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More Letters of Charles Darwin — Volume 1

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Title: More Letters of Charles Darwin — Volume 1

Author: Charles Darwin

Editor: Sir Francis Darwin
        A. C. Seward


        
Release date: July 1, 2001 [eBook #2739]
                Most recently updated: December 1, 2008

Language: English

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Credits: Produced by Sue Asscher, and David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MORE LETTERS OF CHARLES DARWIN — VOLUME 1 ***




Produced by Sue Asscher





MORE LETTERS OF CHARLES DARWIN

By Charles Darwin


A RECORD OF HIS WORK IN A SERIES OF HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED LETTERS

EDITED BY FRANCIS DARWIN, FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, AND A.C. SEWARD,
FELLOW OF EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE

IN TWO VOLUMES



Transcriber's Notes:

All biographical footnotes appear at the end of Volume II.

All other notes by Charles Darwin's editors appear in the text, in
brackets () with a Chapter/Note or Letter/Note number.




VOLUME I.


DEDICATED WITH AFFECTION AND RESPECT, TO

SIR JOSEPH HOOKER

IN REMEMBRANCE OF HIS LIFELONG FRIENDSHIP WITH CHARLES DARWIN


"You will never know how much I owe to you for your constant kindness
and encouragement"

CHARLES DARWIN TO SIR JOSEPH HOOKER, SEPTEMBER 14, 1862




PREFACE

The "Life and Letters of Charles Darwin" was published in 1887. Since
that date, through the kindness of various correspondents, additional
letters have been received; among them may be mentioned those written by
Mr. Darwin to Mr. Belt, Lady Derby, Hugh Falconer, Mr. Francis Galton,
Huxley, Lyell, Mr. John Morley, Max Muller, Owen, Lord Playfair, John
Scott, Thwaites, Sir William Turner, John Jenner Weir. But the material
for our work consisted in chief part of a mass of letters which, for
want of space or for other reasons, were not printed in the "Life and
Letters." We would draw particular attention to the correspondence with
Sir Joseph Hooker. To him Mr. Darwin wrote with complete freedom, and
this has given something of a personal charm to the most technical
of his letters. There is also much correspondence, hardly inferior in
biographical interest, with Sir Charles Lyell, Fritz Muller, Mr. Huxley,
and Mr. Wallace. From this unused material we have been able to compile
an almost complete record of Mr. Darwin's work in a series of letters
now published for the first time. We have, however, in a few instances,
repeated paragraphs, or in one or two cases whole letters, from the
"Life and Letters," where such repetition seemed necessary for the sake
of clearness or continuity.

Our two volumes contain practically all the matter that it now
seems desirable to publish. But at some future time others may find
interesting data in what remains unprinted; this is certainly true of a
short series of letters dealing with the Cirripedes, which are omitted
solely for want of space. (Preface/1. Those addressed to the late Albany
Hancock have already appeared in the "Transactions of the Tyneside Nat.
Field Club," VIII., page 250.)

We are fortunate in being permitted, by Sir Joseph Hooker and by Mr.
Wallace, to publish certain letters from them to Mr. Darwin. We have
also been able to give a few letters from Sir Charles Lyell, Hugh
Falconer, Edward Forbes, Dr. Asa Gray, Professor Hyatt, Fritz Muller,
Mr. Francis Galton, and Sir T. Lauder Brunton. To the two last named,
also to Mrs. Lyell (the biographer of Sir Charles), Mrs. Asa Gray and
Mrs. Hyatt, we desire to express our grateful acknowledgments.

The present volumes have been prepared, so as to give as full an idea
as possible of the course of Mr. Darwin's work. The volumes therefore
necessarily contain many letters of a highly technical character, but
none, we hope, which are not essentially interesting. With a view to
saving space, we have confined ourselves to elucidating the letters
by full annotations, and have for the same reason--though with some
regret--omitted in most cases the beginnings and endings of the letters.
For the main facts of Mr. Darwin's life, we refer our readers to the
abstract of his private Diary, given in the present volume.

Mr. Darwin generally wrote his letters when he was tired or hurried, and
this often led to the omission of words. We have usually inserted
the articles, and this without any indication of their absence in the
originals. Where there seemed any possibility of producing an alteration
of meaning (and in many cases where there is no such possibility) we
have placed the introduced words in square brackets. We may say once for
all that throughout the book square brackets indicate words not found
in the originals. (Preface/2. Except in a few places where brackets are
used to indicate passages previously published. In all such cases the
meaning of the symbol is explained.) Dots indicate omissions, but many
omissions are made without being so indicated.

The selection and arrangement of the letters have not been easy. Our
plan has been to classify the letters according to subject--into such
as deal with Evolution, Geographical Distribution, Botany, etc., and in
each group to place the letters chronologically. But in several of the
chapters we have adopted sectional headings, which we believe will be a
help to the reader. The great difficulty lay in deciding in which of the
chief groups a given letter should be placed. If the MS. had been cut up
into paragraphs, there would have been no such difficulty; but we feel
strongly that a letter should as far as possible be treated as a whole.
We have in fact allowed this principle to interfere with an accurate
classification, so that the reader will find, for instance, in the
chapters on Evolution, questions considered which might equally well
have come under Geographical Distribution or Geology, or questions
in the chapter on Man which might have been placed under the heading
Evolution. In the same way, to avoid mutilation, we have allowed
references to one branch of science to remain in letters mainly
concerned with another subject. For these irregularities we must ask
the reader's patience, and beg him to believe that some pains have been
devoted to arrangement.

Mr. Darwin, who was careful in other things, generally omitted the date
in familiar correspondence, and it is often only by treating a letter
as a detective studies a crime that we can make sure of its date.
Fortunately, however, Sir Joseph Hooker and others of Darwin's
correspondents were accustomed to add the date on which the letters were
received. This sometimes leads to an inaccuracy which needs a word of
explanation. Thus a letter which Mr. Darwin dated "Wednesday" might be
headed by us "Wednesday [January 3rd, 1867]," the latter half being
the date on which the letter was received; if it had been dated by the
writer it would have been "Wednesday, January 2nd, 1867."

In thanking those friends--especially Sir Joseph Hooker and Mr.
Wallace--who have looked through some of our proof-sheets, we wish to
make it clear that they are not in the smallest degree responsible for
our errors or omissions; the weight of our shortcomings rests on us
alone.

We desire to express our gratitude to those who have so readily supplied
us with information, especially to Sir Joseph Hooker, Professor Judd,
Professor Newton, Dr. Sharp, Mr. Herbert Spencer, and Mr. Wallace. And
we have pleasure in mentioning Mr. H.W. Rutherford, of the University
Library, to whose conscientious work as a copyist we are much indebted.

Finally, it is a pleasure to express our obligation to those who have
helped us in the matter of illustrations. The portraits of Dr. Asa Gray,
Mr. Huxley, Sir Charles Lyell, Mr. Romanes, are from their respective
Biographies, and for permission to make use of them we have to thank
Mrs. Gray, Mr. L. Huxley, Mrs. Lyell, and Mrs. Romanes, as well as the
publishers of the books in question. For the reproduction of the
early portrait of Mr. Darwin we are indebted to Miss Wedgwood; for the
interesting portraits of Hugh Falconer and Edward Forbes we have to
thank Mr. Irvine Smith, who obtained for us the negatives; these being
of paper, and nearly sixty years old, rendered their reproduction a work
of some difficulty. We also thank Messrs. Elliott & Fry for very kindly
placing at our disposal a negative of the fine portrait, which forms the
frontispiece to Volume II. For the opportunity of making facsimiles of
diagrams in certain of the letters, we are once more indebted to Sir
Joseph Hooker, who has most generously given the original letters to Mr.
Darwin's family.

Cambridge, October, 1902.



TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME I.

Outline of Charles Darwin's Life, etc.

CHAPTER 1.I.--An Autobiographical Fragment, and Early Letters,
1809-1842.

CHAPTER 1.II.--Evolution, 1844-1858.

CHAPTER 1.III.--Evolution, 1859-1863.

CHAPTER 1.IV.--Evolution, 1864-1869.

CHAPTER 1.V.--Evolution, 1870-1882.

CHAPTER 1.VI.--Geographical Distribution, 1843-1867.


ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME I.

CHARLES AND CATHERINE DARWIN, 1816. From a coloured chalk drawing by
Sharples, in possession of Miss Wedgwood, of Leith Hill Place.

MRS. DARWIN, 1881. From a photograph by Barraud.

EDWARD FORBES, 1844 (?). From a photograph by Hill & Adamson.

THOMAS HENRY HUXLEY, 1857. From a photograph by Maull & Fox. (Huxley's
"Life," Volume I.)

PROFESSOR HENSLOW. From a photograph.

HUGH FALCONER, 1844. From a photograph by Hill & Adamson.

JOSEPH DALTON HOOKER, 1870 (?). From a photograph by Wallich.

ASA GRAY, 1867. From a photograph. ("Letters of Asa Gray," Volume I.)


VOLUME II


CHAPTER 2.VII.--Geographical Distribution, 1867-1882.

CHAPTER 2.VIII.--Man, 1860-1882. 2.VIII.I. Descent of Man, 1860-1882.
2.VIII.II. Sexual Selection, 1866-1872. 2.VIII.III. Expression,
1868-1874.

CHAPTER 2.IX.--Geology, 1840-1882. 2.IX.I. Vulcanicity and
Earth-movements, 1840-1881. 2.IX.II. Ice-action, 1841-1882. 2.IX.III.
The Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, 1841-1880. 2.IX.IV. Coral Reefs, Fossil
and Recent, 1841-1881. 2.IX.V. Cleavage and Foliation, 1846-1856.
2.IX.VI. Age of the World, 1868-1877. 2.IX.VII. Geological Action of
Earth-worms, 1880-1882. 2.IX.VIII. Miscellaneous, 1846-1878.

CHAPTER 2.X.--Botany, 1843-1871. 2.X.I. Miscellaneous, 1843-1862.
2.X.II. Melastomaceae, 1862-1881. 2.X.III. Correspondence with John
Scott, 1862-1871.

CHAPTER 2.XI.--Botany, 1863-1881. 2.XI.I. Miscellaneous, 1863-1866.
2.XI.II. Correspondence with Fritz Muller, 1865-1881. 2.XI.III.
Miscellaneous, 1868-1881.

CHAPTER 2.XII.--Vivisection and Miscellaneous Subjects, 1867-1882.
2.XII.I. Vivisection, 1875-1882. 2.XII.II. Miscellaneous Subjects,
1867-1882.


ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME II.

CHARLES DARWIN, 1881. From a photograph by Elliott & Fry.

ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE, 1878. From a photograph by Maull & Fox.

GEORGE J. ROMANES, 1891. From a photograph by Elliott & Fry. (Romanes'
"Life.")

CHARLES LYELL. From a photograph by Maull & Fox. (Lyell's "Life," Volume
II.)

CHARLES DARWIN, 1854 (?). From a photograph by Maull & Fox.

FRITZ MULLER. From a photograph.


FACSIMILES OF SKETCHES IN THE LETTERS.

FIGURE 1. Hypothetical Section Illustrating Continental Elevation.

FIGURE 2. Diagram of Junction between Dike and Lava.

FIGURE 3. Outline of an Elliptic Crater.

FIGURE 4. Hypothetical Section showing the Relation of Dikes to Volcanic
Vents.

FIGURE 5. Map illustrating the Linear Arrangement of Volcanic Islands in
relation to Continental Coast-lines.

FIGURE 6. Sketch showing the Form and Distribution of Quartz in a
Foliated Rock.

FIGURE 7. Sketch showing the Arrangement of Felspar and Quartz in a
Metamorphic Series.

FIGURE 8. Floral Diagram of an Orchid.

FIGURE 9. Dissected Flower of Habenaria Chlorantha.

FIGURE 10. Diagram of a Cruciferous Flower.

FIGURE 11. Longitudinal Section of a Cruciferous Flower.

FIGURE 12. Transverse Section of the Ovary of a Crucifer.

FIGURE 13. (Contents/1. Not a facsimile.) Leaf of Trifolium resupinatum.
(Drawn by Miss Pertz.)




MORE LETTERS OF CHARLES DARWIN.




VOLUME I.




OUTLINE OF CHARLES DARWIN'S LIFE.

BASED ON HIS DIARY, DATED AUGUST 1838.

References to the Journals in which Mr. Darwin's papers were published
will be found in his "Life and Letters" III., Appendix II. We are
greatly indebted to Mr. C.F. Cox, of New York, for calling our attention
to mistakes in the Appendix, and we take this opportunity of correcting
them.

Appendix II., List ii.--Mr. Romanes spoke on Mr. Darwin's essay on
Instinct at a meeting of the Linnean Society, December 6th, 1883, and
some account of it is given in "Nature" of the same date. But it was not
published by the Linnean Society.

Appendix II., List iii.--"Origin of saliferous deposits. Salt lakes of
Patagonia and La Plata" (1838). This is the heading of an extract from
Darwin's volume on South America reprinted in the "Quarterly Journal
of the Geological Society," Volume II., Part ii., "Miscellanea," pages
127-8, 1846.

The paper on "Analogy of the Structure of some Volcanic Rocks, etc." was
published in 1845, not in 1851.

A paper "On the Fertilisation of British Orchids by Insect Agency,"
in the "Entomologist's Weekly Intelligencer" viii., and "Gardeners'
Chronicle," June 9th, 1860, should be inserted in the bibliography.

1809. February 12th: Born at Shrewsbury.

1817. Death of his mother.

1818. Went to Shrewsbury School.

1825. Left Shrewsbury School.

1826.

October: Went to Edinburgh University. Read two papers before the
Plinian Society of Edinburgh "at the close of 1826 or early in 1827."

1827. Entered at Christ's College, Cambridge.

1828. Began residence at Cambridge.

1831.

January: Passed his examination for B.A., and kept the two following
terms.

August: Geological tour with Sedgwick.

September 11th: Went to Plymouth to see the "Beagle."

October 2nd: "Took leave of my home."

December 27th: "Sailed from England on our circumnavigation."

1832.

January 16th: "First landed on a tropical shore" (Santiago).

1833.

December 6th: "Sailed for last time from Rio Plata."

1834.

June 10th: "Sailed for last time from Tierra del Fuego."

1835.

September 5th: "Sailed from west shores of South America."

November 16th: Letters to Professor Henslow, read at a meeting of the
Cambridge Philosophical Society.

November 18th: Paper read before the Geological Society on Notes made
during a Survey of the East and West Coasts of South America in years
1832-35.

1836.

May 31st: Anchored at the Cape of Good Hope.

October 2nd: Anchored at Falmouth.

October 4th: Reached Shrewsbury after an absence of five years and two
days.

December 13th: Went to live at Cambridge.

1837.

January 4th: Paper on Recent Elevation in Chili read.

March 13th: Settled at 36, Great Marlborough Street.

March 14th: Paper on "Rhea" read.

May: Read papers on Coral Formation, and on the Pampas, to the
Geological Society.

July: Opened first note-book on Transmutation of Species.

March 13th to November: Occupied with his Journal.

October and November: Preparing the scheme for the Zoology of the Voyage
of the "Beagle." Working at Geology of South America.

November 1st: Read the paper on Earthworms before the Geological
Society.

1838.

Worked at the Geology of South America and Zoology of Voyage. "Some
little species theory."

March 7th: Read paper on the Connexion of certain Volcanic Phenomena and
on the Formation of Mountain Chains, to the Geological Society.

May: Health began to break down.

June 23rd: Started for Glen Roy. The paper on Glen Roy was written in
August and September.

October 5th: Began Coral paper.

November 11th: Engaged to be married to his cousin, Emma Wedgwood.

December 31st: "Entered 12 Upper Gower Street."

1839.

January 29th: Married at Maer.

February and March: Some work on Corals and on Species Theory.

March (part) and April: Working at Coral paper. Papers on a Rock seen
on an Iceberg, and on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy. Published "Journal
and Remarks," being volume iii. of the "Narrative of the Surveying
Voyages of H.M.S. 'Adventure' and 'Beagle,' etc." For the rest of the
year, Corals and Zoology of the Voyage. Publication of the "Zoology of
the Voyage of H.M.S. 'Beagle,'" Part II. (Mammalia).

1840.

Worked at Corals and the Zoology of the Voyage. Contributed Geological
introduction to Part I. of the "Zoology of the Voyage" (Fossil Mammalia
by Owen).

1841.

Publication of Part III. of the "Zoology of the Voyage" (Birds). Read
paper on Boulders and Glacial Deposits of South America, to Geological
Society. Published paper on a remarkable bar of Sandstone off
Pernambuco, on the coast of Brazil. Publication of Part IV. of "Zoology
of the Voyage" (Fish).

1842.

May 6th: Last proof of the Coral book corrected.

June: Examined Glacier action in Wales. "Wrote pencil sketch of my
Species Theory."

July: Wrote paper on Glaciers of Caernarvonshire.

October: Began his book on Volcanic Islands.

1843.

Working at "Volcanic Islands" and "some Species work."

1844.

February 13th: Finished "Volcanic Islands."

July to September: Wrote an enlarged version of Species Theory. Papers
on Sagitta, and on Planaria.

July 27th: Began his book on the Geology of South America.

1845.

Paper on the Analogy of the Structure of Volcanic Rocks with that of
Glaciers. "Proc. R. Soc. Edin."

April 25th to August 25th: Working at second edition of "Naturalist's
Voyage."

1846.

October 1st: Finished last proof of "Geological Observations on South
America." Papers on Atlantic Dust, and on Geology of Falkland Islands,
communicated to the Geological Society. Paper on Arthrobalanus.

1847.

Working at Cirripedes. Review of Waterhouse's "Natural History of the
Mammalia."

1848.

March 20th: Finished Scientific Instructions in Geology for the
Admiralty Manual. Working at Cirripedes. Paper on Erratic Boulders.

1849.

Health especially bad. Working at Cirripedes.

March-June: Water-cure at Malvern.

1850.

Working at Cirripedes. Published Monographs of Recent and Fossil
Lepadidae.

1852.

Working at Cirripedes.

1853.

November 30th: "Royal Medal given to me."

1854.

Published Monographs on Recent and on Fossil Balanidae and Verrucidae.

September 9th: Finished packing up all my Cirripedes. "Began sorting
notes for Species Theory."

1855.

March-April: Experiments on the effect of salt water on seeds. Papers on
Icebergs and on Vitality of Seeds.

1856.

May 14th: "Began, by Lyell's advice, writing Species Sketch" (described
in "Life and Letters" as the "Unfinished Book").

December 16th: Finished Chapter III. Paper read to Linnean Society, On
Sea-water and the Germination of Seeds.

1857.

September 29th: Finished Chapters VII. and VIII.

September 30th to December 29th: Working on Hybridism. Paper on the
Agency of Bees in the Fertilisation of Papilionaceous Flowers.

1858.

March 9th: "Finished Instinct chapter."

June 18th: Received Mr. Wallace's sketch of his evolutionary theory.

July 1st: Joint paper of Darwin and Wallace read at the Linnean Society.

July 20th to July 27th: "Began Abstract of Species book," i.e., the
"Origin of Species," at Sandown, I.W. Paper on Bees and Fertilisation of
Flowers.

1859.

May 25th: Began proof-sheets of the "Origin of Species."

November 24th: Publication of the "Origin": 1250 copies printed.

October 2nd to December 9th: At the water-cure establishment, Ilkley,
Yorkshire.

1860.

January 7th: Publication of Edition II. of "Origin" (3000 copies).

January 9th: "Looking over MS. on Variation." Paper on the Fertilisation
of British Orchids.

July and again in September: Made observations on Drosera. Paper on
Moths and Flowers. Publication of "A Naturalist's Voyage."

1861.

Up to July at work on "Variation under Domestication."

April 30th: Publication of Edition III. of "Origin" (2000 copies).

July to the end of year: At work on Orchids.

November: Primula paper read at Linnean Society. Papers on Pumilio and
on Fertilisation of Vinca.

1862.

May 15th: Orchid book published. Working at Variation. Paper on
Catasetum (Linnean Society). Contribution to Chapter III. of Jenyns'
Memoir of Henslow.

1863.

Working at "Variation under Domestication." Papers on Yellow Rain,
the Pampas, and on Cirripedes. A review of Bates' paper on Mimetic
Butterflies. Severe illness to the end of year.

1864.

Illness continued until April. Paper on Linum published by the Linnean
Society.

May 25th: Paper on Lythrum finished.

September 13th: Paper on Climbing Plants finished. Work on "Variation
under Domestication."

November 30th: Copley medal awarded to him.

1865.

January 1st: Continued at work on Variation until April 22nd. The work
was interrupted by illness until late in the autumn.

February: Read paper on Climbing Plants.

December 25th: Began again on Variation.

1866.

Continued work at "Variation under Domestication."

March 1st to May 10th: At work on Edition IV. of the "Origin." Published
June (1250 copies). Read paper on Cytisus scoparius to the Linnean
Society.

December 22nd: Began the last chapter of "Variation under
Domestication."

1867.

November 15th: Finished revises of "Variation under Domestication."

December: Began papers on Illegitimate Unions of Dimorphic and
Trimorphic Plants, and on Primula.

1868.

January 30th: Publication of "Variation under Domestication."

February 4th: Began work on Man.

February 10th: New edition of "Variation under Domestication." Read
papers on Illegitimate Unions of Dimorphic and Trimorphic Plants, and on
Verbascum.

1869.

February 10th: "Finished fifth edition of 'Origin'; has taken me
forty-six days."

Edition V. published in May.

Working at the "Descent of Man." Papers on the Fertilisation of Orchids,
and on the Fertilisation of Winter-flowering Plants.

1870.

Working at the "Descent of Man." Paper on the Pampas Woodpecker.

1871.

January 17th: Began the "Expression of the Emotions."

February 24th: "Descent of Man" published (2500 copies).

April 27th: Finished the rough copy of "Expression."

June 18th: Began Edition VI. of "Origin." Paper on the Fertilisation of
Leschenaultia.

1872.

January 10th: Finished proofs of Edition VI. of the "Origin," and "again
rewriting 'Expression.'"

August 22nd: Finished last proofs of "Expression."

August 23rd: Began working at Drosera.

November: "Expression" published (7000 copies, and 2000 more printed at
the end of the year.)

November 8th: "At Murray's sale 5267 copies sold to London booksellers."

1873.

January: Correcting the Climbing Plants paper for publication as a book.

February 3rd: At work on "Cross-fertilisation."

February to September: Contributions to "Nature."

June 14th: "Began Drosera again."

November 20th: Began "Descent of Man," Edition II.

1874.

"Descent of Man," Edition II, in one volume, published (Preface dated
September). "Coral Reefs," Edition II., published.

April 1st: Began "Insectivorous Plants."

February to May: Contributed notes to "Nature."

1875.

July 2nd: "Insectivorous Plants" published (3000 copies); 2700 copies
sold immediately.

July 6th: "Correcting 2nd edition of 'Variation under Domestication.'"
It was published in the autumn.

September 1st (approximately): Began on "Cross and Self-Fertilisation."

November: Vivisection Commission.

1876.

May 5th: "Finished MS., first time over, of 'Cross and
Self-Fertilisation.'"

May to June: Correction of "Fertilisation of Orchids," Edition II. Wrote
his Autobiographical Sketch.

May and November: Contributions to "Nature."

August 19th: First proofs of "Cross and Self-Fertilisation."

November 10th: "Cross and Self-Fertilisation" published (1500 copies).

1877.

"All the early part of summer at work on 'Different Forms of Flowers.'"

July: Publication of "Different Forms of Flowers" (1250 copies). During
the rest of the year at work on the bloom on leaves, movements of
plants, "and a little on worms."

November: LL.D. at Cambridge. Second edition of "Fertilisation of
Orchids" published. Contributions to "Nature," "Gardeners' Chronicle,"
and "Mind."

1878.

The whole year at work on movements of plants, and on the bloom on
leaves.

May: Contribution to "Nature." Second edition of "Different Forms of
Flowers." Wrote prefatory letter to Kerner's "Flowers and their Unbidden
Guests."

1879.

The whole year at work on movements of plants, except for "about six
weeks" in the spring and early summer given to the "Life of Erasmus
Darwin," which was published in the autumn. Contributions to "Nature."

1880. "All spring finishing MS. of 'Power of Movement in Plants' and
proof sheets." "Began in autumn on Worms." Prefatory notice written for
Meldola's translation of Weismann's book.

November 6th: 1500 copies of "Power of Movement" sold at Murray's sale.
Contributions to "Nature."

1881.

During all the early part of the year at work on the "Worm book."
Several contributions to "Nature."

October 10th: The book on "Earthworms" published: 2000 copies sold at
once.

November: At work on the action of carbonate of ammonia on plants.

1882.

No entries in the Diary.

February: At work correcting the sixth thousand of the "Earthworms."

March 6th and March 16th: Papers on the action of Carbonate of Ammonia
on roots, etc., read at the Linnean Society.

April 6th: Note to "Nature" on Dispersal of Bivalves.

April 18th: Van Dyck's paper on Syrian Dogs, with a preliminary notice
by Charles Darwin, read before the Zoological Society.

April 19th: Charles Darwin died at Down.

...




CHARLES DARWIN



CHAPTER 1.I.--AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENT, AND EARLY LETTERS.

1809-1842.

(Chapter I./1. In the process of removing the remainder of Mr. Darwin's
books and papers from Down, the following autobiographical notes,
written in 1838, came to light. They seem to us worth publishing--both
as giving some new facts, and also as illustrating the interest which
he clearly felt in his own development. Many words are omitted in the
manuscript, and some names incorrectly spelled; the corrections which
have been made are not always indicated.)

My earliest recollection, the date of which I can approximately tell,
and which must have been before I was four years old, was when sitting
on Caroline's (Caroline Darwin) knee in the drawing room, whilst she was
cutting an orange for me, a cow ran by the window which made me jump, so
that I received a bad cut, of which I bear the scar to this day. Of this
scene I recollect the place where I sat and the cause of the fright,
but not the cut itself, and I think my memory is real, and not as
often happens in similar cases, [derived] from hearing the thing often
repeated, [when] one obtains so vivid an image, that it cannot be
separated from memory: because I clearly remember which way the cow ran,
which would not probably have been told me. My memory here is an obscure
picture, in which from not recollecting any pain I am scarcely conscious
of its reference to myself.

1813.

When I was four years and a half old I went to the sea, and stayed
there some weeks. I remember many things, but with the exception of the
maidservants (and these are not individualised) I recollect none of
my family who were there. I remember either myself or Catherine being
naughty, and being shut up in a room and trying to break the windows. I
have an obscure picture of a house before my eyes, and of a neighbouring
small shop, where the owner gave me one fig, but which to my great joy
turned out to be two: this fig was given me that the man might kiss the
maidservant. I remember a common walk to a kind of well, on the road
to which was a cottage shaded with damascene (Chapter I./2. Damson
is derived from Damascene; the fruit was formerly known as a "Damask
Prune.") trees, inhabited by an old man, called a hermit, with white
hair, who used to give us damascenes. I know not whether the damascenes,
or the reverence and indistinct fear for this old man produced the
greatest effect on my memory. I remember when going there crossing in
the carriage a broad ford, and fear and astonishment of white foaming
water has made a vivid impression. I think memory of events commences
abruptly; that is, I remember these earliest things quite as clearly as
others very much later in life, which were equally impressed on me. Some
very early recollections are connected with fear at Parkfield and with
poor Betty Harvey. I remember with horror her story of people being
pushed into the canal by the towing rope, by going the wrong side of the
horse. I had the greatest horror of this story--keen instinct against
death. Some other recollections are those of vanity--namely, thinking
that people were admiring me, in one instance for perseverance and
another for boldness in climbing a low tree, and what is odder, a
consciousness, as if instinctive, that I was vain, and contempt of
myself. My supposed admirer was old Peter Haile the bricklayer, and
the tree the mountain ash on the lawn. All my recollections seem to be
connected most closely with myself; now Catherine (Catherine Darwin)
seems to recollect scenes where others were the chief actors. When my
mother died I was 8 1/2 years old, and [Catherine] one year less, yet
she remembers all particulars and events of each day whilst I scarcely
recollect anything (and so with very many other cases) except being sent
for, the memory of going into her room, my father meeting me--crying
afterwards. I recollect my mother's gown and scarcely anything of
her appearance, except one or two walks with her. I have no distinct
remembrance of any conversation, and those only of a very trivial
nature. I remember her saying "if she did ask me to do something," which
I said she had, "it was solely for my good."

Catherine remembers my mother crying, when she heard of my grandmother's
death. Also when at Parkfield how Aunt Sarah and Aunt Kitty used to
receive her. Susan, like me, only remembers affairs personal. It is
sufficiently odd this [difference] in subjects remembered. Catherine
says she does not remember the impression made upon her by external
things, as scenery, but for things which she reads she has an excellent
memory, i.e., for ideas. Now her sympathy being ideal, it is part of her
character, and shows how easily her kind of memory was stamped, a vivid
thought is repeated, a vivid impression forgotten.

I remember obscurely the illumination after the battle of Waterloo,
and the Militia exercising about that period, in the field opposite our
house.

1817.

At 8 1/2 years old I went to Mr. Case's School. (Chapter I/3. A
day-school at Shrewsbury kept by Rev. G. Case, minister of the Unitarian
Chapel ("Life and Letters," Volume I., page 27 et seq.)) I remember how
very much I was afraid of meeting the dogs in Barker Street, and how
at school I could not get up my courage to fight. I was very timid by
nature. I remember I took great delight at school in fishing for
newts in the quarry pool. I had thus young formed a strong taste
for collecting, chiefly seals, franks, etc., but also pebbles and
minerals--one which was given me by some boy decided this taste. I
believe shortly after this, or before, I had smattered in botany, and
certainly when at Mr. Case's School I was very fond of gardening, and
invented some great falsehoods about being able to colour crocuses as I
liked. (Chapter I./4. The story is given in the "Life and Letters," I.,
page 28, the details being slightly different.) At this time I felt very
strong friendship for some boys. It was soon after I began collecting
stones, i.e., when 9 or 10, that I distinctly recollect the desire I had
of being able to know something about every pebble in front of the hall
door--it was my earliest and only geological aspiration at that time.
I was in those days a very great story-teller--for the pure pleasure of
exciting attention and surprise. I stole fruit and hid it for these same
motives, and injured trees by barking them for similar ends. I scarcely
ever went out walking without saying I had seen a pheasant or some
strange bird (natural history taste); these lies, when not detected,
I presume, excited my attention, as I recollect them vividly, not
connected with shame, though some I do, but as something which by having
produced a great effect on my mind, gave pleasure like a tragedy. I
recollect when I was at Mr. Case's inventing a whole fabric to show how
fond I was of speaking the TRUTH! My invention is still so vivid in my
mind, that I could almost fancy it was true, did not memory of former
shame tell me it was false. I have no particularly happy or unhappy
recollections of this time or earlier periods of my life. I remember
well a walk I took with a boy named Ford across some fields to a
farmhouse on the Church Stretton road. I do not remember any mental
pursuits excepting those of collecting stones, etc., gardening, and
about this time often going with my father in his carriage, telling him
of my lessons, and seeing game and other wild birds, which was a great
delight to me. I was born a naturalist.

When I was 9 1/2 years old (July 1818) I went with Erasmus to see
Liverpool: it has left no impressions on my mind, except most trifling
ones--fear of the coach upsetting, a good dinner, and an extremely vague
memory of ships.

In Midsummer of this year I went to Dr. Butler's School. (Chapter I./5.
Darwin entered Dr. Butler's school in Shrewsbury in the summer of 1818,
and remained there till 1825 ("Life and Letters," I., page 30).) I well
recollect the first going there, which oddly enough I cannot of going to
Mr. Case's, the first school of all. I remember the year 1818 well,
not from having first gone to a public school, but from writing those
figures in my school book, accompanied with obscure thoughts, now
fulfilled, whether I should recollect in future life that year.

In September (1818) I was ill with the scarlet fever. I well remember
the wretched feeling of being delirious.

1819, July (10 1/2 years old).

Went to the sea at Plas Edwards and stayed there three weeks, which now
appears to me like three months. (Chapter I./6. Plas Edwards, at Towyn,
on the Welsh coast.) I remember a certain shady green road (where I
saw a snake) and a waterfall, with a degree of pleasure, which must be
connected with the pleasure from scenery, though not directly recognised
as such. The sandy plain before the house has left a strong impression,
which is obscurely connected with an indistinct remembrance of
curious insects, probably a Cimex mottled with red, and Zygaena, the
burnet-moth. I was at that time very passionate (when I swore like a
trooper) and quarrelsome. The former passion has I think nearly wholly
but slowly died away. When journeying there by stage coach I remember a
recruiting officer (I think I should know his face to this day) at
tea time, asking the maid-servant for toasted bread and butter. I was
convulsed with laughter and thought it the quaintest and wittiest speech
that ever passed from the mouth of man. Such is wit at 10 1/2 years old.
The memory now flashes across me of the pleasure I had in the evening on
a blowy day walking along the beach by myself and seeing the gulls and
cormorants wending their way home in a wild and irregular course. Such
poetic pleasures, felt so keenly in after years, I should not have
expected so early in life.

1820, July.

Went a riding tour (on old Dobbin) with Erasmus to Pistyll Rhiadr
(Chapter I./7. Pistyll Rhiadr proceeds from Llyn Pen Rhiadr down the
Llyfnant to the Dovey.); of this I recollect little, an indistinct
picture of the fall, but I well remember my astonishment on hearing that
fishes could jump up it.

(Chapter I./8. The autobiographical fragment here comes to an end. The
next letters give some account of Darwin as an Edinburgh student. He
has described ("Life and Letters," I., pages 35-45) his failure to be
interested in the official teaching of the University, his horror at
the operating theatre, and his gradually increasing dislike of medical
study, which finally determined his leaving Edinburgh, and entering
Cambridge with a view to taking Orders.)


LETTER 1. TO R.W. DARWIN. Sunday Morning [Edinburgh, October, 1825].

My dear Father

As I suppose Erasmus (Erasmus Darwin) has given all the particulars of
the journey, I will say no more about it, except that altogether it has
cost me 7 pounds. We got into our lodgings yesterday evening, which
are very comfortable and near the College. Our Landlady, by name Mrs.
Mackay, is a nice clean old body--exceedingly civil and attentive. She
lives in "11, Lothian Street, Edinburgh" (1/1. In a letter printed in
the "Edinburgh Evening Despatch" of May 22nd, 1888, the writer suggested
that a tablet should be placed on the house, 11, Lothian Street. This
suggestion was carried out in 1888 by Mr. Ralph Richardson (Clerk of
the Commissary Court, Edinburgh), who obtained permission from the
proprietors to affix a tablet to the house, setting forth that Charles
Darwin resided there as an Edinburgh University student. We are indebted
to Mr. W.K. Dickson for obtaining for us this information, and to Mr.
Ralph Richardson for kindly supplying us with particulars. See Mr.
Richardson's Inaugural Address, "Trans. Edinb. Geol. Soc." 1894-95; also
"Memorable Edinburgh Houses," by Wilmot Harrison, 1898.), and only four
flights of steps from the ground-floor, which is very moderate to some
other lodgings that we were nearly taking. The terms are 1 pound 6
shillings for two very nice and LIGHT bedrooms and a sitting-room; by
the way, light bedrooms are very scarce articles in Edinburgh, since
most of them are little holes in which there is neither air nor light.
We called on Dr. Hanley the first morning, whom I think we never should
have found, had it not been for a good-natured Dr. of Divinity who took
us into his library and showed us a map, and gave us directions how to
find him. Indeed, all the Scotchmen are so civil and attentive, that it
is enough to make an Englishman ashamed of himself. I should think Dr.
Butler or any other fat English Divine would take two utter strangers
into his library and show them the way! When at last we found the
Doctor, and having made all the proper speeches on both sides, we
all three set out and walked all about the town, which we admire
excessively; indeed Bridge Street is the most extraordinary thing I ever
saw, and when we first looked over the sides, we could hardly believe
our eyes, when instead of a fine river, we saw a stream of people. We
spend all our mornings in promenading about the town, which we know
pretty well, and in the evenings we go to the play to hear Miss Stephens
(Probably Catherine Stephens), which is quite delightful; she is very
popular here, being encored to such a degree, that she can hardly get
on with the play. On Monday we are going to Der F (I do not know how
to spell the rest of the word). (1/2. "Der F" is doubtless "Der
Freischutz," which appeared in 1820, and of which a selection was
given in London, under Weber's direction, in 1825. The last of Weber's
compositions, "From Chindara's warbling fount," was written for Miss
Stephens, who sang it to his accompaniment "the last time his fingers
touched the key-board." (See "Dict. of Music," "Stephens" and "Weber."))
Before we got into our lodgings, we were staying at the Star Hotel in
Princes St., where to my surprise I met with an old schoolfellow, whom I
like very much; he is just come back from a walking tour in Switzerland
and is now going to study for his [degree?] The introductory lectures
begin next Wednesday, and we were matriculated for them on Saturday; we
pay 10s., and write our names in a book, and the ceremony is finished;
but the Library is not free to us till we get a ticket from a Professor.
We just have been to Church and heard a sermon of only 20 minutes. I
expected, from Sir Walter Scott's account, a soul-cutting discourse of 2
hours and a half.

I remain your affectionate son, C. DARWIN.


LETTER 2. TO CAROLINE DARWIN. January 6th, 1826. Edinburgh.

Many thanks for your very entertaining letter, which was a great relief
after hearing a long stupid lecture from Duncan on Materia Medica, but
as you know nothing either of the Lectures or Lecturers, I will give you
a short account of them. Dr. Duncan is so very learned that his wisdom
has left no room for his sense, and he lectures, as I have already
said, on the Materia Medica, which cannot be translated into any word
expressive enough of its stupidity. These few last mornings, however, he
has shown signs of improvement, and I hope he will "go on as well as
can be expected." His lectures begin at eight in the morning. Dr. Hope
begins at ten o'clock, and I like both him and his lectures VERY much
(after which Erasmus goes to "Mr. Sizars on Anatomy," who is a charming
Lecturer). At 12 the Hospital, after which I attend Monro on Anatomy. I
dislike him and his lectures so much, that I cannot speak with decency
about them. Thrice a week we have what is called Clinical lectures,
which means lectures on the sick people in the Hospital--these I like
very much. I said this account should be short, but I am afraid it has
been too long, like the lectures themselves.

I will be a good boy and tell something about Johnson again (not but
what I am very much surprised that Papa should so forget himself as call
me, a Collegian in the University of Edinburgh, a boy). He has changed
his lodgings for the third time; he has got very cheap ones, but I am
afraid it will not answer, for they must make up by cheating. I hope
you like Erasmus' official news, he means to begin every letter so. You
mentioned in your letter that Emma was staying with you: if she is
not gone, ask her to tell Jos that I have not succeeded in getting any
titanium, but that I will try again...I want to know how old I shall be
next birthday--I believe 17, and if so, I shall be forced to go abroad
for one year, since it is necessary that I shall have completed my 21st
year before I take my degree. Now you have no business to be frowning
and puzzling over this letter, for I did not promise to write a good
hand to you.


LETTER 3. TO J.S. HENSLOW.

(3/1. Extracts from Darwin's letters to Henslow were read before the
Cambridge Philosophical Society on November 16th, 1835. Some of the
letters were subsequently printed, in an 8vo pamphlet of 31 pages, dated
December 1st, 1835, for private distribution among the members of the
Society. A German translation by W. Preyer appeared in the "Deutsche
Rundschau," June 1891.)

[15th August, 1832. Monte Video.]

We are now beating up the Rio Plata, and I take the opportunity of
beginning a letter to you. I did not send off the specimens from Rio
Janeiro, as I grudged the time it would take to pack them up. They are
now ready to be sent off and most probably go by this packet. If so they
go to Falmouth (where Fitz-Roy has made arrangements) and so will not
trouble your brother's agent in London. When I left England I was not
fully aware how essential a kindness you offered me when you undertook
to receive my boxes. I do not know what I should do without such
head-quarters. And now for an apologetical prose about my collection: I
am afraid you will say it is very small, but I have not been idle, and
you must recollect what a very small show hundreds of species make. The
box contains a good many geological specimens; I am well aware that the
greater number are too small. But I maintain that no person has a right
to accuse me, till he has tried carrying rocks under a tropical sun.
I have endeavoured to get specimens of every variety of rock, and have
written notes upon all. If you think it worth your while to examine
any of them I shall be very glad of some mineralogical information,
especially on any numbers between 1 and 254 which include Santiago
rocks. By my catalogue I shall know which you may refer to. As for my
plants, "pudet pigetque mihi." All I can say is that when objects are
present which I can observe and particularise about, I cannot summon
resolution to collect when I know nothing.

It is positively distressing to walk in the glorious forest amidst such
treasures and feel they are all thrown away upon one. My collection from
the Abrolhos is interesting, as I suspect it nearly contains the whole
flowering vegetation--and indeed from extreme sterility the same may
almost be said of Santiago. I have sent home four bottles with animals
in spirits, I have three more, but would not send them till I had a
fourth. I shall be anxious to hear how they fare. I made an enormous
collection of Arachnidae at Rio, also a good many small beetles in pill
boxes, but it is not the best time of year for the latter. Amongst the
lower animals nothing has so much interested me as finding two species
of elegantly coloured true Planaria inhabiting the dewy forest! The
false relation they bear to snails is the most extraordinary thing of
the kind I have ever seen. In the same genus (or more truly family) some
of the marine species possess an organisation so marvellous that I can
scarcely credit my eyesight. Every one has heard of the discoloured
streaks of water in the equatorial regions. One I examined was owing
to the presence of such minute Oscillariae that in each square inch
of surface there must have been at least one hundred thousand present.
After this I had better be silent, for you will think me a Baron
Munchausen amongst naturalists. Most assuredly I might collect a far
greater number of specimens of Invertebrate animals if I took less time
over each; but I have come to the conclusion that two animals with
their original colour and shape noted down will be more valuable to
naturalists than six with only dates and place. I hope you will send me
your criticisms about my collection; and it will be my endeavour that
nothing you say shall be lost on me. I would send home my writings with
my specimens, only I find I have so repeatedly occasion to refer back
that it would be a serious loss to me. I cannot conclude about my
collection without adding that I implicitly trust in your keeping an
exact account against all the expense of boxes, etc., etc. At this
present minute we are at anchor in the mouth of the river, and such a
strange scene as it is. Everything is in flames--the sky with lightning,
the water with luminous particles, and even the very masts are pointed
with a blue flame. I expect great interest in scouring over the plains
of Monte Video, yet I look back with regret to the Tropics, that magic
lure to all naturalists. The delight of sitting on a decaying trunk
amidst the quiet gloom of the forest is unspeakable and never to be
forgotten. How often have I then wished for you. When I see a banana I
well recollect admiring them with you in Cambridge--little did I then
think how soon I should eat their fruit.

August 15th. In a few days the box will go by the "Emulous" packet
(Capt. Cooke) to Falmouth and will be forwarded to you. This letter goes
the same way, so that if in course of due time you do not receive the
box, will you be kind enough to write to Falmouth? We have been here
(Monte Video) for some time; but owing to bad weather and continual
fighting on shore, we have scarcely ever been able to walk in the
country. I have collected during the last month nothing, but to-day I
have been out and returned like Noah's Ark with animals of all sorts.
I have to-day to my astonishment found two Planariae living under dry
stones: ask L. Jenyns if he has ever heard of this fact. I also found a
most curious snail, and spiders, beetles, snakes, scorpions ad libitum,
and to conclude shot a Cavia weighing a cwt.--On Friday we sail for the
Rio Negro, and then will commence our real wild work. I look forward
with dread to the wet stormy regions of the south, but after so much
pleasure I must put up with some sea-sickness and misery.


LETTER 4. TO J.S. HENSLOW. Monte Video, 24th November 1832.

We arrived here on the 24th of October, after our first cruise on the
coast of Patagonia. North of the Rio Negro we fell in with some little
schooners employed in sealing: to save the loss of time in surveying the
intricate mass of banks, Capt. Fitz-Roy has hired two of them and has
put officers on them. It took us nearly a month fitting them out; as
soon as this was finished we came back here, and are now preparing for a
long cruise to the south. I expect to find the wild mountainous country
of Terra del Fuego very interesting, and after the coast of Patagonia I
shall thoroughly enjoy it.--I had hoped for the credit of Dame Nature,
no such country as this last existed; in sad reality we coasted along
240 miles of sand hillocks; I never knew before, what a horrid ugly
object a sand hillock is. The famed country of the Rio Plata in my
opinion is not much better: an enormous brackish river, bounded by an
interminable green plain is enough to make any naturalist groan. So
Hurrah for Cape Horn and the Land of Storms. Now that I have had my
growl out, which is a privilege sailors take on all occasions, I will
turn the tables and give an account of my doing in Nat. History. I must
have one more growl: by ill luck the French Government has sent one of
its collectors to the Rio Negro, where he has been working for the last
six months, and is now gone round the Horn. So that I am very selfishly
afraid he will get the cream of all the good things before me. As I
have nobody to talk to about my luck and ill luck in collecting, I am
determined to vent it all upon you. I have been very lucky with fossil
bones; I have fragments of at least 6 distinct animals: as many of them
are teeth, I trust, shattered and rolled as they have been, they will
be recognised. I have paid all the attention I am capable of to their
geological site; but of course it is too long a story for here. 1st, I
have the tarsi and metatarsi very perfect of a Cavia; 2nd, the upper jaw
and head of some very large animal with four square hollow molars and
the head greatly protruded in front. I at first thought it belonged
either to the Megalonyx or Megatherium (4/1). The animal may probably
have been Grypotherium Darwini, Ow. The osseous plates mentioned below
must have belonged to one of the Glyptodontidae, and not to Megatherium.
We are indebted to Mr. Kerr for calling our attention to a passage in
Buckland's "Bridgewater Treatise" (Volume II., page 20, note), where
bony armour is ascribed to Megatherium.); in confirmation of this in the
same formation I found a large surface of the osseous polygonal
plates, which "late observations" (what are they?) show belong to the
Megatherium. Immediately I saw this I thought they must belong to an
enormous armadillo, living species of which genus are so abundant here.
3rd, The lower jaw of some large animal which, from the molar teeth, I
should think belonged to the Edentata; 4th, some large molar teeth which
in some respects would seem to belong to an enormous rodent; 5th, also
some smaller teeth belonging to the same order. If it interests you
sufficiently to unpack them, I shall be very curious to hear something
about them. Care must be taken in this case not to confuse the tallies.
They are mingled with marine shells which appear to me identical with
what now exist. But since they were deposited in their beds several
geological changes have taken place in the country. So much for the
dead, and now for the living: there is a poor specimen of a bird which
to my unornithological eyes appears to be a happy mixture of a lark,
pigeon and snipe (No. 710). Mr. MacLeay himself never imagined such an
inosculating creature: I suppose it will turn out to be some well-known
bird, although it has quite baffled me. I have taken some interesting
Amphibia; a new Trigonocephalus beautifully connecting in its habits
Crotalus and the Viperidae, and plenty of new (as far as my knowledge
goes) saurians. As for one little toad, I hope it may be new, that
it may be christened "diabolicus." Milton must allude to this very
individual when he talks of "squat like a toad" (4/2. "...him [Satan]
there they [Ithuriel and Zephon] found, Squat like a toad, close at the
ear of Eve" ("Paradise Lost," Book IV., line 800).

"Formerly Milton's "Paradise Lost" had been my chief favourite, and in
my excursions during the voyage of the 'Beagle,' when I could take only
a single volume, I always chose Milton" ("Autobiography," page 69).);
its colours are by Werner (4/3. Werner's "Nomenclature of Colours,"
Edinburgh, 1821.) ink black, vermilion red and buff orange. It has been
a splendid cruise for me in Nat. History. Amongst the Pelagic Crustacea,
some new and curious genera. In the Zoophytes some interesting animals.
As for one Flustra, if I had not the specimen to back me up nobody would
believe in its most anomalous structure. But as for novelty all this is
nothing to a family of pelagic animals which at first sight appear
like Medusae but are really highly organised. I have examined them
repeatedly, and certainly from their structure it would be impossible to
place them in any existing order. Perhaps Salpa is the nearest animal,
although the transparency of the body is nearly the only character they
have in common. I think the dried plants nearly contain all which were
then (Bahia Blanca) flowering. All the specimens will be packed in
casks. I think there will be three (before sending this letter I will
specify dates, etc., etc.). I am afraid you will groan or rather the
floor of the lecture room will when the casks arrive. Without you I
should be utterly undone. The small cask contains fish: will you open it
to see how the spirit has stood the evaporation of the Tropics. On board
the ship everything goes on as well as possible; the only drawback is
the fearful length of time between this and the day of our return. I do
not see any limits to it. One year is nearly completed and the second
will be so, before we even leave the east coast of S. America. And then
our voyage may be said really to have commenced. I know not how I shall
be able to endure it. The frequency with which I think of all the happy
hours I have spent at Shrewsbury and Cambridge is rather ominous--I
trust everything to time and fate and will feel my way as I go on.

November 24th.--We have been at Buenos Ayres for a week; it is a fine
large city, but such a country, everything is mud, you can go nowhere,
you can do nothing for mud. In the city I obtained much information
about the banks of the Uruguay--I hear of limestone with shells, and
beds of shells in every direction. I hope when we winter in the Plata
to have a most interesting geological excursion into that country: I
purchased fragments (Nos. 837-8) of some enormous bones, which I was
assured belonged to the former giants!! I also procured some seeds--I do
not know whether they are worth your accepting; if you think so I will
get some more. They are in the box. I have sent to you by the "Duke of
York" packet, commanded by Lieut. Snell, to Falmouth two large casks
containing fossil bones, a small cask with fish and a box containing
skins, spirit bottle, etc., and pill-boxes with beetles. Would you be
kind enough to open these latter as they are apt to become mouldy. With
the exception of the bones the rest of my collection looks very scanty.
Recollect how great a proportion of time is spent at sea. I am always
anxious to hear in what state the things come and any criticisms about
quantity or kind of specimens. In the smaller cask is part of a large
head, the anterior portions of which are in the other large one. The
packet has arrived and I am in a great bustle. You will not hear from me
for some months.


LETTER 5. TO J.S. HENSLOW. Valparaiso, July 24th 1834.

A box has just arrived in which were two of your most kind and
affectionate letters. You do not know how happy they have made me. One
is dated December 15th, 1833, the other January 15th of the same year!
By what fatality it did not arrive sooner I cannot conjecture; I regret
it much, for it contains the information I most wanted, about manner of
packing, etc., etc.: roots with specimens of plants, etc., etc. This I
suppose was written after the reception of my first cargo of specimens.
Not having heard from you until March of this year I really began to
think that my collections were so poor, that you were puzzled what to
say; the case is now quite on the opposite tack; for you are guilty of
exciting all my vain feelings to a most comfortable pitch; if hard
work will atone for these thoughts, I vow it shall not be spared. It is
rather late, but I will allude to some remarks in the January letter;
you advise me to send home duplicates of my notes; I have been aware of
the advantage of doing so; but then at sea to this day, I am invariably
sick, excepting on the finest days, at which times with pelagic animals
around me, I could never bring myself to the task--on shore the most
prudent person could hardly expect such a sacrifice of time. My notes
are becoming bulky. I have about 600 small quarto pages full; about half
of this is Geology--the other imperfect descriptions of animals; with
the latter I make it a rule only to describe those parts or facts,
which cannot be seen in specimens in spirits. I keep my private Journal
distinct from the above. (N.B. this letter is a most untidy one, but
my mind is untidy with joy; it is your fault, so you must take the
consequences.) With respect to the land Planariae, unquestionably they
are not molluscous animals. I read your letters last night, this morning
I took a little walk; by a curious coincidence, I found a new white
species of Planaria, and a new to me Vaginulus (third species which I
have found in S. America) of Cuvier. Amongst the marine mollusques I
have seen a good many genera, and at Rio found one quite new one. With
respect to the December letter, I am very glad to hear the four casks
arrived safe; since which time you have received another cargo, with
the bird skins about which you did not understand me. Have any of the
B. Ayrean seeds produced plants? From the Falklands I acknowledged a box
and letter from you; with the letter were a few seeds from Patagonia. At
present I have specimens enough to make a heavy cargo, but shall wait
as much longer as possible, because opportunities are not now so good
as before. I have just got scent of some fossil bones of a MAMMOTH; what
they may be I do not know, but if gold or galloping will get them they
shall be mine. You tell me you like hearing how I am going on and what
doing, and you well may imagine how much I enjoy speaking to any one
upon subjects which I am always thinking about, but never have any one
to talk to [about]. After leaving the Falklands we proceeded to the
Rio S. Cruz, following up the river till within twenty miles of the
Cordilleras. Unfortunately want of provisions compelled us to return.
This expedition was most important to me as it was a transverse section
of the great Patagonian formation. I conjecture (an accurate examination
of fossils may possibly determine the point) that the main bed is
somewhere about the Miocene period (using Mr. Lyell's expression); I
judge from what I have seen of the present shells of Patagonia. This bed
contains an ENORMOUS field of lava. This is of some interest, as being a
rude approximation to the age of the volcanic part of the great range of
the Andes. Long before this it existed as a slate and porphyritic
line of hills. I have collected a tolerable quantity of information
respecting the period and forms of elevations of these plains. I think
these will be interesting to Mr. Lyell; I had deferred reading his third
volume till my return: you may guess how much pleasure it gave me; some
of his woodcuts came so exactly into play that I have only to refer to
them instead of redrawing similar ones. I had my barometer with me,
I only wish I had used it more in these plains. The valley of S. Cruz
appears to me a very curious one; at first it quite baffled me. I
believe I can show good reasons for supposing it to have been once a
northern straits like to that of Magellan. When I return to England you
will have some hard work in winnowing my Geology; what little I know I
have learnt in such a curious fashion that I often feel very doubtful
about the number of grains [of value?]. Whatever number they may turn
out, I have enjoyed extreme pleasure in collecting them. In T. del Fuego
I collected and examined some corallines; I have observed one fact which
quite startled me: it is that in the genus Sertularia (taken in its
most restricted form as [used] by Lamoureux) and in two species which,
excluding comparative expressions, I should find much difficulty in
describing as different, the polypi quite and essentially differed in
all their most important and evident parts of structure. I have already
seen enough to be convinced that the present families of corallines as
arranged by Lamarck, Cuvier, etc., are highly artificial. It appears
that they are in the same state [in] which shells were when Linnaeus
left them for Cuvier to rearrange. I do so wish I was a better hand
at dissecting, I find I can do very little in the minute parts of
structure; I am forced to take a very rough examination as a type for
different classes of structure. It is most extraordinary I can nowhere
see in my books one single description of the polypus of any one
coralline excepting Alcyonium Lobularia of Savigny. I found a curious
little stony Cellaria (5/1. Cellaria, a genus of Bryozoa, placed in the
section Flustrina of the Suborder Chilostomata.) (a new genus) each cell
provided with long toothed bristle, these are capable of various and
rapid motions. This motion is often simultaneous, and can be produced
by irritation. This fact, as far as I can see, is quite isolated in
the history of zoophytes (excepting the Flustra with an organ like a
vulture's head); it points out a much more intimate relation between the
polypi than Lamarck is willing to allow. I forgot whether I mentioned
having seen something of the manner of propagation in that most
ambiguous family, the corallines; I feel pretty well convinced if they
are not plants they are not zoophytes. The "gemmule" of a Halimeda
contained several articulations united, ready to burst their envelope,
and become attached to some basis. I believe in zoophytes universally
the gemmule produces a single polypus, which afterwards or at the same
time grows with its cell or single articulation.

The "Beagle" left the Sts. of Magellan in the middle of winter; she
found her road out by a wild unfrequented channel; well might Sir J.
Narborough call the west coast South Desolation, "because it is so
desolate a land to behold." We were driven into Chiloe by some very
bad weather. An Englishman gave me three specimens of that very fine
Lucanoidal insect which is described in the "Camb. Phil. Trans." (5/2.
"Description of Chiasognathus Grantii, a new Lucanideous Insect, etc."
by J.F. Stephens ("Trans. Camb. Phil. Soc." Volume IV., page 209,
1833.)), two males and one female. I find Chiloe is composed of lava
and recent deposits. The lavas are curious from abounding in, or rather
being in parts composed of pitchstone. If we go to Chiloe in the summer,
I shall reap an entomological harvest. I suppose the Botany both there
and in Chili is well-known.

I forgot to state that in the four cargoes of specimens there have been
sent three square boxes, each containing four glass bottles. I mention
this in case they should be stowed beneath geological specimens and thus
escape your notice, perhaps some spirit may be wanted in them. If a
box arrives from B. Ayres with a Megatherium head the other unnumbered
specimens, be kind enough to tell me, as I have strong fears for its
safety. We arrived here the day before yesterday; the views of the
distant mountains are most sublime and the climate delightful; after our
long cruise in the damp gloomy climates of the south, to breathe a clear
dry air and feel honest warm sunshine, and eat good fresh roast beef
must be the summum bonum of human life. I do not like the look of
the rocks half so much as the beef, there is too much of those rather
insipid ingredients, mica, quartz and feldspar. Our plans are at present
undecided; there is a good deal of work to the south of Valparaiso and
to the north an indefinite quantity. I look forward to every part with
interest. I have sent you in this letter a sad dose of egotism, but
recollect I look up to you as my father in Natural History, and a son
may talk about himself to his father. In your paternal capacity as
proproctor what a great deal of trouble you appear to have had. How
turbulent Cambridge is become. Before this time it will have regained
its tranquillity. I have a most schoolboy-like wish to be there,
enjoying my holidays. It is a most comfortable reflection to me, that
a ship being made of wood and iron, cannot last for ever, and therefore
this voyage must have an end.

October 28th. This letter has been lying in my portfolio ever since
July; I did not send it away because I did not think it worth the
postage; it shall now go with a box of specimens. Shortly after arriving
here I set out on a geological excursion, and had a very pleasant ramble
about the base of the Andes. The whole country appears composed of
breccias (and I imagine slates) which universally have been modified and
oftentimes completely altered by the action of fire. The varieties of
porphyry thus produced are endless, but nowhere have I yet met with
rocks which have flowed in a stream; dykes of greenstone are very
numerous. Modern volcanic action is entirely shut up in the very central
parts (which cannot now be reached on account of the snow) of the
Cordilleras. In the south of the R. Maypu I examined the Tertiary
plains, already partially described by M. Gay. (5/3. "Rapport fait a
l'Academie Royale des Sciences, sur les Travaux Geologiques de M. Gay,"
by Alex. Brongniart ("Ann. Sci. Nat." Volume XXVIII., page 394, 1833.)
The fossil shells appear to me to be far more different from the recent
ones than in the great Patagonian formation; it will be curious if an
Eocene and Miocene (recent there is abundance of) could be proved to
exist in S. America as well as in Europe. I have been much interested
by finding abundance of recent shells at an elevation of 1,300 feet; the
country in many places is scattered over with shells but these are all
littoral ones. So that I suppose the 1,300 feet elevation must be owing
to a succession of small elevations such as in 1822. With these certain
proofs of the recent residence of the ocean over all the lower parts of
Chili, the outline of every view and the form of each valley possesses
a high interest. Has the action of running water or the sea formed this
deep ravine? was a question which often arose in my mind and generally
was answered by finding a bed of recent shells at the bottom. I have
not sufficient arguments, but I do not believe that more than a small
fraction of the height of the Andes has been formed within the Tertiary
period. The conclusion of my excursion was very unfortunate, I became
unwell and could hardly reach this place. I have been in bed for the
last month, but am now rapidly getting well. I had hoped during
this time to have made a good collection of insects but it has been
impossible: I regret the less because Chiloe fairly swarms with
collectors; there are more naturalists in the country, than carpenters
or shoemakers or any other honest trade.

In my letter from the Falkland Islands I said I had fears about a box
with a Megatherium. I have since heard from B. Ayres that it went to
Liverpool by the brig "Basingwaithe." If you have not received it, it is
I think worth taking some trouble about. In October two casks and a jar
were sent by H.M.S. "Samarang" via Portsmouth. I have no doubt you have
received them. With this letter I send a good many bird skins; in the
same box with them, there is a paper parcel containing pill boxes with
insects. The other pill boxes require no particular care. You will
see in two of these boxes some dried Planariae (terrestrial), the only
method I have found of preserving them (they are exceedingly brittle).
By examining the white species I understand some little of the internal
structure. There are two small parcels of seeds. There are some plants
which I hope may interest you, or at least those from Patagonia where
I collected every one in flower. There is a bottle clumsily but I think
securely corked containing water and gas from the hot baths of Cauquenes
seated at foot of Andes and long celebrated for medicinal properties. I
took pains in filling and securing both water and gas. If you can find
any one who likes to analyze them, I should think it would be worth the
trouble. I have not time at present to copy my few observations about
the locality, etc., etc., [of] these springs. Will you tell me how the
Arachnidae which I have sent home, for instance those from Rio, appear
to be preserved. I have doubts whether it is worth while collecting
them.

We sail the day after to-morrow: our plans are at last limited and
definite; I am delighted to say we have bid an eternal adieu to T. del
Fuego. The "Beagle" will not proceed further south than C. Tres Montes;
from which point we survey to the north. The Chonos Archipelago
is delightfully unknown: fine deep inlets running into the
Cordilleras--where we can steer by the light of a volcano. I do not
know which part of the voyage now offers the most attractions. This is a
shamefully untidy letter, but you must forgive me.


LETTER 6. TO J.S. HENSLOW. April 18th, 1835. Valparaiso.

I have just returned from Mendoza, having crossed the Cordilleras by two
passes. This trip has added much to my knowledge of the geology of the
country. Some of the facts, of the truth of which I in my own mind feel
fully convinced, will appear to you quite absurd and incredible. I will
give a very short sketch of the structure of these huge mountains. In
the Portillo pass (the more southern one) travellers have described
the Cordilleras to consist of a double chain of nearly equal altitude
separated by a considerable interval. This is the case; and the same
structure extends to the northward to Uspallata; the little elevation
of the eastern line (here not more than 6,000-7,000 feet.) has caused it
almost to be overlooked. To begin with the western and principal
chain, we have, where the sections are best seen, an enormous mass of a
porphyritic conglomerate resting on granite. This latter rock seems
to form the nucleus of the whole mass, and is seen in the deep
lateral valleys, injected amongst, upheaving, overturning in the most
extraordinary manner, the overlying strata. The stratification in all
the mountains is beautifully distinct and from a variety in the colour
can be seen at great distances. I cannot imagine any part of the world
presenting a more extraordinary scene of the breaking up of the crust
of the globe than the very central parts of the Andes. The upheaval has
taken place by a great number of (nearly) N. and S. lines; which in most
cases have formed as many anticlinal and synclinal ravines; the strata
in the highest pinnacles are almost universally inclined at an angle
from 70 deg to 80 deg. I cannot tell you how I enjoyed some of these
views--it is worth coming from England, once to feel such intense
delight; at an elevation from 10 to 12,000 feet there is a transparency
in the air, and a confusion of distances and a sort of stillness which
gives the sensation of being in another world, and when to this is
joined the picture so plainly drawn of the great epochs of violence, it
causes in the mind a most strange assemblage of ideas.

The formation I call Porphyritic Conglomerates is the most important and
most developed one in Chili: from a great number of sections I find it
a true coarse conglomerate or breccia, which by every step in a slow
gradation passes into a fine claystone-porphyry; the pebbles and cement
becoming porphyritic till at last all is blended in one compact rock.
The porphyries are excessively abundant in this chain. I feel sure at
least 4/5ths of them have been thus produced from sedimentary beds in
situ. There are porphyries which have been injected from below amongst
strata, and others ejected, which have flowed in streams; it is
remarkable, and I could show specimens of this rock produced in these
three methods, which cannot be distinguished. It is a great mistake
considering the Cordilleras here as composed of rocks which have flowed
in streams. In this range I nowhere saw a fragment, which I believe to
have thus originated, although the road passes at no great distance
from the active volcanoes. The porphyries, conglomerate, sandstone and
quartzose sandstone and limestones alternate and pass into each
other many times, overlying (where not broken through by the granite)
clay-slate. In the upper parts, the sandstone begins to alternate with
gypsum, till at last we have this substance of a stupendous thickness.
I really think the formation is in some places (it varies much) nearly
2,000 feet thick, it occurs often with a green (epidote?) siliceous
sandstone and snow-white marble; it resembles that found in the Alps in
containing large concretions of a crystalline marble of a blackish grey
colour. The upper beds which form some of the higher pinnacles consist
of layers of snow-white gypsum and red compact sandstone, from the
thickness of paper to a few feet, alternating in an endless round.
The rock has a most curiously painted appearance. At the pass of the
Peuquenes in this formation, where however a black rock like clay-slate,
without many laminae, occurring with a pale limestone, has replaced the
red sandstone, I found abundant impressions of shells. The elevation
must be between 12 and 13,000 feet. A shell which I believe is the
Gryphaea is the most abundant--an Ostrea, Turratella, Ammonites, small
bivalves, Terebratulae (?). Perhaps some good conchologist (6/1. Some of
these genera are mentioned by Darwin ("Geol. Obs." page 181) as having
been named for him by M. D'Orbigny.) will be able to give a guess, to
what grand division of the formations of Europe these organic remains
bear most resemblance. They are exceedingly imperfect and few. It
was late in the season and the situation particularly dangerous for
snow-storms. I did not dare to delay, otherwise a grand harvest might
have been reaped. So much for the western line; in the Portillo pass,
proceeding eastward, we meet an immense mass of conglomerate, dipping to
the west 45 deg, which rest on micaceous sandstone, etc., etc., upheaved
and converted into quartz-rock penetrated by dykes from the very
grand mass of protogine (large crystals of quartz, red feldspar, and
occasional little chlorite). Now this conglomerate which reposes on and
dips from the protogene 45 deg consists of the peculiar rocks of the
first described chain, pebbles of the black rock with shells, green
sandstone, etc., etc. It is hence manifest that the upheaval (and
deposition at least of part) of the grand eastern chain is entirely
posterior to the western. To the north in the Uspallata pass, we have
also a fact of the same class. Bear this in mind: it will help to
make you believe what follows. I have said the Uspallata range is
geologically, although only 6,000-7,000 feet, a continuation of the
grand eastern chain. It has its nucleus of granite, consists of grand
beds of various crystalline rocks, which I can feel no doubt are
subaqueous lavas alternating with sandstone, conglomerates and white
aluminous beds (like decomposed feldspar) with many other curious
varieties of sedimentary deposits. These lavas and sandstones alterate
very many times, and are quite conformable one to the other. During two
days of careful examination I said to myself at least fifty times, how
exactly like (only rather harder) these beds are to those of the
upper Tertiary strata of Patagonia, Chiloe and Concepcion, without
the possible identity ever having occurred to me. At last there was
no resisting the conclusion. I could not expect shells, for they never
occur in this formation; but lignite or carbonaceous shale ought to
be found. I had previously been exceedingly puzzled by meeting in
the sandstone, thin layers (few inches to feet thick) of a brecciated
pitchstone. I strongly suspect the underlying granite has altered
such beds into this pitchstone. The silicified wood (particularly
characteristic) was yet absent. The conviction that I was on the
Tertiary strata was so strong by this time in my mind, that on the
third day in the midst of lavas and [? masses] of granite I began my
apparently forlorn hunt. How do you think I succeeded? In an escarpement
of compact greenish sandstone, I found a small wood of petrified trees
in a vertical position, or rather the strata were inclined about 20-30
deg to one point and the trees 70 deg to the opposite one. That is,
they were before the tilt truly vertical. The sandstone consists of
many layers, and is marked by the concentric lines of the bark (I have
specimens); 11 are perfectly silicified and resemble the dicotyledonous
wood which I have found at Chiloe and Concepcion (6/2. "Geol. Obs." page
202. Specimens of the silicified wood were examined by Robert Brown,
and determined by him as coniferous, "partaking of the characters of the
Araucarian tribe, with some curious points of affinity with the yew.");
the others (30-40) I only know to be trees from the analogy of form
and position; they consist of snow-white columns (like Lot's wife) of
coarsely crystalline carb. of lime. The largest shaft is 7 feet. They
are all close together, within 100 yards, and about the same level:
nowhere else could I find any. It cannot be doubted that the layers
of fine sandstone have quietly been deposited between a clump of trees
which were fixed by their roots. The sandstone rests on lava, is covered
by a great bed apparently about 1,000 feet thick of black augitic lava,
and over this there are at least 5 grand alternations of such rocks and
aqueous sedimentary deposits, amounting in thickness to several thousand
feet. I am quite afraid of the only conclusion which I can draw from
this fact, namely that there must have been a depression in the surface
of the land to that amount. But neglecting this consideration, it was a
most satisfactory support of my presumption of the Tertiary (I mean by
Tertiary, that the shells of the period were closely allied, or some
identical, to those which now live, as in the lower beds of Patagonia)
age of this eastern chain. A great part of the proof must remain upon my
ipse dixit of a mineralogical resemblance with those beds whose age
is known, and the character of which resemblance is to be subject
to infinite variation, passing from one variety to another by a
concretionary structure. I hardly expect you to believe me, when it is
a consequence of this view that granite, which forms peaks of a height
probably of 14,000 feet, has been fluid in the Tertiary period; that
strata of that period are altered by its heat, and are traversed by
dykes from the mass. That these strata have also probably undergone an
immense depression, that they are now inclined at high angles and form
regular or complicated anticlinal lines. To complete the climax and seal
your disbelief, these same sedimentary strata and lavas are traversed by
VERY NUMEROUS, true metallic veins of iron, copper, arsenic, silver and
gold, and these can be traced to the underlying granite. A gold mine has
been worked close to the clump of silicified trees. If when you see my
specimens, sections and account, you should think that there is
pretty strong presumptive evidence of the above facts, it appears
very important; for the structure, and size of this chain will bear
comparison with any in the world, and that this all should have been
produced in so very recent a period is indeed wonderful. In my own
mind I am quite convinced of the reality of this. I can anyhow most
conscientiously say that no previously formed conjecture warped my
judgment. As I have described so did I actually observe the facts. But I
will have some mercy and end this most lengthy account of my geological
trip.

On some of the large patches of perpetual snow, I found the famous red
snow of the Arctic countries; I send with this letter my observations
and a piece of paper on which I tried to dry some specimens. If the fact
is new and you think it worth while, either yourself examine them or
send them to whoever has described the specimens from the north and
publish a notice in any of the periodicals. I also send a small bottle
with two lizards, one of them is viviparous as you will see by the
accompanying notice. A M. Gay--a French naturalist--has already
published in one of the newspapers of this country a similar statement
and probably has forwarded to Paris some account; as the fact appears
singular would it not be worth while to hand over the specimens to some
good lizardologist and comparative anatomist to publish an account of
their internal structure? Do what you think fit.

This letter will go with a cargo of specimens from Coquimbo. I shall
write to let you know when they are sent off. In the box there are two
bags of seeds, one [from the] valleys of the Cordilleras 5,000-10,000
feet high, the soil and climate exceedingly dry, soil very light and
stony, extremes in temperature; the other chiefly from the dry sandy
Traversia of Mendoza 3,000 feet more or less. If some of the bushes
should grow but not be healthy, try a slight sprinkling of salt and
saltpetre. The plain is saliferous. All the flowers in the Cordilleras
appear to be autumnal flowerers--they were all in blow and seed, many of
them very pretty. I gathered them as I rode along on the hill sides.
If they will but choose to come up, I have no doubt many would be great
rarities. In the Mendoza bag there are the seeds or berries of what
appears to be a small potato plant with a whitish flower. They grow
many leagues from where any habitation could ever have existed owing to
absence of water. Amongst the Chonos dried plants, you will see a fine
specimen of the wild potato, growing under a most opposite climate, and
unquestionably a true wild potato. It must be a distinct species from
that of the Lower Cordilleras one. Perhaps as with the banana, distinct
species are now not to be distinguished in their varieties produced by
cultivation. I cannot copy out the few remarks about the Chonos potato.
With the specimens there is a bundle of old papers and notebooks. Will
you take care of them; in case I should lose my notes, these might be
useful. I do not send home any insects because they must be troublesome
to you, and now so little more of the voyage remains unfinished I can
well take charge of them. In two or three days I set out for Coquimbo by
land; the "Beagle" calls for me in the beginning of June. So that I
have six weeks more to enjoy geologising over these curious mountains
of Chili. There is at present a bloody revolution in Peru. The Commodore
has gone there, and in the hurry has carried our letters with him;
perhaps amongst them there will be one from you. I wish I had the old
Commodore here, I would shake some consideration for others into his old
body. From Coquimbo you will again hear from me.



LETTER 7. TO J.S. HENSLOW. Lima, July 12th, 1835.

This is the last letter which I shall ever write to you from the shores
of America, and for this reason I send it. In a few days time the
"Beagle" will sail for the Galapagos Islands. I look forward with joy
and interest to this, both as being somewhat nearer to England and for
the sake of having a good look at an active volcano. Although we have
seen lava in abundance, I have never yet beheld the crater. I sent by
H.M.S. "Conway" two large boxes of specimens. The "Conway" sailed the
latter end of June. With them were letters for you, since that time I
have travelled by land from Valparaiso to Copiapo and seen something
more of the Cordilleras. Some of my geological views have been,
subsequently to the last letter, altered. I believe the upper mass
of strata is not so very modern as I supposed. This last journey has
explained to me much of the ancient history of the Cordilleras. I feel
sure they formerly consisted of a chain of volcanoes from which enormous
streams of lava were poured forth at the bottom of the sea. These
alternate with sedimentary beds to a vast thickness; at a subsequent
period these volcanoes must have formed islands, from which have been
produced strata of several thousand feet thick of coarse conglomerate.
(7/1. See "Geological Observations on South America" (London, 1846),
Chapter VII.: "Central Chile; Structure of the Cordillera.") These
islands were covered with fine trees; in the conglomerate, I found one
15 feet in circumference perfectly silicified to the very centre. The
alternations of compact crystalline rocks (I cannot doubt subaqueous
lavas), and sedimentary beds, now upheaved fractured and indurated, form
the main range of the Andes. The formation was produced at the time when
ammonites, gryphites, oysters, Pecten, Mytilus, etc., etc., lived. In
the central parts of Chili the structure of the lower beds is rendered
very obscure by the metamorphic action which has rendered even the
coarsest conglomerates porphyritic. The Cordilleras of the Andes so
worthy of admiration from the grandeur of their dimensions, rise in
dignity when it is considered that since the period of ammonites, they
have formed a marked feature in the geography of the globe. The geology
of these mountains pleased me in one respect; when reading Lyell, it had
always struck me that if the crust of the world goes on changing in a
circle, there ought to be somewhere found formations which, having the
age of the great European Secondary beds, should possess the structure
of Tertiary rocks or those formed amidst islands and in limited basins.
Now the alternations of lava and coarse sediment which form the upper
parts of the Andes, correspond exactly to what would accumulate under
such circumstances. In consequence of this, I can only very roughly
separate into three divisions the varying strata (perhaps 8,000 feet
thick) which compose these mountains. I am afraid you will tell me
to learn my ABC to know quartz from feldspar before I indulge in such
speculations. I lately got hold of a report on M. Dessalines D'Orbigny's
labours in S. America (7/2. "Voyage dans l'Amerique Meridionale, etc."
(A. Dessalines D'Orbigny).); I experienced rather a debasing degree of
vexation to find he has described the Geology of the Pampas, and that I
have had some hard riding for nothing, it was however gratifying that my
conclusions are the same, as far as I can collect, with his results. It
is also capital that the whole of Bolivia will be described. I hope to
be able to connect his geology of that country with mine of Chili.
After leaving Copiapo, we touched at Iquique. I visited but do not quite
understand the position of the nitrate of soda beds. Here in Peru, from
the state of anarchy, I can make no expedition.

I hear from home, that my brother is going to send me a box with books,
and a letter from you. It is very unfortunate that I cannot receive this
before we reach Sydney, even if it ever gets safely so far. I shall not
have another opportunity for many months of again writing to you. Will
you have the charity to send me one more letter (as soon as this reaches
you) directed to the C. of Good Hope. Your letters besides affording
me the greatest delight always give me a fresh stimulus for exertion.
Excuse this geological prosy letter, and farewell till you hear from me
at Sydney, and see me in the autumn of 1836.


LETTER 8. TO JOSIAH WEDGWOOD. [Shrewsbury, October 5th, 1836.]

My dear Uncle

The "Beagle" arrived at Falmouth on Sunday evening, and I reached home
late last night. My head is quite confused with so much delight, but I
cannot allow my sisters to tell you first how happy I am to see all
my dear friends again. I am obliged to return in three or four days
to London, where the "Beagle" will be paid off, and then I shall pay
Shrewsbury a longer visit. I am most anxious once again to see Maer, and
all its inhabitants, so that in the course of two or three weeks, I hope
in person to thank you, as being my first Lord of the Admiralty. (8/1.)
Readers of the "Life and Letters" will remember that it was to Josiah
Wedgwood that Darwin owed the great opportunity of his life ("Life and
Letters," Volume I., page 59), and it was fitting that he should report
himself to his "first Lord of the Admiralty." The present letter clears
up a small obscurity to which Mr. Poulton has called attention ("Charles
Darwin and the Theory of Natural Selection," "Century" Series, 1896,
page 25). Writing to Fitz-Roy from Shrewsbury on October 6th, Darwin
says, "I arrived here yesterday morning at breakfast time." This refers
to his arrival at his father's house, after having slept at the inn. The
date of his arrival in Shrewsbury was, therefore, October 4th, as given
in the "Life and Letters," I., page 272.) The entries in his Diary
are:--October 2, 1831. Took leave of my home. October 4, 1836. Reached
Shrewsbury after absence of 5 years and 2 days.) I am so very happy I
hardly know what I am writing. Believe me your most affectionate nephew,

CHAS. DARWIN.


LETTER 9. TO C. LYELL. Shrewsbury, Monday [November 12th, 1838].

My dear Lyell

I suppose you will be in Hart St. (9/1. Sir Charles Lyell lived at 16,
Hart Street, Bloomsbury.) to-morrow [or] the 14th. I write because
I cannot avoid wishing to be the first person to tell Mrs. Lyell and
yourself, that I have the very good, and shortly since [i.e. until
lately] very unexpected fortune of going to be married! The lady is my
cousin Miss Emma Wedgwood, the sister of Hensleigh Wedgwood, and of the
elder brother who married my sister, so we are connected by manifold
ties, besides on my part, by the most sincere love and hearty gratitude
to her for accepting such a one as myself.

I determined when last at Maer to try my chance, but I hardly expected
such good fortune would turn up for me. I shall be in town in the middle
or latter end of the ensuing week. (9/2. Mr. Darwin was married on
January 29th, 1839 (see "Life and Letters," I., page 299). The present
letter was written the day after he had become engaged.) I fear you
will say I might very well have left my story untold till we met. But
I deeply feel your kindness and friendship towards me, which in truth
I may say, has been one chief source of happiness to me, ever since
my return to England: so you must excuse me. I am well sure that Mrs.
Lyell, who has sympathy for every one near her, will give me her hearty
congratulations.

Believe me my dear Lyell Yours most truly obliged CHAS. DARWIN.


(PLATE: MRS. DARWIN. Walker and Cockerell, ph. sc.)


LETTER 10. TO EMMA WEDGWOOD. Sunday Night. Athenaeum. [January 20th,
1839.]

...I cannot tell you how much I enjoyed my Maer visit,--I felt in
anticipation my future tranquil life: how I do hope you may be as happy
as I know I shall be: but it frightens me, as often as I think of what
a family you have been one of. I was thinking this morning how it came,
that I, who am fond of talking and am scarcely ever out of spirits,
should so entirely rest my notions of happiness on quietness, and a good
deal of solitude: but I believe the explanation is very simple and I
mention it because it will give you hopes, that I shall gradually grow
less of a brute, it is that during the five years of my voyage (and
indeed I may add these two last) which from the active manner in which
they have been passed, may be said to be the commencement of my real
life, the whole of my pleasure was derived from what passed in my mind,
while admiring views by myself, travelling across the wild deserts
or glorious forests or pacing the deck of the poor little "Beagle" at
night. Excuse this much egotism,--I give it you because I think you will
humanize me, and soon teach me there is greater happiness than building
theories and accumulating facts in silence and solitude. My own dearest
Emma, I earnestly pray, you may never regret the great, and I will add
very good, deed, you are to perform on the Tuesday: my own dear future
wife, God bless you...The Lyells called on me to-day after church; as
Lyell was so full of geology he was obliged to disgorge,--and I dine
there on Tuesday for an especial confidence. I was quite ashamed of
myself to-day, for we talked for half an hour, unsophisticated geology,
with poor Mrs. Lyell sitting by, a monument of patience. I want practice
in ill-treatment the female sex,--I did not observe Lyell had any
compunction; I hope to harden my conscience in time: few husbands
seem to find it difficult to effect this. Since my return I have taken
several looks, as you will readily believe, into the drawing-room; I
suppose my taste [for] harmonious colours is already deteriorated, for
I declare the room begins to look less ugly. I take so much pleasure
in the house (10/1. No. 12, Upper Gower Street, is now No. 110, Gower
Street, and forms part of a block inhabited by Messrs. Shoolbred's
employes. We are indebted, for this information, to Mr. Wheatley, of the
Society of Arts.), I declare I am just like a great overgrown child with
a new toy; but then, not like a real child, I long to have a co-partner
and possessor.

(10/2. The following passage is taken from the MS. copy of the
"Autobiography;" it was not published in the "Life and Letters" which
appeared in Mrs. Darwin's lifetime:--)

You all know your mother, and what a good mother she has ever been to
all of you. She has been my greatest blessing, and I can declare that in
my whole life I have never heard her utter one word I would rather have
been unsaid. She has never failed in kindest sympathy towards me, and
has borne with the utmost patience my frequent complaints of ill-health
and discomfort. I do not believe she has ever missed an opportunity of
doing a kind action to any one near her. I marvel at my good fortune
that she, so infinitely my superior in every single moral quality,
consented to be my wife. She has been my wise adviser and cheerful
comforter throughout life, which without her would have been during a
very long period a miserable one from ill-health. She has earned the
love of every soul near her.


LETTER 11. C. LYELL TO C. DARWIN. [July?, 1841?].

(11/1. Lyell started on his first visit to the United States in July,
1841, and was absent thirteen months. Darwin returned to London July
23rd, 1841, after a prolonged absence; he may, therefore, have missed
seeing Lyell. Assuming the date 1841 to be correct, it would seem
that the plan of living in the country was formed a year before it was
actually carried out.)

I have no doubt that your father did rightly in persuading you to stay
[at Shrewsbury], but we were much disappointed in not seeing you before
our start for a year's absence. I cannot tell you how often since your
long illness I have missed the friendly intercourse which we had so
frequently before, and on which I built more than ever after your
marriage. It will not happen easily that twice in one's life, even in
the large world of London, a congenial soul so occupied with precisely
the same pursuits and with an independence enabling him to pursue them
will fall so nearly in my way, and to have had it snatched from me with
the prospect of your residence somewhat far off is a privation I feel as
a very great one. I hope you will not, like Herschell, get far off from
a railway.


LETTER 12. TO CATHERINE DARWIN.

(12/1. The following letter was written to his sister Catherine about
two months before Charles Darwin settled at Down:--)

Sunday [July 1842].

You must have been surprised at not having heard sooner about the house.
Emma and I only returned yesterday afternoon from sleeping there. I will
give you in detail, as my father would like, MY opinion on it--Emma's
slightly differs. Position:--about 1/4 of a mile from the small village
of Down in Kent--16 miles from St. Paul's--8 1/2 miles from station
(with many trains) which station is only 10 from London. This is bad,
as the drive from [i.e. on account of] the hills is long. I calculate we
are two hours going from London Bridge. Village about forty houses with
old walnut trees in the middle where stands an old flint church and the
lanes meet. Inhabitants very respectable--infant school--grown up people
great musicians--all touch their hats as in Wales and sit at their open
doors in the evening; no high road leads through the village. The little
pot-house where we slept is a grocer's shop, and the landlord is the
carpenter--so you may guess the style of the village. There are butcher
and baker and post-office. A carrier goes weekly to London and calls
anywhere for anything in London and takes anything anywhere. On the road
[from London] to the village, on a fine day the scenery is absolutely
beautiful: from close to our house the view is very distant and rather
beautiful, but the house being situated on a rather high tableland has
somewhat of a desolate air. There is a most beautiful old farm-house,
with great thatched barns and old stumps of oak trees, like that of
Skelton, one field off. The charm of the place to me is that almost
every field is intersected (as alas is ours) by one or more foot-paths.
I never saw so many walks in any other county. The country is
extraordinarily rural and quiet with narrow lanes and high hedges and
hardly any ruts. It is really surprising to think London is only 16
miles off. The house stands very badly, close to a tiny lane and near
another man's field. Our field is 15 acres and flat, looking into
flat-bottomed valleys on both sides, but no view from the drawing-room,
which faces due south, except on our flat field and bits of rather ugly
distant horizon. Close in front there are some old (very productive)
cherry trees, walnut trees, yew, Spanish chestnut, pear, old larch,
Scotch fir and silver fir and old mulberry trees, [which] make rather a
pretty group. They give the ground an old look, but from not flourishing
much they also give it rather a desolate look. There are quinces and
medlars and plums with plenty of fruit, and Morello cherries; but few
apples. The purple magnolia flowers against the house. There is a really
fine beech in view in our hedge. The kitchen garden is a detestable slip
and the soil looks wretched from the quantity of chalk flints, but I
really believe it is productive. The hedges grow well all round our
field, and it is a noted piece of hayland. This year the crop was
bad, but was bought, as it stood, for 2 pounds per acre--that is 30
pounds--the purchaser getting it in. Last year it was sold for 45
pounds--no manure was put on in the interval. Does not this sound well?
Ask my father. Does the mulberry and magnolia show it is not very cold
in winter, which I fear is the case? Tell Susan it is 9 miles from
Knole Park and 6 from Westerham, at which places I hear the scenery
is beautiful. There are many very odd views round our house--deepish
flat-bottomed valley and nice farm-house, but big, white, ugly, fallow
fields;--much wheat grown here. House ugly, looks neither old nor
new--walls two feet thick--windows rather small--lower story rather low.
Capital study 18 x 18. Dining-room 21 x 18. Drawing-room can easily be
added to: is 21 x 15. Three stories, plenty of bedrooms. We could hold
the Hensleighs and you and Susan and Erasmus all together. House in good
repair. Mr. Cresy a few years ago laid out for the owner 1,500 pounds
and made a new roof. Water-pipes over house--two bath-rooms--pretty good
offices and good stable-yard, etc., and a cottage. I believe the price
is about 2,200 pounds, and I have no doubt I shall get it for one year
on lease first to try, so that I shall do nothing to the house at first
(last owner kept three cows, one horse, and one donkey, and sold
some hay annually from one field). I have no doubt if we complete the
purchase I shall at least save 1,000 pounds over Westcroft, or any other
house we have seen. Emma was at first a good deal disappointed, and at
the country round the house; the day was gloomy and cold with N.E. wind.
She likes the actual field and house better than I; the house is just
situated as she likes for retirement, not too near or too far from other
houses, but she thinks the country looks desolate. I think all chalk
countries do, but I am used to Cambridgeshire, which is ten times worse.
Emma is rapidly coming round. She was dreadfully bad with toothache and
headache in the evening and Friday, but in coming back yesterday she was
so delighted with the scenery for the first few miles from Down, that it
has worked a great change in her. We go there again the first fine day
Emma is able, and we then finally settle what to do.

(12/2. The following fragmentary "Account of Down" was found among Mr.
Darwin's papers after the publication of the "Life and Letters." It
gives the impression that he intended to write a natural history diary
after the manner of Gilbert White, but there is no evidence that this
was actually the case.)

1843. May 15th.--The first peculiarity which strikes a stranger
unaccustomed to a hilly chalk country is the valleys, with their steep
rounded bottoms--not furrowed with the smallest rivulet. On the road to
Down from Keston a mound has been thrown across a considerable valley,
but even against this mound there is no appearance of even a small
pool of water having collected after the heaviest rains. The water
all percolates straight downwards. Ascertain average depth of wells,
inclination of strata, and springs. Does the water from this country
crop out in springs in Holmsdale or in the valley of the Thames? Examine
the fine springs in Holmsdale.

The valleys on this platform sloping northward, but exceedingly even,
generally run north and south; their sides near the summits generally
become suddenly more abrupt, and are fringed with narrow strips, or, as
they are here called, "shaws" of wood, sometimes merely by hedgerows run
wild. The sudden steepness may generally be perceived, as just before
ascending to Cudham Wood, and at Green Hill, where one of the lanes
crosses these valleys. These valleys are in all probability ancient
sea-bays, and I have sometimes speculated whether this sudden steepening
of the sides does not mark the edges of vertical cliffs formed when
these valleys were filled with sea-water, as would naturally happen in
strata such as the chalk.

In most countries the roads and footpaths ascend along the bottoms of
valleys, but here this is scarcely ever the case. All the villages and
most of the ancient houses are on the platforms or narrow strips of flat
land between the parallel valleys. Is this owing to the summits having
existed from the most ancient times as open downs and the valleys having
been filled up with brushwood? I have no evidence of this, but it is
certain that most of the farmhouses on the flat land are very ancient.
There is one peculiarity which would help to determine the footpaths
to run along the summits instead of the bottom of the valleys, in that
these latter in the middle are generally covered, even far more thickly
than the general surface, with broken flints. This bed of flints, which
gradually thins away on each side, can be seen from a long distance in a
newly ploughed or fallow field as a whitish band. Every stone which ever
rolls after heavy rain or from the kick of an animal, ever so little,
all tend to the bottom of the valleys; but whether this is sufficient
to account for their number I have sometimes doubted, and have been
inclined to apply to the case Lyell's theory of solution by rain-water,
etc., etc.

The flat summit-land is covered with a bed of stiff red clay, from a
few feet in thickness to as much, I believe, as twenty feet: this
[bed], though lying immediately on the chalk, and abounding with
great, irregularly shaped, unrolled flints, often with the colour and
appearance of huge bones, which were originally embedded in the chalk,
contains not a particle of carbonate of lime. This bed of red clay lies
on a very irregular surface, and often descends into deep round wells,
the origin of which has been explained by Lyell. In these cavities are
patches of sand like sea-sand, and like the sand which alternates
with the great beds of small pebbles derived from the wear-and-tear of
chalk-flints, which form Keston, Hayes and Addington Commons. Near Down
a rounded chalk-flint is a rarity, though some few do occur; and I have
not yet seen a stone of distant origin, which makes a difference--at
least to geological eyes--in the very aspect of the country, compared
with all the northern counties.

The chalk-flints decay externally, which, according to Berzelius ("Edin.
New Phil. Journal," late number), is owing to the flints containing a
small proportion of alkali; but, besides this external decay, the whole
body is affected by exposure of a few years, so that they will not break
with clean faces for building.

This bed of red clay, which renders the country very slippery in the
winter months from October to April, does not cover the sides of the
valleys; these, when ploughed, show the white chalk, which tint shades
away lower in the valley, as insensibly as a colour laid on by a
painter's brush.

Nearly all the land is ploughed, and is often left fallow, which gives
the country a naked red look, or not unfrequently white, from a covering
of chalk laid on by the farmers. Nobody seems at all aware on what
principle fresh chalk laid on land abounding with lime does it any good.
This, however, is said to have been the practice of the country ever
since the period of the Romans, and at present the many white pits on
the hill sides, which so frequently afford a picturesque contrast with
the overhanging yew trees, are all quarried for this purpose.

The number of different kinds of bushes in the hedgerows, entwined
by traveller's joy and the bryonies, is conspicuous compared with the
hedges of the northern counties.

March 25th [1844?].--The first period of vegetation, and the banks are
clothed with pale-blue violets to an extent I have never seen equalled,
and with primroses. A few days later some of the copses were beautifully
enlivened by Ranunculus auricomus, wood anemones, and a white Stellaria.
Again, subsequently, large areas were brilliantly blue with bluebells.
The flowers are here very beautiful, and the number of flowers; [and]
the darkness of the blue of the common little Polygala almost equals it
to an alpine gentian.

There are large tracts of woodland, [cut down] about once every ten
years; some of these enclosures seem to be very ancient. On the south
side of Cudham Wood a beech hedge has grown to Brobdignagian size, with
several of the huge branches crossing each other and firmly grafted
together.

Larks abound here, and their songs sound most agreeably on all sides;
nightingales are common. Judging from an odd cooing note, something like
the purring of a cat, doves are very common in the woods.

June 25th.--The sainfoin fields are now of the most beautiful pink, and
from the number of hive-bees frequenting them the humming noise is quite
extraordinary. This humming is rather deeper than the humming overhead,
which has been continuous and loud during all these last hot days over
almost every field. The labourers here say it is made by "air-bees,"
and one man, seeing a wild bee in a flower different from the hive kind,
remarked: "That, no doubt, is an air-bee." This noise is considered as a
sign of settled fair weather.



CHAPTER 1.II.--EVOLUTION, 1844-1858.

(Chapter II./1. Since the publication of the "Life and Letters," Mr.
Huxley's obituary notice of Charles Darwin has appeared. (Chapter II./2.
"Proc. R. Soc." volume 44, 1888, and "Collected Essays (Darwiniana),"
page 253, 1899.) This masterly paper is, in our opinion, the finest
of the great series of Darwinian essays which we owe to Mr. Huxley.
We would venture to recommend it to our readers as the best possible
introduction to these pages. There is, however, one small point in which
we differ from Mr. Huxley. In discussing the growth of Mr. Darwin's
evolutionary views, Mr. Huxley quotes from the autobiography (Chapter
II./3. "Life and Letters," I., page 82. Some account of the origin of
his evolutionary views is given in a letter to Jenyns (Blomefield),
"Life and Letters," II. page 34.) a passage in which the writer
describes the deep impression made on his mind by certain groups of
facts observed in South America. Mr. Huxley goes on: "The facts to which
reference is here made were, without doubt, eminently fitted to attract
the attention of a philosophical thinker; but, until the relations
of the existing with the extinct species, and of the species of the
different geographical areas with one another, were determined with some
exactness, they afforded but an unsafe foundation for speculation.
It was not possible that this determination should have been effected
before the return of the "Beagle" to England; and thus the date
(Chapter II./4. The date in question is July 1837, when he "opened first
note-book on Transmutation of Species.') which Darwin (writing in 1837)
assigns to the dawn of the new light which was rising in his mind,
becomes intelligible." This seems to us inconsistent with Darwin's
own statement that it was especially the character of the "species on
Galapagos Archipelago" which had impressed him. (Chapter II./5. See
"Life and Letters," I., page 276.) This must refer to the zoological
specimens: no doubt he was thinking of the birds, but these he had
himself collected in 1835 (Chapter II./6. He wrote in his "Journal,"
page 394, "My attention was first thoroughly aroused, by comparing
together the numerous specimens shot by myself and several other
parties on board," etc.), and no accurate determination of the forms was
necessary to impress on him the remarkable characteristic species of the
different islands. We agree with Mr. Huxley that 1837 is the date of
the "new light which was rising in his mind." That the dawn did not come
sooner seems to us to be accounted for by the need of time to produce so
great a revolution in his conceptions. We do not see that Mr. Huxley's
supposition as to the effect of the determination of species, etc., has
much weight. Mr. Huxley quotes a letter from Darwin to Zacharias, "But
I did not become convinced that species were mutable until, I think, two
or three years [after 1837] had elapsed" (see Letter 278). This
passage, which it must be remembered was written in 1877, is all but
irreconcilable with the direct evidence of the 1837 note-book. A series
of passages are quoted from it in the "Life and Letters," Volume II.,
pages 5 et seq., and these it is impossible to read without feeling that
he was convinced of immutability. He had not yet attained to a clear
idea of Natural Selection, and therefore his views may not have had,
even to himself, the irresistible convincing power they afterwards
gained; but that he was, in the ordinary sense of the word, convinced
of the truth of the doctrine of evolution we cannot doubt. He thought it
"almost useless" to try to prove the truth of evolution until the cause
of change was discovered. And it is natural that in later life he should
have felt that conviction was wanting till that cause was made out.
(Chapter II./7. See "Charles Darwin, his Life told, etc." 1892, page
165.) For the purposes of the present chapter the point is not very
material. We know that in 1842 he wrote the first sketch of his theory,
and that it was greatly amplified in 1844. So that, at the date of the
first letters of this chapter, we know that he had a working hypothesis
of evolution which did not differ in essentials from that given in the
"Origin of Species."

To realise the amount of work that was in progress during the period
covered by Chapter II., it should be remembered that during part of the
time--namely, from 1846 to 1854--he was largely occupied by his work on
the Cirripedes. (Chapter II./8. "Life and Letters," I. page 346.) This
research would have fully occupied a less methodical workman, and even
to those who saw him at work it seemed his whole occupation. Thus (to
quote a story of Lord Avebury's) one of Mr. Darwin's children is said
to have asked, in regard to a neighbour, "Then where does he do his
barnacles?" as though not merely his father, but all other men, must be
occupied on that group.

Sir Joseph Hooker, to whom the first letter in this chapter is
addressed, was good enough to supply a note on the origin of his
intimacy with Mr. Darwin, and this is published in the "Life and
Letters." (Chapter II./9. Ibid., II., page 19. See also "Nature," 1899,
June 22nd, page 187, where some reminiscences are published, which
formed part of Sir Joseph's speech at the unveiling of Darwin's statue
in the Oxford Museum.) The close intercourse that sprang up between them
was largely carried on by correspondence, and Mr. Darwin's letters to
Sir Joseph have supplied most valuable biographical material. But it
should not be forgotten that, quite apart from this, science owes much
to this memorable friendship, since without Hooker's aid Darwin's great
work would hardly have been carried out on the botanical side. And Sir
Joseph did far more than supply knowledge and guidance in technical
matters: Darwin owed to him a sympathetic and inspiriting comradeship
which cheered and refreshed him to the end of his life.

A sentence from a letter to Hooker written in 1845 shows, quite as
well as more serious utterances, how quickly the acquaintance grew into
friendship.

"Farewell! What a good thing is community of tastes! I feel as if I had
known you for fifty years. Adios." And in illustration of the permanence
of the sympathetic bond between them, we quote a letter of 1881 written
forty-two years after the first meeting with Sir Joseph in Trafalgar
Square (see "Life and Letters," II., page 19). Mr. Darwin wrote: "Your
letter has cheered me, and the world does not look a quarter so black
this morning as it did when I wrote before. Your friendly words are
worth their weight in gold.")


LETTER 13. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, Thursday [January 11th, 1844].

My dear Sir

I must write to thank you for your last letter, and to tell you how much
all your views and facts interest me. I must be allowed to put my own
interpretation on what you say of "not being a good arranger of extended
views"--which is, that you do not indulge in the loose speculations so
easily started by every smatterer and wandering collector. I look at a
strong tendency to generalise as an entire evil.

What you say of Mr. Brown is humiliating; I had suspected it, but would
not allow myself to believe in such heresy. Fitz-Roy gave him a rap
in his preface (13/1. In the preface to the "Surveying Voyages of the
'Adventure' and the 'Beagle,' 1826-30, forming Volume I of the work,
which includes the later voyage of the "Beagle," Captain Fitz-Roy wrote
(March, 1839): "Captain King took great pains in forming and preserving
a botanical collection, aided by a person embarked solely for that
purpose. He placed this collection in the British Museum, and was led to
expect that a first-rate botanist would have examined and described
it; but he has been disappointed." A reference to Robert Brown's
dilatoriness over King's collection occurs in the "Life and Letters,"
I., page 274, note.), and made him very indignant, but it seems a much
harder one would not have been wasted. My cryptogamic collection
was sent to Berkeley; it was not large. I do not believe he has yet
published an account, but he wrote to me some year ago that he had
described [the specimens] and mislaid all his descriptions. Would it not
be well for you to put yourself in communication with him, as otherwise
something will perhaps be twice laboured over? My best (though poor)
collection of the cryptogams was from the Chonos Islands.

Would you kindly observe one little fact for me, whether any species of
plant, peculiar to any island, as Galapagos, St. Helena, or New Zealand,
where there are no large quadrupeds, have hooked seeds--such hooks as,
if observed here, would be thought with justness to be adapted to catch
into wool of animals.

Would you further oblige me some time by informing me (though I forget
this will certainly appear in your "Antarctic Flora") whether in islands
like St. Helena, Galapagos, and New Zealand, the number of families
and genera are large compared with the number of species, as happens in
coral islands, and as, I believe, in the extreme Arctic land. Certainly
this is the case with marine shells in extreme Arctic seas. Do you
suppose the fewness of species in proportion to number of large groups
in coral islets is owing to the chance of seeds from all orders
getting drifted to such new spots, as I have supposed. Did you collect
sea-shells in Kerguelen-land? I should like to know their character.

Your interesting letters tempt me to be very unreasonable in asking you
questions; but you must not give yourself any trouble about them, for
I know how fully and worthily you are employed. (13/2. The rest of the
letter has been previously published in "Life and Letters," II., page
23.)

Besides a general interest about the southern lands, I have been now
ever since my return engaged in a very presumptuous work, and I know
no one individual who would not say a very foolish one. I was so struck
with the distribution of the Galapagos organisms, etc., and with the
character of the American fossil mammifers, etc., that I determined to
collect blindly every sort of fact which could bear any way on what are
species. I have read heaps of agricultural and horticultural books, and
have never ceased collecting facts. At last gleams of light have come,
and I am almost convinced (quite contrary to the opinion I started with)
that species are not (it is like confessing a murder) immutable.
Heaven forfend me from Lamarck nonsense of a "tendency to progression,"
"adaptations from the slow willing of animals," etc.! But the
conclusions I am led to are not widely different from his; though
the means of change are wholly so. I think I have found out (here's
presumption!) the simple way by which species become exquisitely adapted
to various ends. You will now groan, and think to yourself, "on what a
man have I been wasting my time and writing to." I should, five years
ago, have thought so...(13/3. On the questions here dealt with see the
interesting letter to Jenyns in the "Life and Letters," II., page 34.)


LETTER 14. TO J.D. HOOKER. [November] 1844.

...What a curious, wonderful case is that of the Lycopodium! (14/1. Sir
J.D. Hooker wrote, November 8, 1844: "I am firmly convinced (but not
enough to print it) that L. Selago varies in Van Diemen's Land into L.
varium. Two more different SPECIES (as they have hitherto been thought),
per se cannot be conceived, but nowhere else do they vary into one
another, nor does Selago vary at all in England.")...I suppose you would
hardly have expected them to be more varying than a phanerogamic plant.
I trust you will work the case out, and, even if unsupported, publish
it, for you can surely do this with due caution. I have heard of some
analogous facts, though on the smallest scale, in certain insects being
more variable in one district than in another, and I think the same
holds with some land-shells. By a strange chance I had noted to ask you
in this letter an analogous question, with respect to genera, in lieu
of individual species,--that is, whether you know of any case of a genus
with most of its species being variable (say Rubus) in one continent,
having another set of species in another continent non-variable, or not
in so marked a manner. Mr. Herbert (14/2. No doubt Dean Herbert, the
horticulturist. See "Life and Letters," I., page 343.) incidentally
mentioned in a letter to me that the heaths at the Cape of Good Hope
were very variable, whilst in Europe they are (?) not so; but then the
species here are few in comparison, so that the case, even if true, is
not a good one. In some genera of insects the variability appears to be
common in distant parts of the world. In shells, I hope hereafter to
get much light on this question through fossils. If you can help me, I
should be very much obliged: indeed, all your letters are most useful to
me.

MONDAY:--Now for your first long letter, and to me quite as interesting
as long. Several things are quite new to me in it--viz., for one, your
belief that there are more extra-tropical than intra-tropical species. I
see that my argument from the Arctic regions is false, and I should not
have tried to argue against you, had I not fancied that you thought that
equability of climate was the direct cause of the creation of a greater
or lesser number of species. I see you call our climate equable; I
should have thought it was the contrary. Anyhow, the term is vague, and
in England will depend upon whether a person compares it with the United
States or Tierra del Fuego. In my Journal (page 342) I see I state that
in South Chiloe, at a height of about 1,000 feet, the forests had a
Fuegian aspect: I distinctly recollect that at the sea-level in the
middle of Chiloe the forest had almost a tropical aspect. I should like
much to hear, if you make out, whether the N. or S. boundaries of a
plant are the most restricted; I should have expected that the S. would
be, in the temperate regions, from the number of antagonist species
being greater. N.B. Humboldt, when in London, told me of some river
(14/3. The Obi (see "Flora Antarctica," page 211, note). Hooker writes:
"Some of the most conspicuous trees attain either of its banks, but do
not cross them.") in N.E. Europe, on the opposite banks of which the
flora was, on the same soil and under same climate, widely different!

I forget (14/4. The last paragraph is published in "Life and Letters,"
II., page 29.) my last letter, but it must have been a very silly one,
as it seems I gave my notion of the number of species being in great
degree governed by the degree to which the area had been often isolated
and divided. I must have been cracked to have written it, for I have no
evidence, without a person be willing to admit all my views, and then it
does follow.

(14/5. The remainder of the foregoing letter is published in the "Life
and Letters," II., page 29. It is interesting as giving his views on
the mutability of species. Thus he wrote: "With respect to books on this
subject, I do not know any systematical ones, except Lamarck's, which is
veritable rubbish; but there are plenty, as Lyell, Pritchard, etc., on
the view of the immutability." By "Pritchard" is no doubt intended James
Cowles "Prichard," author of the "Physical History of Mankind." Prof.
Poulton has given in his paper, "A remarkable Anticipation of Modern
Views on Evolution" (14/6. "Science Progress," Volume I., April 1897,
page 278.), an interesting study of Prichard's work. He shows that
Prichard was in advance of his day in his views on the non-transmission
of acquired characters. Prof. Poulton also tries to show that Prichard
was an evolutionist. He allows that Prichard wrote with hesitation, and
that in the later editions of his book his views became weaker.
But, even with these qualifications, we think that Poulton has
unintentionally exaggerated the degree to which Prichard believed in
evolution.

One of Prichard's strongest sentences is quoted by Poulton (loc. cit.,
page 16); it occurs in the "Physical History of Mankind," Ed. 2, Volume
II., page 570:--

"Is it not probable that the varieties which spring up within the
limits of particular species are further adaptations of structure to
the circumstances under which the tribe is destined to exist? Varieties
branch out from the common form of a species, just as the forms of
species deviate from the common type of a genus. Why should the
one class of phenomena be without end or utility, a mere effect of
contingency or chance, more than the other?"

If this passage, and others similar to it, stood alone, we might agree
with Prof. Poulton; but this is impossible when we find in Volume I.
of the same edition, page 90, the following uncompromising statement of
immutability:--

"The meaning attached to the term species, in natural history, is
very simple and obvious. It includes only one circumstance--namely, an
original distinctness and constant transmission of any character. A race
of animals, or plants, marked by any peculiarities of structure which
have always been constant and undeviating, constitutes a species."

On page 91, in speaking of the idea that the species which make up a
genus may have descended from a common form, he says:--

"There must, indeed, be some principle on which the phenomena of
resemblance, as well as those of diversity, may be explained; and the
reference of several forms to a common type seems calculated to suggest
the idea of some original affinity; but, as this is merely a conjecture,
it must be kept out of sight when our inquiries respect matters of fact
only."

This view is again given in Volume II., page 569, where he asks whether
we should believe that "at the first production of a genus, when it
first grew into existence, some slight modification in the productive
causes stamped it originally with all these specific diversities? Or is
it most probable that the modification was subsequent to its origin, and
that the genus at its first creation was one and uniform, and afterwards
became diversified by the influence of external agents?" He concludes
that "the former of these suppositions is the conclusion to which we are
led by all that can be ascertained respecting the limits of species,
and the extent of variation under the influence of causes at present
existing and operating."

In spite of the fact that Prichard did not carry his ideas to their
logical conclusion, it may perhaps excite surprise that Mr. Darwin
should have spoken of him as absolutely on the side of immutability.

We believe it to be partly accounted for (as Poulton suggests) by the
fact that Mr. Darwin possessed only the third edition (1836 and 1837)
and the fourth edition (1841-51). (14/7. The edition of 1841-51 consists
of reprints of the third edition and three additional volumes of various
dates. Volumes I. and II. are described in the title-page as the fourth
edition; Volumes III. and IV. as the third edition, and Volume V. has
no edition marked in the title.) In neither of these is the evolutionary
point of view so strong as in the second edition.

We have gone through all the passages marked by Mr. Darwin for future
reference in the third and fourth editions, and have been only able to
find the following, which occurs in the third edition (Volume I., 1836,
page 242) (14/8. There is also (ed. 1837, Volume II., page 344) a vague
reference to Natural Selection, of which the last sentence is enclosed
in pencil in inverted commas, as though Mr. Darwin had intended to
quote it: "In other parts of Africa the xanthous variety [of man] often
appears, but does not multiply. Individuals thus characterised are like
seeds which perish in an uncongenial soil.")

"The variety in form, prevalent among all organised productions of
nature, is found to subsist between individual beings of whatever
species, even when they are offspring of the same parents. Another
circumstance equally remarkable is the tendency which exists in almost
every tribe, whether of animals or of plants, to transmit to their
offspring and to perpetuate in their race all individual peculiarities
which may thus have taken their rise. These two general facts in the
economy of organised beings lay a foundation for the existence of
diversified races, originating from the same primitive stock and within
the limits of identical species."

On the following page (page 243) a passage (not marked by Mr. Darwin)
emphasises the limitation which Prichard ascribed to the results of
variation and inheritance:--

"Even those physiologists who contend for what is termed the indefinite
nature of species admit that they have limits at present and under
ordinary circumstances. Whatever diversities take place happen without
breaking in upon the characteristic type of the species. This is
transmitted from generation to generation: goats produce goats, and
sheep, sheep."

The passage on page 242 occurs in the reprint of the 1836-7 edition
which forms part of the 1841-51 edition, but is not there marked by Mr.
Darwin. He notes at the end of Volume I. of the 1836-7 edition: "March,
1857. I have not looked through all these [i.e. marked passages], but I
have gone through the later edition"; and a similar entry is in Volume
II. of the third edition. It is therefore easy to understand how he came
to overlook the passage on page 242 when he began the fuller statement
of his species theory which is referred to in the "Life and Letters" as
the "unfinished book." In the historical sketch prefixed to the "Origin
of Species" writers are named as precursors whose claims are less strong
than Prichard's, and it is certain that Mr. Darwin would have given an
account of him if he had thought of him as an evolutionist.

The two following passages will show that Mr. Darwin was, from his
knowledge of Prichard's books, justified in classing him among those who
did not believe in the mutability of species:

"The various tribes of organised beings were originally placed by
the Creator in certain regions, for which they are by their nature
peculiarly adapted. Each species had only one beginning in a single
stock: probably a single pair, as Linnaeus supposed, was first called
into being in some particular spot, and the progeny left to disperse
themselves to as great a distance from the original centre of their
existence as the locomotive powers bestowed on them, or their capability
of bearing changes of climate and other physical agencies, may have
enabled them to wander." (14/9. Prichard, third edition, 1836-7, Volume
I., page 96.)

The second passage is annotated by Mr. Darwin with a shower of
exclamation marks:

"The meaning attached to the term SPECIES in natural history is
very definite and intelligible. It includes only the following
conditions--namely, separate origin and distinctness of race, evinced
by the constant transmission of some characteristic peculiarity of
organisation. A race of animals or of plants marked by any peculiar
character which has always been constant and undeviating constitutes a
species; and two races are considered as specifically different, if
they are distinguished from each other by some characteristic which one
cannot be supposed to have acquired, or the other to have lost through
any known operation of physical causes; for we are hence led to conclude
that the tribes thus distinguished have not descended from the same
original stock." (14/10. Prichard, ed. 1836-7, Volume I., page 106. This
passage is almost identical with that quoted from the second edition,
Volume I., page 90. The latter part, from "and two races...," occurs in
the second edition, though not quoted above.)

As was his custom, Mr. Darwin pinned at the end of the first volume
of the 1841-51 edition a piece of paper containing a list of the pages
where marked passages occur. This paper bears, written in pencil, "How
like my book all this will be!" The words appear to refer to Prichard's
discussion on the dispersal of animals and plants; they certainly do not
refer to the evolutionary views to be found in the book.)


LETTER 15. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [1844].

Thank you exceedingly for your long letter, and I am in truth ashamed
of the time and trouble you have taken for me; but I must some day write
again to you on the subject of your letter. I will only now observe that
you have extended my remark on the range of species of shells into the
range of genera or groups. Analogy from shells would only go so far,
that if two or three species...were found to range from America to
India, they would be found to extend through an unusual thickness
of strata--say from the Upper Cretaceous to its lowest bed, or the
Neocomian. Or you may reverse it and say those species which range
throughout the whole Cretaceous, will have wide ranges: viz., from
America through Europe to India (this is one actual case with shells in
the Cretaceous period).


LETTER 16. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [1845].

I ought to have written sooner to say that I am very willing to
subscribe 1 pound 1 shilling to the African man (though it be murder on
a small scale), and will send you a Post-office-order payable to Kew, if
you will be so good as to take charge of it. Thanks for your information
about the Antarctic Zoology; I got my numbers when in Town on Thursday:
would it be asking your publisher to take too much trouble to send your
Botany ["Flora Antarctica," by J.D. Hooker, 1844] to the Athenaeum Club?
he might send two or three numbers together. I am really ashamed to
think of your having given me such a valuable work; all I can say is
that I appreciate your present in two ways--as your gift, and for its
great use to my species-work. I am very glad to hear that you mean to
attack this subject some day. I wonder whether we shall ever be public
combatants; anyhow, I congratulate myself in a most unfair advantage of
you, viz., in having extracted more facts and views from you than from
any one other person. I daresay your explanation of polymorphism on
volcanic islands may be the right one; the reason I am curious about it
is, the fact of the birds on the Galapagos being in several instances
very fine-run species--that is, in comparing them, not so much one with
another, as with their analogues from the continent. I have somehow
felt, like you, that an alpine form of a plant is not a true variety;
and yet I cannot admit that the simple fact of the cause being
assignable ought to prevent its being called a variety; every variation
must have some cause, so that the difference would rest on our knowledge
in being able or not to assign the cause. Do you consider that a true
variety should be produced by causes acting through the parent? But even
taking this definition, are you sure that alpine forms are not inherited
from one, two, or three generations? Now, would not this be a curious
and valuable experiment (16/1. For an account of work of this character,
see papers by G. Bonnier in the "Revue Generale," Volume II., 1890;
"Ann. Sc. Nat." Volume XX.; "Revue Generale," Volume VII.), viz., to get
seeds of some alpine plant, a little more hairy, etc., etc., than its
lowland fellow, and raise seedlings at Kew: if this has not been done,
could you not get it done? Have you anybody in Scotland from whom you
could get the seeds?

I have been interested by your remarks on Senecia and Gnaphalium: would
it not be worth while (I should be very curious to hear the result) to
make a short list of the generally considered variable or polymorphous
genera, as Rosa, Salix, Rubus, etc., etc., and reflect whether such
genera are generally mundane, and more especially whether they have
distinct or identical (or closely allied) species in their different and
distant habitats.

Don't forget me, if you ever stumble on cases of the same species being
MORE or LESS variable in different countries.

With respect to the word "sterile" as used for male or polleniferous
flowers, it has always offended my ears dreadfully; on the same
principle that it would to hear a potent stallion, ram or bull called
sterile, because they did not bear, as well as beget, young.

With respect to your geological-map suggestion, I wish with all my
heart I could follow it; but just reflect on the number of measurements
requisite; why, at present it could not be done even in England, even
with the assumption of the land having simply risen any exact number of
feet. But subsidence in most cases has hopelessly complexed the problem:
see what Jordanhill-Smith (16/2. James Smith, of Jordan Hill, author of
a paper "On the Geology of Gibraltar" ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume
II., page 41, 1846).) says of the dance up and down, many times, which
Gibraltar has had all within the recent period. Such maps as Lyell
(16/3. "Principles of Geology," 1875, Volume I., Plate I, page 254.) has
published of sea and land at the beginning of the Tertiary period must
be excessively inaccurate: it assumes that every part on which Tertiary
beds have not been deposited, must have then been dry land,--a most
doubtful assumption.

I have been amused by Chambers v. Hooker on the K. Cabbage. I see in
the "Explanations" (the spirit of which, though not the facts, ought to
shame Sedgwick) that "Vestiges" considers all land-animals and plants to
have passed from marine forms; so Chambers is quite in accordance. Did
you hear Forbes, when here, giving the rather curious evidence (from a
similarity in error) that Chambers must be the author of the
"Vestiges": your case strikes me as some confirmation. I have written an
unreasonably long and dull letter, so farewell. (16/4. "Explanations: A
Sequel to the Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation" was published
in 1845, after the appearance of the fourth edition of the "Vestiges,"
by way of reply to the criticisms on the original book. The "K.
cabbage" referred to at the beginning of the paragraph is Pringlea
antiscorbutica," the "Kerguelen Cabbage" described by Sir J.D. Hooker in
his "Flora Antarctica." What Chambers wrote on this subject we have not
discovered. The mention of Sedgwick is a reference to his severe review
of the "Vestiges" in the "Edinburgh Review," 1845, volume 82, page 1.
Darwin described it as savouring "of the dogmatism of the pulpit" ("Life
and Letters," I., page 344). Mr. Ireland's edition of the "Vestiges"
(1844), in which Robert Chambers was first authentically announced as
the author, contains (page xxix) an extract from a letter written by
Chambers in 1860, in which the following passage occurs, "The April
number of the 'Edinburgh Review"' (1860) makes all but a direct amende
for the abuse it poured upon my work a number of years ago." This is the
well-known review by Owen, to which references occur in the "Life and
Letters," II., page 300. The amende to the "Vestiges" is not so full
as the author felt it to be; but it was clearly in place in a paper
intended to belittle the "Origin"; it also gave the reviewer (page 511)
an opportunity for a hit at Sedgwick and his 1845 review.)


LETTER 17. TO L. BLOMEFIELD [JENYNS]. Down. February 14th [1845].

I have taken my leisure in thanking you for your last letter and
discussion, to me very interesting, on the increase of species. Since
your letter, I have met with a very similar view in Richardson, who
states that the young are driven away by the old into unfavourable
districts, and there mostly perish. When one meets with such unexpected
statistical returns on the increase and decrease and proportion of
deaths and births amongst mankind, and in this well-known country of
ours, one ought not to be in the least surprised at one's ignorance,
when, where, and how the endless increase of our robins and sparrows is
checked.

Thanks for your hints about terms of "mutation," etc.; I had some
suspicions that it was not quite correct, and yet I do not see my way to
arrive at any better terms. It will be years before I publish, so that
I shall have plenty of time to think of better words. Development would
perhaps do, only it is applied to the changes of an individual during
its growth. I am, however, very glad of your remark, and will ponder
over it.

We are all well, wife and children three, and as flourishing as this
horrid, house-confining, tempestuous weather permits.


LETTER 18. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [1845].

I hope you are getting on well with your lectures, and that you have
enjoyed some pleasant walks during the late delightful weather. I write
to tell you (as perhaps you might have had fears on the subject) that
your books have arrived safely. I am exceedingly obliged to you for
them, and will take great care of them; they will take me some time to
read carefully.

I send to-day the corrected MS. of the first number of my "Journal"
(18/1. In 1842 he had written to his sister: "Talking of money, I reaped
the other day all the profit which I shall ever get from my "Journal"
["Journal of Researches, etc."] which consisted in paying Mr. Colburn
21 pounds 10 shillings for the copies which I presented to different
people; 1,337 copies have been sold. This is a comfortable arrangement,
is it not?" He was proved wrong in his gloomy prophecy, as the second
edition was published by Mr. Murray in 1845.) in the Colonial Library,
so that if you chance to know of any gross mistake in the first 214
pages (if you have my "Journal"), I should be obliged to you to tell me.

Do not answer this for form's sake; for you must be very busy. We have
just had the Lyells here, and you ought to have a wife to stop your
working too much, as Mrs. Lyell peremptorily stops Lyell.


LETTER 19. TO J.D. HOOKER.

(19/1. Sir J.D. Hooker's letters to Mr. Darwin seem to fix the date as
1845, while the reference to Forbes' paper indicates 1846.)

Down [1845-1846].

I am particularly obliged for your facts about solitary islands having
several species of peculiar genera; it knocks on the head some analogies
of mine; the point stupidly never occurred to me to ask about. I am
amused at your anathemas against variation and co.; whatever you may be
pleased to say, you will never be content with simple species, "as they
are." I defy you to steel your mind to technicalities, like so many of
our brother naturalists. I am much pleased that I thought of sending
you Forbes' article. (19/2. E. Forbes' celebrated paper "Memoirs of
the Geological Survey of Great Britain," Volume I., page 336, 1846. In
Lyell's "Principles," 7th Edition, 1847, page 676, he makes a temperate
claim of priority, as he had already done in a private letter of October
14th, 1846, to Forbes ("Life of Sir Charles Lyell," 1881, Volume II.,
page 106) both as regards the Sicilian flora and the barrier effect of
mountain-chains. See Letter 20 for a note on Forbes.) I confess I cannot
make out the evidence of his time-notions in distribution, and I cannot
help suspecting that they are rather vague. Lyell preceded Forbes in one
class of speculation of this kind: for instance, in his explaining the
identity of the Sicily Flora with that of South Italy, by its having
been wholly upraised within the recent period; and, so I believe, with
mountain-chains separating floras. I do not remember Humboldt's fact
about the heath regions. Very curious the case of the broom; I can tell
you something analogous on a small scale. My father, when he built his
house, sowed many broom-seeds on a wild bank, which did not come up,
owing, as it was thought, to much earth having been thrown over them.
About thirty-five years afterwards, in cutting a terrace, all this earth
was thrown up, and now the bank is one mass of broom. I see we were
in some degree talking to cross-purposes; when I said I did [not] much
believe in hybridising to any extent, I did not mean at all to exclude
crossing. It has long been a hobby of mine to see in how many flowers
such crossing is probable; it was, I believe, Knight's view, originally,
that every plant must be occasionally crossed. (19/3. See an article
on "The Knight-Darwin law" by Francis Darwin in "Nature," October 27th,
1898, page 630.) I find, however, plenty of difficulty in showing even
a vague probability of this; especially in the Leguminosae, though their
[structure?] is inimitably adapted to favour crossing, I have never
yet met with but one instance of a NATURAL MONGREL (nor mule?) in this
family.

I shall be particularly curious to hear some account of the appearance
and origin of the Ayrshire Irish Yew. And now for the main object of my
letter: it is to ask whether you would just run your eye over the
proof of my Galapagos chapter (19/4. In the second edition of the
"Naturalist's Voyage."), where I mention the plants, to see that I have
made no blunders, or spelt any of the scientific names wrongly. As
I daresay you will so far oblige me, will you let me know a few days
before, when you leave Edinburgh and how long you stay at Kinnordy, so
that my letter might catch you. I am not surprised at my collection from
James Island differing from others, as the damp upland district (where I
slept two nights) is six miles from the coast, and no naturalist except
myself probably ever ascended to it. Cuming had never even heard of it.
Cuming tells me that he was on Charles, James, and Albemarle Islands,
and that he cannot remember from my description the Scalesia, but thinks
he could if he saw a specimen. I have no idea of the origin of the
distribution of the Galapagos shells, about which you ask. I
presume (after Forbes' excellent remarks on the facilities by which
embryo-shells are transported) that the Pacific shells have been borne
thither by currents; but the currents all run the other way.


(PLATE: EDWARD FORBES 1844? From a photograph by Hill & Adamson.)


LETTER 20. EDWARD FORBES TO C. DARWIN.

(20/1. Edward Forbes was at work on his celebrated paper in the
"Geological Survey Memoirs" for 1846. We have not seen the letter of
Darwin's to which this is a reply, nor, indeed, any of his letters to
Forbes. The date of the letter is fixed by Forbes's lecture given at
the Royal Institution on February 27th, 1846 (according to L. Horner's
privately printed "Memoirs," II., page 94.))

Wednesday. 3, Southwark Street, Hyde Park. [1846].

Dear Darwin

To answer your very welcome letter, so far from being a waste of time,
is a gain, for it obliges me to make myself clear and understood
on matters which I have evidently put forward imperfectly and with
obscurity. I have devoted the whole of this week to working and writing
out the flora question, for I now feel strong enough to give my promised
evening lecture on it at the Royal Institution on Friday, and, moreover,
wish to get it in printable form for the Reports of our Survey.
Therefore at no time can I receive or answer objections with more
benefit than now. From the hurry and pressure which unfortunately attend
all my movements and doings I rarely have time to spare, in preparing
for publication, to do more than give brief and unsatisfactory
abstracts, which I fear are often extremely obscure.

Now for your objections--which have sprung out of my own obscurities.

I do not argue in a circle about the Irish case, but treat the botanical
evidence of connection and the geological as distinct. The former only I
urged at Cambridge; the latter I have not yet publicly maintained.

My Cambridge argument (20/2. "On the Distribution of Endemic Plants,"
by E. Forbes, "Brit. Assoc. Rep." 1845 (Cambridge), page 67.) was this:
That no known currents, whether of water or air, or ordinary means of
transport (20/3. Darwin's note on transportation (found with Forbes'
letter): "Forbes' arguments, from several Spanish plants in Ireland not
being transported, not sound, because sea-currents and air ditto and
migration of birds in SAME LINES. I have thought not-transportation
the greatest difficulty. Now we see how many seeds every plant and tree
requires to be regularly propagated in its own country, for we cannot
think the great number of seeds superfluous, and therefore how small is
the chance of here and there a solitary seedling being preserved in a
well-stocked country."), would account for the little group of Asturian
plants--few as to species, but playing a conspicuous part in the
vegetation--giving a peculiar botanical character to the south of
Ireland; that, as I had produced evidence of the other floras of our
islands, i.e. the Germanic, the Cretaceous, and the Devonian (these
terms used topographically, not geologically) having been acquired by
migration over continuous land (the glacial or alpine flora I except
for the present--as ice-carriage might have played a great part in its
introduction)--I considered it most probable, and maintained, that the
introduction of that Irish flora was also effected by the same means.
I held also that the character of this flora was more southern and more
ancient than that of any of the others, and that its fragmentary and
limited state was probably due to the plants composing it having (from
their comparative hardiness--heaths, saxifrages, etc.) survived the
destroying influence of the glacial epoch.

My geological argument now is as follows: half the Mediterranean
islands, or more, are partly--in some cases (as Malta) wholly--composed
of the upheaved bed of the Miocene sea; so is a great part of the south
of France from Bordeaux to Montpellier; so is the west of Portugal; and
we find the corresponding beds with the same fossils (Pecten latissimus,
etc.) in the Azores. So general an upheaval seems to me to indicate the
former existence of a great post-Miocene land [in] the region of what
is usually called the Mediterranean flora. (Everywhere these Miocene
islands, etc., bear a flora of true type.) If this land existed, it did
not extend to America, for the fossils of the Miocene of America
are representative and not identical. Where, then, was the edge or
coast-line of it, Atlantic-wards? Look at the form and constancy of the
great fucus-bank, and consider that it is a Sargassum bank, and that
the Sargassum there is in an abnormal condition, and that the species
of this genus of fuci are essentially ground-growers, and then see the
probability of this bank having originated on a line of ancient coast.

Now, having thus argued independently, first on my flora and second on
the geological evidences of land in the quarter required, I put the two
together to bear up my Irish case.

I cannot admit the Sargassum case to be parallel with that of Confervae
or Oscillatoria.

I think I have evidence from the fossils of the boulder formations in
Ireland that if such Miocene land existed it must have been broken up or
partially broken up at the epoch of the glacial or boulder period.

All objections thankfully received.

Ever most sincerely,

EDWARD FORBES.


LETTER 21. TO L. JENYNS (BLOMEFIELD). Down. [1846].

I am much obliged for your note and kind intended present of your
volume. (21/1. No doubt the late Mr. Blomefield's "Observations in
Natural History." See "Life and Letters," II., page 31.) I feel sure I
shall like it, for all discussions and observations on what the world
would call trifling points in Natural History always appear to me very
interesting. In such foreign periodicals as I have seen, there are no
such papers as White, or Waterton, or some few other naturalists in
Loudon's and Charlesworth's Journal, would have written; and a great
loss it has always appeared to me. I should have much liked to have met
you in London, but I cannot leave home, as my wife is recovering from
a rather sharp fever attack, and I am myself slaving to finish my S.
American Geology (21/2. "Geological Observations in South America"
(London), 1846.), of which, thanks to all Plutonic powers, two-thirds
are through the press, and then I shall feel a comparatively free man.
Have you any thoughts of Southampton? (21/3. The British Association
met at Southampton in 1846.) I have some vague idea of going there, and
should much enjoy meeting you.


LETTER 22. TO J.D. HOOKER. Shrewsbury [end of February 1846].

I came here on account of my father's health, which has been sadly
failing of late, but to my great joy he has got surprisingly better...I
had not heard of your botanical appointment (22/1. Sir Joseph was
appointed Botanist to the Geological Survey in 1846.), and am very glad
of it, more especially as it will make you travel and give you change
of work and relaxation. Will you some time have to examine the Chalk and
its junction with London Clay and Greensand? If so our house would be
a good central place, and my horse would be at your disposal. Could you
not spin a long week out of this examination? it would in truth delight
us, and you could bring your papers (like Lyell) and work at odd times.
Forbes has been writing to me about his subsidence doctrines; I wish I
had heard his full details, but I have expressed to him in my ignorance
my objections, which rest merely on its too great hypothetical basis;
I shall be curious, when I meet him, to hear what he says. He is
also speculating on the gulf-weed. I confess I cannot appreciate his
reasoning about his Miocene continent, but I daresay it is from want of
knowledge.

You allude to the Sicily flora not being peculiar, and this being caused
by its recent elevation (well established) in the main part: you will
find Lyell has put forward this very clearly and well. The Apennines
(which I was somewhere lately reading about) seems a very curious case.

I think Forbes ought to allude a little to Lyell's (22/2. See Letter
19.) work on nearly the same subject as his speculations; not that I
mean that Forbes wishes to take the smallest credit from him or any man
alive; no man, as far as I see, likes so much to give credit to others,
or more soars above the petty craving for self-celebrity.

If you come to any more conclusions about polymorphism, I should be very
glad to hear the result: it is delightful to have many points fermenting
in one's brain, and your letters and conclusions always give one plenty
of this same fermentation. I wish I could even make any return for all
your facts, views, and suggestions.


LETTER 23. TO J.D. HOOKER.

(23/1. The following extract gives the germ of what developed into an
interesting discussion in the "Origin" (Edition I., page 147). Darwin
wrote, "I suspect also that some cases of compensation which have been
advanced and likewise some other facts, may be merged under a more
general principle: namely, that natural selection is continually trying
to economise in every part of the organism." He speaks of the general
belief of botanists in compensation, but does not quote any instances.)

[September 1846].

Have you ever thought of G. St. Hilaire's "loi de balancement" (23/2.
According to Darwin ("Variation of Animals and Plants," 2nd edition,
II., page 335) the law of balancement was propounded by Goethe and
Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772-1844) nearly at the same time, but he gives
no reference to the works of these authors. It appears, however, from
his son Isidore's "Vie, Travaux etc., d'Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire,"
Paris 1847, page 214, that the law was given in his "Philosophie
Anatomique," of which the first part was published in 1818. Darwin
(ibid.) gives some instances of the law holding good in plants.), as
applied to plants? I am well aware that some zoologists quite reject it,
but it certainly appears to me that it often holds good with animals.
You are no doubt aware of the kind of facts I refer to, such as
great development of canines in the carnivora apparently causing
a diminution--a compensation or balancement--in the small size of
premolars, etc. I have incidentally noticed some analogous remarks on
plants, but have never seen it discussed by botanists. Can you think
of cases in any one species in genus, or genus in family, with certain
parts extra developed, and some adjoining parts reduced? In varieties
of the same species double flowers and large fruits seem something of
this--want of pollen and of seeds balancing with the increased number
of petals and development of fruit. I hope we shall see you here this
autumn.


(24/1. In this year (1847) Darwin wrote a short review of Waterhouse's
"Natural History of the Mammalia," of which the first volume had
appeared. It was published in "The Annals and Magazine of Natural
History," Volume XIX., page 53. The following sentence is the only one
which shows even a trace of evolution: "whether we view classification
as a mere contrivance to convey much information in a single word, or as
something more than a memoria technica, and as connected with the laws
of creation, we cannot doubt that where such important differences in
the generative and cerebral systems, as distinguish the Marsupiata from
the Placentata, run through two series of animals, they ought to be
arranged under heads of equal value."

A characteristic remark occurs in reference to Geographical
Distribution, "that noble subject of which we as yet but dimly see the
full bearing."

The following letter seems to be of sufficient interest to be published
in spite of the obscurities caused by the want of date. It seems to have
been written after 1847, in which year a dispute involving Dr. King and
several "arctic gentlemen" was carried on in the "Athenaeum." Mr. Darwin
speaks of "Natural History Instructions for the present expedition."
This may possibly refer to the "Admiralty Manual of Scientific Enquiry"
(1849), for it is clear, from the prefatory memorandum of the Lords
of the Admiralty, that they believed the manual would be of use in the
forthcoming expeditions in search of Sir John Franklin.)

LETTER 24. TO E. CRESY.

(24/2. Mr. Cresy was, we believe, an architect: his friendship with Mr.
Darwin dates from the settlement at Down.)

Down [after 1847].

Although I have never particularly attended to the points in dispute
between Dr. (Richard) King and the other Arctic gentlemen, yet I have
carefully read all the articles in the "Athenaeum," and took from them
much the same impression as you convey in your letter, for which I thank
you. I believe that old sinner, Sir J. Barrow (24/3. Sir John Barrow,
(1764-1848): Secretary to the Admiralty. has been at the bottom of all
the money wasted over the naval expeditions. So strongly have I felt on
this subject, that, when I was appointed on a committee for Nat. Hist.
instructions for the present expedition, had I been able to attend I had
resolved to express my opinion on the little advantage, comparatively
to the expense, gained by them. There have been, I believe, from
the beginning eighteen expeditions; this strikes me as monstrous,
considering how little is known, for instance, on the interior of
Australia. The country has paid dear for Sir John's hobbyhorse. I have
very little doubt that Dr. King is quite right in the advantage of land
expeditions as far as geography is concerned; and that is now the chief
object. (24/4. This sentence would imply that Darwin thought it hopeless
to rescue Sir J. Franklin's expedition. If so, the letter must be, at
least, as late as 1850. If the eighteen expeditions mentioned above
are "search expeditions," it would also bring the date of the letter to
1850.)


LETTER 25. TO RICHARD OWEN. Down [March 26th, 1848].

My dear Owen

I do not know whether your MS. instructions are sent in; but even
if they are not sent in, I daresay what I am going to write will be
absolutely superfluous (25/1. The results of Mr. Darwin's experience
given in the above letter were embodied by Prof. Owen in the section "On
the Use of the Microscope on Board Ship," forming part of the article
"Zoology" in the "Manual of Scientific Enquiry, Prepared for the Use of
Her Majesty's Navy" (London, 1849).), but I have derived such infinitely
great advantage from my new simple microscope, in comparison with the
one which I used on board the "Beagle," and which was recommended to me
by R. Brown ("Life and Letters," I., page 145.), that I cannot forego
the mere chance of advantage of urging this on you. The leading point
of difference consists simply in having the stage for saucers very large
and fixed. Mine will hold a saucer three inches in inside diameter.
I have never seen such a microscope as mine, though Chevalier's (from
whose plan many points of mine are taken), of Paris, approaches it
pretty closely. I fully appreciate the utter ABSURDITY of my giving
you advice about means of dissecting; but I have appreciated myself the
enormous disadvantage of having worked with a bad instrument, though
thought a few years since the best. Please to observe that without you
call especial attention to this point, those ignorant of Natural History
will be sure to get one of the fiddling instruments sold in shops.
If you thought fit, I would point out the differences, which, from my
experience, make a useful microscope for the kind of dissection of
the invertebrates which a person would be likely to attempt on board a
vessel. But pray again believe that I feel the absurdity of this letter,
and I write merely from the chance of yourself, possessing great skill
and having worked with good instruments, [not being] possibly fully
aware what an astonishing difference the kind of microscope makes for
those who have not been trained in skill for dissection under water.
When next I come to town (I was prevented last time by illness) I must
call on you, and report, for my own satisfaction, a really (I think)
curious point I have made out in my beloved barnacles. You cannot tell
how much I enjoyed my talk with you here.

Ever, my dear Owen, Yours sincerely, C. DARWIN.

P.S.--If I do not hear, I shall understand that my letter is
superfluous. Smith and Beck were so pleased with the simple microscope
they made for me, that they have made another as a model. If you are
consulted by any young naturalists, do recommend them to look at this.
I really feel quite a personal gratitude to this form of microscope, and
quite a hatred to my old one.


LETTER 26. TO J.S. HENSLOW. Down [April 1st, 1848.]

Thank you for your note and giving me a chance of seeing you in town;
but it was out of my power to take advantage of it, for I had previously
arranged to go up to London on Monday. I should have much enjoyed
seeing you. Thanks also for your address (26/1. An introductory lecture
delivered in March 1848 at the first meeting of a Society "for giving
instructions to the working classes in Ipswich in various branches of
science, and more especially in natural history" ("Memoir of the Rev.
J.S. Henslow," by Leonard Jenyns, page 150.), which I like very much.
The anecdote about Whewell and the tides I had utterly forgotten; I
believe it is near enough to the truth. I rather demur to one sentence
of yours--viz., "However delightful any scientific pursuit may be, yet,
if it should be wholly unapplied, it is of no more use than building
castles in the air." Would not your hearers infer from this that the
practical use of each scientific discovery ought to be immediate and
obvious to make it worthy of admiration? What a beautiful instance
chloroform is of a discovery made from purely scientific researches,
afterwards coming almost by chance into practical use! For myself I
would, however, take higher ground, for I believe there exists, and I
feel within me, an instinct for truth, or knowledge or discovery, of
something of the same nature as the instinct of virtue, and that our
having such an instinct is reason enough for scientific researches
without any practical results ever ensuing from them. You will wonder
what makes me run on so, but I have been working very hard for the last
eighteen months on the anatomy, etc., of the Cirripedia (on which I
shall publish a monograph), and some of my friends laugh at me, and I
fear the study of the Cirripedia will ever remain "wholly unapplied,"
and yet I feel that such study is better than castle-building.


LETTER 27. TO J.D. HOOKER, at Dr. Falconer's, Botanic Garden, Calcutta.
Down, May 10th, 1848.

I was indeed delighted to see your handwriting; but I felt almost sorry
when I beheld how long a letter you had written. I know that you are
indomitable in work, but remember how precious your time is, and do not
waste it on your friends, however much pleasure you may give them. Such
a letter would have cost me half-a-day's work. How capitally you seem
going on! I do envy you the sight of all the glorious vegetation. I am
much pleased and surprised that you have been able to observe so much in
the animal world. No doubt you keep a journal, and an excellent one it
will be, I am sure, when published. All these animal facts will tell
capitally in it. I can quite comprehend the difficulty you mention about
not knowing what is known zoologically in India; but facts observed, as
you will observe them, are none the worse for reiterating. Did you see
Mr. Blyth in Calcutta? He would be a capital man to tell you what is
known about Indian Zoology, at least in the Vertebrata. He is a very
clever, odd, wild fellow, who will never do what he could do, from not
sticking to any one subject. By the way, if you should see him at any
time, try not to forget to remember me very kindly to him; I liked all I
saw of him. Your letter was the very one to charm me, with all its facts
for my Species-book, and truly obliged I am for so kind a remembrance
of me. Do not forget to make enquiries about the origin, even if only
traditionally known, of any varieties of domestic quadrupeds, birds,
silkworms, etc. Are there domestic bees? if so hives ought to be brought
home. Of all the facts you mention, that of the wild [illegible], when
breeding with the domestic, producing offspring somewhat sterile, is the
most surprising: surely they must be different species. Most zoologists
would absolutely disbelieve such a statement, and consider the result as
a proof that they were distinct species. I do not go so far as that,
but the case seems highly improbable. Blyth has studied the Indian
Ruminantia. I have been much struck about what you say of lowland plants
ascending mountains, but the alpine not descending. How I do hope you
will get up some mountains in Borneo; how curious the result will be!
By the way, I never heard from you what affinity the Maldive flora has,
which is cruel, as you tempted me by making me guess. I sometimes groan
over your Indian journey, when I think over all your locked up riches.
When shall I see a memoir on Insular floras, and on the Pacific? What
a grand subject Alpine floras of the world (27/1. Mr. William Botting
Hemsley, F.R.S., of the Royal Gardens, Kew, is now engaged on a
monograph of the high-level Alpine plants of the world.) would be,
as far as known; and then you have never given a coup d'oeil on the
similarity and dissimilarity of Arctic and Antarctic floras. Well, thank
heavens, when you do come back you will be nolens volens a fixture. I am
particularly glad you have been at the Coal; I have often since you went
gone on maundering on the subject, and I shall never rest easy in Down
churchyard without the problem be solved by some one before I die.
Talking of dying makes me tell you that my confounded stomach is much
the same; indeed, of late has been rather worse, but for the last year,
I think, I have been able to do more work. I have done nothing besides
the barnacles, except, indeed, a little theoretical paper on erratic
boulders (27/2. "On the Transportal of Erratic Boulders from a Lower to
a Higher Level" ("Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume IV., pages 315-23.
1848). In this paper Darwin favours the view that the transport of
boulders was effected by coast-ice. An earlier paper entitled "Notes on
the Effects produced by the ancient Glaciers of Caernarvonshire, and on
the Boulders transported by floating Ice" ("Phil. Mag." 1842, page 352)
is spoken of by Sir Archibald Geikie as standing "almost at the top of
the long list of English contributions to the history of the Ice
Age" ("Charles Darwin," "Nature" Series, page 23).), and Scientific
Geological Instructions for the Admiralty Volume (27/3. "A manual of
Scientific Enquiry, prepared for the use of Her Majesty's Navy, and
adapted for Travellers in General." Edited by Sir John F.W. Herschel,
Bart. Section VI.--Geology--by Charles Darwin. London, 1849. See "Life
and Letters," pages 328-9.), which cost me some trouble. This work,
which is edited by Sir J. Herschel, is a very good job, inasmuch as
the captains of men-of-war will now see that the Admiralty cares for
science, and so will favour naturalists on board. As for a man who is
not scientific by nature, I do not believe instructions will do him any
good; and if he be scientific and good for anything the instructions
will be superfluous. I do not know who does the Botany; Owen does the
Zoology, and I have sent him an account of my new simple microscope,
which I consider perfect, even better than yours by Chevalier. N.B. I
have got a 1/8 inch object-glass, and it is grand. I have been getting
on well with my beloved Cirripedia, and get more skilful in dissection.
I have worked out the nervous system pretty well in several genera,
and made out their ears and nostrils (27/4. For the olfactory sacs see
Darwin's "Monograph of the Cirripedia," 1851, page 52.), which were
quite unknown. I have lately got a bisexual cirripede, the male being
microscopically small and parasitic within the sack of the female. I
tell you this to boast of my species theory, for the nearest closely
allied genus to it is, as usual, hermaphrodite, but I had observed some
minute parasites adhering to it, and these parasites I now can show are
supplemental males, the male organs in the hermaphrodite being unusually
small, though perfect and containing zoosperms: so we have almost a
polygamous animal, simple females alone being wanting. I never should
have made this out, had not my species theory convinced me, that an
hermaphrodite species must pass into a bisexual species by insensibly
small stages; and here we have it, for the male organs in the
hermaphrodite are beginning to fail, and independent males ready formed.
But I can hardly explain what I mean, and you will perhaps wish my
barnacles and species theory al Diavolo together. But I don't care what
you say, my species theory is all gospel. We have had only one party
here: viz., of the Lyells, Forbes, Owen, and Ramsay, and we both missed
you and Falconer very much...I know more of your history than you will
suppose, for Miss Henslow most good-naturedly sent me a packet of your
letters, and she wrote me so nice a little note that it made me quite
proud. I have not heard of anything in the scientific line which
would interest you. Sir H. De la Beche (27/5. The Presidential Address
delivered by De la Beche before the Geological Society in 1848 ("Quart.
Journ. Geol. Soc." Volume IV., "Proceedings," page xxi, 1848).) gave a
very long and rather dull address; the most interesting part was from
Sir J. Ross. Mr. Beete Jukes figured in it very prominently: it really
is a very nice quality in Sir Henry, the manner in which he pushes
forward his subordinates. Jukes has since read what was considered a
very valuable paper. The man, not content with moustaches, now sports
an entire beard, and I am sure thinks himself like Jupiter tonans. There
was a short time since a not very creditable discussion at a meeting
of the Royal Society, where Owen fell foul of Mantell with fury and
contempt about belemnites. What wretched doings come from the order of
fame; the love of truth alone would never make one man attack another
bitterly. My paper is full, so I must wish you with all my heart
farewell. Heaven grant that your health may keep good.


LETTER 28. TO J.S. HENSLOW. The Lodge, Malvern, May 6th, 1849.

Your kind note has been forwarded to me here. You will be surprised to
hear that we all--children, servants, and all--have been here for nearly
two months. All last autumn and winter my health grew worse and worse:
incessant sickness, tremulous hands, and swimming head. I thought I was
going the way of all flesh. Having heard of much success in some cases
from the cold-water cure, I determined to give up all attempts to do
anything and come here and put myself under Dr. Gully. It has answered
to a considerable extent: my sickness much checked and considerable
strength gained. Dr. G., moreover (and I hear he rarely speaks
confidently), tells me he has little doubt but that he can cure me in
the course of time--time, however, it will take. I have experienced
enough to feel sure that the cold-water cure is a great and powerful
agent and upsetter of all constitutional habits. Talking of habits, the
cruel wretch has made me leave off snuff--that chief solace of life. We
thank you most sincerely for your prompt and early invitation to Hitcham
for the British Association for 1850 (28/1. The invitation was probably
not for 1850, but for 1851, when the Association met at Ipswich.): if
I am made well and strong, most gladly will I accept it; but as I have
been hitherto, a drive every day of half a dozen miles would be more
than I could stand with attending any of the sections. I intend going to
Birmingham (28/2. The Association met at Birmingham in 1849.) if able;
indeed, I am bound to attempt it, for I am honoured beyond all measure
in being one of the Vice-Presidents. I am uncommonly glad you will be
there; I fear, however, we shall not have any such charming trips as
Nuneham and Dropmore. (28/3. In a letter to Hooker (October 12th, 1849)
Darwin speaks of "that heavenly day at Dropmore." ("Life and Letters,"
I., page 379.)) We shall stay here till at least June 1st, perhaps till
July 1st; and I shall have to go on with the aqueous treatment at home
for several more months. One most singular effect of the treatment
is that it induces in most people, and eminently in my case, the most
complete stagnation of mind. I have ceased to think even of barnacles!
I heard some time since from Hooker...How capitally he seems to have
succeeded in all his enterprises! You must be very busy now. I happened
to be thinking the other day over the Gamlingay trip to the Lilies
of the Valley (28/4. The Lily of the Valley (Convallaria majalis)
is recorded from Gamlingay by Professor Babington in his "Flora of
Cambridgeshire," page 234. (London, 1860.)): ah, those were delightful
days when one had no such organ as a stomach, only a mouth and the
masticating appurtenances. I am very much surprised at what you say,
that men are beginning to work in earnest [at] Botany. What a loss it
will be for Natural History that you have ceased to reside all the year
in Cambridge!


LETTER 29. TO J.F. ROYLE. Down, September 1st [184-?].

I return you with very many thanks your valuable work. I am sure I
have not lost any slip or disarranged the loose numbers. I have been
interested by looking through the volumes, though I have not found quite
so much as I had thought possible about the varieties of the Indian
domestic animals and plants, and the attempts at introduction have been
too recent for the effects (if any) of climate to have been developed.
I have, however, been astonished and delighted at the evidence of the
energetic attempts to do good by such numbers of people, and most of
them evidently not personally interested in the result. Long may
our rule flourish in India. I declare all the labour shown in
these transactions is enough by itself to make one proud of one's
countrymen...


LETTER 30. TO HUGH STRICKLAND.

(30/1. The first paragraph of this letter is published in the "Life and
Letters," I., page 372, as part of a series of letters to Strickland,
beginning at page 365, where a biographical note by Professor Newton is
also given. Professor Newton wrote: "In 1841 he brought the subject
of Natural History Nomenclature before the British Association, and
prepared the code of rules for Zoological Nomenclature, now known by his
name--the principles of which are very generally accepted." Mr. Darwin's
reasons against appending the describer's name to that of the species
are given in "Life and Letters," page 366. The present letter is
of interest as giving additional details in regard to Darwin's
difficulties.)

Down, February 10th [1849].

I have again to thank you cordially for your letter. Your remarks shall
fructify to some extent, and I will try to be more faithful to rigid
virtue and priority; but as for calling Balanus "Lepas" (which I did
not think of) I cannot do it, my pen won't write it--it is impossible. I
have great hopes some of my difficulties will disappear, owing to wrong
dates in Agassiz and to my having to run several genera into one; for I
have as yet gone, in but few cases, to original sources. With respect to
adopting my own notions in my Cirripedia book, I should not like to do
so without I found others approved, and in some public way; nor indeed
is it well adapted, as I can never recognise a species without I have
the original specimen, which fortunately I have in many cases in the
British Museum. Thus far I mean to adopt my notion, in never putting
mihi or Darwin after my own species, and in the anatomical text giving
no authors' names at all, as the systematic part will serve for those
who want to know the history of the species as far as I can imperfectly
work it out.

I have had a note from W. Thompson (30/2. Mr. Thompson is described in
the preface to the Lepadidae as "the distinguished Natural Historian
of Ireland.") this morning, and he tells me Ogleby has some scheme
identical almost with mine. I feel pretty sure there is a growing
general aversion to the appendage of author's name, except in cases
where necessary. Now at this moment I have seen specimens ticketed with
a specific name and no reference--such are hopelessly inconvenient;
but I declare I would rather (as saving time) have a reference to some
second systematic work than to the original author, for I have cases of
this which hardly help me at all, for I know not where to look amongst
endless periodical foreign papers. On the other hand, one can get hold
of most systematic works and so follow up the scent, and a species does
not long lie buried exclusively in a paper.

I thank you sincerely for your very kind offer of occasionally assisting
me with your opinion, and I will not trespass much. I have a case, but
[it is one] about which I am almost sure; and so to save you writing, if
I conclude rightly, pray do not answer, and I shall understand silence
as assent.

Olfers in 1814 made Lepas aurita Linn. into the genus Conchoderma;
[Oken] in 1815 gave the name Branta to Lepas aurita and vittata, and
by so doing he alters essentially Olfers' generic definition. Oken was
right (as it turns out), and Lepas aurita and vittata must form together
one genus. (30/3. In the "Monograph on the Cirripedia" (Lepadidae) the
names used are Conchoderma aurita and virgata.) (I leave out of question
a multitude of subsequent synonyms.) Now I suppose I must retain
Conchoderma of Olfers. I cannot make out a precise rule in the "British
Association Report" for this. When a genus is cut into two I see that
the old name is retained for part and altered to it; so I suppose the
definition may be enlarged to receive another species--though the cases
are somewhat different. I should have had no doubt if Lepas aurita and
vittata had been made into two genera, for then when run together the
oldest of the two would have been retained. Certainly to put Conchoderma
Olfers is not quite correct when applied to the two species, for such
was not Olfers' definition and opinion. If I do not hear, I shall retain
Conchoderma for the two species...

P.S.--Will you by silence give consent to the following?

Linnaeus gives no type to his genus Lepas, though L. balanus comes
first. Several oldish authors have used Lepas exclusively for the
pedunculate division, and the name has been given to the family and
compounded in sub-generic names. Now, this shows that old authors
attached the name Lepas more particularly to the pedunculate division.
Now, if I were to use Lepas for Anatifera (30/4. Anatifera and Anatifa
were used as generic names for what Linnaeus and Darwin called Lepas
anatifera.) I should get rid of the difficulty of the second edition of
Hill and of the difficulty of Anatifera vel Anatifa. Linnaeus's generic
description is equally applicable to Anatifera and Balanus, though the
latter stands first. Must the mere precedence rigorously outweigh the
apparent opinion of many old naturalists? As for using Lepas in place
of Balanus, I cannot. Every one will understand what is meant by Lepas
Anatifera, so that convenience would be wonderfully thus suited. If I do
not hear, I shall understand I have your consent.


LETTER 31. J.D. HOOKER TO CHARLES DARWIN.

(31/1. In the "Life and Letters," I., page 392, is a letter to Sir J.D.
Hooker from Mr. Darwin, to whom the former had dedicated his "Himalayan
Journals." Mr. Darwin there wrote: "Your letter, received this morning,
has interested me extremely, and I thank you sincerely for telling me
your old thoughts and aspirations." The following is the letter referred
to, which at our request Sir Joseph has allowed us to publish.)

Kew, March 1st, 1854.

Now that my book (31/2. "Himalayan Journals," 2 volumes. London, 1854.)
has been publicly acknowledged to be of some value, I feel bold to
write to you; for, to tell you the truth, I have never been without a
misgiving that the dedication might prove a very bad compliment, however
kindly I knew you would receive it. The idea of the dedication has been
present to me from a very early date: it was formed during the Antarctic
voyage, out of love for your own "Journal," and has never deserted me
since; nor would it, I think, had I never known more of you than by
report and as the author of the said "Naturalist's Journal." Short of
the gratification I felt in getting the book out, I know no greater than
your kind, hearty acceptation of the dedication; and, had the reviewers
gibbeted me, the dedication would alone have given me real pain. I have
no wish to assume a stoical indifference to public opinion, for I am
well alive to it, and the critics might have irritated me sorely, but
they could never have caused me the regret that the association of your
name with a bad book of mine would have.

You will laugh when I tell you that, my book out, I feel past the
meridian of life! But you do not know how from my earliest childhood I
nourished and cherished the desire to make a creditable journey in a new
country, and write such a respectable account of its natural features as
should give me a niche amongst the scientific explorers of the globe
I inhabit, and hand my name down as a useful contributor of original
matter. A combination of most rare advantages has enabled me to gain
as much of my object as contents me, for I never wished to be greatest
amongst you, nor did rivalry ever enter my thoughts. No ulterior object
has ever been present to me in this pursuit. My ambition is fully
gratified by the satisfactory completion of my task, and I am now happy
to go on jog-trot at Botany till the end of my days--downhill, in one
sense, all the way. I shall never have such another object to work for,
nor shall I feel the want of it...As it is, the craving of thirty
years is satisfied, and I now look back on life in a way I never could
previously. There never was a past hitherto to me. The phantom was
always in view; mayhap it is only a "ridiculus mus" after all, but it is
big enough for me...


(PLATE: T.H. HUXLEY, 1857. Maull & Polyblank photo., Walker & Cockerell
ph. sc.)

(32/1. The story of Huxley's life has been fully given in the
interesting biography edited by Mr. Leonard Huxley. (32/2. "Life and
Letters of Thomas Henry Huxley." London 1900.) Readers of this book and
of the "Life and Letters of Charles Darwin" gain an insight into the
relationship between this pair of friends to which any words of ours can
add but little. Darwin realised to the full the essential strength of
Mr. Huxley's nature; he knew, as all the world now knows, the delicate
sense of honour of his friend, and he was ever inclined to lean on his
guidance in practical matters, as on an elder brother. Of Mr. Huxley's
dialectical and literary skill he was an enthusiastic admirer, and
he never forgot what his theories owed to the fighting powers of his
"general agent." (32/3. Ibid., I., page 171.) Huxley's estimate of
Darwin is very interesting: he valued him most highly for what was so
strikingly characteristic of himself--the love of truth. He spoke of
finding in him "something bigger than ordinary humanity--an unequalled
simplicity and directness of purpose--a sublime unselfishness." (32/4.
Ibid., II., page 94. Huxley is speaking of Gordon's death, and goes on:
"Of all the people whom I have met with in my life, he and Darwin are
the two in whom I have found," etc.) The same point of view comes out in
Huxley's estimate of Darwin's mental power. (32/5. Ibid., II., page
39.) "He had a clear, rapid intelligence, a great memory, a vivid
imagination, and what made his greatness was the strict subordination of
all these to his love of truth." This, as an analysis of Darwin's mental
equipment, seems to us incomplete, though we do not pretend to mend
it. We do not think it is possible to dissect and label the complex
qualities which go to make up that which we all recognise as genius.
But, if we may venture to criticise, we would say that Mr. Huxley's
words do not seem to cover that supreme power of seeing and thinking
what the rest of the world had overlooked, which was one of Darwin's
most striking characteristics. As throwing light on the quality of their
friendship, we give below a letter which has already appeared in the
"Life and Letters of T.H. Huxley," I., page 366. Mr. L. Huxley gives an
account of the breakdown in health which convinced Huxley's friends that
rest and relief from anxiety must be found for him. Mr. L. Huxley aptly
remarks of the letter, "It is difficult to say whether it does more
honour to him who sent it or to him who received it." (32/6. Huxley's
"Life," I., page 366. Mr. Darwin left to Mr. Huxley a legacy of 1,000
pounds, "as a slight memorial of my lifelong affection and respect for
him."))


LETTER 32. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Down, April 23rd, 1873.

My dear Huxley

I have been asked by some of your friends (eighteen in number) to inform
you that they have placed, through Robarts, Lubbock & Co., the sum
of 2,100 pounds to your account at your bankers. We have done this
to enable you to get such complete rest as you may require for the
re-establishment of your health; and in doing this we are convinced that
we act for the public interest, as well as in accordance with our most
earnest desires. Let me assure you that we are all your warm personal
friends, and that there is not a stranger or mere acquaintance amongst
us. If you could have heard what was said, or could have read what
was, as I believe, our inmost thoughts, you would know that we all feel
towards you, as we should to an honoured and much loved brother. I am
sure that you will return this feeling, and will therefore be glad to
give us the opportunity of aiding you in some degree, as this will be a
happiness to us to the last day of our lives. Let me add that our plan
occurred to several of your friends at nearly the same time and quite
independently of one another.

My dear Huxley, Your affectionate friend, CHARLES DARWIN.


LETTER 33. TO T.H. HUXLEY.

(33/1. The following letter is one of the earliest of the long series
addressed to Mr. Huxley.)

Down, April 23rd [1854].

My dear Sir

I have got out all the specimens, which I have thought could by any
possibility be of any use to you; but I have not looked at them, and
know not what state they are in, but should be much pleased if they are
of the smallest use to you. I enclose a catalogue of habitats: I thought
my notes would have turned out of more use. I have copied out such few
points as perhaps would not be apparent in preserved specimens. The
bottle shall go to Mr. Gray on Thursday next by our weekly carrier.

I am very much obliged for your paper on the Mollusca (33/2. The paper
of Huxley's is "On the Morphology of the Cephalous Mollusca, etc."
("Phil. Trans. R. Soc." Volume 143, Part I., 1853, page 29.)); I have
read it all with much interest: but it would be ridiculous in me to make
any remarks on a subject on which I am so utterly ignorant; but I can
see its high importance. The discovery of the type or "idea" (33/3.
Huxley defines his use of the word "archetype" at page 50: "All that I
mean is the conception of a form embodying the most general propositions
that can be affirmed respecting the Cephalous Mollusca, standing in the
same relation to them as the diagram to a geometrical theorem, and like
it, at once, imaginary and true.") (in your sense, for I detest the word
as used by Owen, Agassiz & Co.) of each great class, I cannot doubt,
is one of the very highest ends of Natural History; and certainly most
interesting to the worker-out. Several of your remarks have interested
me: I am, however, surprised at what you say versus "anamorphism" (33/4.
The passage referred to is at page 63: "If, however, all Cephalous
Mollusks...be only modifications by excess or defect of the parts of
a definite archetype, then, I think, it follows as a necessary
consequence, that no anamorphism takes place in this group. There is
no progression from a lower to a higher type, but merely a more or
less complete evolution of one type." Huxley seems to use the term
anamorphism in a sense differing from that of some writers. Thus in
Jourdan's "Dictionnaire des Termes Usites dans les Sciences Naturelles,"
1834, it is defined as the production of an atypical form either by
arrest or excess of development.), I should have thought that the
archetype in imagination was always in some degree embryonic, and
therefore capable [of] and generally undergoing further development.

Is it not an extraordinary fact, the great difference in position of the
heart in different species of Cleodora? (33/5. A genus of Pteropods.) I
am a believer that when any part, usually constant, differs considerably
in different allied species that it will be found in some degree
variable within the limits of the same species. Thus, I should expect
that if great numbers of specimens of some of the species of Cleodora
had been examined with this object in view, the position of the heart in
some of the species would have been found variable. Can you aid me with
any analogous facts?

I am very much pleased to hear that you have not given up the idea of
noticing my cirripedial volume. All that I have seen since confirms
everything of any importance stated in that volume--more especially I
have been able rigorously to confirm in an anomalous species, by the
clearest evidence, that the actual cellular contents of the ovarian
tubes, by the gland-like action of a modified portion of the continuous
tube, passes into the cementing stuff: in fact cirripedes make glue out
of their own unformed eggs! (33/6. On Darwin's mistake in this point see
"Life and Letters," III., page 2.)

Pray believe me, Yours sincerely, C. DARWIN.

I told the above case to Milne Edwards, and I saw he did not place the
smallest belief in it.


LETTER 34. TO T.H. HUXLEY. Down, September 2nd, [1854].

My second volume on the everlasting barnacles is at last published
(34/1. "A Monograph of the Sub-class Cirripedia. II. The Balanidae, the
Verrucidae." Ray Society, 1854.), and I will do myself the pleasure of
sending you a copy to Jermyn Street next Thursday, as I have to send
another book then to Mr. Baily.

And now I want to ask you a favour--namely, to answer me two questions.
As you are so perfectly familiar with the doings, etc., of all
Continental naturalists, I want you to tell me a few names of those
whom you think would care for my volume. I do not mean in the light of
puffing my book, but I want not to send copies to those who from other
studies, age, etc., would view it as waste paper. From assistance
rendered me, I consider myself bound to send copies to: (1) Bosquet of
Maestricht, (2) Milne Edwards, (3) Dana, (4) Agassiz, (5) Muller, (6)
W. Dunker of Hesse Cassel. Now I have five or six other copies to
distribute, and will you be so very kind as to help me? I had thought of
Von Siebold, Loven, d'Orbigny, Kolliker, Sars, Kroyer, etc., but I know
hardly anything about any of them.

My second question, it is merely a chance whether you can answer,--it is
whether I can send these books or any of them (in some cases accompanied
by specimens), through the Royal Society: I have some vague idea of
having heard that the Royal Society did sometimes thus assist members.

I have just been reading your review of the "Vestiges" (34/2. In his
chapter on the "Reception of the Origin of Species" ("Life and Letters,"
II., pages 188-9), Mr. Huxley wrote: "and the only review I ever have
qualms of conscience about, on the ground of needless savagery, is one
I wrote on the 'Vestiges.'" The article is in the "British and Foreign
Medico-chirurgical Review," XIII., 1854, page 425. The "great man"
referred to below is Owen: see Huxley's review, page 439, and Huxley's
"Life." I., page 94.), and the way you handle a great Professor is
really exquisite and inimitable. I have been extremely interested in
other parts, and to my mind it is incomparably the best review I have
read on the "Vestiges"; but I cannot think but that you are rather hard
on the poor author. I must think that such a book, if it does no other
good, spreads the taste for Natural Science.

But I am perhaps no fair judge, for I am almost as unorthodox
about species as the "Vestiges" itself, though I hope not quite so
unphilosophical. How capitally you analyse his notion about law. I
do not know when I have read a review which interested me so much. By
Heavens, how the blood must have gushed into the capillaries when a
certain great man (whom with all his faults I cannot help liking) read
it!

I am rather sorry you do not think more of Agassiz's embryological
stages (34/3. See "Origin," Edition VI., page 310: also Letter 40,
Note.), for though I saw how exceedingly weak the evidence was, I was
led to hope in its truth.


LETTER 35. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down [1854].

With respect to "highness" and "lowness," my ideas are only eclectic and
not very clear. It appears to me that an unavoidable wish to compare all
animals with men, as supreme, causes some confusion; and I think that
nothing besides some such vague comparison is intended, or perhaps is
even possible, when the question is whether two kingdoms such as the
Articulata or Mollusca are the highest. Within the same kingdom I am
inclined to think that "highest" usually means that form which has
undergone most "morphological differentiation" from the common embryo or
archetype of the class; but then every now and then one is bothered
(as Milne Edwards has remarked) by "retrograde development," i.e.,
the mature animal having fewer and less important organs than its own
embryo. The specialisation of parts to different functions, or
"the division of physiological labour" (35/1. A slip of the pen for
"physiological division of labour.") of Milne Edwards exactly agrees
(and to my mind is the best definition, when it can be applied)
with what you state is your idea in regard to plants. I do not think
zoologists agree in any definite ideas on this subject; and my ideas are
not clearer than those of my brethren.


LETTER 36. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, July 2nd [1854].

I have had the house full of visitors, and when I talk I can do
absolutely nothing else; and since then I have been poorly enough,
otherwise I should have answered your letter long before this, for I
enjoy extremely discussing such points as those in your last note. But
what a villain you are to heap gratuitous insults on my ELASTIC theory:
you might as well call the virtue of a lady elastic, as the virtue of a
theory accommodating in its favours. Whatever you may say, I feel that
my theory does give me some advantages in discussing these points. But
to business: I keep my notes in such a way, viz., in bulk, that I cannot
possibly lay my hand on any reference; nor as far as the vegetable
kingdom is concerned do I distinctly remember having read any discussion
on general highness or lowness, excepting Schleiden (I fancy) on
Compositae being highest. Ad. de Jussieu (36/1. "Monographie de la
Famille des Malpighiacees," by Adrien de Jussieu, "Arch. du Museum."
Volume III., page 1, 1843.), in "Arch. du Museum," Tome 3, discusses
the value of characters of degraded flowers in the Malpighiaceae, but I
doubt whether this at all concerns you. Mirbel somewhere has discussed
some such question.

Plants lie under an enormous disadvantage in respect to such discussions
in not passing through larval stages. I do not know whether you
can distinguish a plant low from non-development from one low from
degradation, which theoretically, at least, are very distinct. I must
agree with Forbes that a mollusc may be higher than one articulate
animal and lower than another; if one was asked which was highest as a
whole, the Molluscan or Articulate Kingdom, I should look to and compare
the highest in each, and not compare their archetypes (supposing them to
be known, which they are not.)

But there are, in my opinion, more difficult cases than any we have
alluded to, viz., that of fish--but my ideas are not clear enough, and
I do not suppose you would care to hear what I obscurely think on this
subject. As far as my elastic theory goes, all I care about is that very
ancient organisms (when different from existing) should tend to resemble
the larval or embryological stages of the existing.

I am glad to hear what you say about parallelism: I am an utter
disbeliever of any parallelism more than mere accident. It is very
strange, but I think Forbes is often rather fanciful; his "Polarity"
(36/2. See Letter 41, Note.) makes me sick--it is like "magnetism"
turning a table.

If I can think of any one likely to take your "Illustrations" (36/3.
"Illustrations of Himalayan Plants from Drawings made by J.F. Cathcart."
Folio, 1855.), I will send the advertisement. If you want to make up
some definite number so as to go to press, I will put my name down with
PLEASURE (and I hope and believe that you will trust me in saying
so), though I should not in the course of nature subscribe to any
horticultural work:--act for me.


LETTER 37. TO J.D. HOOKER. Down, [May] 29th, 1854.

I am really truly sorry to hear about your [health]. I entreat you
to write down your own case,--symptoms, and habits of life,--and then
consider your case as that of a stranger; and I put it to you, whether
common sense would not order you to take more regular exercise and work
your brain less. (N.B. Take a cold bath and walk before breakfast.) I
am certain in the long run you would not lose time. Till you have a
thoroughly bad stomach, you will not know the really great evil of
it, morally, physically, and every way. Do reflect and act resolutely.
Remember your troubled heart-action formerly plainly told how your
constitution was tried. But I will say no more--excepting that a man
is mad to risk health, on which everything, including his children's
inherited health, depends. Do not hate me for this lecture. Really I am
not surprised at your having some headache after Thursday evening, for
it must have been no small exertion making an abstract of all that was
said after dinner. Your being so engaged was a bore, for the

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