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The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus

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Title: The Roman History of Ammianus Marcellinus

Author: Ammianus Marcellinus

Translator: Charles Duke Yonge


        
Release date: April 22, 2009 [eBook #28587]

Language: English

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Credits: Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed
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Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net






Transcriber's Note

The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully
preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

This text contains a several phrases in Greek, with English
transliterations surrounded with + markers like this: +tês d' aretês+.



  THE
  ROMAN HISTORY
  OF
  AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS

  DURING THE REIGNS OF

  THE EMPERORS CONSTANTIUS, JULIAN, JOVIANUS,
  VALENTINIAN, AND VALENS.


  TRANSLATED BY
  C.D. YONGE, M.A.


  _WITH A GENERAL INDEX_

  [Illustration]

  LONDON
  G. BELL AND SONS, LTD
  1911

  [_Reprinted from Stereotype plates._]




PREFACE.


Of Ammianus Marcellinus, the writer of the following History, we know
very little more than what can be collected from that portion of it
which remains to us. From that source we learn that he was a native of
Antioch, and a soldier; being one of the _prefectores domestici_--the
body-guard of the emperor, into which none but men of noble birth were
admitted. He was on the staff of Ursicinus, whom he attended in several
of his expeditions; and he bore a share in the campaigns which Julian
made against the Persians. After that time he never mentions himself,
and we are ignorant when he quitted the service and retired to Rome, in
which city he composed his History. We know not when he was born, or
when he died, except that from one or two incidental passages in his
work it is plain that he lived nearly to the end of the fourth century:
and it is even uncertain whether he was a Christian or a Pagan; though
the general belief is, that he adhered to the religion of the ancient
Romans, without, however, permitting it to lead him even to speak
disrespectfully of Christians or Christianity.

His History, which he divided into thirty-one books (of which the first
thirteen are lost, while the text of those which remain is in some
places imperfect), began with the accession of Nerva, A.D. 96, where
Tacitus and Suetonius end, and was continued to the death of Valens,
A.D. 378, a period of 282 years. And there is probably no work as to the
intrinsic value of which there is so little difference of opinion.
Gibbon bears repeated testimony to his accuracy, fidelity, and
impartiality, and quotes him extensively. In losing his aid after A.D.
378, he says, "It is not without sincere regret that I must now take
leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the history of
his own times without indulging the prejudices and passions which
usually affect the mind of a contemporary." Professor Ramsay (in Smith's
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography) says, "We are indebted to him
for a knowledge of many important facts not elsewhere recorded, and for
much valuable insight into the modes of thought and the general tone of
public feeling prevalent in his day. Nearly all the statements admitted
appear to be founded upon his own observations, or upon the information
derived from trustworthy eye-witnesses. A considerable number of
dissertations and digressions are introduced, many of them highly
interesting and valuable. Such are his notices of the institutions and
manners of the Saracens (xiv. 4), of the Scythians and Sarmatians (xvii.
12), of the Huns and Alani (xxxi. 2), of the Egyptians and their country
(xxii. 6, 14-16), and his geographical discussions upon Gaul (xv. 9),
the Pontus (xxii. 8), and Thrace (xxvii. 4). Less legitimate and less
judicious are his geological speculations upon earthquakes (xvii. 7),
his astronomical inquiries into eclipses (xx. 3), comets (xxv. 10), and
the regulation of the calendar (xxvi. 1); his medical researches into
the origin of epidemics (xix. 4); his zoological theory on the
destruction of lions by mosquitos (xviii. 7), and his horticultural
essay on the impregnation of palms (xxiv. 3). In addition to industry in
research and honesty of purpose, he was gifted with a large measure of
strong common sense, which enabled him in many points to rise superior
to the prejudices of his day, and with a clear-sighted independence of
spirit which prevented him from being dazzled or over-awed by the
brilliancy and the terrors which enveloped the imperial throne. But
although sufficiently acute in detecting and exposing the follies of
others, and especially in ridiculing the absurdities of popular
superstition, Ammianus did not entirely escape the contagion. The
general and deep-seated belief in magic spells, omens, prodigies, and
oracles, which appears to have gained additional strength upon the first
introduction of Christianity, evidently exercised no small influence
over his mind. The old legends and doctrines of the pagan creed, and the
subtle mysticism which philosophers pretended to discover lurking below,
when mixed up with the pure and simple but startling tenets of the new
faith, formed a confused mass which few intellects could reduce to order
and harmony."

The vices of our author's style, and his ambitious affectation of
ornament, are condemned by most critics; but some of the points which
strike a modern reader as defects evidently arise from the alteration
which the Latin language had already undergone since the days of Livy.
His great value, however, consists in the facts he has made known to us,
and is quite independent of the style or language in which he has
conveyed that knowledge, of which without him we should have been nearly
destitute.

The present translation has been made from Wagner and Erfurdt's edition,
published at Leipzig in 1808, and their division of chapters into short
paragraphs has been followed.

_Feb._ 1862.




THE HISTORY OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS.

THE FIRST THIRTEEN BOOKS ARE LOST.




BOOK XIV.

ARGUMENT.

     I. The cruelty of the Cæsar Gallus.--II. The incursions of the
     Isaurians.--III. The unsuccessful plans of the Persians.--IV. The
     invasion of the Saracens, and the manners of that people.--V. The
     punishment of the adherents of Magnentius.--VI. The vices of the
     senate and people of Rome.--VII. The ferocity and inhumanity of the
     Cæsar Gallus.--VIII. A description of the provinces of the
     East.--IX. About the Cæsar Constantius Gallus.--X. The Emperor
     Constantius grants the Allemanni peace at their request.--XI. The
     Cæsar Constantius Gallus is sent for by the Emperor Constantius,
     and beheaded.


I.

A.D. 353.

§ 1. After the events of an expedition full of almost insuperable
difficulties, while the spirits of all parties in the state, broken by
the variety of their dangers and toils, were still enfeebled; while the
clang of trumpets was ringing in men's ears, and the troops were still
distributed in their winter quarters, the storms of angry fortune
surrounded the commonwealth with fresh dangers through the manifold and
terrible atrocities of Cæsar Gallus:[1] who, when just entering into the
prime of life, having been raised with unexpected honour from the
lowest depth of misery to the highest rank, exceeded all the legitimate
bounds of the power conferred on him, and with preposterous violence
threw everything into confusion. For by his near relationship to the
royal family, and his connection with the name of Constantine, he was so
inflated with pride, that if he had had more power, he would, as it
seemed, have ventured to attack even the author of his prosperity.

2. His wife added fuel to his natural ferocity; she was a woman
immoderately proud of her sisterly relationship to Augustus, and had
been formerly given in marriage by the elder Constantine to King
Hannibalianus,[2] his brother's son. She was an incarnate fury: never
weary of inflaming his savage temper, thirsting for human blood as
insatiably as her husband. The pair, in process of time, becoming more
skilful in the infliction of suffering, employed a gang of underhand and
crafty talebearers, accustomed in their wickedness to make random
additions to their discoveries, which consisted in general of such
falsehoods as they themselves delighted in; and these men loaded the
innocent with calumnies, charging them with aiming at kingly power, or
with practising infamous acts of magic.

3. And among his less remarkable atrocities, when his power had gone
beyond the bounds of moderate crimes, was conspicuous the horrible and
sudden death of a certain noble citizen of Alexandria, named Clematius.
His mother-in-law, having conceived a passion for him, could not prevail
on him to gratify it; and in consequence, as was reported, she, having
obtained an introduction by a secret door into the palace, won over the
queen by the present of a costly necklace, and procured a fatal warrant
to be sent to Honoratus, at that time count-governor of the East, in
compliance with which Clematius was put to death, a man wholly innocent
of any kind of wickedness, without being permitted to say a word in his
defence.

4. After this iniquitous transaction, which struck others also with fear
lest they should meet with similar treatment, as if cruelty had now
obtained a licence, many were condemned on mere vague suspicion; of whom
some were put to death, others were punished by the confiscation of
their property, and driven forth as exiles from their homes, so that
having nothing left but their tears and complaints, they were reduced to
live on the contributions of their friends; and many opulent and famous
houses were shut up, the old constitutional and just authority being
changed into a government at the will of a bloodthirsty tyrant.

5. Nor amid these manifold atrocities was any testimony of an accuser,
not even of a suborned one, sought for, in order to give at least an
appearance of these crimes being committed according to law and statute,
as very commonly even the most cruel princes have done: but whatever
suited the implacable temper of Cæsar was instantly accomplished in
haste, as if its accordance with human and divine law had been well
considered.

6. After these deeds a fresh device was adopted, and a body of obscure
men, such as, by reason of the meanness of their condition, were little
likely to excite suspicion, were sent through all the districts of
Antioch, to collect reports, and to bring news of whatever they might
hear. They, travelling about, and concealing their object, joined
clandestinely in the conversational circles of honourable men, and also
in disguise obtained entrance into the houses of the rich. When they
returned they were secretly admitted by back doors into the palace, and
then reported all that they had been able to hear or to collect; taking
care with an unanimous kind of conspiracy to invent many things, and to
exaggerate for the worse all they really knew; at the same time
suppressing any praises of Cæsar which had come to their ears, although
these were wrung from many, against their consciences, by the dread of
impending evils.

7. And it had happened sometimes that, if in his secret chamber, when no
domestic servant was by, the master of the house had whispered anything
into his wife's ear, the very next day, as if those renowned seers of
old, Amphiaraus or Marcius, had been at hand to report it, the emperor
was informed of what had been said; so that even the walls of a man's
secret chamber, the only witnesses to his language, were viewed with
apprehension.

8. And Cæsar's fixed resolution to inquire into these and other similar
occurrences was increased by the queen, who constantly stimulated his
desire, and was driving on the fortunes of her husband to headlong
destruction, while she ought rather, by giving him useful advice, to
have led him back into the paths of truth and mercy, by feminine
gentleness, as, in recounting the acts of the Gordiani, we have related
to have been done by the wife of that truculent emperor Maximinus.

9. At last, by an unsurpassed and most pernicious baseness, Gallus
ventured on adopting a course of fearful wickedness, which indeed
Gallienus, to his own exceeding infamy, is said formerly to have tried
at Rome; and, taking with him a few followers secretly armed, he used to
rove in the evening through the streets and among the shops, making
inquiries in the Greek language, in which he was well skilled, what were
the feelings of individuals towards Cæsar. And he used to do this boldly
in the city, where the brillancy of the lamps at night often equalled
the light of day. At last, being often recognized, and considering that
if he went out in this way he should be known, he took care never to go
out except openly in broad daylight, to transact whatever business which
he thought of serious importance. And these things caused bitter though
secret lamentation, and discontent to many.

10. But at that time Thalassius was the present prefect[3] of the
palace, a man of an arrogant temper; and he, perceiving that the hasty
fury of Gallus gradually increased to the danger of many of the
citizens, did not mollify it by either delay or wise counsels, as men in
high office have very often pacified the anger of their princes; but by
untimely opposition and reproof, did often excite him the more to
frenzy; often also informing Augustus of his actions, and that too with
exaggeration, and taking care, I know not with what intention, that what
he did should not be unknown to the emperor. And at this Cæsar soon
became more vehemently exasperated, and, as if raising more on high than
ever the standard of his contumacy, without any regard to the safety of
others or of himself, he bore himself onwards like a rapid torrent, with
an impetuosity which would listen to no reason, to sweep away all the
obstacles which opposed his will.


II.

§ 1. Nor indeed was the East the only quarter which this plague affected
with its various disasters. For the Isaurians also, a people who were
accustomed to frequent alternations of peace, and of turbulence which
threw everything into confusion with sudden outbreaks--impunity having
fostered their growing audacity and encouraged it to evil--broke out in
a formidable war. Being especially excited, as they gave out by this
indignity, that some of their allies, having been taken prisoners, were
in an unprecedented manner exposed to wild beasts, and in the games of
the amphitheatre, at Iconium, a town of Pisidia.

2. And as Cicero[4] says, that "even wild beasts, when reminded by
hunger, generally return to that place where they have been fed before."
So they all, descending like a whirlwind from their high and pathless
mountains, came into the districts bordering on the sea: in which hiding
themselves in roads full of lurking-places, and in defiles, when the
long nights were approaching, the moon being at that time new, and so
not yet giving her full light, they lay wait for the sailors; and when
they perceived that they were wrapped in sleep, they, crawling on their
hands and feet along the cables which held the anchors, and raising
themselves up by them, swung themselves into the boats, and so came
upon the crews unexpectedly, and, their natural ferocity being inflamed
by covetousness, they spared not even those who offered no resistance,
but slew them all, and carried off a splendid booty with no more trouble
than if it had been valueless.

3. This conduct did not last long, for when the deaths of the crews thus
plundered and slaughtered became known, no one afterwards brought a
vessel to the stations on that coast; but, avoiding them as they would
have avoided the deadly precipices of Sciron,[5] they sailed on, without
halting, to the shores of Cyprus, which lie opposite to the rocks of
Isauria.

4. Therefore as time went on, and no foreign vessels went there any
more, they quitted the sea-coast, and betook themselves to Lycaonia, a
country which lies on the borders of Isauria. And there, occupying the
roads with thick barricades, they sought a living by plundering the
inhabitants of the district, as well as travellers. These outrages
aroused the soldiers who were dispersed among the many municipal towns
and forts which lie on the borders. And they, endeavouring to the utmost
of their strength to repel these banditti, who were spreading every day
more widely, sometimes in solid bodies, at others in small straggling
parties, were overcome by their vast numbers.

5. Since the Isaurians, having been born and brought up amid the
entangled defiles of lofty mountains, could bound over them as over
plain and easy paths, and attacked all who came in their way with
missiles from a distance, terrifying them at the same time with savage
yells.

6. And very often our infantry were compelled in pursuit of them to
climb lofty crags, and, when their feet slipped, to catch hold of the
shrubs and briars to raise themselves to the summits; without ever being
able to deploy into battle array, by reason of the narrow and difficult
nature of the ground, nor even to stand firm; while their enemy running
round in every direction hurled down upon them fragments of rock from
above till they retired down the declivities with great danger. Or
else, sometimes, in the last necessity fighting bravely, they were
overwhelmed with fragments of immense bulk and weight.

7. On this account they subsequently were forced to observe more
caution, and whenever the plunderers began to retire to the high ground,
our soldiers yielded to the unfavourable character of the country and
retired. But whenever they could be met with in the plain, which often
happened, then charging them without giving them time to combine their
strength, or even to brandish the javelins of which they always carried
two or three, they slaughtered them like defenceless sheep.

8. So that these banditti, conceiving a fear of Lycaonia, which is for
the most part a champaign country, since they had learnt by repeated
proofs that they were unequal to our troops in a pitched battle, betook
themselves by unfrequented tracks to Pamphylia. This district had long
been free from the evils of war, but nevertheless had been fortified in
all quarters by strong forts and garrisons, from the dread entertained
by the people of rapine and slaughter, since soldiers were scattered
over all the neighbouring districts.

9. Therefore hastening with all speed, in order by their exceeding
celerity of movement to anticipate all rumour of their motions, trusting
to their strength and activity of body, they travelled by winding roads
until they reached the high ground on the tops of the mountains, the
steepness of which delayed their march more than they had expected. And
when at last, having surmounted all the difficulties of the mountains,
they came to the precipitous banks of the Melas, a deep river and one
full of dangerous currents, which winds round the district, protecting
the inhabitants like a wall, the night which had overtaken them
increased their fears, so that they halted for a while awaiting the
daylight. For they expected to be able to cross without hindrance, and
then, in consequence of the suddenness of their inroad, to be able to
ravage all the country around; but they had incurred great toil to no
purpose.

10. For when the sun rose they were prevented from crossing by the size
of the river, which though narrow was very deep. And while they were
searching for some fishing-boats, or preparing to commit themselves to
the stream on rafts hastily put together, the legions which at that
time were wintering about Side, came down upon them with great speed and
impetuosity; and having pitched their standards close to the bank with a
view to an immediate battle, they packed their shields together before
them in a most skilful manner, and without any difficulty slew some of
the banditti, who either trusted to their swimming, or who tried to
cross the river unperceived in barks made of the trunks of trees
hollowed out.

11. And the Isaurians having tried many devices to obtain success in a
regular battle, and having failed in everything, being repulsed in great
consternation, and with great vigour on the part of the legions, and
being uncertain which way to go, came near the town of Laranda. And
there, after they had refreshed themselves with food and rest, and
recovered from their fears, they attacked several wealthy towns; but
being presently scared by the support given to the citizens by some
squadrons of horse which happened to be at hand, and which they would
not venture to resist in the extensive plains, they retreated, and
retracing their steps summoned all the flower of their youth which had
been left at home to join them.

12. And as they were oppressed with severe famine, they made for a place
called Palea, standing on the sea-shore, and fortified with a strong
wall; where even to this day supplies are usually kept in store, to be
distributed to the armies which defend the frontier of Isauria.

13. Therefore they encamped around this fortress for three days and
three nights, and as the steepness of the ground on which it stood
prevented any attempt to storm it without the most deadly peril, and as
it was impossible to effect anything by mines, and no other manoeuvres
such as are employed in sieges availed anything, they retired much
dejected, being compelled by the necessities of their situation to
undertake some enterprise, even if it should be greater than their
strength was equal to.

14. Then giving way to greater fury than ever, being inflamed both by
despair and hunger, and their strength increased by their unrestrainable
ardour, they directed their efforts to destroy the city of Seleucia, the
metropolis of the province, which was defended by Count Castucius, whose
legions were inured to every kind of military service.

15. The commanders of the garrison being forewarned of their approach
by their own trusty scouts, having, according to custom, given, out the
watchword to the troops, led forth all their forces in a rapid sally,
and having with great activity passed the bridge over the river
Calicadnus, the mighty waters of which wash the turrets of the walls,
they drew out their men as if prepared for battle. But as yet no man
left the ranks, and the army was not allowed to engage; for the band of
the Isaurians was dreaded, inasmuch as they were desperate with rage,
and superior in number, and likely to rush upon the arms of the legions
without any regard to their lives. Therefore as soon as the army was
beheld at a distance, and the music of the trumpeters was heard, the
banditti halted and stood still for a while, brandishing their
threatening swords, and after a time they marched on slowly. And when
the steady Roman soldiery began to deploy, preparing to encounter them,
beating their shields with their spears (a custom which rouses the fury
of the combatants, and strikes terror into their enemies), they filled
the front ranks of the Isaurians with consternation. But as the troops
were pressing forward eagerly to the combat their generals recalled
them, thinking it inopportune to enter upon a contest of doubtful issue,
when their walls were not far distant, under protection of which the
safety of the whole army could be placed on a solid foundation.

16. Therefore the soldiers were brought back inside the walls in
accordance with this resolution, and all the approaches and gates were
strongly barred; and the men were placed on the battlements and
bulwarks, having vast stones and weapons of all kinds piled close at
hand, so that if any one forced his way inside he might be overwhelmed
with a multitude of missiles and stones.

17. But those who were shut up in the walls were at the same time
greatly afflicted, because the Isaurians having taken some vessels which
were conveying grain down the river, were well provided with abundance
of food, while they themselves, having almost consumed the usual stores
of food, were in a state of alarm dreading the fatal agonies of
approaching famine. When the news of this distress got abroad, and when
repeated messages to this effect had moved Gallus Cæsar, because the
master of the horse was kept away longer than usual at that season,
Nebridius the count of the East was ordered to collect a military force
from all quarters, and hastened forward with exceeding zeal to deliver
the city, so wealthy and important, from such a peril. And when this was
known the banditti retired, without having performed any memorable
exploit, and dispersing, according to their wont, they sought the
trackless recesses of the lofty mountains.


III.

§ 1. While affairs were in this state in Isauria, and while the king of
Persia was involved in wars upon his frontier, repulsing from his
borders a set of ferocious tribes which, being full of fickleness, were
continually either attacking him in a hostile manner, or, as often
happens, aiding him when he turned his arms against us, a certain noble,
by name Nohodares, having been appointed to invade Mesopotamia, whenever
occasion might serve, was anxiously exploring our territories with a
view to some sudden incursion, if he could anywhere find an opportunity.

2. And because since every part of Mesopotamia is accustomed to be
disturbed continually, the lands were protected by frequent barriers,
and military stations in the rural districts, Nohodares, having directed
his march to the left, had occupied the most remote parts of the
Osdroene, having devised a novel plan of operations which had never
hitherto been tried. And if he had succeeded he would have laid waste
the whole country like a thunderbolt.

3. Now the plan which he had conceived was of this kind. There is a town
in Anthemusia called Batne, built by the ancient Macedonians, a short
distance from the river Euphrates, thickly peopled by wealthy merchants.
To this city, about the beginning of the month of September, a great
multitude of all ranks throng to a fair, in order to buy the wares which
the Indians and Chinese send thither, and many other articles which are
usually brought to this fair by land and sea.

4. The leader before named, preparing to invade this district on the
days set apart for this solemnity, marching through the deserts and
along the grassy banks of the river Abora, was betrayed by information
given by some of his own men, who being alarmed at the discovery of
certain crimes which they had committed, deserted to the Roman
garrisons, and accordingly he retired again without having accomplished
anything; and after that remained quiet without undertaking any further
enterprise.


IV.

§ 1. At this time also the Saracens, a race whom it is never desirable
to have either for friends or enemies, ranging up and down the country,
if ever they found anything, plundered it in a moment, like rapacious
hawks who, if from on high they behold any prey, carry it off with rapid
swoop, or, if they fail in their attempt, do not tarry.

2. And although, in recounting the career of the Prince Marcus, and once
or twice subsequently, I remember having discussed the manners of this
people, nevertheless I will now briefly enumerate a few more particulars
concerning them.

3. Among these tribes, whose primary origin is derived from the
cataracts of the Nile and the borders of the Blemmyæ, all the men are
warriors of equal rank; half naked, clad in coloured cloaks down to the
waist, overrunning different countries, with the aid of swift and active
horses and speedy camels, alike in times of peace and war. Nor does any
member of their tribes ever take plough in hand or cultivate a tree, or
seek food by the tillage of the land; but they are perpetually wandering
over various and extensive districts, having no home, no fixed abode or
laws; nor can they endure to remain long in the same climate, no one
district or country pleasing them for a continuance.

4. Their life is one continued wandering; their wives are hired, on
special covenant, for a fixed time; and that there may be some
appearance of marriage in the business, the intended wife, under the
name of a dowry, offers a spear and a tent to her husband, with a right
to quit him after a fixed day, if she should choose to do so. And it is
inconceivable with what eagerness the individuals of both sexes give
themselves up to matrimonial pleasures.

5. But as long as they live they wander about with such extensive and
perpetual migrations, that the woman is married in one place, brings
forth her children in another, and rears them at a distance from either
place, no opportunity of remaining quiet being ever granted to her.

6. They all live on venison, and are further supported on a great
abundance of milk, and on many kinds of herbs, and on whatever birds
they can catch by fowling. And we have seen a great many of them wholly
ignorant of the use of either corn or wine.

7. So much for this most mischievous nation. Now let us return to the
subject we originally proposed to ourselves.


V.

§ 1. While these events were taking place in the East, Constantius was
passing the winter at Arles; and after an exhibition of games in the
theatre and in the circus, which were displayed with most sumptuous
magnificence, on the tenth of October, the day which completed the
thirtieth year of his reign, he began to give the reins more freely to
his insolence, believing every information which was laid before him as
proved, however doubtful or false it might be; and among other acts of
cruelty, he put Gerontius, a count of the party of Magnentius, to the
torture, and then condemned him to banishment.

2. And as the body of a sick man is apt to be agitated by even trifling
grievances, so his narrow and sensitive mind, thinking every sound that
stirred something either done or planned to the injury of his safety,
made his victory[6] mournful by the slaughter of innocent men.

3. For if any one of his military officers, or of those who had ever
received marks of honour, or if any one of high rank was accused, on the
barest rumour, of having favoured the faction of his enemy, he was
loaded with chains and dragged about like a beast. And whether any enemy
of the accused man pressed him or not, as if the mere fact that his
name had been mentioned was sufficient, every one who was informed
against or in any way called in question, was condemned either to death,
or to confiscation of his property, or to confinement in a desert
island.

4. For his ferocity was excited to a still further degree when any
mention was made of treason or sedition; and the bloodthirsty
insinuations of those around him, exaggerating everything that happened,
and pretending great concern at any danger which might threaten the life
of the emperor, on whose safety, as on a thread, they hypocritically
exclaimed the whole world depended, added daily to his suspicions and
watchful anger.

5. And therefore it is reported he gave orders that no one who was at
any time sentenced to punishment for these or similar offences should be
readmitted to his presence for the purpose of offering the usual
testimonies to his character, a thing which the most implacable princes
have been wont to permit. And thus deadly cruelty, which in all other
men at times grows cool, in him only became more violent as he advanced
in years, because the court of flatterers which attended on him added
continual fuel to his stern obstinacy.

6. Of this court a most conspicuous member was Paulus, the secretary, a
native of Spain, a man keeping his objects hidden beneath a smooth
countenance, and acute beyond all men in smelling out secret ways to
bring others into danger. He, having been sent into Britain to arrest
some military officers who had dared to favour the conspiracy of
Magnentius, as they could not resist, licentiously exceeded his
commands, and like a flood poured with sudden violence upon the fortunes
of a great number of people, making his path through manifold slaughter
and destruction, loading the bodies of free-born men with chains, and
crushing some with fetters, while patching up all kinds of accusations
far removed from the truth. And to this man is owing one especial
atrocity which has branded the time of Constantius with indelible
infamy.

7. Martinus, who at that time governed these provinces as deputy, being
greatly concerned for the sufferings inflicted on innocent men, and
making frequent entreaties that those who were free from all guilt
might be spared, when he found that he could not prevail, threatened to
withdraw from the province, in the hope that this malevolent inquisitor,
Paulus, might be afraid of his doing so, and so give over exposing to
open danger men who had combined only in a wish for tranquillity.

8. Paulus, thinking that this conduct of Martinus was a hindrance to his
own zeal, being, as he was, a formidable artist in involving matters,
from which people gave him the nickname of "the Chain," attacked the
deputy himself while still engaged in defending the people whom he was
set to govern, and involved him in the dangers which surrounded every
one else, threatening that he would carry him, with his tribunes and
many other persons, as a prisoner to the emperor's court. Martinus,
alarmed at this threat, and seeing the imminent danger in which his life
was, drew his sword and attacked Paulus. But because from want of
strength in his hand he was unable to give him a mortal wound, he then
plunged his drawn sword into his own side. And by this unseemly kind of
death that most just man departed from life, merely for having dared to
interpose some delay to the miserable calamities of many citizens.

9. And when these wicked deeds had been perpetrated, Paulus, covered
with blood, returned to the emperor's camp, bringing with him a crowd of
prisoners almost covered with chains, in the lowest condition of squalor
and misery; on whose arrival the racks were prepared, and the
executioner began to prepare his hooks and other engines of torture. Of
these prisoners, many of them had their property confiscated, others
were sentenced to banishment, some were given over to the sword of the
executioner. Nor is it easy to cite the acquittal of a single person in
the time of Constantius, where the slightest whisper of accusation had
been brought against him.


VI.

§ 1. At this time Orfitus was the governor of the Eternal City, with the
rank of prefect; and he behaved with a degree of insolence beyond the
proper limits of the dignity thus conferred upon him. A man of prudence
indeed, and well skilled in all the forensic business of the city, but
less accomplished in general literature and in the fine arts than was
becoming in a nobleman. Under his administration some very formidable
seditions broke out in consequence of the scarcity of wine, as the
people, being exceedingly eager for an abundant use of that article,
were easily excited to frequent and violent disorders.

2. And since I think it likely that foreigners who may read this account
(if, indeed, any such should meet with it) are likely to wonder how it
is that, when my history has reached the point of narrating what was
done at Rome, nothing is spoken of but seditions, and shops, and
cheapness, and other similarly inconsiderable matters, I will briefly
touch upon the causes of this, never intentionally departing from the
strict truth.

3. At the time when Rome first rose into mundane brilliancy--that Rome
which was fated to last as long as mankind shall endure, and to be
increased with a sublime progress and growth--virtue and fortune, though
commonly at variance, agreed upon a treaty of eternal peace, as far as
she was concerned. For if either of them had been wanting to her, she
would never have reached her perfect and complete supremacy.

4. Her people, from its very earliest infancy to the latest moment of
its youth, a period which extends over about three hundred years,
carried on a variety of wars with the natives around its walls. Then,
when it arrived at its full-grown manhood, after many and various
labours in war, it crossed the Alps and the sea, till, as youth and man,
it had carried the triumphs of victory into every country in the world.

5. And now that it is declining into old age, and often owes its
victories to its mere name, it has come to a more tranquil time of life.
Therefore the venerable city, after having bowed down the haughty necks
of fierce nations, and given laws to the world, to be the foundations
and eternal anchors of liberty, like a thrifty parent, prudent and rich,
intrusted to the Cæsars, as to its own children, the right of governing
their ancestral inheritance.

6. And although the tribes are indolent, and the countries peaceful, and
although there are no contests for votes, but the tranquillity of the
age of Numa has returned, nevertheless, in every quarter of the world
Rome is still looked up to as the mistress and the queen of the earth,
and the name of the Roman people is respected and venerated.

7. But this magnificent splendour of the assemblies and councils of the
Roman people is defaced by the inconsiderate levity of a few, who never
recollect where they have been born, but who fall away into error and
licentiousness, as if a perfect impunity were granted to vice. For as
the lyric poet Simonides teaches us, the man who would live happily in
accordance with perfect reason, ought above all things to have a
glorious country.

8. Of these men, some thinking that they can be handed down to
immortality by means of statues, are eagerly desirous of them, as if
they would obtain a higher reward from brazen figures unendowed with
sense than from a consciousness of upright and honourable actions; and
they even are anxious to have them plated over with gold, a thing which
is reported to have been first done in the instance of Acilius Glabrio,
who by his wisdom and valour had subdued King Antiochus. But how really
noble a thing it is to despise all these inconsiderable and trifling
things, and to bend one's attention to the long and toilsome steps of
true glory, as the poet of Ascrea[7] has sung, and Cato the Censor has
shown by his example. For when he was asked how it was that while many
other nobles had statues he had none, replied: "I had rather that good
men should marvel how it was that I did not earn one, than (what would
be a much heavier misfortune) inquire how it was that I had obtained
one."

9. Others place the height of glory in having a coach higher than usual,
or splendid apparel; and so toil and sweat under a vast burden of
cloaks, which are fastened to their necks by many clasps, and blow about
from the excessive fineness of the material; showing a desire, by the
continual wriggling of their bodies, and especially by the waving of the
left hand, to make their long fringes and tunics, embroidered in
multiform figures of animals with threads of various colours, more
conspicuous.

10. Others, with not any one asking them, put on a feigned severity of
countenance, and extol their patrimonial estates in a boundless degree,
exaggerating the yearly produce of their fruitful fields, which they
boast of possessing in numbers from east to west, being forsooth
ignorant that their ancestors, by whom the greatness of Rome was so
widely extended, were not eminent for riches; but through a course of
dreadful wars overpowered by their valour all who were opposed to them,
though differing but little from the common soldiers either in riches,
or in their mode of life, or in the costliness of their garments.

11. This is how it happened that Valerius Publicola was buried by the
contributions of his friends, and that the destitute wife of Regulus
was, with her children, supported by the aid of the friends of her
husband, and that the daughter of Scipio had a dowry provided for her
out of the public treasury, the other nobles being ashamed to see the
beauty of this full-grown maiden, while her moneyless father was so long
absent on the service of his country.

12. But now if you, as an honourable stranger, should enter the house of
any one well off, and on that account full of pride, for the purpose of
saluting him, at first, indeed, you will be hospitably received, as
though your presence had been desired; and after having had many
questions put to you, and having been forced to tell a number of lies,
you will wonder, since the man had never seen you before, that one of
high rank should pay such attention to you who are but an unimportant
individual; so that by reason of this as a principal source of
happiness, you begin to repent of not having come to Rome ten years ago.

13. And when relying on this affability you do the same thing the next
day, you will stand waiting as one utterly unknown and unexpected, while
he who yesterday encouraged you to repeat your visit, counts upon his
fingers who you can be, marvelling, for a long time, whence you come,
and what you want. But when at length you are recognized and admitted to
his acquaintance, if you should devote yourself to the attention of
saluting him for three years consecutively, and after this intermit your
visits for an equal length of time, then if you return to repeat a
similar course, you will never be questioned about your absence any more
than if you had been dead, and you will waste your whole life in
submitting to court the humours of this blockhead.

14. But when those long and unwholesome banquets, which are indulged in
at certain intervals, begin to be prepared, or the distribution of the
usual dole-baskets takes place, then it is discussed with anxious
deliberation whether when those to whom a return is due are to be
entertained, it is proper to invite also a stranger; and if, after the
matter has been thoroughly sifted, it is determined that it may be done,
that person is preferred who waits all night before the houses of
charioteers, or who professes a skill in dice, or pretends to be
acquainted with some peculiar secrets.

15. For such entertainers avoid all learned and sober men as
unprofitable and useless; with this addition, that the nomenclators[8]
also, who are accustomed to make a market of these invitations and of
similar favours, selling them for bribes, do for gain thrust in mean and
obscure men at these dinners.

16. The whirlpools of banquets, and the various allurements of luxury, I
omit, that I may not be too prolix, and with the object of passing on to
this fact, that some people, hastening on without fear of danger, drive
their horses, as if they were post-horses, with a regular licence, as
the saying is, through the wide streets of the city, over the roads
paved with flint, dragging behind them large bodies of slaves like bands
of robbers; not leaving at home even Sannio,[9] as the comic poet says.

17. And many matrons, imitating these men, gallop over every quarter of
the city with their heads covered, and in close carriages. And as
skilful conductors of battles place in the van their densest and
strongest battalions, then their light-armed troops, behind them the
darters, and in the extreme rear troops of reserve, ready to join in the
attack if necessity should arise; so, according to the careful
arrangements of the stewards of these city households, who are
conspicuous by wands fastened to their right hands, as if a regular
watchword had been issued from the camp, first of all, near the front
of the carriage march all the slaves concerned in spinning and working;
next to them come the blackened crew employed in the kitchen; then the
whole body of slaves promiscuously mixed up with a gang of idle
plebeians from the neighbourhood; last of all, the multitude of eunuchs,
beginning with the old men and ending with the boys, pale and unsightly
from the distorted deformity of their features; so that whichever way
any one goes, seeing troops of mutilated men, he will detest the memory
of Semiramis, that ancient queen who was the first person to castrate
male youths of tender age; doing as it were a violence to nature, and
forcing it back from its appointed course, which at the very first
beginning and birth of the child, by a kind of secret law revealing the
primitive fountains of seed, points out the way of propagating
posterity.

18. And as this is the case, those few houses which were formerly
celebrated for the serious cultivation of becoming studies, are now
filled with the ridiculous amusements of torpid indolence, re-echoing
with the sound of vocal music and the tinkle of flutes and lyres.
Lastly, instead of a philosopher, you find a singer; instead of an
orator, some teacher of ridiculous arts is summoned; and the libraries
closed for ever, like so many graves; organs to be played by water-power
are made; and lyres of so vast a size, that they look like waggons; and
flutes, and ponderous machines suited for the exhibitions of actors.

19. Last of all, they have arrived at such a depth of unworthiness, that
when, no very long time ago, on account of an apprehended scarcity of
food, the foreigners were driven in haste from the city; those who
practised liberal accomplishments, the number of whom was exceedingly
small, were expelled without a moment's breathing-time; yet the
followers of actresses, and all who at that time pretended to be of such
a class, were allowed to remain; and three thousand dancing-girls had
not even a question put to them, but stayed unmolested with the members
of their choruses, and a corresponding number of dancing masters.

20. And wherever you turn your eyes, you may see a multitude of women
with their hair curled, who, as far as their age goes, might, if they
had married, been by this time the mothers of three children, sweeping
the pavements with their feet till they are weary, whirling round in
rapid gyrations, while representing innumerable groups and figures
which the theatrical plays contain.

21. It is a truth beyond all question, that, when at one time Rome was
the abode of all the virtues, many of the nobles, like the Lotophagi,
celebrated in Homer, who detained men by the deliciousness of their
fruit, allured foreigners of free birth by manifold attentions of
courtesy and kindness.

22. But now, in their empty arrogance, some persons look upon everything
as worthless which is born outside of the walls of the city, except only
the childless and the unmarried. Nor can it be conceived with what a
variety of obsequious observance men without children are courted at
Rome.

23. And since among them, as is natural in a city so great as to be the
metropolis of the world, diseases attain to such an insurmountable
degree of violence, that all the skill of the physician is ineffectual
even to mitigate them; a certain assistance and means of safety has been
devised, in the rule that no one should go to see a friend in such a
condition, and to a few precautionary measures a further remedy of
sufficient potency has been added, that men should not readmit into
their houses servants who have been sent to inquire how a man's friends
who may have been seized with an illness of this kind are, until they
have cleansed and purified their persons in the bath. So that a taint is
feared, even when it has only been seen with the eyes of another.

24. But nevertheless, when these rules are observed thus stringently,
some persons, if they be invited to a wedding, though the vigour of
their limbs be much diminished, yet, when gold is offered[10] in the
hollow palm of the right hand, will go actively as far as Spoletum.
These are the customs of the nobles.

25. But of the lower and most indigent class of the populace some spend
the whole night in the wine shops. Some lie concealed in the shady
arcades of the theatres; which Catulus was in his ædileship the first
person to raise, in imitation of the lascivious manners of Campania, or
else they play at dice so eagerly as to quarrel over them; snuffing up
their nostrils and making unseemly noises by drawing back their breath
into their noses; or (and this is their favourite pursuit of all others)
from sunrise to evening they stay gaping through sunshine or rain,
examining in the most careful manner the most sterling good or bad
qualities of the charioteers and horses.

26. And it is very wonderful to see an innumerable multitude of people
with great eagerness of mind intent upon the event of the contests in
the chariot race. These pursuits, and others of like character, prevent
anything worth mentioning or important from being done at Rome.
Therefore we must return to our original subject.


VII.

§ 1. His licentiousness having now become more unbounded, the Cæsar
began to be burdensome to all virtuous men; and discarding all
moderation, he harassed every part of the East, sparing neither those
who had received public honours, nor the chief citizens of the different
cities; nor the common people.

2. At last by one single sentence he ordered all the principal persons
at Antioch to be put to death; being exasperated because when he
recommended that a low price should be established in the market at an
unseasonable time, when the city was threatened with a scarcity, they
answered him with objections, urged with more force than he approved;
and they would all have been put to death to a man, if Honoratus, who
was at that time count of the East, had not resisted him with
pertinacious constancy.

3. This circumstance was also a proof, and that no doubtful or concealed
one, of the cruelty of his nature, that he took delight in cruel sports,
and in the circus he would rejoice as if he had made some great gain, to
see six or seven gladiators killing one another in combats which have
often been forbidden.

4. In addition to these things a certain worthless woman inflamed his
purpose of inflicting misery; for she, having obtained admission to the
palace, as she had requested, gave him information that a plot was
secretly laid against him by a few soldiers of the lowest rank. And
Constantina, in her exultation, thinking that her husband's safety was
now fully secured, rewarded and placed this woman, in a carriage, and in
this way sent her out into the public street through the great gate of
the palace, in order, by such a temptation, to allure others also to
give similar or more important information.

5. After these events, Gallus being about to set out for Hierapolis, in
order, as far as appearance went, to take part in the expedition, the
common people of Antioch entreated him in a suppliant manner to remove
their fear of a famine which for many reasons (some of them difficult to
explain) it was believed was impending; Gallus, however, did not, as is
the custom of princes whose power, by the great extent of country over
which it is diffused, is able continually to remedy local distresses,
order any distribution of food to be made, or any supplies to be brought
from the neighbouring countries; but he pointed out to them a man of
consular rank, named Theophilus, the governor of Syria, who happened to
be standing by, replying to the repeated appeals of the multitude, who
were trembling with apprehensions of the last extremities, that no one
could possibly want food if the governor were not willing that they
should be in want of it.

6. These words increased the audacity of the lower classes, and when the
scarcity of provisions became more severe, urged by hunger and frenzy,
they set fire to and burnt down the splendid house of a man of the name
of Eubulus, a man of great reputation among his fellow-citizens; and
they attacked the governor himself with blows and kicks as one
especially made over to them by the judgment of the emperor, kicking him
till he was half dead, and then tearing him to pieces in a miserable
manner. And after his wretched death every one saw in the destruction of
this single individual a type of the danger to which he was himself
exposed, and, taught by this recent example, feared a similar fate.

7. About the same time Serenianus, who had previously been duke[11] of
Phoenicia, to whose inactivity it was owing, as we have already
related, that Celse in Phoenicia was laid waste, was deservedly and
legally accused of treason and no one saw how he could possibly be
acquitted. He was also manifestly proved to have sent an intimate friend
with a cap (with which he used to cover his own head) which had been
enchanted by forbidden acts to the temple of prophecy,[12] on purpose to
ask expressly whether, according to his wish, a firm enjoyment of the
whole empire was portended for him.

8. And in these days a twofold misfortune occurred: first, that a heavy
penalty had fallen upon Theophilus who was innocent; and, secondly, that
Serenianus who deserved universal execration, was acquitted without the
general feeling being able to offer any effectual remonstrance.

9. Constantius then hearing from time to time of these transactions, and
having been further informed of some particular occurrences by
Thalassius, who however had now died by the ordinary course of nature,
wrote courteous letters to the Cæsar, but at the same time gradually
withdrew from him his support, pretending to be uneasy, least as the
leisure of soldiers is usually a disorderly time, the troops might be
conspiring to his injury: and he desired him to content himself with the
schools of the Palatine,[13] and with those of the Protectors, with the
Scutarii, and Gentiles. And he ordered Domitianus, who had formerly been
the Superintendent of the Treasury, but who was now promoted to be a
prefect, as soon as he arrived in Syria, to address Gallus in persuasive
and respectful language, exhorting him to repair with all speed to
Italy, to which province the emperor had repeatedly summoned him.

10. And when, with this object, Domitianus had reached Antioch, having
travelled express, he passed by the gates of the palace, in contempt of
the Cæsar, whom, however, he ought to have visited, and proceeded to the
general's camp with ostentatious pomp, and there pretended to be sick;
he neither visited the palace, nor ever appeared in public, but keeping
himself private, he devised many things to bring about the destruction
of the Cæsar, adding many superfluous circumstances to the relations
which he was continually sending to the emperor.

11. At last, being expressly invited by the Cæsar, and being admitted
into the prince's council-chamber, without making the slightest preface
he began in this inconsiderate and light-minded manner: "Depart," said
he, "as you have been commanded, O Cæsar, and know this, that if you
make any delay I shall at once order all the provisions allotted for the
support of yourself and your court to be carried away." And then, having
said nothing more than these insolent words, he departed with every
appearance of rage; and would never afterwards come into his sight
though frequently sent for.

12. The Cæsar being indignant at this, as thinking he had been
unworthily and unjustly treated, ordered his faithful protectors to take
the prefect into custody; and when this became known, Montius, who at
that time was quæstor, a man of deep craft indeed, but still inclined to
moderate measures,[14] taking counsel for the common good, sent for the
principal members of the Palatine schools and addressed them in pacific
words, pointing out that it was neither proper nor expedient that such
things should be done; and adding also in a reproving tone of voice,
that if such conduct as this were approved of, then, after throwing down
the statues of Constantius the prefect would begin to think how he might
also with the greater security take his life also.

13. When this was known Gallus, like a serpent attacked with stones or
darts, being now reduced to the extremity of despair, and eager to
insure his safety by any possible means, ordered all his troops to be
collected in arms, and when they stood around him in amazement he
gnashed his teeth, and hissing with rage, said,--

14. "You are present here as brave men, come to the aid of me who am in
one common danger with you. Montius, with a novel and unprecedented
arrogance, accuses us of rebellion and resistance to the majesty of the
emperor, by roaring out all these charges against us. Being offended
forsooth that, as a matter of precaution, I ordered a contumacious
prefect, who pretended not to know what the state of affairs required,
to be arrested and kept in custody."

15. On hearing these words the soldiers immediately, being always on the
watch to raise disturbances, first of all attacked Montius, who happened
to be living close at hand, an old man of no great bodily strength, and
enfeebled by disease; and having bound his legs with coarse ropes, they
dragged him straddling, without giving him a moment to take breath, as
far as the general's camp.

16. And with the same violence they also bound Domitianus, dragging him
head first down the stairs; and then having fastened the two men
together, they dragged them through all the spacious streets of the city
at full speed. And, all their limbs and joints being thus dislocated,
they trampled on their corpses after they were dead, and mutilated them
in the most unseemly manner; and at last, having glutted their rage,
they threw them into the river.

17. But there was a certain man named Luscus, the governor of the city,
who, suddenly appearing among the soldiers, had inflamed them, always
ready for mischief, to the nefarious actions which they had thus
committed; exciting them with repeated cries, like the musician who
gives the tune to the mourners at funerals, to finish what they had
begun: and for this deed he was, not long after, burnt alive.

18. And because Montius, when just about to expire under the hands of
those who were tearing him to pieces, repeatedly named Epigonius and
Eusebius, without indicating either their rank or their profession, a
great deal of trouble was taken to find out who they were; and, lest the
search should have time to cool, they sent for a philosopher named
Epigonius, from Lycia, and for Eusebius the orator, surnamed Pittacos,
from Emissa; though they were not those whom Montius had meant, but
some tribunes, superintendents of the manufactures of arms, who had
promised him information if they heard of any revolutionary measures
being agitated.

19. About the same time Apollinaris, the son-in-law of Domitianus, who a
short time before had been the chief steward of the Cæsar's palace,
being sent to Mesopotamia by his father-in-law, took exceeding pains to
inquire among the soldiers whether they had received any secret
despatches from the Cæsar, indicating his having meditated any deeper
designs than usual. And as soon as he heard of the events which had
taken place at Antioch, he passed through the lesser Armenia and took
the road to Constantinople; but he was seized on his journey by the
Protectors, and brought back to Antioch, and there kept in close
confinement.

20. And while these things were taking place there was discovered at
Tyre a royal robe, which had been secretly made, though it was quite
uncertain who had placed it where it was, or for whose use it had been
made. And on that account the governor of the province, who was at that
time the father of Apollinaris, and bore the same name, was arrested as
an accomplice in his guilt; and great numbers of other persons were
collected from different cities, who were all involved in serious
accusations.

21. And now, when the trumpets of internal war and slaughter began to
sound, the turbulent disposition of the Cæsar, indifferent to any
consideration of the truth, began also to break forth, and that not
secretly as before. And without making any solemn investigation into the
truth of the charges brought against the citizens, and without
separating the innocent from the guilty, he discarded all ideas of right
or justice, as if they had been expelled from the seat of judgment. And
while all lawful defence on trials was silent, the torturer, and
plunderer, and the executioner, and every kind of confiscation of
property, raged unrestrained throughout the eastern provinces of the
empire, which I think it now a favourable moment to enumerate, with the
exception of Mesopotamia, which I have already described when I was
relating the Parthian wars; and also with the exception of Egypt, which
I am forced to postpone to another opportunity.


VIII.

§ 1. After passing over the summit of Mount Taurus, which towards the
east rises up to a vast height, Cilicia spreads itself out for a very
great distance--a land rich in all valuable productions. It is bordered
on its right by Isauria, which is equally fertile in vines and in many
kinds of grain. The Calycadnus, a navigable river, flows through the
middle of Isaurus.

2. This province, besides other towns, is particularly adorned by two
cities, Seleucia, founded by King Seleucus, and Claudiopolis, which the
Emperor Claudius Cæsar established as a colony. For the city of Isauria,
which was formerly too powerful, was in ancient times overthrown as an
incurable and dangerous rebel, and so completely destroyed that it is
not easy to discover any traces of its pristine splendour.

3. The province of Cilicia, which exults in the river Cydnus, is
ornamented by Tarsus, a city of great magnificence. This city is said to
have been founded by Perseus, the son of Jupiter and Danaë; or else, and
more probably, by a certain emigrant who came from Ethiopia, by name
Sandan, a man of great wealth and of noble birth. It is also adorned by
the city of Anazarbus, which bears the name of its founder; and by
Mopsuestia, the abode of the celebrated seer Mopsus, who wandered from
his comrades the Argonauts when they were returning after having carried
off the Golden Fleece, and strayed to the African coast, where he died a
sudden death. His heroic remains, though covered by Punic turf, have
ever since that time cured a great variety of diseases, and have
generally restored men to sound health.

4. These two provinces being full of banditti were formerly subdued by
the proconsul Servilius, in a piratical war, and were passed under the
yoke, and made tributary to the empire. These districts being placed, as
it were, on a prominent tongue of land, are cut off from the main
continent by Mount Amanus.

5. The frontier of the East stretching straight forward for a great
distance, reached from the banks of the river Euphrates to those of the
Nile, being bounded on the left by the tribes of the Saracens and on
the right by the sea.

6. Nicator Seleucus, after he had occupied that district, increased its
prosperity to a wonderful degree, when, after the death of Alexander,
king of Macedonia, he took possession of the kingdom of Persia by right
of succession; being a mighty and victorious king, as his surname
indicates. And making free use of his numerous subjects, whom he
governed for a long time in tranquillity, he changed groups of rustic
habitations into regular cities, important for their great wealth and
power, the greater part of which at the present day, although they are
called by Greek names which were given them by the choice of their
founder, have nevertheless not lost their original appellations which
the original settlers of the villages gave them in the Assyrian
language.

7. After Osdroene, which, as I have already said, I intend to omit from
this description, the first province to be mentioned is Commagena, now
called Euphratensis, which has arisen into importance by slow degrees,
and is remarkable for the splendid cities of Hierapolis, the ancient
Ninus, and Samosata.

8. The next province is Syria, which is spread over a beautiful
champaign country. This province is ennobled by Antioch, a city known
over the whole world, with which no other can vie in respect of its
riches, whether imported or natural: and by Laodicea and Apameia, and
also by Seleucia, all cities which have ever been most prosperous from
their earliest foundation.

9. After this comes Phoenicia, a province lying under Mount Lebanon,
full of beauty and elegance, and decorated with cities of great size and
splendour, among which Tyre excels all in the beauty of its situation
and in its renown. And next come Sidon and Berytus, and on a par with
them Emissa and Damascus, cities founded in remote ages.

10. These provinces, which the river Orontes borders, a river which
passes by the foot of the celebrated and lofty mountain Cassius, and at
last falls into the Levant near the Gulf of Issus, were added to the
Roman dominion by Cnæus Pompey, who, after he had conquered Tigranes,
separated them from the kingdom of Armenia.

11. The last province of the Syrias is Palestine, a district of great
extent, abounding in well-cultivated and beautiful land, and having
several magnificent cities, all of equal importance, and rivalling one
another as it were, in parallel lines. For instance, Cæsarea, which
Herod built in honour of the Prince Octavianus, and Eleutheropolis, and
Neapolis, and also Ascalon, and Gaza, cities built in bygone ages.

12. In these districts no navigable river is seen: in many places, too,
waters naturally hot rise out of the ground well suited for the cure of
various diseases. These regions also Pompey formed into a Roman province
after he had subdued the Jews and taken Jerusalem: and he made over
their government to a local governor.

13. Contiguous to Palestine is Arabia, a country which on its other side
joins the Nabathæi--a land full of the most plenteous variety of
merchandize, and studded with strong forts and castles, which the
watchful solicitude of its ancient inhabitants has erected in suitable
defiles, in order to repress the inroads of the neighbouring nations.
This province, too, besides several towns, has some mighty cities, such
as Bostra, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, fortified with very strong walls.
It was the Emperor Trajan who first gave this country the name of a
Roman province, and appointed a governor over it, and compelled it to
obey our laws, after having by repeated victories crushed the arrogance
of the inhabitants, when he was carrying his glorious arms into Media
and Parthia.

14. There is also the island of Cyprus, not very far from the continent,
and abounding in excellent harbours, which, besides its many municipal
towns, is especially famous for two renowned cities, Salamis and Paphos,
the one celebrated for its temple of Jupiter, the other for its temple
of Venus. This same Cyprus is so fertile, and so abounding in riches of
every kind, that without requiring any external assistance, it can by
its own native resources build a merchant ship from the very foundation
of the keel up to the top sails, and send it to sea fully equipped with
stores.

15. It is not to be denied that the Roman people invaded this island
with more covetousness than justice. For when Ptolemy, the king, who was
connected with us by treaty, and was also our ally, was without any
fault of his own proscribed, merely on account of the necessities of our
treasury, and slew himself by taking poison, the island was made
tributary to us, and its spoils placed on board our fleet, as if taken
from an enemy, and carried to Rome by Cato. We will now return to the
actions of Constantius in their due order.


IX.

§ 1. Amid all these various disasters, Ursicinus, who was the governor
of Nisibis, an officer to whom the command of the emperor had
particularly attached me as a servant, was summoned from that city, and
in spite of his reluctance, and of the opposition which he made to the
clamorous bands of flatterers, was forced to investigate the origin of
the pernicious strife which had arisen. He was indeed a soldier of great
skill in war, and an approved leader of troops; but a man who had always
kept himself aloof from the strife of the forum. He, alarmed at his own
danger when he saw the corrupt accusers and judges who were associated
with him, all emerging out of the same lurking-places, wrote secret
letters to Constantius informing him of what was going on, both publicly
and in secret; and imploring such assistance as, by striking fear into
Gallus, should somewhat curb his notorious arrogance.

2. But through excessive caution he had fallen into a worse snare, as we
shall relate hereafter, since his enemies got the opportunity of laying
numerous snares for him, to poison the mind of Constantius against him;
Constantius, in other respects a prince of moderation, was severe and
implacable if any person, however mean and unknown, whispered suspicion
of danger into his ears, and in such matters was wholly unlike himself.

3. On the day appointed for this fatal examination, the master of the
horse took his seat under the pretence of being the judge; others being
also set as his assessors, who were instructed beforehand what was to be
done: and there were present also notaries on each side of him, who kept
the Cæsar rapidly and continually informed of all the questions which
were put and all the answers which were given; and by his pitiless
orders, urged as he was by the persuasions of the queen, who kept her
ear at the curtain, many were put to death without being permitted to
soften the accusations brought against them, or to say a word in their
own defence.

4. The first persons who were brought before them were Epigonius and
Eusebius, who were ruined because of the similarity of their names to
those of other people; for we have already mentioned that Montius, when
just at the point of death, had intended to inculpate the tribunes of
manufactures, who were called by these names, as men who had promised to
be his supports in some future enterprise.

5. Epigonius was only a philosopher as far as his dress went, as was
evident, when, having tried entreaties in vain, his sides having been
torn with blows, and the fear of instant death being presented to him,
he affirmed by a base confession that his companion was privy to his
plans, though in fact he had no plans; nor had he ever seen or heard
anything, being wholly unconnected with forensic affairs. But Eusebius,
confidently denying what he was accused of, continued firm in unshaken
constancy, loudly declaring that it was a band of robbers before whom he
was brought, and not a court of justice.

6. And when, like a man well acquainted with the law, he demanded that
his accuser should be produced, and claimed the usual rights of a
prisoner; the Cæsar, having heard of his conduct, and looking on his
freedom as pride, ordered him to be put to the torture as an audacious
calumniator; and when Eusebius had been tortured so severely that he had
no longer any limbs left for torments, imploring heaven for justice, and
still smiling disdainfully, he remained immovable, with a firm heart,
not permitting his tongue to accuse himself or any one else. And so at
length, without having either made any confession, or being convicted of
anything, he was condemned to death with the spiritless partner of his
sufferings. He was then led away to death, protesting against the
iniquity of the times; imitating in his conduct the celebrated Stoic of
old, Zeno, who, after he had been long subjected to torture in order to
extract from him some false confession, tore out his tongue by the roots
and threw it, bloody as it was, into the face of the king of Cyprus, who
was examining him.

7. After these events the affair of the royal robe was examined into.
And when those who were employed in dyeing purple had been put to the
torture, and had confessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover
the chest, without sleeves, a certain person, by name Maras, was brought
in, a deacon, as the Christians call him; letters from whom were
produced, written in the Greek language to the superintendent of the
weaving manufactory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beautiful
work finished speedily; of which work, however, these letters gave no
further description. And at last this man also was tortured, to the
danger of his life, but could not be made to confess anything.

8. After the investigation had been carried on with the examination,
under torture of many persons, when some things appeared doubtful, and
others it was plain were of a very unimportant character, and after many
persons had been put to death, the two Apollinares, father and son, were
condemned to banishment; and when they had come to a place which is
called Crateræ, a country house of their own, which is four-and-twenty
miles from Antioch, there, according to the order which had been given,
their legs were broken, and they were put to death.

9. After their death Gallus was not at all less ferocious than before,
but rather like a lion which has once tasted blood, he made many similar
investigations, all of which it is not worth while to relate, lest I
should exceed the bounds which I have laid down for myself; an error
which is to be avoided.


X.

§ 1. While the East was thus for a long time suffering under these
calamities, at the first approach of open weather, Constantius being in
his seventh consulship, and the Cæsar in his third, the emperor quitted
Arles and went to Valentia, with the intention of making war upon the
brothers Gundomadus and Vadomarius, chiefs of the Allemanni; by whose
repeated inroads the territories of the Gauls, which lay upon their
frontier, were continually laid waste.

2. And while he was staying in that district, as he did for some time
while waiting for supplies, the importation of which from Aquitania was
prevented by the spring rains which were this year more severe than
usual, so that the rivers were flooded by them, Herculanus arrived, a
principal officer of the guard, son of Hermogenes, who had formerly been
master of the horse at Constantinople, and had been torn to pieces in a
popular tumult as we have mentioned before. And as he brought a faithful
account of what Gallus had done, the emperor, sorrowing over the
miseries that were passed, and full of anxious fear for the future, for
a time stilled the grief of his mind as well as he could.

3. But in the mean time all the soldiery being assembled at
Cabillon,[15] began to be impatient of delay, and to get furious, being
so much the more exasperated because they had not sufficient means of
living, the usual supplies not yet having arrived.

4. And in consequence of this state of things, Rufinus, at that time
prefect of the camp, was exposed to the most imminent danger. For he
himself was compelled to go among the soldiers, whose natural ferocity
was inflamed by their want of food, and who on other occasions are by
nature generally inclined to be savage and bitter against men of civil
dignities. He was compelled, I say, to go among them to appease them and
explain on what account the arrival of their corn was delayed.

5. And the task thus imposed on him was very cunningly contrived, in
order that he, the uncle of Gallus, might perish in the snare; lest he,
being a man of great power and energy, should rouse his nephew to
confidence, and lead him to undertake enterprises which might be
mischievous. Great caution, however, was used to escape this; and, when
the danger was got rid of for a while, Eusebius, the high chamberlain,
was sent to Cabillon with a large sum of money, which he distributed
secretly among the chief leaders of sedition: and so the turbulent and
arrogant disposition of the soldiers was pacified, and the safety of the
prefect secured. Afterwards food having arrived in abundance the camp
was struck on the day appointed.

6. After great difficulties had been surmounted, many of the roads
being buried in snow, the army came near to Rauracum[16] on the banks of
the Rhine, where the multitude of the Allemanni offered great
resistance, so that by their fierceness the Romans were prevented from
fixing their bridge of boats, darts being poured upon them from all
sides like hail; and, when it seemed impossible to succeed in that
attempt, the emperor being taken by surprise, and full of anxious
thoughts, began to consider what to do.

7. When suddenly a guide well acquainted with the country arrived, and
for a reward pointed out a ford by night, where the river could be
crossed; and the army crossing at that point, while the enemy had their
attention directed elsewhere, might without any one expecting such a
step, have and waste the whole country, if a few men of the same nation
to whom the higher posts in the Roman army were intrusted had not (as
some people believe) informed their fellow-countrymen of the design by
secret messengers.

8. The disgrace of this suspicion fell chiefly on Latinus, a commander
of the domestic guard, and on Agilo, an equerry, and on Scudilo, the
commander of the Scutarii, men who at that time were looked up to as
those who supported the republic with their right hands.

9. But the barbarians, though taking instant counsel on such an
emergency, yet either because the auspices turned out unfavourable, or
because the authority of the sacrifices prohibited an instant
engagement, abated their energy, and the confidence with which they had
hitherto resisted; and sent some of their chiefs to beg pardon for their
offences, and sue for peace.

10. Therefore, having detained for some time the envoys of both the
kings, and having long deliberated over the affair in secret, the
emperor, when he had decided that it was expedient to grant peace on the
terms proposed, summoned his army to an assembly with the intention of
making them a short speech, and mounting the tribunal, surrounded with a
staff of officers of high rank, spoke in the following manner:

11. "I hope no one will wonder, after the long and toilsome marches we
have made, and the vast supplies and magazines which have been provided,
from the confidence which I felt in you, that now although we are close
to the villages of the barbarians, I have, as if I had suddenly changed
my plans, adopted more peaceful counsels.

12. "For if every one of you, having regard to his own position and his
own feelings, considers the case, he will find this to be the truth:
that the individual soldier in all cases, however strong and vigorous he
may be, regards and defends nothing but himself and his own life; while
the general, looking on all with impartiality as the guardian of their
general safety, is aware that the common interest of the people cannot
be separated from his own safety; and he is bound to seize with alacrity
every remedy of which the condition of affairs admits, as being put into
his hand by the favour of the gods.

13. "That therefore I may in a few words set before you and explain on
what account I wished all of you, my most faithful comrades, to assemble
here, I entreat you to listen attentively to what I will state with all
the brevity possible. For the language of truth is always concise and
simple.

14. "The kings and people of the Allemanni, viewing with apprehension
the lofty steps of your glory (which fame, increasing in magnificence,
has diffused throughout the most distant countries), now by their
ambassadors humbly implore pardon for their past offences, and peace.
And this indulgence I, as a cautious and prudent adviser of what is
useful, think expedient to grant them, if your consent be not wanting:
being led to this opinion by many considerations, in the first place
that so we may avoid the doubtful issues of war; in the second place,
that instead of enemies we may have allies, as they promise we shall
find them; further, that without bloodshed we may pacify their haughty
ferocity, a feeling which is often mischievous in our provinces; and
last of all, recollecting that the man who falls in battle, overwhelmed
by superior weapons or strength, is not the only enemy who has to be
subdued; and that with much greater safety to the state, even while the
trumpet of war is silent, he is subdued who makes voluntary submission,
having learnt by experience that we lack neither courage against rebels,
nor mercy towards suppliants.

15. "To sum up, making you as it were the arbitrators, I wait to see
what you determine: having no doubt myself, as an emperor always
desirous of peace, that it is best to employ moderation while prosperity
descends upon us. For, believe me, this conduct which I recommend, and
which is wisely chosen, will not be imputed to want of courage on your
part, but to your moderation and humanity."

16. As soon as he had finished speaking, the whole assembly being ready
to agree to what the emperor desired, and praising his advice, gave
their votes for peace; being principally influenced by this
consideration, that they had already learnt by frequent expeditions that
the fortune of the emperor was only propitious in times of civil
troubles; but that when foreign wars were undertaken they had often
proved disastrous. On this, therefore, a treaty being made according to
the customs of the Allemanni, and all the solemnities being completed,
the emperor retired to Milan for the winter.


XI.

§ 1. At Milan, having discarded the weight of other cares, the emperor
took into his consideration that most difficult gordian knot, how by a
mighty effort to uproot the Cæsar. And while he was deliberating on this
matter with his friends in secret conference by night, and considering
what force, and what contrivances might be employed for the purpose,
before Gallus in his audacity should more resolutely set himself to
plunging affairs into confusion, it seemed best that Gallus should be
invited by civil letters, under pretence of some public affairs of an
urgent nature requiring his advice, so that, being deprived of all
support, he might be put to death without any hindrance.

2. But as several knots of light-minded flatterers opposed this opinion,
among whom was Arbetio, a man of keen wit and always inclined to
treachery, and Eusebius, a man always disposed to mischief, at that time
the principal chamberlain, they suggested that if the Cæsar were to quit
those countries it would be dangerous to leave Ursicinus in the East,
with no one to check his designs, if he should cherish ambitious
notions.

3. And these counsels were supported by the rest of the royal eunuchs,
whose avarice and covetousness at that period had risen to excess. These
men, while performing their private duties about the court, by secret
whispers supplied food for false accusations; and by raising bitter
suspicions of Ursicinus, ruined a most gallant man, creating by
underhand means a belief that his grown-up sons began to aim at supreme
power; intimating that they were youths in the flower of their age and
of admirable personal beauty, skilful in the use of every kind of
weapon, well trained in all athletic and military exercises, and
favourably known for prudence and wisdom. They insinuated also that
Gallus himself, being by nature fierce and unmanageable, had been
excited to acts of additional cruelty and ferocity by persons placed
about him for that purpose, to the end that, when he had brought upon
himself universal detestation, the ensigns of power might be transferred
to the children of the master of the horse.

4. When these and similar suspicions were poured into the ears of
Constantius, which were always open to reports of this kind, the
emperor, revolving different plans in his mind, at last chose the
following as the most advisable course. He commanded Ursicinus in a most
complimentary manner to come to him, on the pretence that the urgent
state of certain affairs required to be arranged by the aid of his
counsel and concurrence, and that he had need of such additional support
in order to crush the power of the Parthian tribes, who were threatening
war.

5. And that he who was thus invited might not suspect anything
unfriendly, the Count Prosper was sent to act as his deputy till he
returned. Accordingly, when Ursicinus had received the letters, and had
obtained a sufficient supply of carriages, and means of travelling,
we[17] hastened to Milan with all speed.

6. The next thing was to contrive to summon the Cæsar, and to induce him
to make the like haste. And to remove all suspicion in his mind,
Constantius used many hypocritical endearments to persuade his own
sister, Gallus's wife, whom he pretended he had long been wishing to
see, to accompany him. And although she hesitated from fear of her
brother's habitual cruelty, yet, from a hope that, as he was her
brother, she might be able to pacify him, she set out; but when she
reached Bithynia, at the station named Cæni Gallici, she was seized with
a sudden fever and died. And after her death, her husband, considering
that he had lost his greatest security and the chief support on which he
relied, hesitated, taking anxious thought what he should do.

7. For amid the multiplicity of embarrassing affairs which distracted
his attention, this point especially filled his mind with apprehension,
that Constantius, determining everything according to his own sole
judgment, was not a man to admit of any excuse, or to pardon any error;
but being, as he was, more inclined to severity towards his kinsmen than
towards others, would be sure to put him to death if he could get him
into his power.

8. Being therefore in this critical situation, and feeling that he had
to expect the worst unless he took vigilant care, he embraced the idea
of seizing on the supreme power if he could find any opportunity: but
for two reasons he distrusted the good faith of his most intimate
councillors; both because they dreaded him as at once cruel and fickle,
and also because amid civil dissensions they looked with awe upon the
loftier fortune of Constantius.

9. While perplexed with these vast and weighty anxieties he received
continual letters from the emperor, advising and entreating him to come
to him; and giving him hints that the republic neither could nor ought
to be divided; but that every one was bound to the utmost of his power
to bring aid to it when it was tottering; alluding in this to the
devastations of the Gauls.

10. And to this suggestion he added an example of no great antiquity,
that in the time of Diocletian and his colleague,[18] the Cæsars obeyed
them as their officers, not remaining stationary, but hastening to
execute their orders in every direction. And that even Galerius went in
his purple robe on foot for nearly a mile before the chariot of
Augustus[19] when he was offended with him.

11. After many other messengers had been despatched to him, Scudilo the
tribune of the Scutarii arrived, a very cunning master of persuasion
under the cloak of a rude, blunt disposition. He, by mixing flattering
language with his serious conversation, induced him to proceed, when no
one else could do so, continually assuring him, with a hypocritical
countenance, that his cousin was extremely desirous to see him; that,
like a clement and merciful prince, he would pardon whatever errors had
been committed through thoughtlessness; that he would make him a partner
in his own royal rank, and take him for his associate in those toils
which the northern provinces, long in a disturbed state, imposed upon
him.

12. And as when the Fates lay their hand upon a man his senses are wont
to be blunted and dimmed, so Gallus, being led on by these alluring
persuasions to the expectation of a better fortune, quitted Antioch
under the guidance of an unfriendly star, and hurried, as the old
proverb has it, out of the smoke into the flame;[20] and having arrived
at Constantinople as if in great prosperity and security, at the
celebration of the equestrian games, he with his own hand placed the
crown on the head of the charioteer Corax, when he obtained the victory.

13. When Constantius heard this he became exasperated beyond all bounds
of moderation; and lest by any chance Gallus, feeling uncertain of the
future, should attempt to consult his safety by flight, all the
garrisons stationed in the towns which lay in his road were carefully
removed.

14. And at the same time Taurus, who was sent as quæstor into Armenia,
passed by without visiting or seeing him. Some persons, however, by the
command of the emperor, arrived under the pretence of one duty or
another, in order to take care that he should not be able to move, or
make any secret attempt of any kind. Among whom was Leontius, afterwards
prefect of the city, who was sent as quæstor; and Lucillianus, as count
of the domestic guards, and a tribune of the Scutarii named Bainobaudes.

15. Therefore after a long journey through the level country, when he
had reached Hadrianopolis, a city in the district of Mount Hæmus, which
had been formerly called Uscudama, where he stayed twelve days to
recover from his fatigue, he found that the Theban legions, who were in
winter quarters in the neighbouring towns of those parts, had sent some
of their comrades to exhort him by trustworthy and sure promises to
remain there relying upon them, since they were posted in great force
among the neighbouring stations; but those about him watched him with
such diligent care that he could get no opportunity of seeing them, or
of hearing their message.

16. Then, as letter after letter from the emperor urged him to quit that
city, he took ten public carriages, as he was desired to do, and leaving
behind him all his retinue, except a few of his chamberlains and
domestic officers, whom he had brought with him, he was in this poor
manner compelled to hasten his journey, his guards forcing him to use
all speed; while he from time to time, with many regrets, bewailed the
rashness which had placed him in a mean and despised condition at the
mercy of men of the lowest class.

17. And amid all these circumstances, in moments when exhausted nature
sought repose in sleep, his senses were kept in a state of agitation by
dreadful spectres making unseemly noises about him; and crowds of those
whom he had slain, led on by Domitianus and Montius, seemed to seize and
torture him with all the torments of the Furies.

18. For the mind, when freed by sleep from its connection with the body,
is nevertheless active, and being full of the thoughts and anxieties of
mortal pursuits, engenders mighty visions which we call phantoms.

19. Therefore his melancholy fate, by which it was destined he should be
deprived of empire and life, leading the way, he proceeded on his
journey by continual relays of horses, till he arrived at Petobio,[21] a
town in Noricum. Here all disguise was thrown off, and the Count
Barbatio suddenly made his appearance, with Apodemius, the secretary for
the provinces, and an escort of soldiers whom the emperor had picked out
as men bound to him by especial favours, feeling sure that they could
not be turned from their obedience either by bribes or pity.

20. And now the affair was conducted to its conclusion without further
disguise or deceit, and the whole portion of the palace which is outside
the walls was surrounded by armed men. Barbatio, entering the palace
before daybreak, stripped the Cæsar of his royal robes, and clothed him
with a tunic and an ordinary soldier's garment, assuring him with many
protestations, as if by the especial command of the emperor, that he
should be exposed to no further suffering; and then said to him, "Stand
up at once." And having suddenly placed him in a private carriage, he
conducted him into Istria, near to the town of Pola, where it is
reported that Crispus, the son of Constantine, was formerly put to
death.

21. And while he was there kept in strict confinement, being already
terrified with apprehensions of his approaching destruction, Eusebius,
at that time the high chamberlain, arrived in haste, and with him
Pentadius the secretary, and Mallobaudes the tribune of the guard, who
had the emperor's orders to compel him to explain, case by case, on what
accounts he had ordered each of the individuals whom he had executed at
Antioch to be put to death.

22. He being struck with a paleness like that of Adrastus[22] at these
questions, was only able to reply that he had put most of them to death
at the instigation of his wife Constantina; being forsooth ignorant that
when the mother of Alexander the Great urged him to put to death some
one who was innocent, and in the hope of prevailing with him, repeated
to him over and over again that she had borne him nine months in her
womb, and was his mother, that emperor made her this prudent answer, "My
excellent mother, ask for some other reward; for the life of a man
cannot be put in the balance with any kind of service."

23. When this was known, the emperor, giving way to unchangeable
indignation and anger, saw that his only hope of establishing security
firmly lay in putting the Cæsar to death. And having sent Serenianus,
whom we have already spoken of as having been accused of treason, but
acquitted by intrigue, and Pentadius the secretary, and Apodemius the
secretary for the provinces, he commanded that they should put him to
death. And accordingly his hands were bound like those of some
convicted thief, and he was beheaded, and his carcass, which but a
little while ago had been the object of dread to cities and provinces,
deprived of head and defaced: it was then left on the ground.

24. In this the supervision of the supreme Deity manifested itself to be
everywhere vigilant. For not only did the cruelties of Gallus bring
about his own destruction, but they also who, by their pernicious
flattery and instigation, and charges supported by perjury, had led him
to the perpetration of many murders, not long afterwards died miserably.
Scudilo, being afflicted with a liver complaint which penetrated to his
lungs, died vomiting; while Barbatio, who had long busied himself in
inventing false accusations against Gallus, was accused by secret
information of aiming at some post higher than his command of infantry,
and being condemned, though unjustly, was put to death, and so by his
melancholy end made atonement to the shade of the Cæsar.

25. These, and innumerable other actions of the same kind, Adrastea, who
is also called Nemesis, the avenger of wicked and the rewarder of good
deeds, is continually bringing to pass: would that she could always do
so! She is a kind of sublime agent of the powerful Deity, dwelling,
according to common belief, above the human circle; or, as others define
her, she is a substantial protection, presiding over the particular
destinies of individuals, and feigned by the ancient theologians to be
the daughter of Justice, looking down from a certain inscrutable
eternity upon all terrestrial and mundane affairs.

26. She, as queen of all causes of events, and arbitress and umpire in
all affairs of life, regulates the urn which contains the lots of men,
and directs the alternations of fortune which we behold in the world,
frequently bringing our undertakings to an issue different from what we
intended, and involving and changing great numbers of actions. She also,
binding the vainly swelling pride of mankind by the indissoluble fetters
of necessity, and swaying the inclination of progress and decay
according to her will, sometimes bows down and enfeebles the stiff neck
of arrogance, and sometimes raises virtuous men from the lowest depth,
leading them to a prosperous and happy life. And it is on this account
that the fables of antiquity have represented her with wings, that she
may be supposed to be present at all events with prompt celerity. And
they have also placed a rudder in her hand and given her a wheel under
her feet, that mankind may be aware that she governs the universe,
running at will through all the elements.[23]

27. In this untimely manner did the Cæsar, being himself also already
weary of life, die, in the twenty-ninth year of his age, having reigned
four years. He was born in the country of the Etrurians, in the district
of Veternum,[24] being the son of Constantius, the brother of the
Emperor Constantine; his mother was Galla, the sister of Rufinus and
Cerealis, men who had been ennobled by the offices of consul and
prefect.

28. He was a man of splendid stature and great beauty of person and
figure, with soft hair of a golden colour, his newly sprouting beard
covering his cheeks with a tender down, and in spite of his youth his
countenance showed dignity and authority. He differed as much from the
temperate habits of his brother Julian, as the sons of Vespasian,
Domitian and Titus, differed from each other.

29. After he had been taken by the emperor as his colleague, and raised
to the highest eminence of power, he experienced the fickle
changeableness of fortune which mocks mortality, sometimes raising
individuals to the stars, at others sinking them to the lowest depths
of hell.

30. And though the examples of such vicissitudes are beyond number,
nevertheless I will only enumerable a few in a cursory manner. This
changeable and fickle fortune made Agathocles, the Sicilian, a king from
being a potter, and reduced Dionysius, formerly the terror of all
nations, to be the master of a grammar school. This same fortune
emboldened Andriscus of Adramyttium, who had been born in a fuller's
shop, to assume the name of Philip, and compelled the legitimate son of
Perseus[25] to descend to the trade of a blacksmith to obtain a
livelihood. Again, fortune surrendered Mancinus[26] to the people of
Numantia, after he had enjoyed the supreme command, exposed Veturius[27]
to the cruelty of the Samnites, Claudius[28] to that of the Corsicans,
and made Regulus[29] a victim to the ferocity of the Carthaginians.
Through the injustice of fortune, Pompey,[30] after he had acquired the
surname of the Great by the grandeur of his exploits, was murdered in
Ægypt at the pleasure of some eunuchs, while a fellow named Eunus, a
slave who had escaped from a house of correction, commanded an army of
runaway slaves in Sicily. How many men of the highest birth, through the
connivance of this same fortune, submitted to the authority of Viriathus
and of Spartacus![31] How many heads at which nations once trembled have
fallen under the deadly hand of the executioner! One man is thrown into
prison, another is promoted to unexpected power, a third is hurled down
from the highest rank and dignity. But he who would endeavour to
enumerate all the various and frequent instances of the caprice of
fortune, might as well undertake to number the sands or ascertain the
weight of mountains.


[1] Gallus and his brother Julian were the nephews of the great
Constantine, sons of his brother Julius. When Constantius, who succeeded
Constantine on the throne, murdered his uncles and most of his cousins,
he spared these two, probably on account of their tender age.

[2] Hannibalianus was another nephew of Constantine. That emperor raised
his own three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, to the
dignity of Cæsar; and of his two favourite nephews, Dalmacius and
Hannibalianus, he raised the first, by the title of Cæsar, to an
equality with his cousins; "in favour of the latter he invented the new
and singular appellation of Fortitissimus, to which he annexed the
flattering distinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of the whole
series of Roman princes in any age of the empire Hannibalianus alone was
distinguished by the title of _king_, a name which the subjects of
Tiberius would have detested as the profane and cruel insult of
capricious tyranny."--Gibbon, cxviii. The editor of Bohn's edition adds
in a note: "The title given to Hannibalianus did not apply to him as a
_Roman_ prince, but as king of a territory assigned to him in Asia. This
territory consisted of Pontus, Cappadocia, and the lesser Armenia, the
city of Cæsarea being chosen for his residence."--Gibbon, Bohn's
edition, vol. ii. pp. 256, 257.

[3] "There was among the commanders of the soldiery one prefect who was
especially entitled Præsens, or Præsentalis, because his office was to
be always in the court or about the person of the prince, and because
the emperor's body-guard was under his particular orders."--H. Valesius.

[4] The passage is found in Cicero's Oration pro Cluentio, c. 25.

[5] Sciron was a pirate slain by Theseus, v. Ov. Metam. vii. 44 and the
Epistle of Ariadne to Theseus.

  "Cum fuerit Sciron lectus, torvusque Procrustes."

[6] His victory over Magnentius, whom he defeated at Mursa, on the
Doave, in the year 351. Magnentius fled to Aquileia, but was pursued,
and again defeated the next year, at a place called Mons Seleuci, in the
neighbourhood of Gap, and threw himself on his own sword to avoid
falling into the hands of Constantius.

[7] Hesiod. Ammianus refers to the passage in Hesiod's Op. et Dies, 289,
beginning--+tês d' aretês hidrôta theoi proparoithen ethêsan+.

[8] A nomenclator was a slave who attended a great noble in his walk
through the city to remind him of the names of those whom he met. See
Cicero pro Muræna, c. 36.

[9] The name of a slave in the Eunuch, of Terence, who says, act. iv sc.
8--Sannio alone stays at home.

[10] It was customary on such solemnities, as also on the occasion of
assuming the toga virilis, or entering on any important magistracy, to
make small presents of money to the guests who were invited to celebrate
the occasion. Cf. Plin. Epist. x. 117.

[11] The Latin is Dux. It is about this period that the title Duke and
Count, which we have already had, arose, indicating however at first not
territorial possessions, but military commands; and it is worth noticing
that the rank of Count was the higher of the two.

[12] Constantine, on his conversion to Christianity, had issued an edict
forbidding the consultation of oracles; but the practice was not wholly
abandoned till the time of Theodosius.

[13] Schools was the name given at Rome to buildings where men were wont
to meet for any purpose, whether of study, of traffic, or of the
practice of any art. The schools of the Palatine were the station of the
cohorts of the guard. The "Protectors or Guards" were a body of soldiers
of higher rank, receiving also higher pay; called also "Domestici or
household troops," as especially set apart for the protection of the
imperial palace and person. The "Scutarii" (shield-bearers) belonged to
the Palatine schools; and the Gentiles were troops enlisted from among
those nations which were still accounted barbarous.

[14] Gibbon here proposes for le_n_itatem to read le_v_itatem,
fickleness; himself describing Montius as "a statesman whose art and
experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of his
disposition."--Cap. xix., p. 298, vol. iii., Bohn's edition.

[15] Châlons sur Saône.

[16] Near Basle.

[17] It will be observed that Ammianus here speaks of himself as in
attendance upon Ursicinus.

[18] Maximianus Herculius.

[19] Diocletian.

[20] As we say, Out of the frying-pan into the fire.

[21] The town of Pettau, on the Drave.

[22] A paleness such as overspread the countenance of Adrastus when he
saw his two sons-in-law, Pydeus and Polynices, slain at Thebes. Virgil
speaks of Adrasti pallentis imago, Æn. vi. 480.

[23] Ammianus here confounds Nemesis with Fortuna. Compare Horace's
description of the latter goddess, Lib. i. Od. 34:--

      " ... Valet ima summis
  Mutare, et insignia attenuat deus
  Obscura promens: hinc apicem rapax
      Fortuna cum stridore acuto
      Sustulit; hic posuisse gaudet."

Or, as it is translated by Dr. Francis:--

  "The hand of Jove can crush the proud
  Down to the meanness of the crowd:
      And raise the lowest in his stead:
  But rapid Fortune pulls him down,
  And snatches his imperial crown,
      To place, not _fix_ it, on another's head."

[24] Near the modern city of Sienna.

[25] See Plutarch's Life of Æmilius, c. 37. The name of the young prince
was Alexander.

[26] Called also Hostilius; cf. Vell. Paterc. ii. 1.

[27] Cf. Liv. ix. c. x.; Cicero de Officiis, iii. 30.

[28] Cf. Val. Max. vi. 3.

[29] Cf. Horace, Od. iv. ult.; Florus, ii. 1. The story of the cruelties
inflicted on Regulus is now, however, generally disbelieved.

[30] The fate of Pompey served also as an instance to Juvenal in his
satire on the vanity of human wishes.

  Provida Pompeio diderat Campania febres
  Optandas, sed multæ urbes et publica vota
  Vicerunt; igitur Fortuna ipsius et urbis
  Servatum victo caput abstulit.

Sat. X. 283, &c.

[31] Spartacus was the celebrated leader of the slaves in the Servile
War.




BOOK XV.

ARGUMENT.

     I. The death of the Cæsar Gallus is announced to the emperor.--II.
     Ursicinus, the commander of the cavalry in the East; Julian, the
     brother of the Cæsar Gallus; and Gorgonius, the high chamberlain,
     are accused of treason.--III. The adherents and servants of the
     Cæsar Gallus are punished.--IV. The Allemanni of the district of
     Lintz are defeated by the Emperor Constantius with great loss.--V.
     Silvanus, a Frank, the commander of the infantry in Gaul, is
     saluted as emperor at Cologne; and on the twenty-eighth day of his
     reign is destroyed by stratagem.--VI. The friends and adherents of
     Silvanus are put to death.--VII. Seditions of the Roman people are
     repressed by Leontius, the prefect of the city; Liberius, the
     bishop, is driven from his see.--VIII. Julian, the brother of
     Gallus, is created Cæsar by the Emperor Constantius, his uncle; and
     is appointed to command.--IX. On the origin of the Gauls, and from
     whence they derive the names of Celts and Gauls; and of their
     treaties.--X. Of the Gallic Alps, and of the various passes over
     them.--XI. A brief description of Gaul, and of the course of the
     River Rhone.--XII. Of the manners of the Gauls.--XIII. Of
     Musonianus, prefect of the Prætorium in the East.


I.

A.D. 354.

§ 1. Having investigated the truth to the best of our power we have
hitherto related all the transactions which either our age permitted us
to witness, or which we could learn from careful examination of those
who were concerned in them, in the order in which the several events
took place. The remaining facts, which the succeeding books will set
forth, we will, as far as our talent permits, explain with the greatest
accuracy, without fearing those who may be inclined to cavil at our work
as too long; for brevity is only to be praised when, while it puts an
end to unseasonable delays, it suppresses nothing which is well
authenticated.

2. Gallus had hardly breathed his last in Noricum, when Apodemius, who
as long as he lived had been a fiery instigator of disturbances, caught
up his shoes and carried them off, journeying, with frequent relays of
horses, so rapidly as even to kill some of them by excess of speed, and
so brought the first news of what had occurred to Milan. And having made
his way into the palace, he threw down the shoes before the feet of
Constantius, as if he were bringing the spoils of a king of the
Parthians who had been slain. And when this sudden news arrived that an
affair so unexpected and difficult had been executed with entire
facility in complete accordance with the wish of the emperor, the
principal courtiers, according to their custom, exerting all their zeal
in the path of flattery, extolled to the skies the virtue and good
fortune of the emperor, at whose nod, as if they had been mere common
soldiers, two princes had thus been deprived of their power, namely,
Veteranio and Gallus.

3. And Constantius being exceedingly elated at the exquisite taste of
this adulation, and thinking that he himself for the future should be
free from all the ordinary inconveniences of mortality, now began to
depart from the path of justice so evidently that he even at times laid
claim to immortality; and in writing letters with his own hand, would
style himself lord of the whole world; a thing which, if others had
said, any one ought to have been indignant at, who laboured with proper
diligence to form his life and habits in emulation of the constitutional
princes who had preceded him, as he professed to do.

4. For even if he had under his power the infinities of worlds fancied
by Democritus, as Alexander the Great, under the promptings of
Anaxarchus, did fancy, yet either by reading, or by hearing others
speak, he might have considered that (as mathematicians unanimously
agree) the circumference of the whole earth, immense as it seems to us,
is nevertheless not bigger than a pin's point as compared with the
greatness of the universe.


II.

§ 1. And now, after the pitiable death of the Cæsar, the trumpet of
judicial dangers sounded the alarm, and Ursicinus was impeached of
treason, envy gaining more and more strength every day to attack his
safety; envy which is inimical to all powerful men.

2. For he was overcome by this difficulty, that, while the ears of the
emperor were shut against all defences which were reasonable and easy of
proof, they were open to all the secret whispers of calumniators, who
pretended that his name was almost disused among all the districts of
the East, and that Ursicinus was urged by them both privately and
publicly to be their commander, as one who could be formidable to the
Persian nation.

3. But this magnanimous man stood his ground immovably against whatever
might happen, only taking care not to throw himself away in an abject
manner, and grieving from his heart that innocence had no safe
foundation on which to stand. And the more sad also for this
consideration, that before these events took place many of his friends
had gone over to other more powerful persons, as in cases of official
dignity the lictors go over to the successors of former officers.

4. His colleague Arbetio was attacking him by cajoling words of feigned
good-will, often publicly speaking of him as a virtuous and brave man;
Arbetio being a man of great cunning in laying snares for men of simple
life, and one who at that season enjoyed too much power. For as a
serpent that has its hole underground and hidden from the sight of man
observes the different passers-by, and attacks whom it will with a
sudden spring, so this man, having been raised from being a common
soldier of the lowest class to the highest military dignities, without
having received any injury or any provocation, polluted his conscience
from an insatiable desire of doing mischief.

5. Therefore, having a few partners in his secrets for accomplices, he
had secretly arranged with the emperor when he asked his opinion, that
on the next night Ursicinus should be seized and carried away from the
sight of the soldiers, and so be put to death uncondemned, just as
formerly Domitius Corbulo, that faithful and wise defender of our
provinces, is said to have been slain in the miserable period of Nero's
cruelty.

6. And after the matter had been thus arranged, while the men destined
for the service of seizing Ursicinus were waiting for the appointed
time, the emperor's mind changed to mercy, and so this impious deed was
put off for further consideration.

7. Then the engine of calumny was directed against Julian, who had
lately been brought to court; a prince who afterwards became memorable,
but who was now attacked with a twofold accusation, as the iniquity of
his enemies thought requisite. First, that he had gone from the Park of
Macellum, which lies in Cappadocia, into Asia, from a desire of
acquiring polite learning. Secondly, that he had seen his brother as he
passed through Constantinople.

8. And when he had explained away the charges thus brought against him,
and had proved that he had not done either of these things without being
ordered, he would still have perished through the intrigues of the
abandoned court of flatterers, if he had not been saved by the favour of
the supreme Deity, with the assistance of Queen Eusebia. By her
intercession he obtained leave to be conducted to the town of Como, in
the neighbourhood of Milan; and after he had remained there a short time
he was permitted to go to Greece for the purpose of cultivating his
literary tastes, as he was very eager to do.

9. Nor were there wanting other incidents arising out of these
occurrences, which might be looked upon as events under the direction of
Providence, as some of them were rightly punished, while others failed
of their design, proving vain and ineffective. But it occasionally
happened that rich men, relying on the protection of those in office,
and clinging to them as the ivy clings to lofty trees, bought acquittals
at immense prices; and that poor men who had little or no means of
purchasing safety were condemned out of hand. And therefore truth was
overshadowed by falsehood, and sometimes falsehood obtained the
authority of truth.

10. In these days Gorgonius also was summoned to court, the man who had
been the Cæsar's principal chamberlain. And though it was made plain by
his own confession that he had been a partner in his undertakings, and
sometimes a chief instigator of them, yet through the conspiracy of the
eunuchs justice was overpowered by dexterously arranged falsehoods, and
he was acquitted and so escaped the danger.


III.

§ 1. While these events were taking place at Milan, battalions of
soldiers were brought from the East to Aquileia, with a number of
members of the court, who, being broken in spirit, while their limbs
were enfeebled by the weight of their chains, cursed the protraction of
their lives which were surrounded with every variety of misery. For they
were accused of having been the ministers of the ferocity of Gallus, and
it was believed to be owing to them that Domitian had been torn to
pieces, and that Montius and others had been brought to destruction.

2. Arboreus, and Eusebius, at that time high chamberlain, both men of
insane arrogance, and equally unjust and cruel, were appointed to try
these men. And they, without any careful examination, or making any
distinction between the innocent and the guilty, condemned some to
scourgings, others to torture and exile, some they adjudged to serve in
the lowest ranks of the army, and the rest they condemned to death. And
when they had thus filled the sepulchres with dead bodies, they returned
as if in triumph, and brought an account of their exploits to the
emperor, who was notoriously severe and implacable against all offences
of the kind.

3. After this, throughout the rest of his reign, Constantius, as if
resolved to reverse the prescribed arrangement of the Fates, behaved
with greater violence than ever, and opened his heart to numbers of
designing plotters. And owing to this conduct, many men arose who
watched for all kinds of reports, at first attacking, as with the
appetite of wild beasts, those in the enjoyment of the highest honours
and rank, and afterwards both poor and rich indiscriminately. Not like
those Cibyratæ in the time of Verres,[32] fawning on the tribunal of a
single lieutenant, but harassing the limbs of the whole republic by
means of all the evils that arose anywhere.

4. Among these men Paulus and Mercurius were especially conspicuous, the
first a Dacian born, the latter a Persian. Mercurius was a notary, and
Paulus had been promoted from being a steward of the emperor's table to
a receivership in the provinces. Paulus, as I have already mentioned,
had been nicknamed The Chain, because in weaving knots of calumnies he
was invincible, scattering around foul poisons and destroying people by
various means, as some skilful wrestlers are wont in their contests to
catch hold of their antagonists by the heel.

5. Mercurius was nicknamed Count of Dreams, because (as a dog fond of
biting secretly fawns and wags his tail while full of inward spite) he
forced his way into feasts and companies, and if any one in his sleep
(when nature roves about with an extraordinary degree of freedom)
communicated to a friend that he had seen anything, exaggerated it,
colouring it for the most part with envenomed arts, and bore it to the
open ears of the emperor. And for such speeches men were attacked with
formidable accusations, as if they had committed inexpiable crimes.

6. The news of these events having got abroad, men were so cautious of
even relating nocturnal dreams, that, in the presence of a stranger,
they would scarcely confess they had slept at all. And some accomplished
men lamented that they had not been born in the country of Mount
Atlas,[33] where it is said that dreams never occur, though what the
cause of such a fact is, we must leave to those who are learned in such
matters to decide.

7. Amid all these terrible investigations and punishments, another
disaster took place in Illyricum, which from some empty words involved
many in danger. At an entertainment given by Africanus, the governor of
the second Pannonia, at Sirmium, some men having drunk rather too much,
and thinking there was no witness of their proceedings, spoke freely of
the existing imperial government, accusing it as most vexatious to the
people. And some of them expressed a hope that a change, such as was
wished for by all, might be at hand, affirming that this was portended
by omens, while some, with incredible rashness, affirmed that the
auguries of their ancestral house promised the same thing.

8. Among those present at the banquet was Gaudentius, one of the
secretaries, a stupid man, and of a hasty disposition. And he looking
upon the matter as serious, reported it to Rufinus, who was at that time
the chief commander of the guard of the prætorian prefecture, a man
always eager for the most cruel measures, and infamous for every kind of
wickedness.

9. He immediately, as if borne on wings, flew to the court of the
emperor, and so bitterly inflamed him, always easy of access and
susceptible of impressions from suspicious circumstances of this kind,
that without a moment's deliberation he ordered Africanus and all who
had been partakers of his fatal banquet to be seized. And when this was
done, the wicked informer, always fond of whatever is contrary to
popular manners, obtained what he most coveted, a continuation of his
existing office for two years.

10. To arrest these men, Teutomeres, the chief of the Protectores, was
sent with his colleague; and he loaded them all with chains, and
conducted them, as he had been ordered, to the emperor's court. But when
they arrived at Aquileia, Marinus, who from having been a drillmaster
had been promoted to a tribuneship, but who at that time had had no
particular duty, being a man who had held dangerous language, and who
was in other respects of an intemperate disposition, being left in an
inn while things necessary for the journey were being prepared, stabbed
himself with a knife which he accidentally found, and his bowels gushed
out, so that he died. The rest were conducted to Milan, and subjected to
torture; and having been forced by their agony to confess that while at
the banquet they had used some petulant expressions, were ordered to be
kept in penal confinement, with some hope, though an uncertain one, of
eventual release. But Teutomeres and his colleague, being accused of
having allowed Marinus to kill himself, were condemned to banishment,
though they were afterwards pardoned through the intercession of
Arbetio.


IV.

§ 1. Soon after this transaction had been thus terminated, war was
declared against the tribes of the Allemanni around Lentia,[34] who had
often made extensive incursions into the contiguous Roman territories.
The emperor himself set out on the expedition, and went as far as
Rhætia, and the district of the Canini.[35] And there, after long and
careful deliberation, it was decided to be both honourable and expedient
that Arbetio, the master of the horse, should march with a division of
the troops, in fact with the greater part of the army, along the borders
of the lake of Brigantia, with the object of coming to an immediate
engagement with the barbarians. And I will here describe the character
of the ground briefly, as well as I can.

2. The Rhine rising among the defiles of lofty mountains, and forcing
its way with immense violence through steep rocks, stretches its onward
course without receiving any foreign waters, in the same manner as the
Nile pours down with headlong descent through the cataracts. And it is
so abundantly full by its own natural riches that it would be navigable
up to its very source were it not like a torrent rather than a stream.

3. And soon after it has disentangled itself from its defiles, rolling
onward between high banks, it enters a vast lake of circular form, which
the Rhætian natives call Brigantia,[36] being four hundred and sixty
furlongs in length, and of nearly equal extent in breadth,
unapproachable on account of a vast mass of dark woods, except where the
energy of the Romans has made a wide road through them, in spite of the
hostility of the barbarians, and the unfavourable character both of the
ground and the climate.

4. The Rhine forcing its way into this pool, and roaring with its
foaming eddies, pierces the sluggish quiet of the waters, and rushes
through the middle from one end to the other. And like an element
separated from some other element by eternal discord, without any
increase or diminution of the volume of water which it has brought into
the lake, it comes forth from it again with its old name and its
unalloyed power, never having suffered from the contact, and so proceeds
till it mingles with the waves of the sea.

5. And what is exceedingly strange, the lake is not moved at all by this
rapid passage of the river through it, nor is it affected by the muddy
soil beneath the waters of the lake; the two bodies of water being
incapable of mingling with each other. A thing which would be supposed
impossible, did not the very sight of the lake prove the fact.

6. In a similar manner, the Alpheus, rising in Arcadia, being seized
with a love for the fountain Arethusa,[37] passing through the Ionian
sea, as is related by the poets, proceeds onward till it arrives at the
neighbourhood of its beloved fountain.

       *       *       *       *       *

7. Arbetio not choosing to wait till messengers arrived to announce the
approach of the barbarians, although he knew the fierce way in which
they begin their wars, allowed himself to be betrayed into a hidden
ambush, where he stood without the power of moving, being bewildered by
the suddenness of his disaster.

8. In the mean time the enemy, showing themselves, sprang forth from
their hiding-places and spared not one who came in their way, but
overwhelmed them with every kind of weapon. For none of our men could
offer the smallest resistance, nor was there any hope of any of them
being able to save their lives except by a speedy flight. Therefore,
being intent only on avoiding wounds, our soldiers, losing all order,
ran almost at random in every direction, exposing their backs to the
blows of the enemy. Nevertheless the greater part of them, scattering
themselves among narrow paths, were saved from danger by the protecting
darkness of the night, and at the return of day recovered their courage
and rejoined their different legions. But still by this sad and
unexpected disaster a vast number of common soldiers and ten tribunes
were slain.

9. The Allemanni were greatly elated at this event, and advanced with
increased boldness, every day coming up to the fortifications of the
Romans while the morning mists obscured the light; and drawing their
swords roamed about in every direction, gnashing their teeth, and
threatening us with haughty shouts. Then with a sudden sally our
Scutarii would rush forth, and after being stopped for a moment by the
resistance of the hostile squadrons, would call out all their comrades
to join them in the engagement.

10. But the greater part of our men were alarmed by the recollection of
their recent disaster, and Arbetio hesitated, thinking everything
pregnant with danger. Upon this three tribunes at once sallied forth,
Arintheus who was a lieutenant commander of the heavy troops, Seniauchus
who commanded the cavalry of the Comites,[38] and Bappo who had the
command of the Promoti[39] and of those troops who had been particularly
intrusted to his charge by the emperor.

11. These men, looking on the common cause as their own, resolved to
repel the violence of the enemy according to the example of their
ancient comrades. And pouring down upon the foe like a torrent, not in a
regular line of battle, but in desultory attacks like those of banditti,
they put them all to flight in a disgraceful manner. Since they, being
in loose order and straggling, and hampered by their endeavours to
escape, exposed their unprotected bodies to our weapons, and were slain
by repeated blows of sword and spear.

12. Many too were slain with their horses, and seemed as they lay on
their backs to be so entangled as still to be sitting on them. And when
this was seen, all our men who had previously hesitated to engage in
battle with their comrades, poured forth out of the camp; and now,
forgetful of all precautions, they drove before them the mob of
barbarians, except such as flight had saved from destruction, trampling
on the heaps of slain, and covered with gore.

13. When the battle was thus terminated the emperor in triumph and joy
returned to Milan to winter quarters.


V.

A.D. 355.

§ 1. After these unhappy circumstances, accompanied as they were with
equal calamities in the provinces, a whirlwind of new misfortunes arose
which seemed likely to destroy the whole state at once, if Fortune,
which regulates the events of human life, had not terminated a state of
affairs which all regarded with great apprehension, by bringing the
dangers to a speedy issue.

2. From the long neglect with which these provinces had been treated,
the Gauls, having no assistance on which to rely, had borne cruel
massacres, with plunder and conflagration, from barbarians who raged
throughout their land with impunity. Silvanus, the commander of the
infantry, being a man well suited to correct these evils, went thither
at the command of the emperor, Arbetio at the same time urging with all
his power that this task should be undertaken without delay, with the
object of imposing the dangerous burden of this duty on his absent
rival, whom he was vexed to see still in prosperity....

3. There was a certain man named Dynamius, the superintendent of the
emperor's beasts of burden, who had begged of Silvanus recommendatory
letters to his friends as of one who was admitted to his most intimate
friendship. Having obtained this favour, as Silvanus, having no
suspicion of any evil intention, had with great simplicity granted what
he was asked, Dynamius kept the letters, in order at a future time to
plan something to his injury.

4. Therefore, when the aforesaid commander had gone to the Gauls in the
service of the republic, and while he was engaged in repelling the
barbarians, who already began to distrust their own power, and to be
filled with alarm, Dynamius, being restless, like a man of cunning and
practised deceitfulness, devised a wicked plot; and in this it is said
he had for his accomplices Lampadius, the prefect of the prætorian
guard, Eusebius, who had been the superintendent of the emperor's privy
purse, and was known by the nickname of Mattyocopa,[40] and Ædesius,
formerly keeper of the records, whom this prefect had contrived to have
elected consul, as being his dearest friend. He then with a sponge
effaced the contents of the letters, leaving nothing but the address,
and inserted a text materially differing from the original writing, as
if Silvanus had asked, by indirect hints, and entreated his friends who
were within the palace, and those who had no office (among whom was
Albinus of Etruria, and many others), to aid him in projects of loftier
ambition, as one who would soon attain the imperial throne. This bundle
of letters he thus made up, inventing at his leisure, in order with them
to endanger the life of this innocent man.

5. Dynamius was appointed to investigate these charges on behalf of the
emperor; and while he was artfully weaving these and similar plans, he
contrived to enter alone into the imperial chamber, choosing his
opportunity, and hoping to entangle firmly in his meshes the most
vigilant guardian of the emperor's safety. And being full of wicked
cunning, after he had read the forged packet of letters in the council
chamber, the tribunes were ordered to be committed to custody, and also
several private individuals were commanded to be arrested and brought up
from the provinces, whose names were mentioned in those letters.

6. But presently Malarichus, the commander of the Gentiles, being struck
with the iniquity of the business, and taking his colleagues to his
counsel, spoke out loudly that men devoted to the preservation of the
emperor ought not to be circumvented by factions and treachery. He
accordingly demanded that he himself, his nearest relations being left
as hostages, and Mallobaudes, the tribune of the heavy-armed soldiers,
giving bail that he would return, might be commissioned to go with speed
to bring back Silvanus, who he was certain had never entertained the
idea of any such attempt as these bitter plotters had imputed to him.
Or, as an alternative, he entreated that he might become security for
Mallobaudes, and that their officers might be permitted to go and do
what he had proposed to take upon himself.

7. For he affirmed that he knew beyond all question that, if any
stranger were sent, Silvanus, who was inclined to be somewhat
apprehensive of danger, even when no circumstances were really
calculated to alarm him, would very likely throw matters into confusion.

8. But, although the advice which he gave was useful and necessary, he
spoke as to the winds, to no purpose. For by the counsels of Arbetio,
Apodemius, who was a persevering and bitter enemy to all good men, was
sent with letters to summon Silvanus to the presence. When he had
arrived in Gaul, taking no heed of the commission with which he was
charged, and caring but little for anything that might happen, he
remained inactive, without either seeing Silvanus, or delivering the
letters which commanded him to appear at court. And having taken the
receiver of the province into his counsels, he began with arrogance and
malevolence to harass the clients and servants of the master of the
horse, as if that officer had been already condemned and was on the
point of being executed.

9. In the mean time, while the arrival of Silvanus was looked for, and
while Apodemius was throwing everything, though quiet before, into
commotion, Dynamius, that he might by still more convincing proofs
establish belief in his wicked plots, had sent other forged letters
(agreeing with the previous ones which he had brought under the
emperor's notice by the agency of the prefect) to the tribune of the
factory at Cremona: these were written in the names of Silvanus and
Malarichus, in which the tribune, as one privy to their secrets, was
warned to lose no time in having everything in readiness.

10. But when this tribune had read the whole of the letters, he was for
some time in doubt and perplexity as to what they could mean (for he did
not recollect that those persons whose letters he had thus received had
ever spoken with him upon private transactions of any kind); and
accordingly he sent the letters themselves, by the courier who had
brought them, to Malarichus, sending a soldier also with him; and
entreated Malarichus to explain in intelligible language what he wanted,
and not to use such obscure terms. For he declared that he, being but a
plain and somewhat rude man, had not in the least understood what was
intimated so obscurely.

11. Malarichus the moment he received the letters, being already in
sorrow and anxiety, and alarmed for his own fate and that of his
countryman Silvanus, called around him the Franks, of whom at that time
there was a great multitude in the palace, and in resolute language laid
open and proved the falsehood of the machinations by which their lives
were threatened, and was loud in his complaints.

12. When these things became known to the emperor, he appointed the
members of his secret council and the chief officers of his army to make
further investigation of the matter. And when the judges appeared to
make light of it, Florentius the son of Nigridianus, who at that time
filled the post of master of the offices,[41] having examined the
writings carefully, and detecting beneath them some vestiges of the tops
of the former words which had been effaced, perceived, as was indeed the
case, that by interpolations of the original letter, matters very
different from any of which Silvanus was author had been written over
them, according to the fancy of the contriver of this forgery.

13. On this the cloud of treachery was dispersed, and the emperor,
informed of the truth by a faithful report, recalled the powers granted
to the prefect, and ordered him to be submitted to an examination.
Nevertheless he was acquitted through the active combination of many of
his friends; while Eusebius, the former treasurer of the emperor's
secret purse, being put to the torture, confessed that these things had
been done with his privity.

14. Ædesius, affirming with obstinate denial that he had never known
anything which had been done in the matter, escaped, being adjudged
innocent. And thus the transaction was brought to an end, and all those
who had been accused in the original information were acquitted; and
Dynamius, as a man of exceeding accomplishments and prudence, was
appointed to govern Etruria with the rank of corrector.

15. While these affairs were proceeding, Silvanus was living at
Agrippina,[42] and having learnt by continual information sent to him
by his friends what Apodemius was doing with the hope of effecting his
ruin; and knowing also how impressible the mind of the feeble emperor
was; began to fear lest in his absence, and without being convicted of
any crime, he might still be treated as a criminal. And so, being placed
in a situation of the greatest difficulty, he began to think of trusting
himself to the good faith of the barbarians.

16. But being dissuaded from this by Laniogaisus, at that time a
tribune, whom we have already spoken of as the only person who was
present with Constans when he was dying, himself serving at that time as
a volunteer; and being assured by Laniogaisus that the Franks, of whom
he himself was a countryman, would put him to death, or else betray him
for a bribe, he saw no safety anywhere in the present emergency, and so
was driven to extreme counsels. And by degrees, having secretly
conferred with the chiefs of the principal legions, and having excited
them by the magnitude of promised rewards, he tore for use on this
occasion the purple silk from the insignia of the dragons[43] and
standards, and so assumed the title of emperor.

17. And while these events are passing in Gaul, one day, a little before
sunset, an unexpected messenger arrived at Milan, relating fully that
Silvanus, being ambitious to rise above his place as commander of the
infantry, had tampered with the army, and assumed the imperial dignity.

18. Constantius, at this amazing and unexpected event, seemed as if
struck by a thunderbolt of fate, and having at once summoned a council
to meet at the second watch, all the nobles hastened to the palace. No
one had either mind to conceive or tongue to recommend what was best to
be done; but in suppressed tones they mentioned the name of Ursicinus as
a man eminent for skill in affairs of war, and one who had been
undeservedly exposed to most injurious treatment. He was immediately
sent for by the principal chamberlain, which is the most honourable kind
of summons, and as soon as he entered the council-chamber was offered
the purple to salute much more graciously than at any former time.
Diocletian was the first who introduced the custom of offering reverence
to the emperor after this foreign manner and royal pretension; whereas
all former princes, as we read, had been saluted like judges.

19. And so the man who a little while before, through the malevolent
persecution of certain of the courtiers, had been termed the whirlpool
of the East, and who had been accused of a design to aim at the supreme
power for his sons, was now recommended as one who was a most skilful
general, who had been the comrade of the great Constantine, and as the
only man capable of extinguishing the threatened conflagration. And
though the reasons for which he was sent for were honest, they were not
wholly free from underhand motives. For while great anxiety was felt
that Silvanus should be destroyed as a most formidable rebel, yet, if
that object miscarried, it was thought that Ursicinus, being damaged by
the failure, would himself easily be ruined; so that no scruple, which
else was to be feared, would interpose to save him from destruction.

20. While arrangements were being made for accelerating his journey, the
general was preparing to repel the charges which had been brought
against him; but the emperor prevented him, forbidding him in
conciliatory language, saying that this was not an opportunity suitable
for undertaking any controversy in defence of his cause, when the
imminent necessity of affairs rather prompted that no delay should be
interposed to the restoration of parties to their pristine concord
before the disunion got worse.

21. Therefore, after a long deliberation about many things, the first
and most important matter in which consultation was held, was by what
means Silvanus could be led to think the emperor still ignorant of his
conduct. And the most likely manner to confirm him in his confidence
appeared to be that he should be informed, in a complimentary despatch,
that Ursicinus was appointed his successor, and that he was invited to
return to court with undiminished power.

22. After this affair was arranged, the officer who had brought the news
to Milan was ordered to depart with some tribunes and ten of the
Protectores and domestic guard as an escort, given to him at his own
request, to aid him in the discharge of his public duty. And of these I
myself was one, with my colleague Verrinianus; and all the rest were
either friends or relations of mine.

23. And now all of us, fearing mainly for ourselves, accompanied him a
long distance on his journey; and although we seemed as exposed to
danger as gladiators about to fight with wild beasts, yet considering in
our minds that evils are often the forerunners of good, we recollected
with admiration that expression of Cicero's, uttered by him in
accordance with the eternal maxims of truth, which runs in these
words:[44]--"And although it is a thing most desirable that one's
fortune should always continue in a most flourishing condition; still
that general level state of life brings not so much sensation of joy as
we feel when, after having been surrounded by disasters or by dangers,
fortune returns into a happier condition."

24. Accordingly we hastened onwards by forced journeys, in order that
the master of the horse, who was eager to acquire the honour of
suppressing the revolt, might make his appearance in the suspected
district before any rumour of the usurpation of Silvanus had spread
among the Italians. But rapidly as we hastened, fame, like the wind, had
outstripped us, and had revealed some part of the facts; and when we
reached Agrippina we found matters quite out of the reach of our
attempts.

25. For a vast multitude of people, assembled from all quarters, were,
with a mixture of haste and alarm, strengthening the foundations of
Silvanus's enterprise, and a numerous military force was collected; so
that it seemed more advisable, on the existing emergency, for our
unfortunate general to await the intentions and pleasure of the new
emperor, who was assuring himself by ridiculous omens and signs that he
was gaining accessions of strength. By permitting his feelings of
security to increase, by different pretences of agreement and flattery,
Silvanus, it was thought, might be relieved from all fear of hostility,
and so be the more easily deceived.

26. But the accomplishment of such a design appeared difficult. For it
was necessary to use great care and watchfulness to make our desires
subordinate to our opportunities, and to prevent their either outrunning
them, or falling behind them; since if our wishes were allowed to become
known unseasonably, it was plain we should all be involved in one
sentence of death.

27. However our general was kindly received, and (the very business
itself forcing us to bend our necks), having been compelled to prostrate
himself with all solemnity before the newly robed prince, still aiming
at higher power, was treated as a highly favoured and eminent friend;
having freedom of access and the honour of a seat at the royal table
granted to him in preference to every one else, in order that he might
be consulted with the more secrecy about the principal affairs of state.

28. Silvanus expressed his indignation that, while unworthy persons had
been raised to the consulship and to other high dignities, he and
Ursicinus alone, after the frequent and great toils which they had
endured for the sake of the republic, had been so despised that he
himself had been accused of treason in consequence of the examination of
some slaves, and had been exposed to an ignoble trial; while Ursicinus
had been brought over from the East, and placed at the mercy of his
enemies; and these were the subjects of his incessant complaints both in
public and in private.

29. While, however, he was holding this kind of language, we were
alarmed at the murmurs of our soldiers who were now suffering from want,
which surrounded us on all sides; the troops showing every eagerness to
make a rapid march, through the defiles of the Cottian Alps.

30. In this state of anxiety and agitation, we occupied ourselves in
secretly deliberating on the means of arriving at our object; and at
length, after our plans had been repeatedly changed out of fear, it was
determined to use great industry in seeking out prudent agents, binding
them to secrecy by solemn oaths, in order to tamper with the Gallic
soldiers whom we knew to be men of doubtful fidelity, and at any time
open to change for a sufficient reward.

31. Therefore, after we had secured our success by the address of some
agents among the common soldiers, men by their very obscurity fitted for
the accomplishment of such a task, and now excited by the expectation of
reward, at sunrise, as soon as the east began to redden, a band of armed
men suddenly sallied forth, and, as is common in critical moments,
behaving with more than usual audacity. They slew the sentinels and
penetrated into the palace, and so having dragged Silvanus out of a
little chapel in which, in his terror, he had taken refuge on his way to
a conventicle devoted to the ceremonies of the Christian worship, they
slew him with repeated strokes of their swords.

32. In this way did a general of no slight merit perish, through fear of
false accusations heaped on him in his absence by a faction of wicked
men, and which drove him to the utmost extremities in order to preserve
his safety.

33. For although he had acquired strong claims on the gratitude of
Constantius by his seasonable sally with his troops before the battle of
Mursa, and although he could boast the valorous exploits of his father
Bonitus, a man of Frankish extraction, but who had espoused the party of
Constantine, and often in the civil war had exhibited great prowess
against the troops of Licinius, still he always feared him as a prince
of wavering and fickle character.

34. Now before any of these events had taken place in Gaul, it happened
that one day in the Circus Maximus at Rome, the populace cried out with
a loud voice, "Silvanus is conquered." Whether influenced by instinct or
by some prophetic spirit, cannot be decided.

35. Silvanus having been slain, as I have narrated, at Agrippina, the
emperor was seized with inconceivable joy when he heard the news, and
gave way to exceeding insolence and arrogance, attributing this event
also to the prosperous course of his good fortune; giving the reins to
his habitual disposition which always led him to hate men of brave
conduct, as Domitian in former times had done, and desiring at all
times to destroy them by every act of opposition.

36. And he was so far from praising even his act of diligence and
fidelity, that he recorded in writing a charge that Ursicinus had
embezzled a part of the Gallic treasures, which no one had ever touched.
And he ordered strict inquiry to be made into the fact, by an
examination of Remigius, who was at that time accountant-general to
Ursicinus in his capacity of commander of the heavy troops. And long
afterwards, in the time of Valentinian, this Remigius hung himself on
account of the trouble into which he fell in the matter of his
appointment as legate in Tripolis.

37. And after this business was terminated, Constantius, thinking his
prosperity had now raised him to an equality with the gods, and had
bestowed on him entire sovereignty over human affairs, gave himself up
to elation at the praises of his flatterers, whom he himself encouraged,
despising and trampling under foot all who were unskilled in that kind
of court. As we read that Croesus, when he was king, drove Solon
headlong from his court because he would not fawn on him; and that
Dionysius threatened the poet Philoxenus with death because, when the
king recited his absurd and unrhythmical verses, he alone refused to
fall into an ecstasy while all the rest of the courtiers praised them.

38. And this mischievous taste is the nurse of vices; for praise ought
only to be acceptable in high places, where blame also is permitted when
things are not sufficiently performed.


VI.

§ 1. And now, after the re-establishment of security, investigations as
usual were set on foot, and many persons were put in prison as guilty.
For that infernal informer Paulus, boiling over with delight, arose to
exercise his poisonous employment with increased freedom, and while the
members of the emperor's council and the military officers were employed
in the investigation of these affairs, as they were commanded, Proculus
was put to the torture, who had been a servant of Silvanus, a man of
weak body and of ill health; so that every one was afraid lest the
exceeding violence of his torture should prove too much for his feeble
limbs, so that he would expose numbers to be implicated in the
accusations of atrocious crimes. But the result proved quite different
to what had been expected.

2. For remembering a dream in which he had been forbidden, while asleep,
as he affirmed, to accuse any innocent person, though he should be
tortured till he was brought to the very point of death, he neither
informed against, nor even named any one; but, with reference to the
usurpation of Silvanus, he invariably asserted that he had been driven
to contemplate that act, not out of ambition, but from sheer necessity;
and he proved this assertion by evident arguments.

3. For he adduced one important excuse, which was established by the
testimony of many persons, that, five days before he assumed the ensigns
of imperial authority, he addressed the soldiers, while distributing
their pay to them, in the name of Constantius, exhorting them to prove
always brave and loyal. From which it was plain that if he had then been
thinking of seizing on a loftier fortune, he would have given them this
money as if it had proceeded from himself.

4. After Proculus, Poemenius was condemned and put to death: he who,
as we have mentioned before,[45] when the Treveri had shut their gates
against Cæsar Decentius, was chosen to defend that people. After him,
Asclepiodotus, and Luto, and Maudio, all Counts, were put to death, and
many others also, the obdurate cruelty of the times seeking for these
and similar punishments with avidity.


VII.

§ 1. While the fatal disturbances of the state multiplied these general
slaughters, Leontius, who was the governor of Rome itself, gave many
proofs of his deserving the character of an admirable judge; being
prompt in hearing cases, rigidly just in deciding them, and merciful by
nature, although, for the sake of maintaining lawful authority, he
appeared to some people to be severe. He was also of a somewhat amorous
temperament.

2. The first pretext for exciting any sedition against him was a most
slight and trumpery one. For when an order had been issued to arrest a
charioteer, named Philoromus, the whole populace followed him, as if
resolved to defend something of their own, and with terrible violence
assailed the prefect, presuming him to be timorous. But he remained
unmoved and upright, and sending his officers among the crowd, arrested
some and punished them, and then, without any one venturing to oppose
him, or even to murmur, condemned them to banishment.

3. A few days later the populace again became excited to its customary
frenzy, and alleging as a grievance the scarcity of wine, assembled at
the well-known place called Septemzodium, where the Emperor Marcus built
the Nymphæum,[46] an edifice of great magnificence. To that place the
prefect went forthwith, although he was earnestly entreated by all his
household and civil officers not to trust himself among an arrogant and
threatening multitude, now in a state of fury equal to any of their
former commotions; but he, unsusceptible of fear, went right onwards,
though many of his attendants deserted him, when they saw him hastening
into imminent danger.

4. Therefore, sitting in a carriage, with every appearance of
confidence, he looked with fierce eyes at the countenance of the
tumultuous mobs thronging towards him from all quarters, and agitating
themselves like serpents. And after suffering many bitter insults, at
last, when he had recognized one man who was conspicuous among all the
rest by his vast size and red hair, he asked him whether his name was
Petrus Valvomeres, as he had heard it was; and when the man replied in a
defiant tone that it was so, Leontius, in spite of the outcries of many
around, ordered him to be seized as one who had long since been a
notorious ringleader of the disaffected, and having his hands bound
behind him, commanded him to be suspended on a rack.

5. And when he was seen in the air, in vain imploring the aid of his
fellow-tribesmen, the whole mob, which a little while before was so
closely packed, dispersed at once over the different quarters of the
city, so as to offer no hindrance to the punishment of this seditious
leader, who after having been thus tortured--with as little resistance
as if he been in a secret dungeon of the court--was transported to
Picenum, where, on a subsequent occasion, having offered violence to a
virgin of high rank, he was condemned to death by the judgment of
Patruinus, a noble of consular dignity.

6. While Leontius governed the city in this manner, Liberius, a priest
of the Christian law, was ordered by Constantius to be brought before
the council, as one who had resisted the commands of the emperor, and
the decrees of many of his own colleagues, in an affair which I will
explain briefly.

7. Athanasius was at that time bishop of Alexandria; and as he was a man
who sought to magnify himself above his profession, and to mix himself
up with affairs which did not belong to his province, as continual
reports made known, an assembly of many of his sect met together--a
synod, as they call it--and deprived him of the right of administering
the sacraments, which he previously enjoyed.

8. For it was said that he, being very deeply skilled in the arts of
prophecy and the interpretation of auguries and omens, had very often
predicted coming events. And to these charges were added others very
inconsistent with the laws of the religion over which he presided.

9. So Liberius, being of the same opinion with those who condemned these
practices, was ordered, by the sentence of the emperor, to expel
Athanasius from his priestly seat; but this he firmly refused to do,
reiterating the assertion that it was the extremity of wickedness to
condemn a man who had neither been brought before any court nor been
heard in his defence, in this openly resisting the commands of the
emperor.

10. For that prince, being always unfavourable to Athanasius, although
he knew that what he ordered had in fact taken effect, yet was
exceedingly desirous that it should be confirmed by that authority which
the bishops of the Eternal City enjoy, as being of higher rank. And as
he did not succeed in this, Liberius was removed by night; a measure
which was not effected without great difficulty, through the fear which
his enemies had of the people, among whom he was exceedingly popular.


VIII.

§ 1. These events, then, took place at Rome, as I have already
mentioned. But Constantius was agitated by frequent intelligence which
assured him that the Gauls were in a lamentable condition, since no
adequate resistance could be made to the barbarians who were now
carrying their devastations with fire and sword over the whole country.
And after deliberating a long time, in great anxiety, what force he
could employ to repel these dangers (himself remaining in Italy, as he
thought it very dangerous to remove into so remote a country), he at
last determined on a wise plan, which was this: to associate with
himself in the cares of the empire his cousin Julian, whom he had some
time before summoned to court, and who still retained the robe he had
worn in the Greek schools.

2. And when, oppressed by the heavy weight of impending calamities, he
had confessed to his dearest friends that by himself he was unequal to
the burden of such weighty and numerous difficulties--a thing which he
had never felt before--they, being trained to excessive flattery, tried
to fill him with foolish ideas, affirming that there was nothing in the
world so difficult but what his pre-eminent virtue and his good fortune,
equal to that of the gods, would be able to overcome, as it always
hitherto had done. And many of them added further, being stung by their
consciousness of guilt, that henceforth he ought to beware of conferring
the title of Cæsar on any one, enumerating the deeds which had been done
in the time of Gallus.

3. They therefore opposed his design resolutely, and it was supported by
no one but the queen, who, whether it was that she feared a journey to a
distant country, or that, from her own natural wisdom, she saw the best
course for the common good, urged him that a relation like Julian ought
to be preferred to every one else. Accordingly, after many undecided
deliberations and long discussions, his resolution was at last taken
decidedly, and having discarded all further vain debate, he resolved on
associating Julian with him in the empire.

4. He was therefore summoned; and when he had arrived, on a fixed day,
the whole of his fellow-comrades who were in the city were ordered to
attend, and a tribunal was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by
the eagles and standards. And Augustus, mounting it, and holding Julian
by the right hand, made this conciliatory speech:--

5. "We stand here before you, most excellent defenders of the republic,
to avenge with one unanimous spirit the common dangers of the state. And
how I propose to provide for it I will briefly explain to you, as
impartial judges.

6. "After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom rage and madness
prompted to engage in the enterprises which they undertook, the
barbarians, as if they meant to sacrifice unto their wicked manes with
Roman blood, having violated the peace and invaded the territories of
the Gauls, are encouraged by this consideration, that our empire, being
spread over very remote countries, causes us to be beset with great
difficulties.

7. "If, then, your decision and mine are mutual to encounter this evil,
already progressing beyond the barriers which were opposed to it, while
there is still time to check it, the necks of these haughty nations will
learn to humble their pride, and the borders of the empire will remain
inviolate. It remains for you to give, by your strength, prosperous
effect to the hopes which I entertain.

8. "You all know my cousin Julian, whom I here present to you; a youth
endeared to us by his modesty as well as by his relationship; a youth of
virtue already proved, and of conspicuous industry and energy. Him I
have determined to raise to the rank of Cæsar, and hope, if this seems
expedient to you, to have my decision confirmed by your consent."

9. He was proceeding to say more, but was prevented by the whole
assembly interrupting him with friendly shouts, declaring that his
decision was the judgment of the Supreme Deity, and not of any human
mind; with such certainty that one might have thought them inspired
with the spirit of prophecy.

10. The emperor stood without moving till they resumed silence, and then
with greater confidence proceeded to explain what he had to say further.

"Because, therefore, your joyful acclamations show that you look
favourably on the design I have announced, let this youth, of tranquil
strength, whose temperate disposition it will be better to imitate than
merely to praise, rise up now to receive the honours prepared for him.
His excellent disposition, increased as it has been by all liberal
accomplishments, I will say no more of than is seen in the fact that I
have chosen him. Therefore, now, with the manifest consent of the Deity,
I will clothe him with the imperial robe."

11. This was his speech. And then, having immediately clothed Julian
with the purple robe of his ancestors, and having pronounced him Cæsar,
to the great joy of the army, he thus addressed him, though Julian
himself appeared by his grave countenance to be somewhat melancholy.

12. "Most beloved of all my brothers, you thus in early youth have
received the splendid honour belonging to your birth, not, I confess,
without some addition to my own glory; who thus show myself as just in
conferring supreme power on a noble character nearly related to me, as I
appear also sublime by virtue of my own power. Come thou, therefore, to
be a partner in my labours and dangers, and undertake the defence of the
government of the Gauls, devoting thyself with all beneficence to
alleviate the calamities of those afflicted countries.

13. "And if it should be necessary to engage with the enemy in battle,
do thou take thy place steadily among the standard-bearers themselves,
as a prudent encourager of daring at the proper opportunity; exciting
the warriors by leading them on with caution, supporting any troops
which may be thrown into disorder by reserves, gently reproving those
who hang back, and being present as a trustworthy witness of the actions
of all, whether brave or timid.

14. "Think that a serious crisis is upon us, and so show yourself a
great man, worthy to command brave men. We ourselves will stand by you
in the energetic constancy of affection, or will join you in the
labours of war, so that we may govern together the whole world in peace,
if only God will grant us, as we pray he may, to govern with equal
moderation and piety. You will everywhere represent me, and I also will
never desert you in whatever task you may be engaged. To sum up: Go
forth; go forth supported by the friendly prayers of men of all ranks,
to defend with watchful care the station assigned to you, it may be
said, by the republic itself."

15. After the emperor had thus ended his speech, no one held his peace,
but all the soldiers, with a tremendous crash, rattled their shields
against their knees (which is an abundant indication of applause; while
on the other hand to strike the shield with the spear is a testimony of
anger and indignation), and it was marvellous with what excessive joy
they all, except a very few, showed their approbation of the judgment of
Augustus: and they received the Cæsar with well-deserved admiration,
brilliant as he was with the splendour of the imperial purple.

16. And while they gazed earnestly on his eyes, terrible in their
beauty, and his countenance more attractive than ever by reason of his
present excitement, they augured from his looks what kind of ruler he
was likely to prove, as if they had been searching into those ancient
volumes which teach how to judge of a man's moral disposition by the
external signs on his person. And that he might be regarded with the
greater reverence, they neither praised him above measure, nor yet below
his desert. And so the voices raised in his favour were looked upon as
the judgment of censors, not of soldiers.

17. After the ceremony was over, Julian was taken up into the imperial
chariot and received into the palace, and was heard to whisper to
himself this verse of Homer--

  "Now purple death hath seized on me,
  And powerful strength of destiny."

These transactions took place on the sixth of November, in the year of
the consulship of Arbetio and Lollianus.

18. A few days afterwards, Helen, the maiden sister of Constantius, was
also given in marriage to the Cæsar. And everything being got ready
which the journey required, he started on the first of December with a
small retinue, and having been escorted on his way by Augustus himself
as far as the spot, marked by two pillars, which lies between Laumellum
and Ticinum, he proceeded straight on to the country of the Taurini,
where he received disastrous intelligence, which had recently reached
the emperor's court, but still had been intentionally kept back, lest
all the preparations made for his journey should be wasted.

19. And this intelligence was that Colonia Agrippina,[47] a city of
great renown in lower Germany, had been carried by a vigorous siege of
the barbarians, who appeared before it in great force, and had utterly
destroyed it.

20. Julian being greatly distressed at this news, looking on it as a
kind of omen of misfortunes to come, was often heard to murmur in
querulous tones, "that he had gained nothing except the fate of dying
amid greater trouble and employment than before."

21. But when he arrived at Vienne, people of every age and class went
forth to meet him on his entrance to the city, with a view to do him
honour by their reception of him as one who had been long wished for,
and was now granted to their prayers. And when he was seen in the
distance the whole population of the city and of the adjacent
neighbourhood, going before his chariot, celebrated his praises,
saluting him as Emperor, clement and prosperous, greeting with eager joy
this royal procession in honour of a lawful prince. And they placed all
their hopes of a remedy for the evils which affected the whole province
on his arrival, thinking that now, when their affairs were in a most
desperate condition, some friendly genius had come to shine upon them.

22. And a blind old woman, when in reply to her question "Who was
entering the city?" she received for answer "Julian the Cæsar," cried
out that "He would restore the temples of the gods."


IX.

§ 1. Now then, since, as the sublime poet of Mantua has sung, "A greater
series of incident rises to my view; in a more arduous task I
engage,"--I think it a proper opportunity to describe the situation and
different countries of the Gauls, lest, among the narration of fiery
preparations and the various chances of battles, I should seem, while
speaking of matters not understood by every one, to resemble those
negligent sailors, who, when tossed about by dangerous waves and storms,
begin to repair their sails and ropes which they might have attended to
in calm weather.

2. Ancient writers, pursuing their investigations into the earliest
origin of the Gauls, left our knowledge of the truth very imperfect; but
at a later period, Timagenes, a thorough Greek both in diligence and
language, collected, from various writings facts which had been long
unknown, and guided by his faithful statements, we, dispelling all
obscurity, will now give a plain and intelligible relation of them.

3. Some persons affirm that the first inhabitants ever seen in these
regions were called Celts, after the name of their king, who was very
popular among them, and sometimes also Galatæ, after the name of his
mother. For Galatæ is the Greek translation of the Roman term Galli.
Others affirm that they are Dorians, who, following a more ancient
Hercules, selected for their home the districts bordering on the ocean.

4. The Druids affirm that a portion of the people was really indigenous
to the soil, but that other inhabitants poured in from the islands on
the coast, and from the districts across the Rhine, having been driven
from their former abodes by frequent wars, and sometimes by inroads of
the tempestuous sea.

5. Some again maintain that after the destruction of Troy, a few Trojans
fleeing from the Greeks, who were then scattered over the whole world,
occupied these districts, which at that time had no inhabitants at all.

6. But the natives of these countries affirm this more positively than
any other fact (and, indeed, we ourselves have read it engraved on their
monuments), that Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, hastening to the
destruction of those cruel tyrants, Geryon and Tauriscus, one of whom
was oppressing the Gauls, and the other Spain, after he had conquered
both of them, took to wife some women of noble birth in those countries,
and became the father of many children; and that his sons called the
districts of which they became the kings after their own names.

7. Also an Asiatic tribe coming from Phocæa in order to escape the
cruelty of Harpalus, the lieutenant of Cyrus the king, sought to sail to
Italy.[48] And a part of them founded Velia, in Lucania, others settled
a colony at Marseilles, in the territory of Vienne; and then, in
subsequent ages, these towns increasing in strength and importance,
founded other cities. But we must avoid a variety of details which are
commonly apt to weary.

8. Throughout these provinces, the people gradually becoming civilized,
the study of liberal accomplishments flourished, having been first
introduced by the Bards, the Eubages,[49] and the Druids. The Bards were
accustomed to employ themselves in celebrating the brave achievements of
their illustrious men, in epic verse, accompanied with sweet airs on the
lyre. The Eubages investigated the system and sublime secrets of nature,
and sought to explain them to their followers. Between these two came
the Druids, men of loftier genius, bound in brotherhoods according to
the precepts and example of Pythagoras; and their minds were elevated by
investigations into secret and sublime matters, and from the contempt
which they entertained for human affairs they pronounced the soul
immortal.


X.

§ 1. This country then of the Gauls was by reason of its lofty mountain
ranges perpetually covered with terrible snows, almost unknown to the
inhabitants of the rest of the world, except where it borders on the
ocean; vast fortresses raised by nature, in the place of art,
surrounding it on all sides.

2. On the southern side it is washed by the Etruscan and Gallic sea:
where it looks towards the north it is separated from the tribes of the
barbarians by the river Rhine; where it is placed under the western star
it is bounded by the ocean, and the lofty chain of the Pyrenees; where
it has an eastern aspect it is bounded by the Cottian[50] Alps. In these
mountains King Cottius, after the Gauls had been subdued, lying by
himself in their defiles, and relying on the rugged and pathless
character of the country, long maintained his independence; though
afterwards he abated his pride, and was admitted to the friendship of
the Emperor Octavianus. And subsequently he constructed immense works to
serve as a splendid gift to the emperor, making roads over them, short,
and convenient for travellers, between other ancient passes of the Alps;
on which subject we will presently set forth what discoveries have been
made.

3. In these Cottian Alps, which begin at the town of Susa, one vast
ridge rises up, scarcely passable by any one without danger.

4. For to travellers who reach it from the side of Gaul it descends with
a steepness almost precipitous, being terrible to behold, in consequence
of the bulk of its overhanging rocks. In the spring, when the ice is
melting, and the snow beginning to give way from the warm spring
breezes, if any one seeks to descend along the mountain, men and beasts
and wagons all fall together through the fissures and clefts in the
rocks, which yawn in every direction, though previously hidden by the
frost. And the only remedy ever found to ward off entire destruction is
to have many vehicles bound together with enormous ropes, with men or
oxen hanging on behind, to hold them back with great efforts; and so
with a crouching step they get down with some degree of safety. And
this, as I have said, is what happens in the spring.

5. But in winter, the ground being covered over with a smooth crust of
ice, and therefore slippery under foot, the traveller is often plunged
headlong; and the valleys, which seem to open here and there into wide
plains, which are merely a covering of treacherous ice, sometimes
swallow up those who try to pass over them. On account of which danger
those who are acquainted with the country fix projecting wooden piles
over the safest spots, in order that a series of them may conduct the
traveller unhurt to his destination; though if these piles get covered
with snow and hidden, or thrown down by melting torrents descending from
the mountains, then it is difficult for any one to pass, even if natives
of the district lead the way.

6. But on the summit of this Italian mountain there is a plain, seven
miles in extent, reaching as far as the station known by the name of
Mars; and after that comes another ridge, still more steep, and scarcely
possible to be climbed, which stretches on to the summit of Mons
Matrona, named so from an event which happened to a noble lady.

7. From this point a path, steep indeed, but easily passable, leads to
the fortress of Virgantia.[51] The sepulchre of this petty prince whom
we have spoken of as the maker of these roads is at Susa, close to the
walls; and his remains are honoured with religious veneration for two
reasons: first of all, because he governed his people with equitable
moderation; and secondly, because, by becoming an ally of the Roman
republic, he procured lasting tranquillity for his subjects.

8. And although this road which I have been speaking of runs through the
centre of the district, and is shorter and more frequented now than any
other, yet other roads also were made at much earlier periods, on
different occasions.

9. The first of them, near the maritime alps, was made by the Theban
Hercules, when he was proceeding in a leisurely manner to destroy Geryon
and Tauriscus, as has already been mentioned; and he it was who gave to
these alps the name of the Grecian Alps.[52] In the same way he
consecrated the citadel and port of Monæcus to keep alive the
recollection of his name for ever. And this was the reason why, many
ages afterwards, those alps were called the Penine Alps.[53]

10. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the father of the elder Africanus, when
about to go to the assistance of the citizens of Saguntum--celebrated
for the distresses which they endured, and for their loyalty to Rome, at
the time when they were besieged with great resolution by the
Carthaginians--led to the Spanish coast a fleet having on board a
numerous army. But after the city had been destroyed by the valour of
the Carthaginians, he, being unable to overtake Hannibal, who had
crossed the Rhone, and had obtained three days' start of him in the
march towards Italy, crossed the sea, which at that point was not wide,
making a rapid voyage; and taking his station near Genoa, a town of the
Ligures, awaited his descent from the mountains, so that, if chance
should afford him an opportunity, he might attack him in the plain while
still fatigued with the ruggedness of the way by which he had come.

11. But still, having regard to the interests of the republic, he
ordered Cnæus Scipio, his brother, to go into Spain, to prevent
Hasdrubal from making a similar expedition from that country. But
Hannibal, having received information of their design by some deserters,
being also a man of great shrewdness and readiness of resources,
obtained some guides from the Taurini who inhabited those districts, and
passing through the Tricastini and through the district of the Vocontii,
he thus reached the defiles of the Tricorii.[54] Then starting from this
point, he made another march over a line previously impassable. And
having cut through a rock of immense height, which he melted by means of
mighty fires, and pouring over it a quantity of vinegar, he proceeded
along the Druentia, a river full of danger from its eddies and currents,
until he reached the district of Etruria. This is enough to say of the
Alps; now let us return to our original subject.


XI.

§ 1. In former times, when these provinces were little known, as being
barbarous, they were considered to be divided into three races:[55]
namely, the Celtæ, the same who are also called Galli; the Aquitani,
and the Belgæ: all differing from each other in language, manners, and
laws.

2. The Galli, who, as I have said, are the same as the Celtæ, are
divided from the Aquitani by the river Garonne, which rises in the
mountains of the Pyrenees; and after passing through many towns, loses
itself in the ocean.

3. On the other side they are separated from the Belgians by the Marne
and the Seine, both rivers of considerable size, which flowing through
the tribe of the Lugdunenses, after surrounding the stronghold of the
Parisii named Lutetia, so as to make an island of it, proceed onwards
together, and fall into the sea near the camp of Constantius.

4. Of all these people the Belgians are said by ancient writers to be
the most warlike, because, being more remote from civilization, and not
having been rendered effeminate by foreign luxuries, they have been
engaged in continual wars with the Germans on the other side of the
Rhine.

5. For the Aquitanians, to whose shores, as being nearest and also
pacific, foreign merchandise is abundantly imported, were easily brought
under the dominion of the Romans, because their character had become
enervated.

6. But from the time when the Gauls, after long and repeated wars,
submitted to the dictator Julius, all their provinces were governed by
Roman officers, the country being divided into four portions; one of
which was the province of Narbonne; containing the districts of Vienne
and Lyons: a second province comprehended all the tribes of the
Aquitanians; upper and lower Germany formed a third jurisdiction, and
the Belgians a fourth at that period.

7. But now the whole extent of the country is portioned out into many
provinces. The second (or lower) Germany is the first, if you begin on
the western side, fortified by Cologne and Tongres, both cities of great
wealth and importance.

8. Next comes the first (or high) Germany, in which, besides other
municipal towns, there is Mayence, and Worms, and Spiers, and Strasburg,
a city celebrated for the defeats sustained by the barbarians in its
neighbourhood.

9. After these the first Belgic province stretches as far as Metz and
Treves, which city is the splendid abode of the chief governor of the
country.

10. Next to that comes the second Belgic province, where we find Amiens,
a city of conspicuous magnificence, and Châlons,[56] and Rheims.

11. In the province of the Sequani, the finest cities are Besançon and
Basle. The first Lyonnese province contains Lyons, Châlons,[57] Sens,
Bourges, and Autun, the walls of which are very extensive and of great
antiquity.

12. In the second Lyonnese province are Tours, and Rouen, Evreux, and
Troyes. The Grecian and Penine Alps have, besides other towns of less
note, Avenche, a city which indeed is now deserted, but which was
formerly one of no small importance, as even now is proved by its
half-ruinous edifices. These are the most important provinces, and most
splendid cities of the Galli.

13. In Aquitania, which looks towards the Pyrenees, and that part of the
ocean which belongs to the Spaniards, the first province is Aquitanica,
very rich in large and populous cities; passing over others, I may
mention as pre-eminent, Bordeaux, Clermont, Saintes, and Poictiers.

14. The province called the Nine Nations is enriched by Ausch and Bazas.
In the province of Narbonne, the cities of Narbonne, Euses, and Toulouse
are the principal places of importance. The Viennese exults in the
magnificence of many cities, the chief of which are Vienne itself, and
Arles, and Valence; to which may be added Marseilles, by the alliance
with and power of which we read that Rome itself was more than once
supported in moments of danger.

15. And near to these cities is also Aix, Nice, Antibes, and the islands
of Hieres.

16. And since we have come in the progress of our work to this district,
it would be inconsistent and absurd to omit all mention of the Rhone, a
river of the greatest celebrity. The Rhone rises in the Penine Alps,
from sources of great abundance, and descending with headlong
impetuosity into the more champaign districts, it often overruns its
banks with its own waters, and then plunges into a lake called Lake
Leman, and though it passes through it, yet it never mingles with any
foreign waters, but, rushing over the top of those which flow with less
rapidity, in its search for an exit, it forces its own way by the
violence of its stream.

17. And thus passing through that lake without any damage, it runs
through Savoy and the district of Franche Comté; and, after a long
course, it forms the boundary between the Viennese on its left, and the
Lyonnese on its right. Then after many windings it receives the Saône, a
river which rises in the first Germany, and this latter river here
merges its name in the Rhone. At this point is the beginning of the
Gauls. And from this spot the distances are measured not by miles but by
leagues.

18. From this point also, the Rhone, being now enriched by other rivers,
becomes navigable for large vessels, which are often tossed about in it
by gales of wind; and at last, having finished the course which nature
has marked out for it, foaming on it joins the Gallic Sea in the wide
gulf which they call the Gulf of Lyons, about eighteen miles from Arles.
This is enough to say of the situation of the province; I will now
proceed to describe the appearance and character of the inhabitants.


XII.

§ 1. Nearly all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair, and of ruddy
complexion; terrible from the sternness of their eyes, very quarrelsome,
and of great pride and insolence. A whole troop of foreigners would not
be able to withstand a single Gaul if he called his wife to his
assistance, who is usually very strong, and with blue eyes; especially
when, swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth, and brandishing her sallow
arms of enormous size, she begins to strike blows mingled with kicks, as
if they were so many missiles sent from the string of a catapult.

2. The voices of the generality are formidable and threatening, whether
they are in good humour or angry: they are all exceedingly careful of
cleanliness and neatness, nor in all the country, and most especially in
Aquitania, could any man or woman, however poor, be seen either dirty or
ragged.

3. The men of every age are equally inclined to war, and the old man and
the man in the prime of life answer with equal zeal the call to arms,
their bodies being hardened by their cold weather and by constant
exercise so that they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors.
Nor has any one of this nation ever mutilated his thumb from fear of the
toils of war, as men have done in Italy, whom in their district are
called Murci.

4. The nation is fond of wine, and of several kinds of liquor which
resemble wine. And many individuals of the lower orders, whose senses
have become impaired by continual intoxication, which the apophthegm of
Cato defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about in all
directions at random; so that there appears to be some point in that
saying which is found in Cicero's oration in defence of Fonteius, "that
henceforth the Gauls will drink their wine less strong than formerly,"
because forsooth they thought there was poison in it.

5. These countries, and especially such parts of them as border on
Italy, fell gradually under the dominion of the Romans without much
trouble to their conquerors, having been first attacked by Fulvius,
afterwards weakened in many trifling combats by Sextius, and at last
entirely subdued by Fabius Maximus; who gained an additional surname
from the complete accomplishment of this task, after he had brought into
subjection the fierce tribe of the Allobroges.

6. Cæsar finally subdued all the Gauls, except where their country was
absolutely inaccessible from its morasses, as we learn from Sallust,
after a war of ten years, in which both nations suffered many disasters;
and at last he united them to us in eternal alliance by formal treaties.
I have digressed further than I had intended, but now I will return to
my original subject.


XIII.

§ 1. After Domitianus had perished by a cruel death, Musonianus his
successor governed the East with the rank of prætorian prefect; a man
celebrated for his eloquence and thorough knowledge of both the Greek
and Latin languages; from which he reaped a loftier glory than he
expected.

2. For when Constantine was desirous of obtaining a more accurate
knowledge of the different sects in the empire, the Manicheans and other
similar bodies, and no one could be found able sufficiently to explain
them, Musonianus was chosen for the task, having been recommended as
competent; and when he had discharged this duty with skill, the emperor
gave him the name of Musonianus, for he had been previously called
Strategius. After that he ran through many degrees of rank and honour,
and soon reached the dignity of prefect; being in other matters also a
man of wisdom, popular in the provinces, and of a mild and courteous
disposition. But at the same time, whenever he could find an
opportunity, especially in any controversies or lawsuits (which is most
shameful and wicked), he was greatly devoted to sordid gain. Not to
mention many other instances, this was especially exemplified in the
investigations which were made into the death of Theophilus, the
governor of Syria, a man of consular rank, who gave information against
the Cæsar Gallus, and who was torn to pieces in a tumult of the people;
for which several poor men were condemned, who, it was clearly proved,
were at a distance at the time of the transaction, while certain rich
men who were the real authors of the crime were spared from all
punishment, except the confiscation of their property.

3. In this he was equalled by Prosper, at that time master of the horse
in Gaul; a man of abject spirit and great inactivity; and, as the comic
poet has it, despising the acts of secret robbing he plundered
openly.[58]

4. And, while these two officers were conniving together, and
reciprocally helping each other to many means of acquiring riches, the
chiefs of the Persian nation who lived nearest to the river, profiting
by the fact that the king was occupied in the most distant parts of his
dominions, and that these commanders were occupied in plundering the
people placed under their authority, began to harass our territories
with predatory bands, making audacious inroads, sometimes into Armenia,
often also into Mesopotamia.


[32] Tlepolemus and Hiero, whom Cicero, Verres iii. 11, calls Cibyratici
canes.

[33] Herodotus, iv. 184, records that in Africa, in the country about
Mount Atlas, dreams are unknown.

[34] Lintz.

[35] The district around Bellinzona.

[36] The Bodensee, more generally known as the Lake of Constance: at its
south-eastern end is the town of Bregenz, the ancient Brigantia.

[37] The Arethusa is in Sicily, near Syracuse.

[38] The Comites were a picked body of troops, divided into several
regiments distinguished by separate names, such as Seniores, Juniores,
Sagittarii, &c.

[39] The Promoti were also picked men, something like the Comites; the
French translator calls them the Veterans.

[40] From +koptô+ to cut, and +mattya+ any delicate food;
meant as equivalent to our cheeseparer, or skinflint.

[41] This was a very important post; it seems to have united the
functions of a modern chamberlain, chancellor, and secretary of state.
The master presented citizens to the emperor, received foreign
ambassadors, recommended men for civil employments, decided civil
actions of several kinds, and superintended many of the affairs of the
post.

[42] Cologne.

[43] The dragons were the effigies on some of the standards.

[44] There is no such passage in any extant work of Cicero, but a
sentence in his speech ad Pontifices resembles it: "For although it be
more desirable to end one's life without pain, and without injury, still
it tends more to an immortality of glory to be regretted by one's
countrymen, than to have been always free from injury." And a still
closer likeness to the sentiment is found in his speech ad Quirites post
reditum: "Although there is nothing more to be wished for by man than
prosperous, equal, continual good-fortune in life, flowing on in a
prosperous course, without any misadventure; still, if all my life had
been tranquil and peaceful, I should have been deprived of the
incredible and almost heavenly delight and happiness which I now enjoy
through your kindness."--Orations, v. 2; Bohn, p. 491-2.

[45] In one of the lost books of this history.

[46] The Nymphæum was a temple sacred to the Nymphs, deriving its name
of Septemzodium, or Septizonium (which it shared with more than one
other building at Rome), from the seven rows of pillars, one above the
other, and each row lessening both in circuit and in height, with which
the exterior was embellished. Another temple of this kind was built by
Septimius Severus.

[47] Cologne.

[48] This story of the Phocæenses is told by Herodotus, i. 166, and
alluded to by Horace, Epod. xv. 10.

[49] The Eubages, or +Ouateis+, as Strabo calls them, appear to
have been a tribe of priests.

[50] The Cottian Alps are Mont Genevre. It is unnecessary to point out
how Ammianus mistakes the true bearing of these frontiers of Gaul.

[51] Briançon.

[52] The Graiæ Alps are the Little St. Bernard; and it was over them
that Hannibal really passed, as has been conclusively proved by Dr. J.A.
Cramer.

[53] From the god Pen, or Peninus, Liv. xxi. 38. The Alpes Peninæ are
the Great St. Bernard.

[54] Compare Livy's account of Hannibal's march, from which, wholly
erroneous as it is, this description seems to have been taken; not that
even Livy has made such a gross mistake about the Druentia, or Durance,
which falls into the Rhone.

[55] Cæsar's account of his expedition begins with the statement that
"Gaul is divided into three provinces."

[56] Châlons sur Marne.

[57] Châlons sur Saône.

[58] Ammianus refers to Plautus, Epidicus, Act. I., sc. i., line 10:--

     _Thesprio._ I am less of a pilferer now than formerly.

     _Ep._ How so?

     _Thes._ I rob openly.




BOOK XVI.

ARGUMENT.

     I. A panegyric of Julian the Cæsar.--II. Julian attacks and defeats
     the Allemanni.--III. He recovers Cologne, which had been taken by
     the Franks, and concludes a peace with the king of the Franks.--IV.
     He is besieged in the city of Sens by the Allemanni.--V. His
     virtues--VI. The prosecution and acquittal of Arbetio.--VII. The
     Cæsar Julian is defended before the emperor by his chamberlain
     Eutherius against the accusations of Marcellus.--VIII. Calumnies
     are rife in the camp of the Emperor Constantius, and the courtiers
     are rapacious.--IX. The question of peace with the
     Persians.--X.--The triumphal entry of Constantius into Rome.--XI.
     Julian attacks the Allemanni in the islands of the Rhine in which
     they had taken refuge, and repairs the fort of Saverne.--XII. He
     attacks the kings of the Allemanni on the borders of Gaul, and
     defeats them at Strasburg.


I.

A.D. 356.

§ 1. While the chain of destiny was bringing these events to pass in the
Roman world, Julian, being at Vienne, was taken by the emperor, then in
his own eighth consulship, as a partner in that dignity; and, under the
promptings of his own innate energy, dreamt of nothing but the crash of
battles and the slaughter of the barbarians; preparing without delay to
re-establish the province, and to reunite the fragments that had been
broken from it, if only fortune should be favourable to him.

2. And because the great achievements which by his valour and good
fortune Julian performed in the Gauls, surpass many of the most gallant
exploits of the ancients, I will relate them in order as they occurred,
employing all the resources of my talents, moderate as they are, in the
hope that they may suffice for the narrative.

3. But what I am about to relate, though not emblazoned by craftily
devised falsehood, and being simply a plain statement of facts,
supported by evident proofs, will have all the effect of a studied
panegyric.

4. For it would seem that some principle of a more than commonly
virtuous life guided this young prince from his very cradle to his last
breath. Increasing rapidly in every desirable quality, he soon became so
conspicuous both at home and abroad, that in respect to his prudence he
was looked upon as a second Titus: in his glorious deeds of war he was
accounted equal to Trajan; in mercy he was the prototype of Antoninus;
and in the pursuit and discovery of true and perfect wisdom, he
resembled Marcus Aurelius, in imitation of whom he formed all his
actions and character.

5. And since, as we are taught by Cicero, that the loftiness of great
virtues delights us, as does that of high trees, while we are not
equally interested in the roots and trunks; so, also, the first
beginnings of his admirable disposition were kept concealed by many
circumstances which threw a cloud over them; though in fact they ought
to be preferred to many of his most marvellous actions of later life, in
that he, who in his early youth had been brought up like Erectheus in
the retirement sacred to Minerva, nevertheless when he was drawn forth
from the quiet shades of the academy (and not from any military tent)
into the labours of war, subdued Germany, tranquillized the districts of
the frozen Rhine, routed the barbarian kings breathing nothing but
bloodshed and slaughter, and forced them to submission.


II.

§ 1. Therefore while passing a toilsome winter in the city aforesaid, he
learnt, among the numerous reports which were flying about, that the
ancient city of Autun, the walls of which, though of vast extent, were
in a state of great decay from age, was now besieged by the barbarians,
who had suddenly appeared before it in great force; and while the
garrison remained panic-stricken and inactive, the town was defended by
a body of veterans who were behaving with great courage and vigilance;
as it often happens that extreme despair repulses dangers which appear
destructive of all hope or safety.

2. Therefore, without relaxing his anxiety about other matters, and
putting aside all the adulation of the courtiers with which they sought
to divert his mind towards voluptuousness and luxury, he hastened his
preparations, and when everything was ready he set out, and on the 24th
of June arrived at Autun; behaving like a veteran general conspicuous
alike for skill and prowess, and prepared to fall upon the barbarians,
who were straggling in every direction over the country, the moment
fortune afforded him an opportunity.

3. Therefore having deliberated on his plans, and consulted those who
were acquainted with the country as to what would be the safest line of
march for him to adopt, after having received much information in favour
of different routes, some recommending Arbois, others insisting on it
that the best way was by Saulieu and Cure.

4. But as some persons affirmed that Silvanus, in command of a body of
infantry, had, a short time before, made his way with 8,000 men by a
road shorter than either, but dangerous as lying through many dark woods
and defiles suitable for ambuscades, Julian became exceedingly eager to
imitate the audacity of this brave man.

5. And to prevent any delay, taking with him only his cuirassiers and
archers, who would not have been sufficient to defend his person had he
been attacked, he took the same route as Silvanus; and so came to
Auxerre.

6. And there, having, according to his custom, devoted a short time to
rest, for the purpose of refreshing his men, he proceeded onwards
towards Troyes; and strengthened his flanks that he might with the
greater effect watch the barbarians, who attacked him in numerous
bodies, which he avoided as well as he could, thinking them more
numerous than they really were. Presently, however, having occupied some
favourable ground, he descended upon one body of them, and routed it,
and took some prisoners whom their own fears delivered to him; and then
he allowed the rest, who now devoted all their energies to flying with
what speed they could, to escape unattacked, as his men could not pursue
them by reason of the weight of their armour.

7. This occurrence gave him more hope of being able to resist any attack
which they might make, and marching forwards with this confidence, after
many dangers he reached Troyes so unexpectedly, that when he arrived at
the gates, the inhabitants for some time hesitated to give him entrance
into the city, so great was their fear of the straggling multitudes of
the barbarians.

8. After a little delay, devoted to again refreshing his weary troops,
thinking that there was no time to waste, he proceeded to the city of
Rheims, where he had ordered his whole army, carrying[59] ... to
assemble, and there to await his presence. The army at Rheims was under
the command of Marcellus, the successor of Ursicinus; and Ursicinus
himself was ordered to remain there till the termination of the
expedition.

9. Again Julian took counsel, and after many opinions of different
purport had been delivered, it was determined to attack the host of the
Allemanni in the neighbourhood of Dieuse; and to that quarter the army
now marched in dense order, and with more than usual alacrity.

10. And because the weather, being damp and misty, prevented even what
was near from being seen, the enemy, availing themselves of their
knowledge of the country, came by an oblique road upon the Cæsar's rear,
and attacked two legions while they were piling their arms; and they
would almost have destroyed them if the uproar which suddenly arose had
not brought the auxiliary troops of the allies to their support.

11. From this time forth Julian, thinking it impossible to find any
roads or any rivers free from ambuscades, proceeded with consummate
prudence and caution; qualities which above all others in great generals
usually bring safety and success to armies.

12. Hearing therefore that Strasburg, Brumat, Saverne, Spiers, Worms,
and Mayence, were all in the hands of the barbarians, who were
established in their suburbs, for the barbarians shunned fixing
themselves in the towns themselves, looking upon them like graves
surrounded with nets, he first of all entered Brumat, and just as he
reached that place he was encountered by a body of Germans prepared for
battle.

13. Having arranged his own army in the form of a crescent, the
engagement began, and the enemy were speedily surrounded and utterly
defeated. Some were taken prisoners, others were slain in the heat of
the battle, the rest sought safety by rapid flight.


III.

§ 1. After this, meeting with no resistance, he determined to proceed to
recover Cologne, which had been destroyed before his arrival in Gaul.
In that district there is no city or fortress to be seen except that
near Confluentes;[60] a place so named because there the river Moselle
becomes mingled with the Rhine; there is also the village of Rheinmagen,
and likewise a single tower near Cologne.

2. After having taken possession of Cologne he did not leave it till the
Frank kings began, through fear of him, to abate of their fury, when he
contracted a peace with them likely to be of future advantage to the
republic. In the mean time he put the whole city into a state of
complete defence.

3. Then, auguring well from these first-fruits of victory, he departed,
passing through the district of Treves, with the intention of wintering
at Sens, which was a town very suitable for that purpose. When bearing,
so to say, the weight of a world of wars upon his shoulders, he was
occupied by perplexities of various kinds, and among them how to provide
for establishing in places most exposed to danger the soldiers who had
quitted their former posts; how to defeat the enemies who had conspired
together to injure the Roman cause; and further, how to provide supplies
for the army while employed in so many different quarters.


IV.

§ 1. While he was anxiously revolving these things in his mind, he was
attacked by a numerous force of the enemy, who had conceived a hope of
being able to take the town. And they were the more confident of success
because, from the information of deserters, they had learnt that he
neither had with him his Scutarii nor his Gentiles, both of which bodies
of troops had been distributed among the different municipal towns in
order that they might be the more easily supplied with provisions.

2. Therefore after the gates of the city had been barricaded, and the
weakest portions of the walls carefully strengthened, Julian was seen
night and day on the battlements and ramparts, attended by a band of
armed men, boiling over with anger and gnashing his teeth, because,
often as he wished to sally forth, he was prevented from taking such a
step by the scantiness of the force which he had with him.

3. At last, after thirty days, the barbarians retired disappointed,
murmuring that they had been so vain and weak as to attempt the siege of
such a city. It deserves however to be remarked, as a most unworthy
circumstance, that when Julian was in great personal danger, Marcellus,
the master of the horse, who was posted in the immediate neighbourhood,
omitted to bring him any assistance, though the danger of the city
itself, even if the prince had not been there, ought to have excited his
endeavours to relieve it from the peril of a siege by so formidable an
enemy.

4. Being now delivered from this fear, Julian, ever prudent and active,
directed his anxious thoughts incessantly to the care of providing that,
after their long labou

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