The Wars of the Jews; Or, The History of the Destruction of Jerusalem
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Title: The Wars of the Jews; Or, The History of the Destruction of Jerusalem
Author: Flavius Josephus
Translator: William Whiston
Release date: October 1, 2001 [eBook #2850]
Most recently updated: August 28, 2020
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2850
Credits: Produced by David Reed, and David Widger
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WARS OF THE JEWS; OR, THE HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM ***
Produced by David Reed, and David Widger
THE WARS OF THE JEWS
OR HISTORY OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
By Flavius Josephus
Translated by William Whiston
Contents
PREFACE
BOOK I.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER 5.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
CHAPTER 11.
CHAPTER 12.
CHAPTER 13.
CHAPTER 14.
CHAPTER 15.
CHAPTER 16.
CHAPTER 17.
CHAPTER 18.
CHAPTER 19.
CHAPTER 20.
CHAPTER 21.
CHAPTER 22.
CHAPTER 23.
CHAPTER 24.
CHAPTER 25.
CHAPTER 26.
CHAPTER 27.
CHAPTER 28.
CHAPTER 29.
CHAPTER 30.
CHAPTER 31.
CHAPTER 32.
CHAPTER 33.
BOOK 2.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER 5.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
CHAPTER 11.
CHAPTER 12.
CHAPTER 13.
CHAPTER 14.
CHAPTER 15.
CHAPTER 16.
CHAPTER 17.
CHAPTER 18.
CHAPTER 19.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 21.
CHAPTER 22.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER 5.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
CHAPTER 11.
BOOK V.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER 5.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
CHAPTER 11.
CHAPTER 12.
CHAPTER 13.
BOOK VI.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER 5.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
BOOK VII.
CHAPTER 1.
CHAPTER 2.
CHAPTER 3.
CHAPTER 4.
CHAPTER V.
CHAPTER 6.
CHAPTER 7.
CHAPTER 8.
CHAPTER 9.
CHAPTER 10.
CHAPTER 11.
PREFACE
1. 1 Whereas the war which the Jews made with the Romans hath been the
greatest of all those, not only that have been in our times, but, in a
manner, of those that ever were heard of; both of those wherein cities
have fought against cities, or nations against nations; while some men
who were not concerned in the affairs themselves have gotten together
vain and contradictory stories by hearsay, and have written them down
after a sophistical manner; and while those that were there present
have given false accounts of things, and this either out of a humor of
flattery to the Romans, or of hatred towards the Jews; and while their
writings contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes encomiums, but no
where the accurate truth of the facts; I have proposed to myself,
for the sake of such as live under the government of the Romans, to
translate those books into the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed
in the language of our country, and sent to the Upper Barbarians; 2
Joseph, the son of Matthias, by birth a Hebrew, a priest also, and one
who at first fought against the Romans myself, and was forced to be
present at what was done afterwards, [am the author of this work].
2. Now at the time when this great concussion of affairs happened, the
affairs of the Romans were themselves in great disorder. Those Jews also
who were for innovations, then arose when the times were disturbed; they
were also in a flourishing condition for strength and riches, insomuch
that the affairs of the East were then exceeding tumultuous, while some
hoped for gain, and others were afraid of loss in such troubles; for the
Jews hoped that all of their nation which were beyond Euphrates would
have raised an insurrection together with them. The Gauls also, in the
neighborhood of the Romans, were in motion, and the Geltin were
not quiet; but all was in disorder after the death of Nero. And the
opportunity now offered induced many to aim at the royal power; and the
soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of getting money. I thought
it therefore an absurd thing to see the truth falsified in affairs of
such great consequence, and to take no notice of it; but to suffer those
Greeks and Romans that were not in the wars to be ignorant of these
things, and to read either flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians,
and the Babylonians, and the remotest Arabians, and those of our nation
beyond Euphrates, with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accurately both
whence the war begun, what miseries it brought upon us, and after what
manner it ended.
3. It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts
histories; wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose,
as well as to relate nothing that is sound. For they have a mind to
demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and
lessen the actions of the Jews, as not discerning how it cannot be that
those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were
little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the
multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the
might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be
deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.
4. However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to
those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions
of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both
parties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am
under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some
lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country. For that it
was a seditious temper of our own that destroyed it, and that they were
the tyrants among the Jews who brought the Roman power upon us, who
unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple,
Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, during the
entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious, and
did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to
the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance.
But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so
passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers, or sorely bewail the
misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though
it be contrary to the rules for writing history; because it had so
come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of
felicity than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last
fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to
me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if
they be compared to these of the Jews 3 are not so considerable as they
were; while the authors of them were not foreigners neither. This makes
it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be
inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves
to the historical part, and the lamentations to the writer himself only.
5. However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks, who,
when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon
the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of
those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best
writers of antiquity; which moderns, although they may be superior
to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in
the execution of what they intended to do. While these also write new
histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had
not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these
be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their
notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what
happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions
made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write
lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then,
an undertaking to preserve the memory Of what hath not been before
recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that
come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is
to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more
than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he
who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an
entire body of history of his own: accordingly, I have been at great
charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though
I be a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great
actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians. But for some of our
own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed
presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are
to write history, where they must speak truth and gather facts together
with a great deal of pains; and so they leave the writing such histories
to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of
princes. Yet shall the real truth of historical facts be preferred by
us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.
6. To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews, who they were
[originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and what country
they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon afterward,
and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to be a fit
opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and this because
many Jews before me have composed the histories of our ancestors very
exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and have translated
our histories into their own tongue, and have not much mistaken the
truth in their histories. But then, where the writers of these affairs
and our prophets leave off, thence shall I take my rise, and begin my
history. Now as to what concerns that war which happened in my own time,
I will go over it very largely, and with all the diligence I am able;
but for what preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly.
7. [For example, I shall relate] how Antiochus, who was named Epiphanes,
took Jerusalem by force, and held it three years and three months, and
was then ejected out of the country by the sons of Asamoneus: after
that, how their posterity quarreled about the government, and brought
upon their settlement the Romans and Pompey; how Herod also, the son of
Antipater, dissolved their government, and brought Sosins upon them; as
also how our people made a sedition upon Herod's death, while Augustus
was the Roman emperor, and Quintilius Varus was in that country; and
how the war broke out in the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened to
Cestius; and what places the Jews assaulted in a hostile manner in the
first sallies of the war.
8. As also [I shall relate] how they built walls about the neighboring
cities; and how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear of the entire
event of the war, and thereupon made Vespasian general in this war; and
how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sons 4 made an expedition into
the country of Judea; what was the number of the Roman army that he made
use of; and how many of his auxiliaries were cut off in all Galilee;
and how he took some of its cities entirely, and by force, and others
of them by treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so far, I shall
describe the good order of the Romans in war, and the discipline of
their legions; the amplitude of both the Galilees, with its nature, and
the limits of Judea. And, besides this, I shall particularly go over
what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and fountains that are in
them, and what miseries happened to every city as they were taken; and
all this with accuracy, as I saw the things done, or suffered in them.
For I shall not conceal any of the calamities I myself endured, since I
shall relate them to such as know the truth of them.
9. After this, [I shall relate] how, When the Jews' affairs were
become very bad, Nero died, and Vespasian, when he was going to attack
Jerusalem, was called back to take the government upon him; what signs
happened to him relating to his gaining that government, and what
mutations of government then happened at Rome, and how he was
unwillingly made emperor by his soldiers; and how, upon his departure to
Egypt, to take upon him the government of the empire, the affairs of
the Jews became very tumultuous; as also how the tyrants rose up against
them, and fell into dissensions among themselves.
10. Moreover, [I shall relate] how Titus marched out of Egypt into Judea
the second time; as also how, and where, and how many forces he got
together; and in what state the city was, by the means of the seditious,
at his coming; what attacks he made, and how many ramparts he cast up;
of the three walls that encompassed the city, and of their measures;
of the strength of the city, and the structure of the temple and holy
house; and besides, the measures of those edifices, and of the altar,
and all accurately determined. A description also of certain of
their festivals, and seven purifications of purity, 5 and the sacred
ministrations of the priests, with the garments of the priests, and
of the high priests; and of the nature of the most holy place of the
temple; without concealing any thing, or adding any thing to the known
truth of things.
11. After this, I shall relate the barbarity of the tyrants towards the
people of their own nation, as well as the indulgence of the Romans in
sparing foreigners; and how often Titus, out of his desire to preserve
the city and the temple, invited the seditious to come to terms of
accommodation. I shall also distinguish the sufferings of the people,
and their calamities; how far they were afflicted by the sedition, and
how far by the famine, and at length were taken. Nor shall I omit to
mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor the punishments inflicted
on the captives; as also how the temple was burnt, against the consent
of Caesar; and how many sacred things that had been laid up in the
temple were snatched out of the fire; the destruction also of the entire
city, with the signs and wonders that went before it; and the taking the
tyrants captives, and the multitude of those that were made slaves,
and into what different misfortunes they were every one distributed.
Moreover, what the Romans did to the remains of the wall; and how they
demolished the strong holds that were in the country; and how Titus
went over the whole country, and settled its affairs; together with his
return into Italy, and his triumph.
12. I have comprehended all these things in seven books, and have left
no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have been acquainted
with this war; and I have written it down for the sake of those that
love truth, but not for those that please themselves [with fictitious
relations]. And I will begin my account of these things with what I call
my First Chapter.
WAR PREFACE FOOTNOTES
1 (return) [ I have already observed more than once, that this History
of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and published about A.D.
75, when he was but thirty-eight years of age; and that when he wrote
it, he was not thoroughly acquainted with several circumstances of
history from the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with which it begins, till
near his own times, contained in the first and former part of the
second book, and so committed many involuntary errors therein. That he
published his Antiquities eighteen years afterward, in the thirteenth
year of Domitian, A.D. 93, when he was much more completely acquainted
with those ancient times, and after he had perused those most authentic
histories, the First Book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the
Priesthood of John Hyrcanus, etc. That accordingly he then reviewed
those parts of this work, and gave the public a more faithful, complete,
and accurate account of the facts therein related; and honestly
corrected the errors he had before run into.]
2 (return) [ Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea, were,
Josephus himself will inform us, sect. 2, viz. the Parthians and
Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [of the Jews among them]; besides the
Jews beyond Euphrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence we also
learn that these Parthians, Babylonians, the remotest Arabians, [or at
least the Jews among them,] as also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and
the Adiabeni, or Assyrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather
Chaldaic, books of The Jewish War, before they were put into the Greek
language.]
3 (return) [ That these calamities of the Jews, who were our Savior's
murderers, were to be the greatest that had ever been since the beginning
of the world, our Savior had directly foretold, Matthew 24:21; Mark
13:19; Luke 21:23, 24; and that they proved to be such accordingly,
Josephus is here a most authentic witness.]
4 (return) [ Titus.]
5 (return) [ These seven, or rather five, degrees of purity, or
purification, are enumerated hereafter, B. V. ch. 5. sect. 6. The
Rabbins make ten degrees of them, as Reland there informs us.]
BOOK I.
Containing The Interval Of One Hundred And Sixty-Seven
Years.
From The Taking Of Jerusalem By Antiochus Epiphanes,
To The Death Of Herod The Great.
CHAPTER 1.
How The City Jerusalem Was Taken, And The Temple Pillaged
[By Antiochus Epiphanes]. As Also Concerning The Actions Of
The Maccabees, Matthias And Judas; And Concerning The Death
Of Judas.
1. At the same time that Antiochus, who was called Epiphanes, had a
quarrel with the sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole country of
Syria, a great sedition fell among the men of power in Judea, and they
had a contention about obtaining the government; while each of those
that were of dignity could not endure to be subject to their equals.
However, Onias, one of the high priests, got the better, and cast the
sons of Tobias out of the city; who fled to Antiochus, and besought
him to make use of them for his leaders, and to make an expedition into
Judea. The king being thereto disposed beforehand, complied with them,
and came upon the Jews with a great army, and took their city by force,
and slew a great multitude of those that favored Ptolemy, and sent out
his soldiers to plunder them without mercy. He also spoiled the temple,
and put a stop to the constant practice of offering a daily sacrifice
of expiation for three years and six months. But Onias, the high
priest, fled to Ptolemy, and received a place from him in the Nomus of
Heliopolis, where he built a city resembling Jerusalem, and a temple
that was like its temple 1 concerning which we shall speak more in its
proper place hereafter.
2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either with his unexpected taking
the city, or with its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had made
there; but being overcome with his violent passions, and remembering
what he had suffered during the siege, he compelled the Jews to dissolve
the laws of their country, and to keep their infants uncircumcised,
and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar; against which they all
opposed themselves, and the most approved among them were put to death.
Bacchides also, who was sent to keep the fortresses, having these wicked
commands, joined to his own natural barbarity, indulged all sorts of the
extremest wickedness, and tormented the worthiest of the inhabitants,
man by man, and threatened their city every day with open destruction,
till at length he provoked the poor sufferers by the extremity of his
wicked doings to avenge themselves.
3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asamoneus, one of the priests who
lived in a village called Modin, armed himself, together with his
own family, which had five sons of his in it, and slew Bacchides with
daggers; and thereupon, out of the fear of the many garrisons [of the
enemy], he fled to the mountains; and so many of the people followed
him, that he was encouraged to come down from the mountains, and to give
battle to Antiochus's generals, when he beat them, and drove them out of
Judea. So he came to the government by this his success, and became
the prince of his own people by their own free consent, and then died,
leaving the government to Judas, his eldest son.
4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus would not lie still, gathered an
army out of his own countrymen, and was the first that made a league of
friendship with the Romans, and drove Epiphanes out of the country when
he had made a second expedition into it, and this by giving him a great
defeat there; and when he was warmed by this great success, he made an
assault upon the garrison that was in the city, for it had not been cut
off hitherto; so he ejected them out of the upper city, and drove the
soldiers into the lower, which part of the city was called the Citadel.
He then got the temple under his power, and cleansed the whole
place, and walled it round about, and made new vessels for sacred
ministrations, and brought them into the temple, because the former
vessels had been profaned. He also built another altar, and began to
offer the sacrifices; and when the city had already received its sacred
constitution again, Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus succeeded him in
the kingdom, and in his hatred to the Jews also.
5. So this Antiochus got together fifty thousand footmen, and five
thousand horsemen, and fourscore elephants, and marched through Judea
into the mountainous parts. He then took Bethsura, which was a small
city; but at a place called Bethzacharis, where the passage was narrow,
Judas met him with his army. However, before the forces joined battle,
Judas's brother Eleazar, seeing the very highest of the elephants
adorned with a large tower, and with military trappings of gold to guard
him, and supposing that Antiochus himself was upon him, he ran a great
way before his own army, and cutting his way through the enemy's troops,
he got up to the elephant; yet could he not reach him who seemed to be
the king, by reason of his being so high; but still he ran his weapon
into the belly of the beast, and brought him down upon himself, and was
crushed to death, having done no more than attempted great things, and
showed that he preferred glory before life. Now he that governed the
elephant was but a private man; and had he proved to be Antiochus,
Eleazar had performed nothing more by this bold stroke than that it
might appear he chose to die, when he had the bare hope of thereby
doing a glorious action; nay, this disappointment proved an omen to his
brother [Judas] how the entire battle would end. It is true that the
Jews fought it out bravely for a long time, but the king's forces,
being superior in number, and having fortune on their side, obtained
the victory. And when a great many of his men were slain, Judas took the
rest with him, and fled to the toparchy of Gophna. So Antiochus went to
Jerusalem, and staid there but a few days, for he wanted provisions,
and so he went his way. He left indeed a garrison behind him, such as he
thought sufficient to keep the place, but drew the rest of his army off,
to take their winter-quarters in Syria.
6. Now, after the king was departed, Judas was not idle; for as many of
his own nation came to him, so did he gather those that had escaped out
of the battle together, and gave battle again to Antiochus's generals
at a village called Adasa; and being too hard for his enemies in the
battle, and killing a great number of them, he was at last himself slain
also. Nor was it many days afterward that his brother John had a plot
laid against him by Antiochus's party, and was slain by them.
CHAPTER 2.
Concerning The Successors Of Judas, Who Were Jonathan And
Simon, And John Hyrcanus.
1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's brother, succeeded him, he behaved
himself with great circumspection in other respects, with relation to
his own people; and he corroborated his authority by preserving his
friendship with the Romans. He also made a league with Antiochus the
son. Yet was not all this sufficient for his security; for the tyrant
Trypho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son, laid a plot against
him; and besides that, endeavored to take off his friends, and caught
Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Ptolemais to Antiochus, with
a few persons in his company, and put him in bonds, and then made an
expedition against the Jews; but when he was afterward driven away by
Simon, who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged at his defeat, he put
Jonathan to death.
2. However, Simon managed the public affairs after a courageous manner,
and took Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were cities in his
neighborhood. He also got the garrison under, and demolished the
citadel. He was afterward an auxiliary to Antiochus, against Trypho,
whom he besieged in Dora, before he went on his expedition against the
Medes; yet could not he make the king ashamed of his ambition, though
he had assisted him in killing Trypho; for it was not long ere Antiochus
sent Cendebeus his general with an army to lay waste Judea, and to
subdue Simon; yet he, though he was now in years, conducted the war
as if he were a much younger man. He also sent his sons with a band of
strong men against Antiochus, while he took part of the army himself
with him, and fell upon him from another quarter. He also laid a great
many men in ambush in many places of the mountains, and was superior
in all his attacks upon them; and when he had been conqueror after so
glorious a manner, he was made high priest, and also freed the Jews from
the dominion of the Macedonians, after one hundred and seventy years of
the empire [of Seleucus].
3. This Simon also had a plot laid against him, and was slain at a feast
by his son-in-law Ptolemy, who put his wife and two sons into prison,
and sent some persons to kill John, who was also called Hyrcanus. 2
But when the young man was informed of their coming beforehand, he
made haste to get to the city, as having a very great confidence in the
people there, both on account of the memory of the glorious actions of
his father, and of the hatred they could not but bear to the injustice
of Ptolemy. Ptolemy also made an attempt to get into the city by another
gate; but was repelled by the people, who had just then admitted of
Hyrcanus; so he retired presently to one of the fortresses that were
about Jericho, which was called Dagon. Now when Hyrcanus had received
the high priesthood, which his father had held before, and had offered
sacrifice to God, he made great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might
afford relief to his mother and brethren.
4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was superior to Ptolemy in
other respects, but was overcome by him as to the just affection [he had
for his relations]; for when Ptolemy was distressed, he brought forth
his mother, and his brethren, and set them upon the wall, and beat them
with rods in every body's sight, and threatened, that unless he would
go away immediately, he would throw them down headlong; at which sight
Hyrcanus's commiseration and concern were too hard for his anger. But
his mother was not dismayed, neither at the stripes she received, nor
at the death with which she was threatened; but stretched out her hands,
and prayed her son not to be moved with the injuries that she suffered
to spare the wretch; since it was to her better to die by the means of
Ptolemy, than to live ever so long, provided he might be punished for
the injuries he done to their family. Now John's case was this: When
he considered the courage of his mother, and heard her entreaty, he set
about his attacks; but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces
with the stripes, he grew feeble, and was entirely overcome by his
affections. And as the siege was delayed by this means, the year of rest
came on, upon which the Jews rest every seventh year as they do on
every seventh day. On this year, therefore, Ptolemy was freed from being
besieged, and slew the brethren of John, with their mother, and fled to
Zeno, who was also called Cotylas, who was tyrant of Philadelphia.
5. And now Antiochus was so angry at what he had suffered from Simon,
that he made an expedition into Judea, and sat down before Jerusalem and
besieged Hyrcanus; but Hyrcanus opened the sepulcher of David, who was
the richest of all kings, and took thence about three thousand talents
in money, and induced Antiochus, by the promise of three thousand
talents, to raise the siege. Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that
had money enough, and began to hire foreign auxiliaries also.
6. However, at another time, when Antiochus was gone upon an expedition
against the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of being revenged
upon him, he immediately made an attack upon the cities of Syria, as
thinking, what proved to be the case with them, that he should find them
empty of good troops. So he took Medaba and Samea, with the towns in
their neighborhood, as also Shechem, and Gerizzim; and besides these,
[he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt round about that
temple which was built in imitation of the temple at Jerusalem; he also
took a great many other cities of Idumea, with Adoreon and Marissa.
7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria, where is now the city Sebaste,
which was built by Herod the king, and encompassed it all round with a
wall, and set his sons, Aristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege; who
pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far prevailed within the city,
that they were forced to eat what never was esteemed food. They
also invited Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, to come to their
assistance; whereupon he got ready, and complied with their invitation,
but was beaten by Aristobulus and Antigonus; and indeed he was pursued
as far as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled away from them. So
they returned back to Samaria, and shut the multitude again within the
wall; and when they had taken the city, they demolished it, and made
slaves of its inhabitants. And as they had still great success in their
undertakings, they did not suffer their zeal to cool, but marched with
an army as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion upon it, and laid
waste all the country that lay within Mount Carmel.
8. But then these successes of John and of his sons made them be envied,
and occasioned a sedition in the country; and many there were who got
together, and would not be at rest till they brake out into open war,
in which war they were beaten. So John lived the rest of his life very
happily, and administered the government after a most extraordinary
manner, and this for thirty-three entire years together. He died,
leaving five sons behind him. He was certainly a very happy man, and
afforded no occasion to have any complaint made of fortune on his
account. He it was who alone had three of the most desirable things in
the world,--the government of his nation, and the high priesthood, and
the gift of prophecy. For the Deity conversed with him, and he was
not ignorant of any thing that was to come afterward; insomuch that he
foresaw and foretold that his two eldest sons would not continue masters
of the government; and it will highly deserve our narration to describe
their catastrophe, and how far inferior these men were to their father
in felicity.
CHAPTER 3.
How Aristobulus Was The First That Put A Diadem About His
Head; And After He Had Put His Mother And Brother To Death,
Died Himself, When He Had Reigned No More Than A Year.
1. For after the death of their father, the elder of them, Aristobulus,
changed the government into a kingdom, and was the first that put a
diadem upon his head, four hundred seventy and one years and three
months after our people came down into this country, when they were set
free from the Babylonian slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared to
have an affection for Antigonus, who was next to him, and made him his
equal; but for the rest, he bound them, and put them in prison. He also
put his mother in bonds, for her contesting the government with him;
for John had left her to be the governess of public affairs. He also
proceeded to that degree of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to
death in prison.
2. But vengeance circumvented him in the affair of his brother
Antigonus, whom he loved, and whom he made his partner in the kingdom;
for he slew him by the means of the calumnies which ill men about the
palace contrived against him. At first, indeed, Aristobulus would
not believe their reports, partly out of the affection he had for his
brother, and partly because he thought that a great part of these tales
were owing to the envy of their relaters: however, as Antigonus came
once in a splendid manner from the army to that festival, wherein our
ancient custom is to make tabernacles for God, it happened, in those
days, that Aristobulus was sick, and that, at the conclusion of the
feast, Antigonus came up to it, with his armed men about him; and this
when he was adorned in the finest manner possible; and that, in a great
measure, to pray to God on the behalf of his brother. Now at this very
time it was that these ill men came to the king, and told him in what
a pompous manner the armed men came, and with what insolence Antigonus
marched, and that such his insolence was too great for a private person,
and that accordingly he was come with a great band of men to kill him;
for that he could not endure this bare enjoyment of royal honor, when it
was in his power to take the kingdom himself.
3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and unwillingly, gave credit to these
accusations; and accordingly he took care not to discover his suspicion
openly, though he provided to be secure against any accidents; so he
placed the guards of his body in a certain dark subterranean passage;
for he lay sick in a place called formerly the Citadel, though
afterwards its name was changed to Antonia; and he gave orders that if
Antigonus came unarmed, they should let him alone; but if he came to him
in his armor, they should kill him. He also sent some to let him know
beforehand that he should come unarmed. But, upon this occasion, the
queen very cunningly contrived the matter with those that plotted his
ruin, for she persuaded those that were sent to conceal the king's
message; but to tell Antigonus how his brother had heard he had got a
very the suit of armor made with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee;
and because his present sickness hindered him from coming and seeing all
that finery, he very much desired to see him now in his armor; because,
said he, in a little time thou art going away from me.
4. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the good temper of his brother not
allowing him to suspect any harm from him, he came along with his armor
on, to show it to his brother; but when he was going along that dark
passage which was called Strato's Tower, he was slain by the body
guards, and became an eminent instance how calumny destroys all
good-will and natural affection, and how none of our good affections are
strong enough to resist envy perpetually.
5. And truly any one would be surprised at Judas upon this occasion. He
was of the sect of the Essens, and had never failed or deceived men in
his predictions before. Now this man saw Antigonus as he was passing
along by the temple, and cried out to his acquaintance, [they were not a
few who attended upon him as his scholars,] "O strange!" said he, "it is
good for me to die now, since truth is dead before me, and somewhat that
I have foretold hath proved false; for this Antigonus is this day alive,
who ought to have died this day; and the place where he ought to be
slain, according to that fatal decree, was Strato's Tower, which is at
the distance of six hundred furlongs from this place; and yet four hours
of this day are over already; which point of time renders the prediction
impossible to be fill filled." And when the old man had said this, he
was dejected in his mind, and so continued. But in a little time news
came that Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place, which was itself
also called Strato's Tower, by the same name with that Cesarea which lay
by the sea-side; and this ambiguity it was which caused the prophet's
disorder.
6. Hereupon Aristobulus repented of the great crime he had been guilty
of, and this gave occasion to the increase of his distemper. He also
grew worse and worse, and his soul was constantly disturbed at the
thoughts of what he had done, till his very bowels being torn to pieces
by the intolerable grief he was under, he threw up a great quantity of
blood. And as one of those servants that attended him carried out that
blood, he, by some supernatural providence, slipped and fell down in the
very place where Antigonus had been slain; and so he spilt some of
the murderer's blood upon the spots of the blood of him that had been
murdered, which still appeared. Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among
the spectators, as if the servant had spilled the blood on purpose in
that place; and as the king heard that cry, he inquired what was the
cause of it; and while nobody durst tell him, he pressed them so much
the more to let him know what was the matter; so at length, when he had
threatened them, and forced them to speak out, they told; whereupon he
burst into tears, and groaned, and said, "So I perceive I am not like
to escape the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes I have
committed; but the vengeance of the blood of my kinsman pursues me
hastily. O thou most impudent body! how long wilt thou retain a soul
that ought to die on account of that punishment it ought to suffer for a
mother and a brother slain! How long shall I myself spend my blood drop
by drop? let them take it all at once; and let their ghosts no longer be
disappointed by a few parcels of my bowels offered to them." As soon
as he had said these words, he presently died, when he had reigned no
longer than a year.
CHAPTER 4.
What Actions Were Done By Alexander Janneus, Who Reigned
Twenty-Seven Years.
1. And now the king's wife loosed the king's brethren, and made
Alexander king, who appeared both elder in age, and more moderate in his
temper than the rest; who, when he came to the government, slew one of
his brethren, as affecting to govern himself; but had the other of them
in great esteem, as loving a quiet life, without meddling with public
affairs.
2. Now it happened that there was a battle between him and Ptolemy, who
was called Lathyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He indeed slew a
great many of his enemies, but the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy.
But when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mother Cleopatra, and retired
into Egypt, Alexander besieged Gadara, and took it; as also he did
Amathus, which was the strongest of all the fortresses that were about
Jordan, and therein were the most precious of all the possessions of
Theodorus, the son of Zeno. Whereupon Theodorus marched against him, and
took what belonged to himself as well as the king's baggage, and slew
ten thousand of the Jews. However, Alexander recovered this blow, and
turned his force towards the maritime parts, and took Raphia and Gaza,
with Anthedon also, which was afterwards called Agrippias by king Herod.
3. But when he had made slaves of the citizens of all these cities, the
nation of the Jews made an insurrection against him at a festival; for
at those feasts seditions are generally begun; and it looked as if he
should not be able to escape the plot they had laid for him, had not his
foreign auxiliaries, the Pisidians and Cilicians, assisted him; for as
to the Syrians, he never admitted them among his mercenary troops, on
account of their innate enmity against the Jewish nation. And when he
had slain more than six thousand of the rebels, he made an incursion
into Arabia; and when he had taken that country, together with the
Gileadires and Moabites, he enjoined them to pay him tribute, and
returned to Areathus; and as Theodorus was surprised at his great
success, he took the fortress, and demolished it.
4. However, when he fought with Obodas, king of the Arabians, who had
laid an ambush for him near Golan, and a plot against him, he lost his
entire army, which was crowded together in a deep valley, and broken to
pieces by the multitude of camels. And when he had made his escape to
Jerusalem, he provoked the multitude, which hated him before, to make
an insurrection against him, and this on account of the greatness of the
calamity that he was under. However, he was then too hard for them; and,
in the several battles that were fought on both sides, he slew not fewer
than fifty thousand of the Jews in the interval of six years. Yet had
he no reason to rejoice in these victories, since he did but consume his
own kingdom; till at length he left off fighting, and endeavored to
come to a composition with them, by talking with his subjects. But this
mutability and irregularity of his conduct made them hate him still
more. And when he asked them why they so hated him, and what he should
do in order to appease them, they said, by killing himself; for that it
would be then all they could do to be reconciled to him, who had done
such tragical things to them, even when he was dead. At the same time
they invited Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them; and as
he readily complied with their requests, in hopes of great advantages,
and came with his army, the Jews joined with those their auxiliaries
about Shechem.
5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces with one thousand horsemen,
and eight thousand mercenaries that were on foot. He had also with him
that part of the Jews which favored him, to the number of ten thousand;
while the adverse party had three thousand horsemen, and fourteen
thousand footmen. Now, before they joined battle, the kings made
proclamation, and endeavored to draw off each other's soldiers, and make
them revolt; while Demetrius hoped to induce Alexander's mercenaries
to leave him, and Alexander hoped to induce the Jews that were with
Demetrius to leave him. But since neither the Jews would leave off their
rage, nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came to an engagement, and
to a close fight with their weapons. In which battle Demetrius was
the conqueror, although Alexander's mercenaries showed the greatest
exploits, both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot of this battle prove
different from what was expected, as to both of them; for neither did
those that invited Demetrius to come to them continue firm to him,
though he was conqueror; and six thousand Jews, out of pity to the
change of Alexander's condition, when he was fled to the mountains,
came over to him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this turn of affairs; but
supposing that Alexander was already become a match for him again, and
that all the nation would [at length] run to him, he left the country,
and went his way.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] multitude did not lay aside their
quarrels with him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone; but they
had a perpetual war with Alexander, until he had slain the greatest part
of them, and driven the rest into the city Berneselis; and when he had
demolished that city, he carried the captives to Jerusalem. Nay, his
rage was grown so extravagant, that his barbarity proceeded to the
degree of impiety; for when he had ordered eight hundred to be hung upon
crosses in the midst of the city, he had the throats of their wives and
children cut before their eyes; and these executions he saw as he
was drinking and lying down with his concubines. Upon which so deep a
surprise seized on the people, that eight thousand of his opposers
fled away the very next night, out of all Judea, whose flight was only
terminated by Alexander's death; so at last, though not till late,
and with great difficulty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to his
kingdom, and left off fighting any more.
7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also called Dionysius, become an
origin of troubles again. This man was the brother of Demetrius, and the
last of the race of the Seleucidae. 3 Alexander was afraid of him, when
he was marching against the Arabians; so he cut a deep trench between
Antipatris, which was near the mountains, and the shores of Joppa; he
also erected a high wall before the trench, and built wooden towers,
in order to hinder any sudden approaches. But still he was not able to
exclude Antiochus, for he burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches,
and marched on with his army. And as he looked upon taking his
revenge on Alexander, for endeavoring to stop him, as a thing of less
consequence, he marched directly against the Arabians, whose king
retired into such parts of the country as were fittest for engaging the
enemy, and then on the sudden made his horse turn back, which were in
number ten thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army while they were in
disorder, and a terrible battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long as
he was alive, fought it out, although a mighty slaughter was made among
them by the Arabians; but when he fell, for he was in the forefront, in
the utmost danger, in rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and the
greatest part of his army were destroyed, either in the action or the
flight; and for the rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it happened
that they were all consumed by want of necessaries, a few only excepted.
8. About this time it was that the people of Damascus, out of their
hatred to Ptolemy, the son of Menhens, invited Aretas [to take the
government], and made him king of Celesyria. This man also made an
expedition against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle; but afterwards
retired by mutual agreement. But Alexander, when he had taken
Pella, marched to Gerasa again, out of the covetous desire he had of
Theodorus's possessions; and when he had built a triple wall about the
garrison, he took the place by force. He also demolished Golan, and
Seleucia, and what was called the Valley of Antiochus; besides which,
he took the strong fortress of Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was
governor therein, of what he had, on account of the many crimes laid to
his charge, and then returned into Judea, after he had been three whole
years in this expedition. And now he was kindly received of the nation,
because of the good success he had. So when he was at rest from war,
he fell into a distemper; for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and
supposed that, by exercising himself again in martial affairs, he
should get rid of this distemper; but by making such expeditions at
unseasonable times, and forcing his body to undergo greater hardships
than it was able to bear, he brought himself to his end. He died,
therefore, in the midst of his troubles, after he had reigned seven and
twenty years.
CHAPTER 5.
Alexandra Reigns Nine Years, During Which Time The Pharisees
Were The Real Rulers Of The Nation.
1. Now Alexander left the kingdom to Alexandra his wife, and depended
upon it that the Jews would now very readily submit to her, because she
had been very averse to such cruelty as he had treated them with,
and had opposed his violation of their laws, and had thereby got the
good-will of the people. Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations; for
this woman kept the dominion, by the opinion that the people had of her
piety; for she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her country, and
cast those men out of the government that offended against their holy
laws. And as she had two sons by Alexander, she made Hyrcanus the elder
high priest, on account of his age, as also, besides that, on account of
his inactive temper, no way disposing him to disturb the public. But
she retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her as a private person, by
reason of the warmth of his temper.
2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves to her, to assist her in
the government. These are a certain sect of the Jews that appear more
religious than others, and seem to interpret the laws more accurately.
Now Alexandra hearkened to them to an extraordinary degree, as being
herself a woman of great piety towards God. But these Pharisees artfully
insinuated themselves into her favor by little and little, and became
themselves the real administrators of the public affairs: they banished
and reduced whom they pleased; they bound and loosed [men] at their
pleasure; 4 and, to say all at once, they had the enjoyment of the royal
authority, whilst the expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to
Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in the management of great
affairs, and intent always upon gathering soldiers together; so that she
increased the army the one half, and procured a great body of foreign
troops, till her own nation became not only very powerful at home, but
terrible also to foreign potentates, while she governed other people,
and the Pharisees governed her.
3. Accordingly, they themselves slew Diogenes, a person of figure,
and one that had been a friend to Alexander; and accused him as having
assisted the king with his advice, for crucifying the eight hundred men
[before mentioned.] They also prevailed with Alexandra to put to death
the rest of those who had irritated him against them. Now she was so
superstitious as to comply with their desires, and accordingly they slew
whom they pleased themselves. But the principal of those that were in
danger fled to Aristobulus, who persuaded his mother to spare the men on
account of their dignity, but to expel them out of the city, unless she
took them to be innocent; so they were suffered to go unpunished, and
were dispersed all over the country. But when Alexandra sent out her
army to Damascus, under pretense that Ptolemy was always oppressing
that city, she got possession of it; nor did it make any considerable
resistance. She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Armenia, who lay
with his troops about Ptolemais, and besieged Cleopatra, 5 by agreements
and presents, to go away. Accordingly, Tigranes soon arose from
the siege, by reason of those domestic tumults which happened upon
Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.
4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick, and Aristobulus, her younger
son, took hold of this opportunity, with his domestics, of which he had
a great many, who were all of them his friends, on account of the warmth
of their youth, and got possession of all the fortresses. He also used
the sums of money he found in them to get together a number of mercenary
soldiers, and made himself king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's
complaint to his mother, she compassionated his case, and put
Aristobulus's wife and sons under restraint in Antonia, which was a
fortress that joined to the north part of the temple. It was, as I have
already said, of old called the Citadel; but afterwards got the name of
Antonia, when Antony was [lord of the East], just as the other cities,
Sebaste and Agrippias, had their names changed, and these given them
from Sebastus and Agrippa. But Alexandra died before she could punish
Aristobulus for his disinheriting his brother, after she had reigned
nine years.
CHAPTER 6.
When Hyrcanus Who Was Alexander's Heir, Receded From His
Claim To The Crown Aristobulus Is Made King; And Afterward
The Same Hyrcanus By The Means Of Antipater, Is Brought Back
By Abetas. At Last Pompey Is Made The Arbitrator Of The
Dispute Between The Brothers.
1. Now Hyrcanus was heir to the kingdom, and to him did his mother
commit it before she died; but Aristobulus was superior to him in power
and magnanimity; and when there was a battle between them, to decide
the dispute about the kingdom, near Jericho, the greatest part deserted
Hyrcanus, and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrcanus, with those of his
party who staid with him, fled to Antonia, and got into his power the
hostages that might be for his preservation [which were Aristobulus's
wife, with her children]; but they came to an agreement before things
should come to extremities, that Aristobulus should be king, and
Hyrcanus should resign that up, but retain all the rest of his
dignities, as being the king's brother. Hereupon they were reconciled
to each other in the temple, and embraced one another in a very kind
manner, while the people stood round about them; they also changed their
houses, while Aristobulus went to the royal palace, and Hyrcanus retired
to the house of Aristobulus.
2. Now those other people which were at variance with Aristobulus were
afraid upon his unexpected obtaining the government; and especially this
concerned Antipater 6 whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was by birth
an Idumean, and one of the principal of that nation, on account of his
ancestors and riches, and other authority to him belonging: he also
persuaded Hyrcanus to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay
claim to the kingdom; as also he persuaded Aretas to receive Hyrcanus,
and to bring him back to his kingdom: he also cast great reproaches upon
Aristobulus, as to his morals, and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus,
and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told him how becoming a filing
it would be for him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford his
assistance to such as are injured; alleging that Hyrcanus was treated
unjustly, by being deprived of that dominion which belonged to him by
the prerogative of his birth. And when he had predisposed them both to
do what he would have them, he took Hyrcanus by night, and ran away from
the city, and, continuing his flight with great swiftness, he escaped to
the place called Petra, which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia,
where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hand; and by discoursing much with
him, and gaining upon him with many presents, he prevailed with him
to give him an army that might restore him to his kingdom. This
army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and horsemen, against which
Aristobulus was not able to make resistance, but was deserted in his
first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem; he also had been taken
at first by force, if Scaurus, the Roman general, had not come and
seasonably interposed himself, and raised the siege. This Scaurus was
sent into Syria from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when he fought against
Tigranes; so Scaurus came to Damascus, which had been lately taken by
Metellus and Lollius, and caused them to leave the place; and, upon his
hearing how the affairs of Judea stood, he made haste thither as to a
certain booty.
3. As soon, therefore, as he was come into the country, there
came ambassadors from both the brothers, each of them desiring his
assistance; but Aristobulus's three hundred talents had more weight with
him than the justice of the cause; which sum, when Scaurus had received,
he sent a herald to Hyrcanus and the Arabians, and threatened them with
the resentment of the Romans and of Pompey, unless they would raise
the siege. So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of Judea to
Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return to Damascus again; nor was
Aristobulus satisfied with escaping [out of his brother's hands,] but
gathered all his forces together, and pursued his enemies, and fought
them at a place called Papyron, and slew about six thousand of them,
and, together with them Antipater's brother Phalion.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were thus deprived of their hopes from
the Arabians, they transferred the same to their adversaries; and
because Pompey had passed through Syria, and was come to Damascus, they
fled to him for assistance; and, without any bribes, they made the same
equitable pleas that they had used to Aretas, and besought him to hate
the violent behavior of Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom on him
to whom it justly belonged, both on account of his good character and
on account of his superiority in age. However, neither was Aristobulus
wanting to himself in this case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus
had received: he was also there himself, and adorned himself after
a manner the most agreeable to royalty that he was able. But he soon
thought it beneath him to come in such a servile manner, and could not
endure to serve his own ends in a way so much more abject than he was
used to; so he departed from Diospolis.
5. At this his behavior Pompey had great indignation; Hyrcanus also and
his friends made great intercessions to Pompey; so he took not only his
Roman forces, but many of his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against
Aristobulus. But when he had passed by Pella and Scythopolis, and was
come to Corea, where you enter into the country of Judea, when you go
up to it through the Mediterranean parts, he heard that Aristobulus was
fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong hold fortified with the utmost
magnificence, and situated upon a high mountain; and he sent to him, and
commanded him to come down. Now his inclination was to try his fortune
in a battle, since he was called in such an imperious manner, rather
than to comply with that call. However, he saw the multitude were in
great fear, and his friends exhorted him to consider what the power of
the Romans was, and how it was irresistible; so he complied with their
advice, and came down to Pompey; and when he had made a long apology for
himself, and for the justness of his cause in taking the government,
he returned to the fortress. And when his brother invited him again [to
plead his cause], he came down and spake about the justice of it, and
then went away without any hinderance from Pompey; so he was between
hope and fear. And when he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey to
allow him the government entirely; and when he went up to the citadel,
it was that he might not appear to debase himself too low. However,
Pompey commanded him to give up his fortified places, and forced him to
write to every one of their governors to yield them up; they having
had this charge given them, to obey no letters but what were of his
own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what he was ordered to do; but had
still an indignation at what was done, and retired to Jerusalem, and
prepared to fight with Pompey.
6. But Pompey did not give him time to make any preparations [for a
siege], but followed him at his heels; he was also obliged to make haste
in his attempt, by the death of Mithridates, of which he was informed
about Jericho. Now here is the most fruitful country of Judea, which
bears a vast number of palm trees 7 besides the balsam tree, whose
sprouts they cut with sharp stones, and at the incisions they gather the
juice, which drops down like tears. So Pompey pitched his camp in that
place one night, and then hasted away the next morning to Jerusalem; but
Aristobulus was so affrighted at his approach, that he came and met him
by way of supplication. He also promised him money, and that he would
deliver up both himself and the city into his disposal, and thereby
mitigated the anger of Pompey. Yet did not he perform any of the
conditions he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party would not so much
as admit Gabinius into the city, who was sent to receive the money that
he had promised.
CHAPTER 7.
How Pompey Had The City Of Jerusalem Delivered Up To Him But
Took The Temple By Force. How He Went Into The Holy Of
Holies; As Also What Were His Other Exploits In Judea.
1. At this treatment Pompey was very angry, and took Aristobulus into
custody. And when he was come to the city, he looked about where he
might make his attack; for he saw the walls were so firm, that it would
be hard to overcome them; and that the valley before the walls was
terrible; and that the temple, which was within that valley, was itself
encompassed with a very strong wall, insomuch that if the city were
taken, that temple would be a second place of refuge for the enemy to
retire to.
2. Now as he was long in deliberating about this matter, a sedition
arose among the people within the city; Aristobulus's party being
willing to fight, and to set their king at liberty, while the party of
Hyrcanus were for opening the gates to Pompey; and the dread people were
in occasioned these last to be a very numerous party, when they looked
upon the excellent order the Roman soldiers were in. So Aristobulus's
party was worsted, and retired into the temple, and cut off the
communication between the temple and the city, by breaking down the
bridge that joined them together, and prepared to make an opposition to
the utmost; but as the others had received the Romans into the city, and
had delivered up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one of his great
officers, into that palace with an army, who distributed a garrison
about the city, because he could not persuade any one of those that had
fled to the temple to come to terms of accommodation; he then disposed
all things that were round about them so as might favor their attacks,
as having Hyrcanus's party very ready to afford them both counsel and
assistance.
3. But Pompey himself filled up the ditch that was on the north side of
the temple, and the entire valley also, the army itself being obliged to
carry the materials for that purpose. And indeed it was a hard thing to
fill up that valley, by reason of its immense depth, especially as
the Jews used all the means possible to repel them from their superior
situation; nor had the Romans succeeded in their endeavors, had not
Pompey taken notice of the seventh days, on which the Jews abstain
from all sorts of work on a religious account, and raised his bank, but
restrained his soldiers from fighting on those days; for the Jews only
acted defensively on sabbath days. But as soon as Pompey had filled
up the valley, he erected high towers upon the bank, and brought those
engines which they had fetched from Tyre near to the wall, and tried
to batter it down; and the slingers of stones beat off those that stood
above them, and drove them away; but the towers on this side of the
city made very great resistance, and were indeed extraordinary both for
largeness and magnificence.
4. Now here it was that, upon the many hardships which the Romans
underwent, Pompey could not but admire not only at the other instances
of the Jews' fortitude, but especially that they did not at all intermit
their religious services, even when they were encompassed with darts
on all sides; for, as if the city were in full peace, their daily
sacrifices and purifications, and every branch of their religious
worship, was still performed to God with the utmost exactness. Nor
indeed when the temple was actually taken, and they were every day
slain about the altar, did they leave off the instances of their Divine
worship that were appointed by their law; for it was in the third
month of the siege before the Romans could even with great difficulty
overthrow one of the towers, and get into the temple. Now he that first
of all ventured to get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius the son of
Sylla; and next after him were two centurions, Furius and Fabius; and
every one of these was followed by a cohort of his own, who encompassed
the Jews on all sides, and slew them, some of them as they were running
for shelter to the temple, and others as they, for a while, fought in
their own defense.
5. And now did many of the priests, even when they saw their enemies
assailing them with swords in their hands, without any disturbance, go
on with their Divine worship, and were slain while they were offering
their drink-offerings, and burning their incense, as preferring the
duties about their worship to God before their own preservation. The
greatest part of them were slain by their own countrymen, of the adverse
faction, and an innumerable multitude threw themselves down precipices;
nay, some there were who were so distracted among the insuperable
difficulties they were under, that they set fire to the buildings that
were near to the wall, and were burnt together with them. Now of the
Jews were slain twelve thousand; but of the Romans very few were slain,
but a greater number was wounded.
6. But there was nothing that affected the nation so much, in the
calamities they were then under, as that their holy place, which had
been hitherto seen by none, should be laid open to strangers; for
Pompey, and those that were about him, went into the temple itself 8
whither it was not lawful for any to enter but the high priest, and
saw what was reposited therein, the candlestick with its lamps, and the
table, and the pouring vessels, and the censers, all made entirely
of gold, as also a great quantity of spices heaped together, with two
thousand talents of sacred money. Yet did not he touch that money, nor
any thing else that was there reposited; but he commanded the ministers
about the temple, the very next day after he had taken it, to cleanse
it, and to perform their accustomed sacrifices. Moreover, he made
Hyrcanus high priest, as one that not only in other respects had showed
great alacrity, on his side, during the siege, but as he had been the
means of hindering the multitude that was in the country from fighting
for Aristobulus, which they were otherwise very ready to have done;
by which means he acted the part of a good general, and reconciled
the people to him more by benevolence than by terror. Now, among the
Captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was taken, who was also his uncle:
so those that were the most guilty he punished with decollation; but
rewarded Faustus, and those with him that had fought so bravely,
with glorious presents, and laid a tribute upon the country, and upon
Jerusalem itself.
7. He also took away from the nation all those cities that they had
formerly taken, and that belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject to
him that was at that time appointed to be the Roman president there; and
reduced Judea within its proper bounds. He also rebuilt Gadara, 9 that
had been demolished by the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius,
who was of Gadara, and was one of his own freed-men. He also made other
cities free from their dominion, that lay in the midst of the country,
such, I mean, as they had not demolished before that time; Hippos, and
Scythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and Marissa; and besides these
Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt he with the
maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and that which was
anciently called Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt with the
most magnificent edifices, and had its name changed to Cesarea, by king
Herod. All which he restored to their own citizens, and put them under
the province of Syria; which province, together with Judea, and the
countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he committed to Scaurus as
their governor, and gave him two legions to support him; while he made
all the haste he could himself to go through Cilicia, in his way
to Rome, having Aristobulus and his children along with him as his
captives. They were two daughters and two sons; the one of which sons,
Alexander, ran away as he was going; but the younger, Antigonus, with
his sisters, were carried to Rome.
CHAPTER 8.
Alexander, The Son Of Aristobulus, Who Ran Away From Pompey,
Makes An Expedition Against Hyrcanus; But Being Overcome By
Gabinius He Delivers Up The Fortresses To Him. After This
Aristobulus Escapes From Rome And Gathers An Army Together;
But Being Beaten By The Romans, He Is Brought Back To Rome;
With Other Things Relating To Gabinius, Crassus And Cassius.
1. In the mean time, Scaurus made an expedition into Arabia, but was
stopped by the difficulty of the places about Petra. However, he laid
waste the country about Pella, though even there he was under great
hardship; for his army was afflicted with famine. In order to supply
which want, Hyrcanus afforded him some assistance, and sent him
provisions by the means of Antipater; whom also Scaurus sent to Aretas,
as one well acquainted with him, to induce him to pay him money to buy
his peace. The king of Arabia complied with the proposal, and gave him
three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus drew his army out of Arabia 10
2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aristobulus who ran away from
Pompey, in some time he got a considerable band of men together, and lay
heavy upon Hyrcanus, and overran Judea, and was likely to overturn
him quickly; and indeed he had come to Jerusalem, and had ventured to
rebuild its wall that was thrown down by Pompey, had not Gabinius, who
was sent as successor to Scaurus into Syria, showed his bravery, as in
many other points, so in making an expedition against Alexander; who, as
he was afraid that he would attack him, so he got together a large army,
composed of ten thousand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred horsemen.
He also built walls about proper places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and
Machaerus, that lay upon the mountains of Arabia.
3. However, Gabinius sent before him Marcus Antonius, and followed
himself with his whole army; but for the select body of soldiers that
were about Antipater, and another body of Jews under the command of
Malichus and Pitholaus, these joined themselves to those captains
that were about Marcus Antonius, and met Alexander; to which body came
Gabinius with his main army soon afterward; and as Alexander was not
able to sustain the charge of the enemies' forces, now they were joined,
he retired. But when he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced to
fight, and lost six thousand men in the battle; three thousand of which
fell down dead, and three thousand were taken alive; so he fled with the
remainder to Alexandrium.
4. Now when Gabinius was come to Alexandrium, because he found a great
many there en-camped, he tried, by promising them pardon for their
former offenses, to induce them to come over to him before it came to a
fight; but when they would hearken to no terms of accommodation, he
slew a great number of them, and shut up a great number of them in the
citadel. Now Marcus Antonius, their leader, signalized himself in this
battle, who, as he always showed great courage, so did he never show it
so much as now; but Gabinius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went
away himself, and settled the cities that had not been demolished,
and rebuilt those that had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his
injunctions, the following cities were restored: Scythopolis, and
Samaria, and Anthedon, and Apollonia, and Jamnia, and Raphia, and
Mariassa, and Adoreus, and Gamala, and Ashdod, and many others; while
a great number of men readily ran to each of them, and became their
inhabitants.
5. When Gabinius had taken care of these cities, he returned to
Alexandrium, and pressed on the siege. So when Alexander despaired of
ever obtaining the government, he sent ambassadors to him, and prayed
him to forgive what he had offended him in, and gave up to him the
remaining fortresses, Hyrcanium and Machaerus, as he put Alexandrium
into his hands afterwards; all which Gabinius demolished, at the
persuasion of Alexander's mother, that they might not be receptacles of
men in a second war. She was now there in order to mollify Gabinius, out
of her concern for her relations that were captives at Rome, which were
her husband and her other children. After this Gabinius brought Hyrcanus
to Jerusalem, and committed the care of the temple to him; but ordained
the other political government to be by an aristocracy. He also parted
the whole nation into five conventions, assigning one portion to
Jerusalem, another to Gadara, that another should belong to Amathus, a
fourth to Jericho, and to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris,
a city of Galilee. So the people were glad to be thus freed from
monarchical government, and were governed for the future by all
aristocracy.
6. Yet did Aristobulus afford another foundation for new disturbances.
He fled away from Rome, and got together again many of the Jews that
were desirous of a change, such as had borne an affection to him of old;
and when he had taken Alexandrium in the first place, he attempted to
build a wall about it; but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army against
him under Siscuria, and Antonius, and Servilius, he was aware of it,
and retreated to Machaerus. And as for the unprofitable multitude, he
dismissed them, and only marched on with those that were armed, being to
the number of eight thousand, among whom was Pitholaus, who had been the
lieutenant at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus with a thousand
of his men; so the Romans followed him, and when it came to a battle,
Aristobulus's party for a long time fought courageously; but at length
they were overborne by the Romans, and of them five thousand fell down
dead, and about two thousand fled to a certain little hill, but the
thousand that remained with Aristobulus brake through the Roman army,
and marched together to Machaerus; and when the king had lodged the
first night upon its ruins, he was in hopes of raising another army, if
the war would but cease a while; accordingly, he fortified that strong
hold, though it was done after a poor manner. But the Romans falling
upon him, he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two days, and then
was taken, and brought a prisoner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son,
who had fled away together with him from Rome; and from Gabinius he was
carried to Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him under confinement,
but returned his children back to Judea, because Gabinius informed them
by letters that he had promised Aristobulus's mother to do so, for her
delivering the fortresses up to him.
7. But now as Gabinius was marching to the war against the Parthians,
he was hindered by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from Euphrates, he
brought back into Egypt, making use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to provide
every thing that was necessary for this expedition; for Antipater
furnished him with money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliaries; he
also prevailed with the Jews that were there, and guarded the avenues at
Pelusium, to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's absence, the other
part of Syria was in motion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
brought the Jews to revolt again. Accordingly, he got together a very
great army, and set about killing all the Romans that were in the
country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid, [for he was come back already out
of Egypt, and obliged to come back quickly by these tumults,] and
sent Antipater, who prevailed with some of the revolters to be quiet.
However, thirty thousand still continued with Alexander, who was himself
eager to fight also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight, when
the Jews met him; and as the battle was fought near Mount Tabor, ten
thousand of them were slain, and the rest of the multitude dispersed
themselves, and fled away. So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled
the government as Antipater would have it; thence he marched, and fought
and beat the Nabateans: as for Mithridates and Orsanes, who fled out of
Parthin, he sent them away privately, but gave it out among the soldiers
that they had run away.
8. In the mean time, Crassus came as successor to Gabinius in Syria. He
took away all the rest of the gold belonging to the temple of Jerusalem,
in order to furnish himself for his expedition against the Parthians.
He also took away the two thousand talents which Pompey had not touched;
but when he had passed over Euphrates, he perished himself, and his army
with him; concerning which affairs this is not a proper time to speak
[more largely].
9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a stop to the Parthians, who were
marching in order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into that province,
and when he had taken possession of the same, he made a hasty march into
Judea; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he carried thirty thousand Jews
into slavery. He also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the seditious
followers of Aristobulus; and it was Antipater who advised him so to
do. Now this Antipater married a wife of an eminent family among the
Arabisus, whose name was Cypros, and had four sons born to him by her,
Phasaelus and Herod, who was afterwards king, and, besides these, Joseph
and Pheroras; and he had a daughter whose name was Salome. Now as he
made himself friends among the men of power every where, by the kind
offices he did them, and the hospitable manner that he treated them;
so did he contract the greatest friendship with the king of Arabia, by
marrying his relation; insomuch that when he made war with Aristobulus,
he sent and intrusted his children with him. So when Cassius had forced
Alexander to come to terms and to be quiet, he returned to Euphrates,
in order to prevent the Parthians from repassing it; concerning which
matter we shall speak elsewhere. 11
CHAPTER 9.
Aristobulus Is Taken Off By Pompey's Friends, As Is His Son
Alexander By Scipio. Antipater Cultivates A Friendship With
Caesar, After Pompey's Death; He Also Performs Great Actions
In That War, Wherein He Assisted Mithridates.
1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and of the senate beyond the Ionian
Sea, Caesar got Rome and the empire under his power, and released
Aristobulus from his bonds. He also committed two legions to him, and
sent him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his means he should
easily conquer that country, and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy
prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity, and the hopes of Caesar;
for he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party;
and, for a long while, he had not so much as a burial vouchsafed him
in his own country; but his dead body lay [above ground], preserved in
honey, until it was sent to the Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in
the royal sepulchers.
2. His son Alexander also was beheaded by Scipio at Antioch, and that
by the command of Pompey, and upon an accusation laid against him before
his tribunal, for the mischiefs he had done to the Romans. But Ptolemy,
the son of Menneus, who was then ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took
his brethren to him by sending his son Philippio for them to Ascalon,
who took Antigonus, as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's
wife, and brought them to his father; and falling in love with the
younger daughter, he married her, and was afterwards slain by his father
on her account; for Ptolemy himself, after he had slain his son, married
her, whose name was Alexandra; on the account of which marriage he took
the greater care of her brother and sister.
3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipater changed sides, and cultivated
a friendship with Caesar. And since Mithridates of Pergamus, with
the forces he led against Egypt, was excluded from the avenues about
Pelusium, and was forced to stay at Asealon, he persuaded the Arabians,
among whom he had lived, to assist him, and came himself to him, at the
head of three thousand armed men. He also encouraged the men of power in
Syria to come to his assistance, as also of the inhabitants of Libanus,
Ptolemy, and Jamblicus, and another Ptolemy; by which means the cities
of that country came readily into this war; insomuch that Mithridates
ventured now, in dependence upon the additional strength that he had
gotten by Antipater, to march forward to Pelusium; and when they refused
him a passage through it, he besieged the city; in the attack of which
place Antipater principally signalized himself, for he brought down that
part of the wall which was over against him, and leaped first of all
into the city, with the men that were about him.
4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still, as they were marching on, those
Egyptian Jews that inhabited the country called the country of Onias
stopped them. Then did Antipater not only persuade them not to stop
them, but to afford provisions for their army; on which account even
the people about Memphis would not fight against them, but of their
own accord joined Mithridates. Whereupon he went round about Delta, and
fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place called the Jews' Camp; nay,
when he was in danger in the battle with all his right wing, Antipater
wheeled about, and came along the bank of the river to him; for he
had beaten those that opposed him as he led the left wing. After which
success he fell upon those that pursued Mithridates, and slew a great
many of them, and pursued the remainder so far that he took their camp,
while he lost no more than fourscore of his own men; as Mithridates
lost, during the pursuit that was made after him, about eight hundred.
He was also himself saved unexpectedly, and became an unreproachable
witness to Caesar of the great actions of Antipater.
5. Whereupon Caesar encouraged Antipater to undertake other hazardous
enterprises for him, and that by giving him great commendations and
hopes of reward. In all which enterprises he readily exposed himself to
many dangers, and became a most courageous warrior; and had many wounds
almost all over his body, as demonstrations of his valor. And when
Caesar had settled the affairs of Egypt, and was returning into Syria
again, he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen, and freedom from
taxes, and rendered him an object of admiration by the honors and marks
of friendship he bestowed upon him. On this account it was that he also
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood.
CHAPTER 10.
Caesar Makes Antipater Procurator Of Judea; As Does
Antipater Appoint Phasaelus To Be Governor Of Jerusalem, And
Herod Governor Of Galilee; Who, In Some Time, Was Called To
Answer For Himself [Before The Sanhedrim], Where He Is
Acquitted. Sextus Caesar Is Treacherously Killed By Bassus
And Is Succeeded By Marcus.
1. About this time it was that Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
came to Caesar, and became, in a surprising manner, the occasion of
Antipater's further advancement; for whereas he ought to have lamented
that his father appeared to have been poisoned on account of his
quarrels with Pompey, and to have complained of Scipio's barbarity
towards his brother, and not to mix any invidious passion when he
was suing for mercy; besides those things, he came before Caesar, and
accused Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven him and his brethren
entirely out of their native country, and had acted in a great many
instances unjustly and extravagantly with relation to their nation; and
that as to the assistance they had sent him into Egypt, it was not done
out of good-will to him, but out of the fear they were in from former
quarrels, and in order to gain pardon for their friendship to [his
enemy] Pompey.
2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his garments, and showed the multitude
of the wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-will to Caesar, he
had no occasion to say a word, because his body cried aloud, though he
said nothing himself; that he wondered at Antigonus's boldness, while
he was himself no other than the son of an enemy to the Romans, and of
a fugitive, and had it by inheritance from his father to be fond of
innovations and seditions, that he should undertake to accuse other
men before the Roman governor, and endeavor to gain some advantages to
himself, when he ought to be contented that he was suffered to live;
for that the reason of his desire of governing public affairs was not so
much because he was in want of it, but because, if he could once obtain
the same, he might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and use what he
should gain from the Romans to the disservice of those that gave it him.
3. When Caesar heard this, he declared Hyrcanus to be the most worthy
of the high priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to choose what
authority he pleased; but he left the determination of such dignity to
him that bestowed the dignity upon him; so he was constituted procurator
of all Judea, and obtained leave, moreover, to rebuild 12 those walls of
his country that had been thrown down. These honorary grants Caesar sent
orders to have engraved in the Capitol, that they might stand there as
indications of his own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.
4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted Caesar out of Syria he
returned to Judea, and the first thing he did was to rebuild that wall
of his own country [Jerusalem] which Pompey had overthrown, and then to
go over the country, and to quiet the tumults that were therein; where
he partly threatened, and partly advised, every one, and told them
that in case they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would live happily and
peaceably, and enjoy what they possessed, and that with universal peace
and quietness; but that in case they hearkened to such as had some
frigid hopes by raising new troubles to get themselves some gain, they
should then find him to be their lord instead of their procurator; and
find Hyrcanus to be a tyrant instead of a king; and both the Romans and
Caesar to be their enemies, instead of rulers; for that they would not
suffer him to be removed from the government, whom they had made their
governor. And, at the same time that he said this, he settled the
affairs of the country by himself, because he saw that Hyrcanus was
inactive, and not fit to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he
constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor of Jerusalem, and of the
parts about it; he also sent his next son, Herod, who was very young, 13
with equal authority into Galilee.
5. Now Herod was an active man, and soon found proper materials for his
active spirit to work upon. As therefore he found that Hezekias, the
head of the robbers, ran over the neighboring parts of Syria with a
great band of men, he caught him and slew him, and many more of the
robbers with him; which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Syrians,
insomuch that hymns were sung in Herod's commendation, both in the
villages and in the cities, as having procured their quietness, and
having preserved what they possessed to them; on which occasion he
became acquainted with Sextus Caesar, a kinsman of the great Caesar,
and president of Syria. A just emulation of his glorious actions excited
Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly, he procured the good-will of
the inhabitants of Jerusalem, by his own management of the city affairs,
and did not abuse his power in any disagreeable manner; whence it came
to pass that the nation paid Antipater the respects that were due only
to a king, and the honors they all yielded him were equal to the honors
due to an absolute lord; yet did he not abate any part of that good-will
or fidelity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
6. However, he found it impossible to escape envy in such his
prosperity; for the glory of these young men affected even Hyrcanus
himself already privately, though he said nothing of it to any body; but
what he principally was grieved at was the great actions of Herod, and
that so many messengers came one before another, and informed him of the
great reputation he got in all his undertakings. There were also many
people in the royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at him; those, I
mean, who were obstructed in their designs by the prudence either of
the young men, or of Antipater. These men said, that by committing the
public affairs to the management of Antipater and of his sons, he
sat down with nothing but the bare name of a king, without any of its
authority; and they asked him how long he would so far mistake himself,
as to breed up kings against his own interest; for that they did not now
conceal their government of affairs any longer, but were plainly lords
of the nation, and had thrust him out of his authority; that this was
the case when Herod slew so many men without his giving him any command
to do it, either by word of mouth, or by his letter, and this in
contradiction to the law of the Jews; who therefore, in case he be not a
king, but a private man, still ought to come to his trial, and answer it
to him, and to the laws of his country, which do not permit any one to
be killed till he hath been condemned in judgment.
7. Now Hyrcanus was, by degrees, inflamed with these discourses, and at
length could bear no longer, but he summoned Herod to take his trial.
Accordingly, by his father's advice, and as soon as the affairs of
Galilee would give him leave, he came up to [Jerusalem], when he had
first placed garrisons in Galilee; however, he came with a sufficient
body of soldiers, so many indeed that he might not appear to have with
him an army able to overthrow Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few as
to expose him to the insults of those that envied him. However, Sextus
Caesar was in fear for the young man, lest he should be taken by
his enemies, and brought to punishment; so he sent some to denounce
expressly to Hyrcanus that he should acquit Herod of the capital charge
against him; who acquitted him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined
also so to do, for he loved Herod.
8. But Herod, supposing that he had escaped punishment without the
consent of the king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and got every thing
ready, in order not to obey him if he should summon him again; whereupon
those that were evil-disposed irritated Hyrcanus, and told him that
Herod was gone away in anger, and was prepared to make war upon him; and
as the king believed what they said, he knew not what to do, since he
saw his antagonist was stronger than he was himself. And now, since
Herod was made general of Coelesyria and Samaria by Sextus Caesar, he
was formidable, not only from the good-will which the nation bore him,
but by the power he himself had; insomuch that Hyrcanus fell into the
utmost degree of terror, and expected he would presently march against
him with his army.
9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture he made; for Herod got his army
together, out of the anger he bare him for his threatening him with the
accusation in a public court, and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw
Hyrcanus down from his kingdom; and this he had soon done, unless his
father and brother had gone out together and broken the force of his
fury, and this by exhorting him to carry his revenge no further than to
threatening and affrighting, but to spare the king, under whom he had
been advanced to such a degree of power; and that he ought not to be so
much provoked at his being tried, as to forget to be thankful that
he was acquitted; nor so long to think upon what was of a melancholy
nature, as to be ungrateful for his deliverance; and if we ought to
reckon that God is the arbitrator of success in war, an unjust cause
is of more disadvantage than an army can be of advantage; and that
therefore he ought not to be entirely confident of success in a case
where he is to fight against his king, his supporter, and one that had
often been his benefactor, and that had never been severe to him, any
otherwise than as he had hearkened to evil counselors, and this no
further than by bringing a shadow of injustice upon him. So Herod was
prevailed upon by these arguments, and supposed that what he had already
done was sufficient for his future hopes, and that he had enough shown
his power to the nation.
10. In the mean time, there was a disturbance among the Romans about
Apamia, and a civil war occasioned by the treacherous slaughter of
Sextus Caesar, by Cecilius Bassus, which he perpetrated out of his
good-will to Pompey; he also took the authority over his forces; but as
the rest of Caesar's commanders attacked Bassus with their whole army,
in order to punish him for the murder of Caesar, Antipater also sent
them assistance by his sons, both on account of him that was murdered,
and on account of that Caesar who was still alive, both of which were
their friends; and as this war grew to be of a considerable length,
Marcus came out of Italy as successor to Sextus.
CHAPTER 11.
Herod Is Made Procurator Of All Syria; Malichus Is Afraid Of
Him, And Takes Antipater Off By Poison; Whereupon The
Tribunes Of The Soldiers Are Prevailed With To Kill Him.
1. There, was at this time a mighty war raised among the Romans upon the
sudden and treacherous slaughter of Caesar by Cassius and Brutus, after
he had held the government for three years and seven months. 14 Upon
this murder there were very great agitations, and the great men were
mightily at difference one with another, and every one betook himself to
that party where they had the greatest hopes of their own, of advancing
themselves. Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in order to receive
the forces that were at Apamia, where he procured a reconciliation
between Bassus and Marcus, and the legions which were at difference with
him; so he raised the siege of Apamia, and took upon him the command of
the army, and went about exacting tribute of the cities, and demanding
their money to such a degree as they were not able to bear.
2. So he gave command that the Jews should bring in seven hundred
talents; whereupon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's threats,
parted the raising of this sum among his sons, and among others of his
acquaintance, and to be done immediately; and among them he required
one Malichus, who was at enmity with him, to do his part also, which
necessity forced him to do. Now Herod, in the first place, mitigated the
passion of Cassius, by bringing his share out of Galilee, which was a
hundred talents, on which account he was in the highest favor with him;
and when he reproached the rest for being tardy, he was angry at the
cities themselves; so he made slaves of Gophna and Emmaus, and two
others of less note; nay, he proceeded as if he would kill Malichus,
because he had not made greater haste in exacting his tribute; but
Antipater prevented the ruin of this man, and of the other cities, and
got into Cassius's favor by bringing in a hundred talents immediately.
15
3. However, when Cassius was gone Malichus forgot the kindness that
Antipater had done him, and laid frequent plots against him that
had saved him, as making haste to get him out of the way, who was an
obstacle to his wicked practices; but Antipater was so much afraid of
the power and cunning of the man, that he went beyond Jordan, in order
to get an army to guard himself against his treacherous designs; but
when Malichus was caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's sons by
his impudence, for he thoroughly deluded Phasaelus, who was the guardian
of Jerusalem, and Herod who was intrusted with the weapons of war, and
this by a great many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them to procure
his reconciliation to his father. Thus was he preserved again by
Antipater, who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of Syria, from
his resolution of killing Malichus, on account of his attempts for
innovation.
4. Upon the war between Cassius and Brutus on one side, against the
younger Caesar [Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius and Marcus
got together an army out of Syria; and because Herod was likely to have
a great share in providing necessaries, they then made him procurator of
all Syria, and gave him an army of foot and horse. Cassius promised him
also, that after the war was over, he would make him king of Judea. But
it so happened that the power and hopes of his son became the cause of
his perdition; for as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted one
of the king's cup-bearers with money to give a poisoned potion to
Antipater; so he became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness, and died
at a feast. He was a man in other respects active in the management
of affairs, and one that recovered the government to Hyrcanus, and
preserved it in his hands.
5. However, Malichus, when he was suspected of poisoning Antipater, and
when the multitude was angry with him for it, denied it, and made the
people believe he was not guilty. He also prepared to make a greater
figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not suppose that Herod would
be quiet, who indeed came upon him with an army presently, in order to
revenge his father's death; but, upon hearing the advice of his brother
Phasaelus, not to punish him in an open manner, lest the multitude
should fall into a sedition, he admitted of Malichus's apology, and
professed that he cleared him of that suspicion; he also made a pompous
funeral for his father.
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which was then in a tumult, and settled the
city in peace; after which at the [Pentecost] festival, he returned
to Jerusalem, having his armed men with him: hereupon Hyrcanus, at the
request of Malichus, who feared his reproach, forbade them to introduce
foreigners to mix themselves with the people of the country while they
were purifying themselves; but Herod despised the pretense, and him that
gave that command, and came in by night. Upon which Malithus came to
him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also made him believe [he admitted
of his lamentations as real], although he had much ado to restrain his
passion at him; however, he did himself bewail the murder of his father
in his letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts, also hated Malichus.
Cassius sent him word back that he should avenge his father's death upon
him, and privately gave order to the tribunes that were under him, that
they should assist Herod in a righteous action he was about.
7. And because, upon the taking of Laodicea by Cassius, the men of power
were gotten together from all quarters, with presents and crowns in
their hands, Herod allotted this time for the punishment of Malichus.
When Malichus suspected that, and was at Tyre, he resolved to withdraw
his son privately from among the Tyrians, who was a hostage there, while
he got ready to fly away into Judea; the despair he was in of escaping
excited him to think of greater things; for he hoped that he should
raise the nation to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius was busy
about the war against Antony, and that he should easily depose Hyrcanus,
and get the crown for himself.
8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had; for Herod foresaw what he
was so zealous about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him to supper; but
calling one of the principal servants that stood by him to him, he
sent him out, as though it were to get things ready for supper, but in
reality to give notice beforehand about the plot that was laid against
him; accordingly they called to mind what orders Cassius had given
them, and went out of the city with their swords in their hands upon the
sea-shore, where they encompassed Malichus round about, and killed him
with many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was immediately affrighted, till
he swooned away and fell down at the surprise he was in; and it was
with difficulty that he was recovered, when he asked who it was that had
killed Malichus. And when one of the tribunes replied that it was done
by the command of Cassius, "Then," said he, "Cassius hath saved both me
and my country, by cutting off one that was laying plots against them
both." Whether he spake according to his own sentiments, or whether his
fear was such that he was obliged to commend the action by saying so,
is uncertain; however, by this method Herod inflicted punishment upon
Malichus.
CHAPTER 12.
Phasaelus Is Too Hard For Felix; Herod Also Overcomes
Antigonus In Rattle; And The Jews Accuse Both Herod And
Phasaelus But Antonius Acquits Them, And Makes Them
Tetrarchs.
1. When Cassius was gone out of Syria, another sedition arose at
Jerusalem, wherein Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that he might
revenge the death of Malichus upon Herod, by falling upon his brother.
Now Herod happened then to be with Fabius, the governor of Damascus,
and as he was going to his brother's assistance, he was detained by
sickness; in the mean time, Phasaelus was by himself too hard for Felix,
and reproached Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, both for what
assistance he had afforded Malichus, and for overlooking Malichus's
brother, when he possessed himself of the fortresses; for he had gotten
a great many of them already, and among them the strongest of them all,
Masada.
2. However, nothing could be sufficient for him against the force of
Herod, who, as soon as he was recovered, took the other fortresses
again, and drove him out of Masada in the posture of a supplicant; he
also drove away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, out of Galilee, when
he had already possessed himself of three fortified places; but as to
those Tyrians whom he had caught, he preserved them all alive; nay, some
of them he gave presents to, and so sent them away, and thereby procured
good-will to himself from the city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had
indeed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius, who set tyrants
over all Syria 16 and out of hatred to Herod it was that he assisted
Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus, and principally on Fabius's account,
whom Antigonus had made his assistant by money, and had him accordingly
on his side when he made his descent; but it was Ptolemy, the kinsman of
Antigonus, that supplied all that he wanted.
3. When Herod had fought against these in the avenues of Judea, he
was conqueror in the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and returned to
Jerusalem, beloved by every body for the glorious action he had done;
for those who did not before favor him did join themselves to him now,
because of his marriage into the family of Hyrcanus; for as he had
formerly married a wife out of his own country of no ignoble blood,
who was called Doris, of whom he begat Antipater; so did he now marry
Mariamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and the
granddaughter of Hyrcanus, and was become thereby a relation of the
king.
4. But when Caesar and Antony had slain Cassius near Philippi, and
Caesar was gone to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the rest of the
cities which sent ambassadors to Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of
the Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and Herod, that they kept the
government by force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than an honorable
name. Herod appeared ready to answer this accusation; and having made
Antony his friend by the large sums of money which he gave him, he
brought him to such a temper as not to hear the others speak against
him; and thus did they part at this time.
5. However, after this, there came a hundred of the principal men among
the Jews to Daphne by Antioch to Antony, who was already in love with
Cleopatra to the degree of slavery; these Jews put those men that were
the most potent, both in dignity and eloquence, foremost, and accused
the brethren. 17 But Messala opposed them, and defended the brethren,
and that while Hyrcanus stood by him, on account of his relation to
them. When Antony had heard both sides, he asked Hyrcanus which party
was the fittest to govern, who replied that Herod and his party were
the fittest. Antony was glad of that answer, for he had been formerly
treated in an hospitable and obliging manner by his father Antipater,
when he marched into Judea with Gabinius; so he constituted the brethren
tetrarchs, and committed to them the government of Judea.
6. But when the ambassadors had indignation at this procedure, Antony
took fifteen of them, and put them into custody, whom he was also going
to kill presently, and the rest he drove away with disgrace; on which
occasion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusalem; so they sent again a
thousand ambassadors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as he was marching
to Jerusalem; upon these men who made a clamor he sent out the governor
of Tyre, and ordered him to punish all that he could catch of them, and
to settle those in the administration whom he had made tetrarchs.
7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus went out upon the sea-shore, and
earnestly desired of these ambassadors that they would neither bring
ruin upon themselves, nor war upon their native country, by their rash
contentions; and when they grew still more outrageous, Antony sent out
armed men, and slew a great many, and wounded more of them; of whom
those that were slain were buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded
put under the care of physicians by him; yet would not those that
had escaped be quiet still, but put the affairs of the city into such
disorder, and so provoked Antony, that he slew those whom he had in
bonds also.
CHAPTER 13.
The Parthians Bring Antigonus Back Into Judea, And Cast
Hyrcanus And Phasaelus Into Prison. The Flight Of Herod, And
The Taking Of Jerusalem And What Hyrcanus And Phasaelus
Suffered.
1. Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the
Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of
Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his
father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he
prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and
five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn
Hyrcanus out of it. Pacorus was by these means induced so to do, and
marched along the sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to fall upon
the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country; but
of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Pacorus, although
those of Ptolemais and Sidon had received him; so he committed a troop
of his horse to a certain cup-bearer belonging to the royal family,
of his own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to march into Judea, in
order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help
Antigonus when he should want his assistance.
2. Now as these men were ravaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together
to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into
the country; so he sent them before into that place called Drymus, [the
woodland 18 ] to seize upon the place; whereupon a battle was fought
between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran
after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased, they
proceeded as far as the king's palace; but as Hyrcanus and Phasaelus
received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the
market-place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up
in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to
them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in,
and burnt those men; while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked
and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other
by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made
continually among them.
3. Now when that festival which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the
places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of
people that were come out of the country, and which were the greatest
part of them armed also, at which time Phasaelus guarded the wall, and
Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace; and when he made an assault
upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter
of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to
flight; and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within
the outward rampart. In the mean time, Antigonus desired that Pacorus
might be admitted to be a reconciler between them; and Phasaelus was
prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred
horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he
came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus;
however, he laid a plot for Phasaelus, and persuaded him to go as an
ambassador to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end to the war, although
Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to
kill the plotter, but not expose himself to the snares he had laid for
him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However,
Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus with him, that he might be the less
suspected; he also 19 left some of the horsemen, called the Freemen,
with Herod, and conducted Phasaelus with the rest.
4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people
of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly
to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions
by an obliging behavior to them; accordingly, he at first made them
presents; and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them; and
when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ecdippon, they
perceived that a plot was laid for them; for they were there informed
of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the
greatest number of the women that were there with them, among the five
hundred, to the Parthians; they also perceived that an ambush was always
laid for them by the barbarians in the night time; they had also been
seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod
first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery
of theirs, he would take care of himself; nor was this a mere report,
but they saw the guards already not far off them.
5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking Hyrcanus and flying away,
although Ophellius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this man had
learned the whole scheme of the plot from Saramalla, the richest of
all the Syrians. But Phasaelus went up to the Parfilian governor, and
reproached him to his face for laying this treacherous plot against
them, and chiefly because he had done it for money; and he promised him
that he would give him more money for their preservation, than Antigonus
had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to
remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went [to
the other] Pacorus; immediately after which those Parthians who were
left, and had it in charge, seized upon Phasaelus and Hyrcanus, who
could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury.
6. In the mean time, the cup-bearer was sent [back], and laid a plot how
to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city,
as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the
beginning; and having then received intelligence that a messenger,
who was to bring him the letters that informed him of the treachery
intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city;
though Pacorus said very positively that he ought to go out, and meet
the messengers that brought the letters, for that the enemy had not
taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots
upon them, but of what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard from others
that his brother was seized; and Alexandra 20 the shrewdest woman in the
world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor
trust himself to those barbarians, who now were come to make an attempt
upon him openly.
7. Now as Pacorus and his friends were considering how they might bring
their plot to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent
a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented
them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to
him by night, and this without their enemies being apprized of it. But
as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them; and as
he gave orders for his mother, and sister, and the young woman who was
betrothed to him, with her mother, and his youngest brother, to make the
best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they
could to keep off the barbarians; and when at every assault he had slain
a great many of them, he came to the strong hold of Masada.
8. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him
than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this
ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city; these sometimes
brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now in the place where Herod
beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built
a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it
with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications,
and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their
flight, many joined themselves to him every day; and at a place called
Thressa of Idumea his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease
himself of a great number of his followers, because Masada would not
contain so great a multitude, which were above nine thousand. Herod
complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his
retinue, that they might go into Idumea, and gave them provisions
for their journey; but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest
relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers; and
there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the
women, and provisions sufficient for a siege; but he made haste himself
to Petra of Arabia.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to
plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon
the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was
not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also,
but not so much as they hoped for; for Herod having a long while had
a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to
have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed into Idumea,
as every one belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the
Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill all the
country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city
Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver
Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into his hands, in order to their being
tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyrcanus's ears with
his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, that so he might
never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood
again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete, and
without blemish.
10. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Phasaelus, by reason of
his courage; for though he neither had the command of his sword nor of
his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone;
so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hyrcanus a
most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end
of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another
report about his end, viz. that he recovered of that stroke, and that
a surgeon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal him, filled the wound with
poisonous ingredients, and so killed him; whichsoever of these deaths
he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that
before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had
escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, "I now die with
comfort, since I leave behind me one alive that will avenge me of mine
enemies."
11. This was the death of Phasaelus; but the Parthians, although they
had failed of the women they chiefly desired, yet did they put the
government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away
Hyrcanus, and bound him, and carried him to Parthia.
CHAPTER 14.
When Herod Is Rejected In Arabia, He Makes Haste To Rome
Where Antony And Caesar Join Their Interest To Make Him King
.
1. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as
making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive;
by which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous
temper of the barbarians to spare Phasaelus; for he reasoned thus with
himself:--that if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's
friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he
would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and
put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed.
Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age
of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his
brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get
them accepted; however, fate had been too quick for his diligence;
and since Phasaelus was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain.
Moreover, he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the
Arabians; for their king, Malichus, sent to him immediately, and
commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of
the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced
to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia; while in
reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and
not be obliged to make requitals to his sons for the free gifts the
father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who,
equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater
had deposited among them; and these men were the most potent of all whom
he had in his kingdom.
2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this
for those very reasons whence he hoped they would have been the most
friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested,
he returned back, and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at
one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he
left behind; but on the next day word was brought him, as he was going
to Rhinocurura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death;
and when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could
bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But
now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done,
and sent presently away messengers to call him back: Herod had prevented
them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from
those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him
go by them; accordingly, out of the reverence they bore to the fame and
dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria; and when he came
into the city, he was received by Cleopatra with great splendor,
who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the
expedition she was now about; but he rejected the queen's solicitations,
and being neither afrighted at the height of that storm which then
happened, nor at the tumults that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.
3. But as he was in peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out
the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe
to Rhodes, a place which had been grievously harassed in the war with
Cassius. He was there received by his friends, Ptolemy and Sappinius;
and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked
ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to
Brundusium, 21 and went thence to Rome with all speed; where he first
of all went to Antony, on account of the friendship his father had with
him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family; and
that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and
had sailed to him through a storm, to make supplication to him for
assistance.
4. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been
made in Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling to mind how
hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on
account of Herod's own virtue; so he then resolved to get him made king
of the Jews, whom he had himself formerly made tetrarch. The contest
also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no
less weight than the great regard he had for Herod; for he looked upon
Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans; and as for
Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering
very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the
hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good-will
he had showed to him; besides the activity which he saw in Herod
himself. So he called the senate together, wherein Messalas, and after
him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of
the merits of his father, and his own good-will to the Romans. At the
same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only
because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the
Romans, and took the government by the means of the Parthians. These
reasons greatly moved the senate; at which juncture Antony came in, and
told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian war that Herod
should be king; so they all gave their votes for it. And when the senate
was separated, Antony and Caesar went out, with Herod between them;
while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them, in
order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony
also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign.
CHAPTER 15.
Antigonus Besieges Those That Were In Masada, Whom Herod
Frees From Confinement When He Came Back From Rome, And
Presently Marches To Jerusalem Where He Finds Silo Corrupted
By Bribes.
1. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada,
who had all other necessaries in sufficient quantity, but were in want
of water; on which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run
away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he
had heard that Malichus repented of his offenses with regard to Herod;
and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress
already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had
fallen a great deal of rain, insomuch that his reservoirs were full of
water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which,
therefore, they made an irruption upon Antigonus's party, and slew a
great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush;
nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were
beaten, and ran away.
2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria,
to restrain the incursions of the Parthians; and after he had done that,
he came into Judea, in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party,
but in reality to get money of Antigonus; and when he had pitched his
camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went
away with the greatest part of his forces; yet still did he leave Silo
with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away, his taking
of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped
that the Parthians would come again to his assistance, and therefore
cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the mean time, lest any
interruption should be given to his hopes.
3. Now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to
Ptolemais; and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of
foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee
against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both
whom Dellius, 22 a person sent by Antony, persuaded to bring Herod
[into his kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and
composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians,
as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given
him; yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his
forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few
exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed to himself to set
about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to
deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood
in his way, and hindered his going thither; for it was necessary to take
that city first, which was in the enemies' hands, that when he should
go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemies' power behind
him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion
of drawing off his forces [from Jerusalem]; and when the Jews pursued
him, and pressed upon him, [in his retreat,] Herod made all excursion
upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and
saved Silo when he was in distress.
4. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free
his relations. Now, as he was marching, many came in to him, induced by
their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already
gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had
received from them both; but still what engaged the greatest number on
his side, was the hopes from him when he should be established in his
kingdom; so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be
conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out,
in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily
recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the
fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, where the soldiers that
were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the
city, from a dread of his power.
5. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the
guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them,
while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront;
but Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was
come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city,
without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant
oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him.
Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamor, and did
neither permit any body to hear that proclamation, nor to change their
party; so Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat the enemy from the
walls; accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers,
and put them to flight.
6. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes; for he set
many of the soldiers to clamor about their want of necessaries, and to
require their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that
he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters;
because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of
Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the
army, and attempted to get them off the siege; but Herod went to the
captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and
begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and
Antony, and the senate; for that he would take care to have their wants
supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went
hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance
of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses; and in order to
provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he
sent to the people that were about Samaria [which city had joined itself
to him] to bring corn, and wine, and oil, and cattle to Jericho. When
Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to
hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was
obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about
Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the
provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five
of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with
some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few
horsemen, and came to Jericho; and when he came, he found the city
deserted, but that there were five hundred men, with their wives and
children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains; these
he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the
city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of
good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and
sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to
take their winter quarters there, viz. into Judea, [or Idumea,] and
Galilee, and Samaria. Antigonus also by bribes obtained of Silo to let a
part of his army be received at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.
CHAPTER 16.
Herod Takes Sepphoris And Subdues The Robbers That Were In
The Caves; He After That Avenges Himself Upon Machaerus, As
Upon An Enemy Of His And Goes To Antony As He Was Besieging
Samosata.
1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war.
However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idumea, and kept it,
with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen; and this he did by
sending his brother Joseph thither, that no innovation might be made by
Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations, who had
been in Masada, to Samaria; and when he had settled them securely, he
marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the
garrisons placed there by Antigonus.
2. But when Herod had reached Sepphoris, 23 in a very great snow, he
took the city without any difficulty; the guards that should have kept
it flying away before it was assaulted; where he gave an opportunity
to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there
being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he
hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great
part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as
a war itself could have done. Accordingly, he sent beforehand three
cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbela,
and came himself forty days afterwards 24 with the rest of his forces
Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault but met him in arms;
for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the
boldness of robbers: when therefore it came to a pitched battle,
they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one; but Herod,
wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their
assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight,
and fell upon the pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they could
not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned
back and ran away. 3. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he
followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that
remained were scattered beyond the river [Jordan;] and Galilee was
freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that
remained, and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere
they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place,
distributed the fruits of their former labors to the soldiers, and gave
every one of them a hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a great
deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters.
He also sent to his youngest brother Pheroas, to take care of a good
market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to
build a wall about Alexandrium; who took care of both those injunctions
accordingly.
4. In the mean time Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for
Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered
them first to settle the affairs of Judea; so Herod willingly dismissed
Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those
that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy
mountains, and could not be come at from any side, since they had only
some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them; but
the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth,
and of an almost perpendicular declivity; insomuch that the king
was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of
impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length
make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard; for he
let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths
of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when
they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them [and burnt them]; and
as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made,
that they should come and deliver themselves up to him; but not one of
them came willingly to him; and of those that were compelled to come,
many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the
father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother,
desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right
hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner: He
ordered every one of them to go out, while he stood himself at the
cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod
was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were
moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and
besought him to spare his children; yet did not he relent at all upon
what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of
his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children; and when he had
thrown their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself
down after them.
5. By this means Herod subdued these caves, and the robbers that were
in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought
sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and
returned to Samaria; he led also with him three thousand armed footmen,
and six hundred horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here those that used
to raise tumults in Galilee, having liberty so to do upon his departure,
fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him;
they also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and
to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this
insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and
destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all
those fortresses they had besieged; he also exacted the tribute of a
hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had
made in the country.
6. By this time [the Parthians being already driven out of the country,
and Pacorus slain] Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand
horsemen, and two legions, as auxiliaries to Herod, against Antigonus.
Now Antigonus besought Machaerus, who was their general, by letter, to
come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about
Herod's violence, and about the injuries he did to the kingdom; and
promised to give him money for such his assistance; but he complied not
with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not contemn him that
sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money [than the other
offered]. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to
discover his affairs; although he did not herein comply with Herod, who
dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions
were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself
against him as against an enemy, from the walls; till Machaerus was
ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod; and as he
was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met
with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as
if they were for Antigonus.
7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against
Machaerus as his enemy; but he restrained his indignation, and marched
to Antony to accuse Machaerus of maladministration. But Machaerus was
made sensible of his offenses, and followed after the king immediately,
and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him.
However, Herod did not desist from his resolution of going to Antony;
but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata 25 with a great army,
which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste;
as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his
courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he
came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the
barbarians, and took from them a large prey; insomuch that Antony, who
admired his courage formerly, did now admire it still more. Accordingly,
he heaped many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes
that he should gain his kingdom; and now king Antiochus was forced to
deliver up Samosata.
CHAPTER 17.
The Death Of Joseph [Herod's Brother] Which Had Been
Signified To Herod In Dreams. How Herod Was Preserved Twice
After A Wonderful Manner. He Cuts Off The Head Of Pappus,
Who Was The Murderer Of His Brother And Sends That Head To
[His Other Brother] Pheroras, And In No Long Time He
Besieges Jerusalem And Marries Mariamne.
1. In the mean time, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He
had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make
no attempts against Antigonus till his return; for that Machaerus would
not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what
he had done already; but as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was
at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and
marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Machaerus sent with
him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was
now in the midst of summer; but when his enemies attacked him in the
mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both
killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle, and the
entire Roman cohorts were destroyed; for these cohorts were new-raised
men, gathered out of Syria, and here was no mixture of those called
veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were
unskillful in war.
2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus; but he proceeded to
that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously;
for when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain,
he cut off his head, although his brother Pheroras would have given
fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of
Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus's,
that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were
on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great
change made also in Idumea, where Machaerus was building a wall about
one of the fortresses, which was called Gittha. But Herod had not yet
been informed of these things; for after the taking of Samosata, and
when Antony had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him
orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt; but
Sosius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and
followed himself soon after with the rest of his army.
3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which
clearly foreboded his brother's death; and as he leaped out of his bed
in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with
that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he
put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against
his enemies; and when he had performed a march that was above his
strength, and was gone as far as Libanus, he got him eight hundred men
of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants, and joined
with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an
irruption into Galilee, and met his enemies, and drove them back to
the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual
attack upon the fortress. Yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to
pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But
when, after a few days' time, the second legion, that came from Antony,
joined themselves to him, the enemy were affrighted at his power, and
left their fortifications in the night time.
4. After this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he
could to be avenged on his brother's murderers; where happened to him
a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped,
he had the reputation of being very dear to God; for that evening there
feasted with him many of the principal men; and after that feast was
over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately.
And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should
undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going
about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army, when about six
thousand of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began
to fight with those in his forefront; yet durst they not be so very bold
as to engage the Romans hand to hand, but threw stones and darts at them
at a distance; by which means they wounded a considerable number; in
which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart.
5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in
the courage, but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus, one of his
companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose
Machaerus; but Herod overran the enemy's country, and demolished five
little cities, and destroyed two thousand men that were in them,
and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp; but his
head-quarters were at the village called Cana.
6. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of
Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do
out of their hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious
actions Herod had done; but others were led on by an unreasonable desire
of change; so he fell upon them immediately. As for Pappus and his
party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal,
but marched out with great alacrity to fight them; and it came to a
close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while;
but Herod, running the utmost hazard, out of the rage he was in at the
murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been
the authors of it, soon beat those that opposed him; and after he had
beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it
still, and pursued them all; so that a great slaughter was made, while
some were forced back into that village whence they came out; he also
pressed hard upon the hindermost, and slew a vast number of them; he
also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled
with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for
their defense; and when he had beaten those that were on the outside,
he pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out those that were within;
upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps;
and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them
with their swords in their hands; and the multitude of those slain and
lying on heaps was so great, that the conquerors could not pass along
the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the
multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the
village were slain, they dispersed themselves, and fled away; upon the
confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem,
unless he tad been hindered by the depth of winter's [coming on]. This
was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious
progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who
was already disposed to forsake the city.
7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to
refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself,
while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe
himself, and had but one servant that attended him, and before he was
gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a
sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third, and after that
more of them; these were men who had run away out of the battle into
the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in, great
terror, and in privacy; and when they saw the king, they trembled for
fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored
to get off into the public road. Now there was by chance nobody else at
hand that might seize upon these men; and for Herod, he was contented to
have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety.
8. But on the next day Herod had Pappus's head cut off, who was the
general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his
brother Pheroras, by way of punishment for their slain brother; for he
was the man that slew Joseph. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched
to Jerusalem, and brought his army to the wall of it; this was the third
year since he had been made king at Rome; so he pitched his camp before
the temple, for on that side it might be besieged, and there it was
that Pompey took the city. So he parted the work among the army, and
demolished the suburbs, end raised three banks, and gave orders to
have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his
acquaintance at the works. But he went himself to Samaria, to take the
daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had
been betrothed to him before, as we have already said; and thus he
accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had
his enemies in great contempt already.
9. When he had thus married Mariamne, he came back to Jerusalem with a
greater army. Sosius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen
and footmen, which he sent before him through the midland parts, while
he marched himself along Phoenicia; and when the whole army was gotten
together, which were eleven regiments of footmen, and six thousand
horsemen, besides the Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part
of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's
dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king;
and Sosius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to
Herod's assistance.
CHAPTER 18.
How Herod And Sosius Took Jerusalem By Force; And What Death
Antigonus Came To. Also Concerning Cleopatra's Avaricious
Temper.
1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into
several factions; for the people that crowded about the temple, being
the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the
happiest and most religious man who should die first. But as to the
more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies, and fell a robbing
others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the
places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left
either for the horses or the men; yet some of the warlike men, who were
used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the
siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the
wall; and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a
hinderance to the engines of the enemy; nor had they so much success any
way as in the mines under ground.
2. Now as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived
that ambushes should be so laid, that they might restrain their
excursions; and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they
should be brought to them from great distances. He was also too hard
for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war; although they were
bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle
with the Romans, which was certain death; but through their mines under
ground they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before
they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its
stead; and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of
painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the
very last. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying round about
them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men
ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city, as did Sosius's
centurions after them; and now they first of all seized upon what
was about the temple; and upon the pouring in of the army, there was
slaughter of vast multitudes every where, by reason of the rage the
Romans were in at the length of this siege, and by reason that the Jews
who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries
might remain; so they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they
were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running
away to the temple; nor was there any mercy showed either to infants, or
to the aged, or to the weaker sex; insomuch that although the king sent
about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded
to withhold their right hand from slaughter, but they slew people of all
ages, like madmen. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his
former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell
at Sosius's feet, who without pitying him at all, upon the change of his
condition, laughed at him beyond measure, and called him Antigona. 26
Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him
into bonds, and kept him in custody.
3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under
his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries; for the
multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and
what was sacred in the holy house itself; but the king endeavored to
restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings,
nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to
him, if any thing that ought not to be seen were seen by them. He also
forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the city, asking Sosius in
the most earnest manner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying the city
of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert,--and told
him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a
compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. And when Sosius said
that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for
what they suffered during the siege, Herod made answer, that he would
give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. So he
purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to
them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier,
and proportionably to their commanders, and with a most royal bounty
to Sosius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition.
Hereupon Sosius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away
from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony; then did the
axe bring him to his end, 27 who still had a fond desire of life, and
some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well
deserved to die by it.
4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city;
and for those that were of his side, he made them still more his friends
by the honors he conferred on them; but for those of Antigonus's party,
he slew them; and as his money ran low, he turned all the ornaments he
had into money, and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. Yet could
he not hereby purchase an exemption from all sufferings; for Antony was
now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by
her charms. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no
one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying
those no way related to her. So she calumniated the principal men among
the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain, that so she
might easily gain to be mistress of what they had; nay, she extended her
avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have
Herod and Malichus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order.
5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part; for
though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great
kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for
them. He also took away a great deal of their country; nay, even the
plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree,
and bestowed them upon her; as also all the cities on this side the
river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon 28 excepted. And when she was become
mistress of these, and had conducted Antony in his expedition against
the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Apamia and Damascus
into Judea and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large
presents. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from
his kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred talents. He conducted her
also as far as Pelusium, and paid her all the respects possible. Now it
was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led
with him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra;
for this Parthian was presently given her, with his money, and all the
prey that was taken with him.
CHAPTER 19.
How Antony At The Persuasion Of Cleopatra Sent Herod To
Fight Against The Arabians; And Now After Several Battles,
He At Length Got The Victory. As Also Concerning A Great
Earthquake.
1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to
the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in
Judea, and having gained Hyrcania, which was a place that was held by
Antigonus's sister. However, he was cunningly hindered from partaking of
the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra; for since, as we
have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings [of Judea
and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the
Arabians to Herod; that so, if he got the better, she might become
mistress of Arabia, or, if he were worsted, of Judea; and that she might
destroy one of those kings by the other.
2. However, this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod; for at
the very first he took hostages from the enemy, and got together a great
body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diespous;
and he conquered that army, although it fought resolutely against him.
After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion, and assembled
themselves together at Kanatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes,
and waited for the Jews. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to
manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they
should build a wall about their camp; yet did not the multitude comply
with those orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory,
that they presently attacked the Arabians, and beat them at the first
onset, and then pursued them; yet were there snares laid for Herod in
that pursuit; while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals, and
always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Kanatha the men of that
country against him; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took
courage, and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about
stony places, that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men
to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them; but those that escaped
out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where the Arabians surrounded their
camp, and took it, with all the men in it. 3. In a little time after
this calamity, Herod came to bring them succors; but he came too late.
Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey
orders; for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found
a proper season for the snares he laid for Herod: however, he was even
with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them
more harm than their single victory could compensate. But as he
was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another
providential calamity; for in the seventh 29 year of his reign, when the
war about Actium was at the height, at the beginning of the spring, the
earth was shaken, and destroyed an immense number of cattle, with thirty
thousand men; but the army received no harm, because it lay in the open
air. In the mean time, the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians
to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as
is constantly the case in melancholy accidents, and pretending that all
Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal, therefore, that they should
easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power,
they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the
Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation
were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness
of their calamities one after another; whom yet Herod got together, and
endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech
which he made to them:
4. "The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon
you very unreasonably. It is true, you might justly be dismayed at
that providential chastisement which hath befallen you; but to suffer
yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unmanly. As
for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this
earthquake, that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the
Arabians, that we may be avenged on them; for their present invasion
proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes, than that they have any
great dependence on their weapons, or their own fitness for action.
Now that hope which depends not on men's own power, but on others' ill
success, is a very ticklish thing; for there is no certainty among men,
either in their bad or good fortunes; but we may easily observe that
fortune is mutable, and goes from one side to another; and this you may
readily learn from examples among yourselves; for when you were once
victors in the former fight, your enemies overcame you at last; and very
likely it will now happen so, that these who think themselves sure of
beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident,
they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with
caution; insomuch that I venture to prove from your very timorousness
that you ought to take courage; for when you were more bold than you
ought to have been, and than I would have had you, and marched on,
Athenio's treachery took place; but your present slowness and seeming
dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory. And
indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident; but when we come
to action, we ought to erect our minds, and to make our enemies, be they
ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, no, nor any providential
misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive;
nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, or suffer such a one to
become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive,
and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the
quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake
is a sign of another calamity; for such affections of the elements are
according to the course of nature, nor does it import any thing further
to men, than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there
may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences, and
famines, and earthquakes; but these calamities themselves have their
force limited by themselves [without foreboding any other calamity]. And
indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent
one, do to us than the earthquake hath done? Nay, there is a signal of
our enemies' destruction visible, and that a very great one also; and
this is not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners
neither, but it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our
ambassadors, contrary to the common law of mankind; and they have
destroyed so many, as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in
relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye, nor his
invincible right hand; and we shall be revenged of them presently, in
case we still retain any of the courage of our forefathers, and rise up
boldly to punish these covenant-breakers. Let every one therefore go on
and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the
danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours; those dead
ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who
are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before
you into danger; for you know this well enough, that your courage is
irresistible, unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly." 30
5. When Herod had encouraged them by this speech, and he saw with
what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and after that
sacrifice, he passed over the river Jordan with his army, and pitched
his camp about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and about a fortification
that lay between them. He then shot at them at a distance, and was
desirous to come to an engagement presently; for some of them had been
sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification: but the king sent some
who immediately beat them out of the fortification, while he himself
went in the forefront of the army, which he put in battle-array every
day, and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out
of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright, and their general,
Elthemus, was not able to say a word for fear,--so Herod came upon
them, and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were
compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that
the horsemen and foot-men were mixed together. They were indeed superior
to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they
were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of
victory.
6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain;
but as soon as they turned their backs, a great many were trodden to
pieces by the Jews, and a great many by themselves, and so perished,
till five thousand were fallen down dead in their flight, while the rest
of the multitude prevented their immediate death, by crowding into the
fortification. Herod encompassed these around, and besieged them; and
while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms, they had
another additional distress upon them, which was thirst and want of
water; for the king was above hearkening to their ambassadors; and when
they offered five hundred talents, as the price of their redemption,
he pressed still harder upon them. And as they were burnt up by their
thirst, they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by
multitudes to the Jews, till in five days' time four thousand of them
were put into bonds; and on the sixth day the multitude that were left
despaired of saving themselves, and came out to fight: with these Herod
fought, and slew again about seven thousand, insomuch that he punished
Arabia so severely, and so far extinguished the spirits of the men, that
he was chosen by the nation for their ruler.
CHAPTER 20.
Herod Is Confirmed In His Kingdom By Caesar, And Cultivates
A Friendship With The Emperor By Magnificent Presents; While
Caesar Returns His Kindness By Bestowing On Him That Part Of
His Kingdom Which Had Been Taken Away From It By Cleopatra
With The Addition Of Zenodoruss Country Also.
1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important
affair, on account of his friendship with Antony, who was already
overcome at Actium by Caesar; yet he was more afraid than hurt; for
Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony, while Herod continued
his assistance to him. However, the king resolved to expose himself to
dangers: accordingly he sailed to Rhodes, where Caesar then abode, and
came to him without his diadem, and in the habit and appearance of a
private person, but in his behavior as a king. So he concealed nothing
of the truth, but spoke thus before his face: "O Caesar, as I was made
king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal
authority in the best manner, and entirely for his advantage; nor will I
conceal this further, that thou hadst certainly found me in arms, and an
inseparable companion of his, had not the Arabians hindered me. However,
I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand
[cori] of corn. Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor after the
bow that was given him at Actium; but I gave him the best advice I was
able, when I was no longer able to assist him in the war; and I told him
that there was but one way of recovering his affairs, and that was to
kill Cleopatra; and I promised him that, if she were once dead, I would
afford him money and walls for his security, with an army and myself
to assist him in his war against thee: but his affections for Cleopatra
stopped his ears, as did God himself also who hath bestowed the
government on thee. I own myself also to be overcome together with
him; and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem, and am come
hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue; and I desire
that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend, and not whose
friend, I have been."
2. Caesar replied to him thus: "Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety,
but thou shalt be a king; and that more firmly than thou wast before;
for thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects, by reason
of the fastness of thy friendship; and do thou endeavor to be equally
constant in thy friendship to me, upon my good success, which is what I
depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. However, Antony hath
done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee; for by this means we have
gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend
before I began to be thine; on which account Quintus Didius hath written
to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do
therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree:
I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that
thou mayst find no loss in the want of Antony."
3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put
the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on
him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man
after a magnificent manner. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind
to him by the presents he gave him, and he desired him to forgive
Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him.
But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many
and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty
of; and by that means he rejected his petition. After this Caesar went
for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich
entertainments; and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as
he was reviewing his army about Ptolemais, and feasted him with all
his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was
necessary to feast them withal. He also made a plentiful provision of
water for them, when they were to march as far as Pelusium, through a
dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence;
nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. It was therefore
the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom
was too small for those generous presents he made them; for which
reason, when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were
dead, he did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an
addition to his kingdom, by giving him not only the country which had
been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara, and Hippos,
and Samaria; and moreover, of the maritime cities, Gaza 31 and Anthedon,
and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He also made him a present of four
hundred Galls [Galatians] as a guard for his body, which they had been
to Cleopatra before. Nor did any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make
these presents as the generosity of him that received them.
4. Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom
both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood,
Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following
occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along
sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had
recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he
would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was
acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should
be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and
cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar
did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become
a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He
also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year
afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so
established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the
administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar
bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee.
Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by
Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar; whence he
arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his
soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the
promotion of piety.
CHAPTER 21.
Of The [Temple And] Cities That Were Built By Herod And
Erected From The Very Foundations; As Also Of Those Other
Edifices That Were Erected By Him; And What Magnificence He
Showed To Foreigners; And How Fortune Was In All Things
Favorable To Him.
1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the
temple, and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land
was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid
out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were
unspeakable. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were
erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side.
The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel 32 he
repaired at a vast expense; nor was it other than a royal palace, which
he called Antonia, in honor of Antony. He also built himself a palace in
the Upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments;
to which the holy house itself could not be compared [in largeness]. The
one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his [two
great] friends.
2. Yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only,
with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire
cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in
Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants
into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in
the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to
Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three
furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus, or
Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular
manner.
3. And when Caesar had further bestowed upon him another additional
country, he built there also a temple of white marble, hard by the
fountains of Jordan: the place is called Panium, where is a top of a
mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath,
or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself; within which there is a
horrible precipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth; it contains
a mighty quantity of water, which is immovable; and when any body lets
down any thing to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no
length of cord is sufficient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jordan
rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly; and, as some think, this
is the utmost origin of Jordan: but we shall speak of that matter more
accurately in our following history.
4. But the king erected other places at Jericho also, between the
citadel Cypros and the former palace, such as were better and more
useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same
friends of his. To say all at once, there was not any place of his
kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat
that was for Caesar's honor; and when he had filled his own country with
temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his
province, and built many cities which he called Cesareas.
5. And when he observed that there was a city by the sea-side that was
much decayed, [its name was Strato's Tower,] but that the place, by the
happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his
liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it with
several most splendid palaces, wherein he especially demonstrated his
magnanimity; for the case was this, that all the sea-shore between Dora
and Joppa, in the middle, between which this city is situated, had no
good haven, insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt
was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that
threatened them; which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast
waves are raised, and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the
sea is in a great ferment for a long way. But the king, by the expenses
he was at, and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature, and built
a haven larger than was the Pyrecum 33 [at Athens]; and in the inner
retirements of the water he built other deep stations [for the ships
also].
6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his
purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the
firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and
the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had
any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a
space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom
water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in
depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was
filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already
extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of
which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves,
whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but
the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this
wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which
was called Drusium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to Caesar.
7. There were also a great number of arches, where the mariners dwelt;
and all the places before them round about was a large valley, or walk,
for a quay [or landing-place] to those that came on shore; but the
entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most
gentle of all the winds. At the mouth of the haven were on each side
three great Colossi, supported by pillars, where those Colossi that are
on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid
tower; but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones
joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on
the other side of the entrance. Now there were continual edifices joined
to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone; and to this
haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal
distances one from another. And over against the mouth of the haven,
upon an elevation, there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent
both in beauty and largeness; and therein was a Colossus of Caesar, not
less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble.
The other Colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. So he
dedicated the city to the province, and the haven to the sailors there;
but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar, 34 and named it
Cesarea accordingly.
8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater, and theater, and
market-place, in a manner agreeable to that denomination; and appointed
games every fifth year, and called them, in like manner, Caesar's
Games; and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the hundred
ninety-second olympiad; in which not only the victors themselves, but
those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third
place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthedon,
a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and
named it Agrippeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his
friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he
had himself erected in the temple.
9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was
so; for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built
in the finest plain that was in his kingdom, and which had rivers and
trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about
a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very
fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Cypros.
Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it
by the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose structure, largeness, and
magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in
the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Phasaelis.
10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he
not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain
towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium 35 and he called
that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty
furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by the same name. He also bestowed much
curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all
about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most
costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the
inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the
outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought
a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges,
and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble,
for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely factitious. He
also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to
receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also,
insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the
fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace
only.
11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul
to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at
Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus,
as also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples, and market-places at
Berytus and Tyre, with theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also built
aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the sea-side; and for those
of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round
a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness.
Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people; nay, not a few
cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts
of his own kingdom. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those for ever
also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well
as for the people of Cos, that such rewards should never be wanting. He
also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon Rhodes large
sums of money for building ships; and this he did in many places,
and frequently also. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he
rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before.
What need I speak of the presents he made to the Lycians and Samnians?
or of his great liberality through all Ionia? and that according
to every body's wants of them. And are not the Athenians, and
Lacedemonians, and Nicopolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Mysia,
full of donations that Herod presented them withal? And as for that
large open place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not he pave it with
polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long? and this when
it was shunned by all men before, because it was full of dirt and
filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of
the same length.
12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to those
particular places on which he bestowed his benefits; but then what
favors he bestowed on the Eleans was a donation not only in common to
all Greece, but to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory of the
Olympic games reached. For when he perceived that they were come to
nothing, for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece
were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that
return of the fifth-year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened
to be present at, but he settled upon them revenues of money for
perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial as a combatant there can never
fail. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments
of people's debts, or tributes, for them, as he eased the people of
Phasaelis, of Batanea, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those
annual pensions they before paid. However, the fear he was in much
disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy,
or seem to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed
more liberal gifts upon these cities than did their owners themselves.
13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most
excellent hunter, where he generally had good success, by the means of
his great skill in riding horses; for in one day he caught forty wild
beasts: 36 that country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it
is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as
could not be withstood: many men, therefore, there are who have stood
amazed at his readiness in his exercises, when they saw him throw the
javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow upon the mark. And then,
besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind
and body, fortune was also very favorable to him; for he seldom failed
of success in his wars; and when he failed, he was not himself the
occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some, or the
rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat.
CHAPTER 22.
The Murder Of Aristobulus And Hyrcanus, The High Priests, As
Also Of Mariamne The Queen.
1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great
successes, by raising him up domestical troubles; and he began to have
wild disorders in his family, on account of his wife, of whom he was so
very fond. For when he came to the government, he sent away her whom
he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at
Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Mariamne, the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus; on whose account disturbances arose
in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return
from Rome. For, first of all, he expelled Antipater the son of Doris,
for the sake of his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and permitted him
to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. After this
he slew his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he was returned out of
Parthin to him, under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting
against him. Now this Hyrcanus had been carried captive to Barzapharnes,
when he overran Syria; but those of his own country beyond Euphrates
were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commiseration
they had for his condition; and had he complied with their desires,
when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not
perished: but the marriage of his granddaughter [to Herod] was his
temptation; for as he relied upon him, and was over-fond of his own
country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this,--not that
Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter
for him to be their king than for Herod.
2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them
were daughters, and three were sons; and the youngest of these sons was
educated at Rome, and there died; but the two eldest he treated as those
of royal blood, on account of the nobility of their mother, and because
they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all
this was the love that he bare to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every
day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives, that
he felt no other troubles, on account of her he loved so entirely. But
Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had
indeed but too just a cause of indignation from what he had done,
while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her; so she openly
reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hyrcanus, and to
her brother Aristobulus; for he had not spared this Aristobulus, though
he were but a child; for when he had given him the high priesthood at
the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that
dignity upon him; but when Aristobulus had put on the holy vestments,
and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude, in great
crowds, fell into tears; whereupon the child was sent by night to
Jericho, and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's command, in a
pool till he was drowned.
3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod, and his sister and
mother, after a most contumelious manner, while he was dumb on account
of his affection for her; yet had the women great indignation at her,
and raised a calumny against her, that she was false to his bed;
which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also
contrived to have many other circumstances believed, in order to make
the thing more credible, and accused her of having sent her picture into
Egypt to Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant, as to have thus
showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after
women, and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her.
This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into
disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to
be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a
shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off,
as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the
dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.
4. When therefore he was about to take a journey abroad, he committed
his wife to Joseph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one who would be
faithful to him, and bare him good-will on account of their kindred; he
also gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony slew him, he should
slay her. But Joseph, without any ill design, and only in order to
demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think
of being separated from her, even by death itself, discovered this grand
secret to her; upon which, when Herod was come back, and as they talked
together, and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths, and assured
her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had
for her--"Yes," says she, "thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love
to me by the injunctions thou gavest Joseph, when thou commandedst him
to kill me." 37
5. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered, he was like a
distracted man, and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that
injunction of his, unless he had debauched her. His passion also made
him stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he ran about the palace after
a wild manner; at which time his sister Salome took the opportunity
also to blast her reputation, and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph;
whereupon, out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, he commanded both
of them to be slain immediately; but as soon as ever his passion was
over, he repented of what he had done, and as soon as his anger was
worn off, his affections were kindled again. And indeed the flame of his
desires for her was so ardent, that he could not think she was dead, but
would appear, under his disorders, to speak to her as if she were
still alive, till he were better instructed by time, when his grief and
trouble, now she was dead, appeared as great as his affection had been
for her while she was living.
CHAPTER 23.
Calumnies Against The Sons Of Mariamne. Antipateris
Preferred Before Them. They Are Accused Before Caesar, And
Herod Is Reconciled To Them.
1. Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to that hatred which had been borne
their mother; and when they considered the greatness of Herod's crime
towards her, they were suspicious of him as of an enemy of theirs; and
this first while they were educated at Rome, but still more when they
were returned to Judea. This temper of theirs increased upon them
as they grew up to be men; and when they were Come to an age fit for
marriage, the one of them married their aunt Salome's daughter, which
Salome had been the accuser of their mother; the other married the
daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now they used boldness
in speaking, as well as bore hatred in their minds. Now those that
calumniated them took a handle from such their boldness, and certain
of them spake now more plainly to the king that there were treacherous
designs laid against him by both his sons; and he that was son-in-law to
Archelaus, relying upon his father-in-law, was preparing to fly away, in
order to accuse Herod before Caesar; and when Herod's head had been long
enough filled with these calumnies, he brought Antipater, whom he had by
Doris, into favor again, as a defense to him against his other sons, and
began all the ways he possibly could to prefer him before them.
2. But these sons were not able to bear this change in their affairs;
but when they saw him that was born of a mother of no family, the
nobility of their birth made them unable to contain their indignation;
but whensoever they were uneasy, they showed the anger they had at
it. And as these sons did day after day improve in that their anger,
Antipater already exercised all his own abilities, which were very
great, in flattering his father, and in contriving many sorts of
calumnies against his brethren, while he told some stories of them
himself, and put it upon other proper persons to raise other stories
against them, till at length he entirely cut his brethren off from all
hopes of succeeding to the kingdom; for he was already publicly put into
his father's will as his successor. Accordingly, he was sent with royal
ornaments, and other marks of royalty, to Caesar, excepting the diadem.
He was also able in time to introduce his mother again into Mariamne's
bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use of against his brethren were
flattery and calumny, whereby he brought matters privately to such a
pass, that the king had thoughts of putting his sons to death.
3. So the father drew Alexander as far as Rome, and charged him with an
attempt of poisoning him before Caesar. Alexander could hardly speak for
lamentation; but having a judge that was more skillful than Antipater,
and more wise than Herod, he modestly avoided laying any imputation upon
his father, but with great strength of reason confuted the calumnies
laid against him; and when he had demonstrated the innocency of his
brother, who was in the like danger with himself, he at last bewailed
the craftiness of Antipater, and the disgrace they were under. He was
enabled also to justify himself, not only by a clear conscience, which
he carried within him, but by his eloquence; for he was a shrewd man
in making speeches. And upon his saying at last, that if his father
objected this crime to them, it was in his power to put them to death,
he made all the audience weep; and he brought Caesar to that pass, as
to reject the accusations, and to reconcile their father to them
immediately. But the conditions of this reconciliation were these,
that they should in all things be obedient to their father, and that he
should have power to leave the kingdom to which of them he pleased.
4. After this the king came back from Rome, and seemed to have forgiven
his sons upon these accusations; but still so that he was not without
his suspicions of them. They were followed by Antipater, who was the
fountain-head of those accusations; yet did not he openly discover his
hatred to them, as revering him that had reconciled them. But as Herod
sailed by Cilicia, he touched at Eleusa, 38 where Archelaus treated them
in the most obliging manner, and gave him thanks for the deliverance of
his son-in-law, and was much pleased at their reconciliation; and this
the more, because he had formerly written to his friends at Rome that
they should be assisting to Alexander at his trial. So he conducted
Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made him presents to the value of thirty
talents.
5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusalem, he gathered the people
together, and presented to them his three sons, and gave them an
apologetic account of his absence, and thanked God greatly, and
thanked Caesar greatly also, for settling his house when it was under
disturbances, and had procured concord among his sons, which was of
greater consequence than the kingdom itself,--"and which I will render
still more firm; for Caesar hath put into my power to dispose of the
government, and to appoint my successor. Accordingly, in way of requital
for his kindness, and in order to provide for mine own advantage, I do
declare that these three sons of mine shall be kings. And, in the first
place, I pray for the approbation of God to what I am about; and, in the
next place, I desire your approbation also. The age of one of them, and
the nobility of the other two, shall procure them the succession. Nay,
indeed, my kingdom is so large that it may be sufficient for more kings.
Now do you keep those in their places whom Caesar hath joined, and their
father hath appointed; and do not you pay undue or unequal respects to
them, but to every one according to the prerogative of their births;
for he that pays such respects unduly, will thereby not make him that is
honored beyond what his age requires so joyful, as he will make him
that is dishonored sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends that are
to converse with them, I will appoint them to each of them, and will so
constitute them, that they may be securities for their concord; as
well knowing that the ill tempers of those with whom they converse will
produce quarrels and contentions among them; but that if these with
whom they converse be of good tempers, they will preserve their natural
affections for one another. But still I desire that not these only, but
all the captains of my army, have for the present their hopes placed on
me alone; for I do not give away my kingdom to these my sons, but give
them royal honors only; whereby it will come to pass that they will
enjoy the sweet parts of government as rulers themselves, but that the
burden of administration will rest upon myself whether I will or not.
And let every one consider what age I am of, how I have conducted my
life, and what piety I have exercised; for my age is not so great that
men may soon expect the end of my life; nor have I indulged such a
luxurious way of living as cuts men off when they are young; and we
have been so religious towards God, that we [have reason to hope we] may
arrive at a very great age. But for such as cultivate a friendship with
my sons, so as to aim at my destruction, they shall be punished by me
on their account. I am not one who envy my own children, and therefore
forbid men to pay them great respect; but I know that such [extravagant]
respects are the way to make them insolent. And if every one that comes
near them does but revolve this in his mind, that if he prove a good
man, he shall receive a reward from me, but that if he prove seditious,
his ill-intended complaisance shall get him nothing from him to whom it
is shown, I suppose they will all be of my side, that is, of my sons'
side; for it will be for their advantage that I reign, and that I be
at concord with them. But do you, O my good children, reflect upon
the holiness of nature itself, by whose means natural affection is
preserved, even among wild beasts; in the next place, reflect upon
Caesar, who hath made this reconciliation among us; and in the third
place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do what I have power to
command you,--continue brethren. I give you royal garments, and royal
honors; and I pray to God to preserve what I have determined, in case
you be at concord one with another." When the king had thus spoken, and
had saluted every one of his sons after an obliging manner, he dismissed
the multitude; some of which gave their assent to what he had said, and
wished it might take effect accordingly; but for those who wished for a
change of affairs, they pretended they did not so much as hear what he
said.
CHAPTER 24.
The Malice Of Antipater And Doris. Alexander Is Very Uneasy
On Glaphyras Account. Herod Pardons Pheroras, Whom He
Suspected, And Salome Whom He Knew To Make Mischief Among
Them. Herod's Eunuchs Are Tortured And Alexander Is Bound.
1. But now the quarrel that was between them still accompanied these
brethren when they parted, and the suspicions they had one of the
other grew worse. Alexander and Aristobulus were much grieved that the
privilege of the first-born was confirmed to Antipater; as was Antipater
very angry at his brethren that they were to succeed him. But then this
last being of a disposition that was mutable and politic, he knew how to
hold his tongue, and used a great deal of cunning, and thereby concealed
the hatred he bore to them; while the former, depending on the nobility
of their births, had every thing upon their tongues which was in their
minds. Many also there were who provoked them further, and many of their
[seeming] friends insinuated themselves into their acquaintance, to
spy out what they did. Now every thing that was said by Alexander was
presently brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it was brought to
Herod with additions. Nor could the young man say any thing in the
simplicity of his heart, without giving offense, but what he said was
still turned to calumny against him. And if he had been at any time a
little free in his conversation, great imputations were forged from
the smallest occasions. Antipater
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