with as many Goats and Roots as served
us all the day; and their Hogs we bought in large Quantities, as we
thought convenient; for we salted them. Their Hogs were very sweet;
but I never saw so many Meazled ones.

We filled all our Water at a curious Brook close by us in Grafton's
Isle, where we first anchored. We stayed there about three or four
days, before we went to other Islands. We sailed to the Southward,
passing on the East-side of Grafton Island, and then passed thro'
between that and Monmouth Island; but we found no Anchoring till we
came to the North end of Monmouth Island, and there we stopt during
one Tide. The Tide runs very strong here, and sometimes makes a short
chopping Sea. Its course among these Islands is S. by E. and N. by
W. The Flood sets to the North, and Ebb to the South, and it riseth
and falleth 8 Foot.

When we went from hence, we coasted about 2 Leagues to the Southward,
on the West side of Monmouth Island; and finding no Anchor-ground,
we stood over to the Bashee Island, and came to an Anchor on the
North East part of it, against a small sandy Bay, in 7 fathom clean
hard Sand, and about a quarter of a Mile from the Shore. Here is a
pretty wide Channel between these two Islands, and Anchoring all over
it. The Depth of Water is 2, 14, and 16 Fathom.

We presently built a Tent ashore, to mend our Sails in, and stay'd
all the rest of our time here, viz. from the 13th day of August till
the 26th day of September. In which time we mended our Sails, and
scrubb'd our Ships bottom very well; and every day some of us went to
their Towns, and were kindly entertained by them. Their Boats also
came aboard with their Merchandize to sell, and lay aboard all Day;
and if we did not take it off their Hands one Day, they would bring
the same again the next.

We had yet the Winds at S.W. and S.S.W. mostly fair Weather. In October
we did expect the Winds to shift to the N.E. and therefore we provided
to sail (as soon as the Eastern Monsoon was settled) to cruize off
at Manila. Accordingly we provided a stock of Provision. We salted
70 or 80 good fat Hogs, and bought Yams and Potatoes good store to
eat at Sea.

About the 24th day of September, the Winds shifted about to the East,
and from thence to the N.E. fine fair Weather. The 25th it came at
N. and began to grow fresh, and the Sky began to be clouded; and the
Wind freshened on us.

At 12 a clock at night it blew a very fierce Storm. We were then riding
with our best Bower [27] a Head and though our Yards and Top-mast
were down, yet we drove. This obliged us to let go our Sheet-Anchor,
veering out a good scope of Cable, which stopt us till 10 or 11 a
clock the next day. Then the Wind came on so fierce, that she drove
again, with both Anchors a-head. The Wind was now at N. by W. and we
kept driving till 3 or 4 a clock in the afternoon: and it was well
for us that there were no Islands, Rocks, or Sands in our way, for
if there had, we must have been driven upon them. We used our utmost
endeavours to stop here, being loath to go to Sea, because we had six
of our Men ashore, who could not get off now. At last we were driven
off into deep Water, and then it was in vain to wait any longer:
Therefore we hove in our Sheet Cable, and got up our Sheet Anchor,
and cut away our best Bower, (for to have heav'd her up then would
have gone near to have foundred us) and so put to Sea. We had very
violent Weather the night ensuing, with very hard Rain, and we were
forced to scud with our bare Poles till 3 a Clock in the morning. Then
the Wind slacken'd, and we brought our Ship to, under a mizen, and
lay with our Head to the Westward. The 27th day the Wind abated much,
but it rained very hard all day, and the Night ensuing. The 28th day
the Wind came about to the N.E. and it cleared up, and blew a hard
Gale, but it stood not there, for it shifted about to the Eastward,
thence to the S.E. then to the South, and at last settled at S.W. and
then we had a moderate Gale and fair Weather.

It was the 29th day when the Wind came to the S.W. Then we made all
the Sail we could for the Island again. The 30th day we had the Wind at
West, and saw the Islands; but could not get in before night. Therefore
we stood off to the Southward till two a Clock in the morning; then we
tackt, and stood in all the morning, and about 12 a clock, the 1st day
of October, we anchored again at the place from whence we were driven.

Then our six men were brought aboard by the Natives, to whom we gave
3 whole Bars of Iron, for their kindness and civility, which was an
extraordinary to them. Mr. Robert Hall was one of the Men that was
left ashore. I shall speak more of him hereafter. He and the rest of
them told me, that after the Ship was out of sight, the Natives began
to be more kind to them than they had been before, and persuaded them
to cut their Hair short, as theirs was, offering to each of them
if they would do it, a young Woman to Wife, and a small Hatchet,
and other Iron Utensils, fit for a Planter, in Dowry; and withal
shewed them a piece of Land for them to manage. They were courted
thus by several of the Town where they then were: but they took up
their head quarters at the House of him with whom they first went
ashore. When the Ship appeared in sight again, then they importuned
them for some Iron, which is the chief thing that they covet, even
above their Ear-rings. We might have bought all their Ear-rings, or
other Gold they had, with our Iron-bars, had we been assured of its
goodness; and yet when it was touch'd and compar'd with other Gold,
we could not discern any difference, tho' it look'd so pale in the
lump; but the seeing them polish it so often, was a new discouragement.

This last Storm put our Men quite out of heart: for although it was not
altogether so fierce as that which we were in on the Coast of China,
which was still fresh in Memory, yet it wrought more powerfully, and
frighted them from their design of cruising before Manila, fearing
another Storm there. Now every Man wisht himself at home, as they
had done an hundred times before: But Captain Read, and Captain Teat
the Master, persuaded them to go toward Cape Comorin, and then they
would tell them more of their Minds, intending doubtless to cruize
in the Red Sea; and they easily prevailed with the Crew.

The Eastern Monsoon was now at hand, and the best way had been to
go through the Streights of Malacca; but Captain Teat said it was
dangerous, by reason of many Islands and Shoals there, with which none
of us were acquainted. Therefore he thought it best to go round on the
East-side of all the Philippine Islands, and so keeping South toward
the Spice Islands, to pass out into the East-Indian Ocean about the
Island Timor.

This seemed to be a very tedious way about, and as dangerous altogether
for Sholes; but not for meeting with English or Dutch Ships, which
was their greatest Fear. I was well enough satisfied, knowing that
the farther we went, the more Knowledge and Experience I should get,
which was the main Thing that I regarded; and should also have the
more variety of Places to attempt an Escape from them, being fully
resolv'd to take the first opportunity of giving them the slip.





CHAP. XVI

    They depart from the Bashee Islands, and passing by some
    others, and the N. End of Luconia. St. John's Isle, and other
    of the Philippines. They stop at the two Isles near Mindanao;
    where they re-fit their Ship, and make a Pump after the Spanish
    fashion. By the young Prince of the Spice Island they have
    News of Captain Swan, and his Men, left at Mindanao: The Author
    proposes to the Crew to return to him; but in vain; The Story
    of his Murder at Mindanao. The Clove-Islands. Ternate. Tidore,
    &c. The Island Celebes, and Dutch Town of Macasser. They
    coast along the East side of Celebes, and between it and other
    Islands and Sholes, with great difficulty. Shy Turtle. Vast
    Cockles. A wild Vine of great Virtue for Sores. Great Trees;
    one excessively big. Beacons instead of Buoys on the Sholes. A
    Spout: a Description of them, with a Story of one. Uncertain
    Tornadoes. Turtle. The Island Bouton, and its chief Town and
    Harbour Callasusung. The Inhabitants Visits given and receiv'd
    by the Sultan. His Device in the Flag of his Proe: His Guards,
    Habit, and Children. Their Commerce. Their different esteem
    (as they pretend) of the English and Dutch. Maritime Indians
    sell others for Slaves. Their Reception in the Town. A
    Boy with 4 rows of Teeth. Parakites. Crockadores, a sort
    of White Parrots. They pass among other inhabited Islands,
    Omba, Pentare, Timore, &c. Sholes. New Holland: laid down
    too much Northward. Its Soil, and Dragon-trees. The poor
    winking inhabitants: their Feathers, Habit, Food, Arms,
    &c. The way of fetching Fire out of Wood. The Inhabitants
    on the Islands. Their Habitations, Unfitness for Labour,
    &c. The great Tides here. They design for the Island Cocos,
    and Cape Comorin.


The third Day of October 1687, we sailed from these Islands, standing
to the Southward; intending to sail through among the Spice Islands. We
had fair Weather, and the Wind at West. We first steer'd S.S.W. and
passed close by certain small Islands that lye just by the North-end
of the Island Luconia. [28] We left them all on the West of us, and
past on the East-side of it, and the rest of the Philippine Islands,
coasting to the Southward.

The N. East-end of the Island Luconia appears to be good Champion
Land, of an indifferent heighth, plain and even for many Leagues;
only it has some pretty high Hills standing upright by themselves in
these Plains; but no ridges of Hills, or chains of Mountains joyning
one to another. The Land on this side seems to be most Savannah,
or Pasture: The S.E. part is more Mountainous and Woody.

Leaving the Island Luconia, and with it our Golden Projects, we
sailed on to the Southward, passing on the East-side of the rest
of the Philippine Islands. These appear to be more Mountainous,
and less Woody, till we came in sight of the Island St. John; the
first of that name I mentioned: the other I spake of on the Coast of
China. This I have already described to be a very woody Island. Here
the Wind coming Southerly, forced us to keep farther from the Islands.

The 14 day of October we came close by a small low woody Island,
that lieth East from the S.E. end of Mindanao, distant from it about
20 Leagues. I do not find it set down in any Sea-Chart.

The 15th day we had the Wind at N.E. and we steered West for the Island
Mindanao, and arrived at the S.E. end again in the 16th day. There
we went in and anchored between two small Islands, which lie in
about 5 d. 10 m. North Lat. I mentioned them when we first came on
this Coast. Here we found a fine small Cove, on the N.W. end of the
Easternmost Island [i.e., Sarangani], fit to careen in, or hale ashore;
so we went in there, and presently unrigg'd our Ship, and provided to
hale our Ship ashore, to clean her bottom. These Islands are about 3
or 4 Leagues from the Island Mindanao; they are about 4 or 5 Leagues
in Circumference, and of a pretty good heighth. The Mold is black
and deep; and there are two small Brooks of fresh Water.

They are both plentifully stored with great high Trees; therefore
our Carpenters were sent ashore to cut down some of them for our
use; for here they made a new Boltsprit, which we did set here also,
our old one being very faulty. They made a new Fore-yard too, and a
Fore-top-mast: And our Pumps being faulty, and not serviceable, they
did cut a Tree to make a Pump. They first squared it, then sawed it in
the middle, and then hollowed each side exactly. The two hollow sides
were made big enough to contain a Pump-box in the midst of them both,
when they were joined together; and it required their utmost Skill to
close them exactly to the making a tight Cylinder for the Pump-box;
being unaccustomed to such work. We learnt this way of Pump-making
from the Spaniards; who make their Pumps that they use in their Ships
in the South-Seas after this manner; and I am confident that there
are no better Hand-pumps in the World than they have.

While we lay here, the young Prince that I mentioned in the 13th
Chapter, came aboard. He understanding that we were bound farther
to the Southward, desired us to transport him and his Men to his own
Island. He shewed it to us in our Draft, and told us the Name of it;
which we put down in our Draft, for it was not named there; but I
quite forgot to put it into my Journal.

This Man told us, that not above six days before this, he saw Captain
Swan, and several of his Men that we left there, and named the Names of
some of them, who, he said, were all well, and that now they were at
the City of Mindanao; but that they had all of them been out with Raja
Laut, fighting under him in his Wars against his Enemies the Alfoores;
and that most of them fought with undaunted Courage; for which they
were highly honoured and esteemed, as well by the Sultan, as by the
General Raja Laut; that now Capt. Swan intended to go with his Men
to Fort St. George, and that in order thereto, he had proffered forty
Ounces of Gold for a Ship; but the Owner and he were not yet agreed;
and that he feared that the Sultan would not let him go away till
the Wars were ended.

All this the Prince told us in the Malayan tongue, which many of us
had learnt; and when he went away he promised to return to us again
in 3 days time, and so long Captain Read promised to stay for him
(for we had now almost finished our Business) and he seemed very glad
of the opportunity of going with us.

After this I endeavoured to perswade our Men, to return with the Ship
to the River of Mindanao, and offer their Service again to Captain
Swan. I took an opportunity when they were filling of Water, there
being then half the Ships Company ashore; and I found all these very
willing to do it. I desired them to say nothing, till I had tried
the Minds of the other half, which I intended to do the next day;
it being their turn to fill Water then; But one of these Men, who
seemed most forward to invite back Captain Swan, told Captain Read
and Captain Teat of the Project, and they presently disswaded the Men
from any such Designs. Yet fearing the worst, they made all possible
haste to be gone.

I have since been informed, that Captain Swan and his Men stayed
there a great while afterward; and that many of the Men got passage
from thence in Dutch Sloops to Ternate, particularly Mr. Rofy,
and Mr. Nelly. There they remained a great while, and at last got
to Batavia (where the Dutch took their Journals from them) and so to
Europe; and that some of Captain Swan's Men died at Mindanao; of which
number Mr. Harthrope, and Mr. Smith, Captain Swan's Merchants were
two. At last Captain Swan and his Surgeon going in a small Canoa aboard
of a Dutch Ship then in the Road, in order to get Passage to Europe,
were overset by the Natives at the Mouth of the River; who waited
their coming purposely to do it, but unsuspected by them; where they
both were kill'd in the Water. This was done by the General's Order, as
some think, to get his Gold, which he did immediately seize on. Others
say, it was because the General's House was burnt a little before,
and Captain Swan was suspected to be the Author of it; and others say,
That it was Captain Swan's Threats occasioned his own Ruin; for he
would often say passionately, that he had been abused by the General,
and that he would have satisfaction for it; saying also, that now he
was well acquainted with their Rivers, and knew how to come in at any
time; that he also knew their manner of Fighting, and the Weakness of
their Country; and therefore he would go away, and get a Band of Men
to assist him, and returning thither again, he would spoil and take
all that they had, and their Country too. When the General had been
informed of these Discourses, he would say, What, is Captain Swan made
of Iron, and able to resist a whole Kingdom? Or does he think that we
are afraid of him, that he speaks thus? Yet did he never touch him,
till now the Mindanayans kill'd him. It is very probable there might
be somewhat of Truth in all this; for the Captain was passionate,
and the General greedy of Gold. But whatever was the occasion, so
he was killed, as several have assured me, and his Gold seized on,
and all his Things; and his Journal also from England, as far as Cape
Corrientes on the Coast of Mexico. This Journal was afterwards sent
away from thence by Mr. Moody (who was there both a little before and
a little after the Murder) and he sent it to England by Mr. Goddard,
Chief Mate of the Defence.

But to our purpose: Seeing I could not persuade them to go to Captain
Swan again, I had a great desire to have had the Prince's Company:
But Captain Read was afraid to let his fickle Crew lie long. That
very day that the Prince had promised to return to us, which was
November 2, 1687, we sailed hence, directing our course South-West,
and having the Wind at N.W.

[The course of the ship after leaving Mindanao may be seen from the
heading to this chapter. Of Australia (or New Holland, as it was then
called) Dampier says: "New Holland is a very large tract of Land. It
is not yet determined whether it is an Island or a main Continent;
but I am certain that it joyns neither to Asia, Africa, nor America."]

[From Australia (chap. xvii) the adventurers sail along until they
reach Nicobar Island, where Dampier and two others receive permission
to remain, together with four Malays and a Portuguese; and have various
adventures with the natives of that island. Finally leaving there
(chap. xviii), they go to Sumatra, where the small band is decimated
by the death of one Malay and the Portuguese. The two Englishmen go to
the English factory. Leaving the island, Dampier sets out as boatswain
of an English ship for Nicobar, but returns to Achin. Thence he makes
various voyages (in 1688 and 1689) in Eastern waters, and finally
becomes gunner at the English factory at Bencouli (1690); but, that
post proving uncongenial, he deserts and takes passage for England
(January 2, 1691). The journey to the Dutch colony at the Cape of Good
Hope (chap. xix--misnumbered xx) witnesses a slight engagement between
the French, with whom hostilities have broken out, and the Dutch and
English; and the mysterious death of many of the sailors on the English
vessel, from the bad water, Dampier thinks. England is finally reached
(chap. xx), and the author's long voyage is over, September 16, 1691.]






PETITION FOR DOMINICAN MISSIONARIES


Fray Francisco de Villalva of the Order of Preachers, and
procurator-general (in virtue of powers which he presents) of the
province of Santo Rosario, which the said order has in the Filipinas
Islands, declares: That, as is well known, the religious of his
order in the said islands have converted to the Catholic faith,
and now have in their charge, the provinces of Cagayan, Pangasinan,
Mandayas, part of Tagalos, Zambales, and the island of Babuyanes--in
which territory there is diversity of languages, and a great number
of convents provided with ministers for the instruction of the Indian
natives; from this labor always has been and still is gathered the
spiritual harvest which is well known. Moreover, those fathers have
made extensive conquests in various parts of those kingdoms, founding
many churches--as they actually are maintaining public worship at
this very time in the vast empire of Great China. There they are
suffering immense hardships and persecutions, shedding their blood in
the violent acts committed by tyranny, in order to plant there the
Christian faith and religion; for this cause, and in its defense,
seventy-eight religious have given their lives as martyrs in that
province, leaving the church made illustrious by this triumph. And
besides this, they have in the city of Manila their principal convent,
which continually maintains the practices of hearing confessions,
preaching, and giving consolation in the sicknesses and trials of the
citizens, with great comfort to all. They have also the college of
Santo Tomàs, in which are taught grammar, the arts, and scholastic
and moral theology, to the benefit of all that community and the
entire archipelago. They support students holding fellowships, usually
twenty-four to thirty, without receiving any stipend: and have thus
sent out, as they are still doing, graduates of much learning, for
the dignities and curacies of those islands. They have also another
college, that of San Juan de Letran, with more than a hundred orphan
boys, the sons of poor soldiers who have died in the service of your
Majesty--giving them all that is necessary for their support, and
instructing them in reading, writing, religious conduct, and virtue;
while those boys who are not inclined to study are aided in obtaining
positions as soldiers, artillerists, mariners, and in other occupations
in which they are employed to the service of your Majesty. Another
enterprise is also at the expense and charge of the said religious
order and province--the Parian, which is the silk-market of the
Chinese; it is close to the walls of Manila, and from five to six
thousand Chinamen usually reside in it. For the Christians preaching in
their own language is furnished every feast-day in their own church,
and there is continual preaching to the heathen through the streets;
with this labor they have made a great many conversions, and gained an
enormous number of souls. For this same nation those fathers maintain
a hospital, in which, with the good example of those religious, and
their instruction and continual assistance in the sicknesses of the
Chinese, they have gained so great a harvest that from its foundation
(which was in the former year of 1588) to the present year of 1677,
[29] seldom has a patient died without receiving the water of holy
baptism. This religious order also have at San Juan del Monte a
sanctuary which is the object of devotion of all that colony; and
at the port of Cavite, three leguas distant from Manila--where the
galleons and other vessels of smaller size are built--they have the
convent of San Thelmo, the religious of which assist the soldiers,
mariners, and sailors with their preaching and instruction, so that
all of them may live Christian and orderly lives.

This religious province administers the functions entrusted to
it without any worldly advantage, receiving neither imposts nor
fees for burials, marriages, feast-days, or sermons--its religious
being supported only by the stipend which your Majesty assigns to
the ministers in the mission villages; and from this amount they
spend much and distribute [alms] among the poor and needy Indians of
their districts. Nor is there in any convent of the said province any
fixed income; nor has the province ever accepted deposits or valuable
articles, or permitted its individual religious to keep these things
in their cells, or anything except a breviary and the holy Bible,
for the preaching of the holy gospel. Their clothing is of coarse,
rough frieze without, and their inner garments of what your Majesty
(whom may God guard) grants them as alms. All this is evident by the
publicity of the facts, and by official information which on various
occasions has been sent to the glorious Catholic sovereigns, your
Majesty's predecessors, and to their royal and supreme Council of
the Indias by the governor and royal Audiencia of the islands, and
the cabildos, ecclesiastical and secular, of the said city of Manila.

In consideration of these things, and of the fact that so numerous
Christian communities are persevering in the Catholic faith, and that
these are spreading with the new conversions, his Majesty who is now
in glory, moved by the fervent zeal which he always had for the good of
souls, continued to send to the said islands religious of the Order of
St. Dominic, in order that by their apostolic lives and doctrine they
might teach and preach the holy gospel. And finally, in the past year
of 1668 her Highness the queen-regent, the mother of your Majesty,
was pleased to grant permission that some of those religious should
go thither at the cost of the royal treasury; in accordance with this
thirty-three religious went to those islands, thirty priests and three
lay brethren. [30] But, although that permission and the number of
missionaries were enough for one shipment, they do not suffice for the
succor of so many souls as that province has in its charge, and for
the new conversions which continually present themselves. Moreover,
with the long voyage, the unaccustomed climates, the continual toil,
and the austerity which is observed by this province--which follows the
primitive rule of its order--the number of its members must necessarily
diminish. This has actually been the case, since from the time when
permission was given for the last shipload of religious, which was
nine years ago, a greater number have died than those who went to the
islands in that band, as was evident from the last reports which the
said province sent [to España], and which the petitioner will exhibit,
if necessary. And today, counting in the sick, crippled, and old men,
there are not ninety priests in the said province; and even though
there were many more, since more are actually necessary it is highly
expedient that other and fresh religious should go thither, that they
may be rendering themselves capable in the languages and ministries,
so that ready and intelligent laborers may never be lacking for the
instruction and teaching of the natives, and for the new conversions,
which our sovereigns the Catholic kings of España have so earnestly
striven to maintain and increase, sending religious every four or six
years, and sometimes every two years; without the ministries being
less than they are now, nor do fewer die now than then.

In order to provide those who should go, and to find the number for
whom your Majesty shall be pleased to grant permission, to obtain
information about them, to examine into their virtue and learning,
and to secure a judicious choice, the petitioner needs about a year,
in which time he can go personally to the convents of the three
provinces of España; for the importance of so delicate a matter will
not permit that it be entrusted to letters alone. Accordingly, he
should have at least the time until St. John's day next, or when the
first fleet shall be equipped; otherwise he cannot sail from España
and make a voyage to Filipinas with religious. To reach those islands,
two years are usually required, and at the very least more than one
year; and by that time eleven or twelve years will have passed since
the last permission [of that sort]. In that protracted course of time,
there must necessarily have occurred many deaths among the laborers
who work in that vineyard--of whose labor and conversion of souls
God has made watch-towers for our sovereigns the Catholic kings of
España, and for their royal and supreme Council of the Indias, upon
whom is laid this heavy weight of obligation--in fulfilling which they
have always made every exertion, giving permissions, orders, means,
and aid to the ministers who have gone thither to cultivate that field.

Therefore the said province, and the said Fray Francisco de Villalva
in its name, have recourse to the kindness and fervent zeal of your
Majesty, with which you have always striven for the preservation and
propagation of the Catholic faith; and prostrate at your royal feet
he entreats that your Majesty will be pleased to take pity on so many
souls and the conversions for which the religious of St. Dominic
are caring and in which they are laboring in the said Filipinas
Islands. They ask that you will grant to the said province forty
religious, [31] and a suitable number of lay brethren; and to the
petitioner permission to conduct them thither in his company, and the
necessary supplies for him and them, so that on the first opportunity
when there is a fleet they may embark for their voyage. In this, God
our Lord will regard himself as well served; and that poor and remote
province will be anew constrained, in return for this favor and grace,
to continue its prayers and sacrifices for the life and health of
your Majesty, and for the welfare and increase of your entire monarchy.






EVENTS IN FILIPINAS, 1686-88

Diary of new events in Filipinas, from June, 1686 to June in 87


On June 11, 1686, the galleon "Santo Niño" discovered, twenty-two
leguas from the island of San Juan, a new island, larger than any
of those discovered in Marianas; it is named San Bernabé, because it
was discovered on the day of that saint.

On July 11 the bells were rung in Manila for the arrival of the galleon
"Santa Rosa."

On the twelfth they hanged five Sangleys, who were found guilty in
the mutiny.

On the fourteenth news came that all the people who were in the lancha
that lost its course in Marianas had safely reached port in Cagayan.

On the eighteenth the courier [32] arrived with the mail.

On the nineteenth the auditor Don Diego Calderon died.

On the second of August, Licentiate Don Rafael Tome, a student in
San José, died.

On the twenty-seventh, the sloop for Marianas sailed from Cavite;
and Fathers Diego de Zarzosa and Jacinto Garcia, [33] and Brother
Melchor de los Reyes, embarked in it.

On the twenty-sixth, our mail reached Manila. On the twenty-eighth,
that from Roma was opened, and no [provision for our] government
was found.

At the beginning of September, the Augustinians brought suit against
us before the archbishop, regarding the administration of Mariquina.

On the sixth of October, Father Jose Lopez died in Palapag.

On the twelfth the father provincial, Francisco Salgado, [34] and
the father rector, Luis Pimentel, [35] were notified of the judicial
decision by the archbishop--who, declaring himself to be a competent
judge, notwithstanding [our] challenge of his cognizance, although he
had approved our licenses and our administration of the sacraments,
revoked the said licenses, and decreed that no one of the Society
should minister in Mariquina, [36] and that the ministry there should
devolve upon the Augustinians.

On the same day, the twelfth of October, it was decided in a provincial
council that the paths of government should be opened. The first was
entered by Father Geronimo de Ortega, and the second by Father Juan
Andres de Palavicino; but, on account of the death of both these,
Father Luis Pimentel--at the time, rector of the college of San
Ignacio--began to govern.

On the thirteenth of October, the armada entered the port of Cavite.

On the fifteenth, Father Antonio Jaramillo [37] began to officiate
as rector of the college of Manila.

On the eighteenth of October, a decree was made known to the provisor,
who had gone to Mariquina and Pasig, forbidding any official whatever
of the archbishopric from taking action in matters pertaining to the
lawsuit of Mariquina.

On the twenty-first, a decree was made known to the archbishop strictly
charging him that he must refrain from taking action in the lawsuit
of Mariquina, and that he must exhibit the records.

On the eighteenth of December, the archbishop was notified and charged
not to disturb us in the Mariquina affair. On the nineteenth, a similar
charge was laid upon the prior of Pasig; and another, on the twentieth,
on the prior-general of the Augustinians.

On the same day, the twentieth of December, the archbishop sent a
denunciation of excommunication, with the curse of God--Father, Son,
and Holy Spirit--and his own, and that of the apostles Peter and Paul,
to the governor and to Auditor Bolivar, in order that they should
not interfere in the Mariquina affair.



Year of 1687

On the twenty-first of January, 1687, General Don Juan de Zalaeta was
arrested by order of the governor, and thrust into the sulphur dungeon
[calabozo de azufre]. Item, they also arrested Licentiate Don Miguel
de Lozama, and conveyed him, wearing two pairs of fetters, to the
fort of San Gabriel. The goods of both were seized, and several of
their clerks arrested.

On the twenty-second, Doña Ynes, the wife of the said Don Miguel,
sent a petition to the said governor, who answered that the judge of
the suit was Don Francisco Velasco, alcalde-in-ordinary. Doña Ynes came
before the royal Audiencia, and that body passed an act providing that
the said alcalde should, after taking the confession of the accused,
present the documents within twenty-four hours. The governor, having
seen this decree, issued another, prohibiting further action by
the royal Audiencia, and ordering the alcalde to prosecute the case
without surrendering the documents. At night the governor summoned the
auditors and fiscal to a conference, and made an address to them--from
which resulted, as was noticed, great fear in the auditors, who almost
decided to forsake the Audiencia, and take refuge in sanctuary.

On the seventh of February, they arrested the auditor Don Diego
de Viga, put him on a vessel, and conveyed him to the island of
Mariveles. At the same time they made the most careful search, in
order to seize the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; but by that time he
had fled to sanctuary.

On the fourteenth of February, they took from his house, where she
had remained with guards, Doña Josefa Moran de la Cueva, the wife
of the auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar, and carried her into banishment
at Abucay.

On the sixteenth, they also seized Doña Ynes, sister of the said Doña
Josefa, and wife of Licentiate Don Miguel de Lezama, and carried her
to the same place, Abucay.

On the twenty-sixth of February, the college of the Society of Jesus
was surrounded [by soldiers], to remove thence the person of the
auditor Don Pedro de Bolivar; and not finding him, the men remained
on guard, both within and without the college, for the space of nine
days. In that time they searched the house eleven times--four of
these with violence, wrenching the locks from doors, and breaking open
tables; but they did not find the said Don Pedro. At the end of the
nine days, he showed himself, of his own accord, and they arrested
him and took him to Mariveles; several days before they had removed
from the said island the auditor Don Diego de Viga, and transferred
him to that of Lucban.

Just about this time a new Audiencia was formed, which was thus
arranged: the governor was its president; the royal fiscal became
an auditor, Captain Don Jose Cervantes was judge of Audiencia, and
Captain Juan de Agulo attorney-general.

On the fourth of March--the day on which [the college of] the Society
was first searched with violence--the English pirate captured a sloop
of the king's, which was coming from Pangasinan laden with three
thousand cabans of cleaned rice. Item, he also captured a champan
belonging to the alcalde of Pangasinan, which came laden with rice
and other products. [38]

On the same day, the fourth of March, the archbishop sent to Mariquina
to investigate whether Father Diego de Ayala was officiating as
cura; the latter prevented the notary from doing so, and, when other
people went to make the said investigation, he told them that they
need not take that trouble--that he was acting as cura in virtue of
the bull of St. Pius V and of his assignment [to that parish] by the
[royal] patron.

On the fifth of March there was preaching in the royal chapel by a
Recollect friar, against whom the governor issued a royal decree very
sharply rebuking him, which he caused to be read to all the religious
orders. A few days later, the archbishop sent an act to the prior of
Pasig, ordering him to officiate as cura to the people of Cainta. [39]

About Christmas, the royal magazines in Panay were burned, and in them
some six thousand cabans of rice. On the first of March, Saturday, the
Augustinians set fire to the cottage on the ranch which the college
of the Society of Jesus at Yloilo owns in Suaraga. On the following
Saturday, March 8, fire visited the Augustinians, destroying a visita,
a church and convent, and more than forty houses in the village. Item,
and the following Saturday, March 15, the church and house were
burned in the village of Dumangas, without their being able to save
their valuables, or to prevent the burning of the pious offerings
[colectas] of Cebu, which had been stored [in that convent]; and,
besides this, more than two thousand cabans of rice.

On the sixteenth of March, Passion Sunday, while Father Diego de
Ayala was saying mass in the village, the church was entered by armed
men, with Bachelor Teodoro de Aldana, the notary of the archbishop;
the prior of Pasig, with two laymen; and other people. After mass
was ended, they read to the Indians an act by the archbishop, which
commanded them, under penalty of flogging and the galleys, to appear
within three days before the prior of Pasig, resorting to the latter
for religious ministrations, and to repeat the sacraments.

On the seventeenth of March, the father procurator, Antonio de Borja,
[40] presented a petition to the governor that he, as vice-patron,
should take measures regarding the violent spoliation which the
archbishop had inflicted on the Society. The governor referred the
petition to the royal fiscal, as being his Lordship's counselor,
but the said fiscal excused himself. Then it was referred to Doctor
Cervantes, to Fray Francisco de Santa Ynes, and to many other persons,
both ecclesiastics and laymen, but all excused themselves; and in
these proceedings much time passed, so that it was the end of May
before anything was accomplished.

On the nineteenth of March, in the afternoon, the secretary came to
deliver in behalf of the royal court a verbal message to the father
procurator [sic] Antonio Jaramillo, advising him of the oversight of
the preacher, who that morning in the sermon--at which the governor
and the king's fiscal were present--had omitted to use the phrase,
"very potent sir." The same message was sent to the superiors of the
other religious orders, because, several days before, the prior of
St. Augustine and another religious, a Dominican, had fallen into
the same offense, when preaching in the royal chapel.

On the twenty-seventh of March, Holy Thursday, the monument [41]
of the Tagálogs in the church of Santo Domingo was burned. On
the twenty-eighth, Good Friday, there was a fire in Binondo and
part of Tondo; and one thousand two hundred and sixty houses were
destroyed--two hundred and fifty-eight in the village of Tondo, and one
thousand and two in that of Binondo. Thirteen persons were burned to
death, and many others escaped only with serious injuries. The fire
caught three times in the church of Binondo, but the Indians of San
Miguel and Dilao put it out.

On the twelfth of April the archbishop demanded aid from the governor,
and with it arrested the cantor Don Geronimo de Herrera, and placed
him in the fort of Santiago. Soon afterward, the governor caused the
arrest of Don Juan de Cordoba and one Carcano, respectively procurator
and receptor in the royal Audiencia; and afterward, on the twentieth
of April, of Blas de Armenta, secretary of the court, and of Captain
Diego de Vargas and others.

On the twenty-second of April Father Ferragut died in the college.

On the eighteenth of April, Domingo Diaz came to give the father
rector, Antonio Jaramillo, a copy of a petition by the Augustinians;
the father rector, before he knew that the said Domingo Diaz had come,
had made, in scriptis [i.e., in writing], his protest of incompetency
of the judge, and of challenge and appeal.

On the twenty-third of April, the father procurator, Antonio de
Borja, sent to the archbishop a document in which was set forth in
due form the said protest, challenge, and appeal. He also presented
to the governor a petition that he would give proper attention to the
disturbance which the Society had suffered, and the injury inflicted
on the royal patronage.

On the twenty-eighth of April, Domingo Diaz came again to give Father
Borja a copy of another petition from the Augustinians, who said that
the challenge and appeal which he had interposed were of no force.

On the fourth of May, they brought Captain Mateo Perea under arrest
from the Lake [of Bay], and left him in his own house with guards. On
the sixth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known to Father Borja an
act of the archbishop--who declaring that there was no occasion for
the challenge and appeal interposed, commanded that the parties should
make their complaint; and that within six days the documents for the
sentence should be brought to his illustrious Lordship. On the tenth
of May, Father Antonio Borja presented before the royal Audiencia a
plea of fuerza, in order that he might make known the injury which
the archbishop had done to the Society and the royal patronage.

On the fourteenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to summon for the
sentence of the archbishop the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, [42]
who replied that he did not regard himself as summoned, or acknowledge
his illustrious Lordship as a competent judge. On the same day, the
fourteenth, Licentiate Don Antonio Roberto was brought a prisoner
from Marinduque; and they placed him in the provisor's house, with
a pair of very heavy fetters.

On the fifteenth of May, the father rector, Pedro de Oriol, presented
a petition to the governor, asking him to issue a juridical testimony
of his recourse [to the Audiencia] with a plea of fuerza; and that
notification be sent to the archbishop that his illustrious Lordship
must not take any further action until the royal court should decide
what must be done.

On the seventeenth of May, Domingo Diaz came to make known the sentence
of the archbishop, which declared that the Augustinians were the lawful
parish priests of Mariquina, and that the sacraments administered by
the fathers of the Society since October 12, 1686, had no force. The
reply to all was, [that such proceeding was] null, and contrary to
law. On the nineteenth of May, Father Borja came before the royal
court a second time with a plea of fuerza. On the twentieth of May,
the royal court resolved to issue a royal decree to the archbishop,
commanding him to deliver up the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.

On the twenty-third of May, they arrested the dean, Don Miguel Ortiz
de Cobarrubias, by order of the archbishop; they placed him in the
provisor's house, and seized his goods. At the end of May, they
carried the two auditors, and soon afterward Don Juan de Zalaeta and
Don Miguel de Lezama, to Cagayan, as exiles; and they were placed one
in each of the four garrisons that are maintained in the said province.

On the third of June, a notary came from the archbishop with a petition
from the Augustinians, who were asking his illustrious Lordship to
confirm the sentence that he had pronounced. Father Borja made a reply,
more than two sheets in length.

On the fifth of June, a royal decree was made known to the archbishop
that he must exhibit the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit, and
his illustrious Lordship said that he would reply and would send the
papers--which were in regard to the value of the sacraments.

On the eighth of June the archbishop held a consultation with the
royal Audiencia, asking its aid to arrest and punish Fathers Diego
de Ayala and Pedro Cano. [43] Up to today, June 24, the archbishop
has not exhibited the documents in the Mariquina lawsuit.



News of this year of 1688 and part of the last one, with an appendix
of other points

1. The ship "Santo Niño" which sailed from Cavite last year, 1687,
put back to the port of Bagatao, to the grief of everyone--not only
on account of the deterioration of property and the very considerable
damages, but also this greatly delayed the remedy which is needed
by the public calamities and the oppression under which this colony
lies. The ship's return to port is attributed to the excessive lading
which it carried, to careless arrangements and lack of proper outfit,
and to the undue timidity of those who had charge of the vessel.

2. The Recollect fathers made a raid through the lands of Silang,
which they call Alipaopao, Oyaye, Malinta, etc.; and, trying to adjudge
them to the ranch of Sarmiento, which they had recently bought through
the agency of General Endaya, they committed unheard-of atrocities
in the houses and grain-fields of the Indians--burning and ravaging
them as furiously and horribly as if an army of Camucones had raided
them. The Indians lost, as appears from a juridical statement that
was drawn up, more than three thousand pesos.

3. A Dominican friar in Cagayan refused to absolve a Spaniard at the
hour of death, in spite of all his entreaties for absolution. Although
the friar had begun to hear his confession, the dying man could not
proceed with it, being stopped by the nausea which comes at death,
and he therefore died without absolution. I do not know all the
circumstances in this case.

4. Another friar in the same province refused to absolve Auditor
Don Diego de Viga, unless he would first express I know not what
protestations and detestations. The auditor replied that, for what
concerned the banishment of the archbishop, his conscience had not
given him any uneasiness, because he had understood that he acted
in regard to it in accordance with the laws and decrees of our king
a sovereign so Catholic as is that of España; and that in affairs
in which he had felt scruples, and had proceeded according to human
judgment, there was nothing for which to employ the friar's zeal,
and still less occasion for his trying to have him make those
detestations and protestations. Nevertheless, the friar persisted
[se estuvó en sus trece] in refusing to absolve him; and Don Diego,
embracing the holy Christ and uttering fervent acts of contrition,
said tha

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