The History of Herodotus — Volume 1
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Title: The History of Herodotus — Volume 1
Author: Herodotus
Translator: G. C. Macaulay
Release date: July 1, 2001 [eBook #2707]
Most recently updated: May 23, 2025
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2707
Credits: Produced by John Bickers, Dagny, and David Widger
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS — VOLUME 1 ***
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
By Herodotus
Translated into English by G. C. Macaulay
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I.
{e Herodotou diathesis en apasin epieikes, kai tois men agathois
sunedomene, tois de kakois sunalgousa}.—Dion. Halic.
{monos 'Erodotos 'Omerikhotatos egeneto}.—Longinus.
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from an edition dated 1890, published by
MacMillan and Co., London and New York.
Greek text has been transliterated and marked with brackets, as in
the opening citation above.
PREFACE
If a new translation of Herodotus does not justify itself, it will
hardly be justified in a preface; therefore the question whether it was
needed may be left here without discussion. The aim of the translator
has been above all things faithfulness—faithfulness to the manner of
expression and to the structure of sentences, as well as to the meaning
of the Author. At the same time it is conceived that the freedom and
variety of Herodotus is not always best reproduced by such severe
consistency of rendering as is perhaps desirable in the case of the Epic
writers before and the philosophical writers after his time: nor again
must his simplicity of thought and occasional quaintness be reproduced
in the form of archaisms of language; and that not only because the
affectation of an archaic style would necessarily be offensive to the
reader, but also because in language Herodotus is not archaic. His style
is the "best canon of the Ionic speech," marked, however, not so much
by primitive purity as by eclectic variety. At the same time it is
characterised largely by the poetic diction of the Epic and Tragic
writers; and while the translator is free to employ all the resources of
modern English, so far as he has them at his command, he must carefully
retain this poetical colouring and by all means avoid the courtier
phrase by which the style of Herodotus has too often been made "more
noble." 331
As regards the text from which this translation has been made, it is
based upon that of Stein's critical edition (Berlin, 1869-1871), that
is to say the estimate there made of the comparative value of the
authorities has been on the whole accepted as a just one, rather than
that which depreciates the value of the Medicean MS. and of the class to
which it belongs. On the other hand the conjectural emendations proposed
by Stein have very seldom been adopted, and his text has been departed
from in a large number of other instances also, which will for the most
part be found recorded in the notes.
As it seemed that even after Stein's re-collation of the Medicean MS.
there were doubts felt by some scholars 332 as to the true reading in
some places of this MS., which is very generally acknowledged to be the
most important, I thought it right to examine it myself in all those
passages where questions about text arise which concern a translator,
that is in nearly five hundred places altogether; and the results, when
they are worth observing, are recorded in the notes. At the same time,
by the suggestion of Dr. Stein, I re-collated a large part of the third
book in the MS. which is commonly referred to as F (i.e. Florentinus),
called by Stein C, and I examined this MS. also in a certain number
of other places. It should be understood that wherever in the notes I
mention the reading of any particular MS. by name, I do so on my own
authority.
The notes have been confined to a tolerably small compass. Their purpose
is, first, in cases where the text is doubtful, to indicate the
reading adopted by the translator and any other which may seem to have
reasonable probability, but without discussion of the authorities;
secondly, where the rendering is not quite literal (and in other cases
where it seemed desirable), to quote the words of the original or to
give a more literal version; thirdly, to add an alternative version
in cases where there seems to be a doubt as to the true meaning; and
lastly, to give occasionally a short explanation, or a reference from
one passage of the author to another.
For the orthography of proper names reference may be made to the note
prefixed to the index. No consistent system has been adopted, and the
result will therefore be open to criticism in many details; but the aim
has been to avoid on the one hand the pedantry of seriously altering the
form of those names which are fairly established in the English language
of literature, as distinguished from that of scholarship, and on the
other hand the absurdity of looking to Latin rather than to Greek for
the orthography of the names which are not so established. There is no
intention to put forward any theory about pronunciation.
The index of proper names will, it is hoped, be found more complete
and accurate than those hitherto published. The best with which I was
acquainted I found to have so many errors and omissions 333 that I was
compelled to do the work again from the beginning. In a collection
of more than ten thousand references there must in all probability be
mistakes, but I trust they will be found to be few.
My acknowledgments of obligation are due first to Dr. Stein, both for
his critical work and also for his most excellent commentary, which I
have had always by me. After this I have made most use of the editions
of Krüger, Bähr, Abicht, and (in the first two books) Mr. Woods. As to
translations, I have had Rawlinson's before me while revising my own
work, and I have referred also occasionally to the translations of
Littlebury (perhaps the best English version as regards style, but full
of gross errors), Taylor, and Larcher. In the second book I have also
used the version of B. R. reprinted by Mr. Lang: of the first book of
this translation I have access only to a fragment written out some
years ago, when the British Museum was within my reach. Other particular
obligations are acknowledged in the notes.
—————
NOTES TO PREFACE
331 [ See the remarks of P.-L. Courier (on Larcher's version) in the
preface to his specimens of a new translation of Herodotus (OEuvres
complètes de P.-L. Courier, Bruxelles, 1828).]
332 [ Mr. Woods, for example, in his edition of the first book
(published in 1873) gives a list of readings for the first and second
books, in which he almost invariably prefers the authority of Gronovius
to that of Stein, where their reports differ. In so doing he is wrong
in all cases (I think) except one, namely i. 134 {to degomeno}. He is
wrong, for examine, in i. 189, where the MS. has {touto}, i. 196 {an
agesthai}, i. 199 {odon}, ii. 15 {te de}, ii. 95 {up auto}, ii. 103 {kai
prosotata}, ii. 124 {to addo} (without {dao}), ii. 181 {no}. Abicht also
has made several inaccurate statements, e.g. i. 185, where the MS. has
{es ton Euphreten}, and vii. 133 {Xerxes}.]
333 [ For example in the index of proper names attached to Stein's
annotated edition (Berlin, 1882), to which I am under obligation, having
checked my own by it, I find that I have marked upwards of two hundred
mistakes or oversights: no doubt I have been saved by it from at least
as many.]
THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS
BOOK I. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED CLIO
This is the Showing forth of the Inquiry of Herodotus of Halicarnassos,
to the end that 1 neither the deeds of men may be forgotten by lapse
of time, nor the works 2 great and marvellous, which have been produced
some by Hellenes and some by Barbarians, may lose their renown; and
especially that the causes may be remembered for which these waged war
with one another.
1. Those of the Persians who have knowledge of history declare that
the Phenicians first began the quarrel. These, they say, came from that
which is called the Erythraian Sea to this of ours; and having settled
in the land where they continue even now to dwell, set themselves
forthwith to make long voyages by sea. And conveying merchandise of
Egypt and of Assyria they arrived at other places and also at Argos; now
Argos was at that time in all points the first of the States within that
land which is now called Hellas;—the Phenicians arrived then at this
land of Argos, and began to dispose of their ship's cargo: and on the
fifth or sixth day after they had arrived, when their goods had been
almost all sold, there came down to the sea a great company of women,
and among them the daughter of the king; and her name, as the Hellenes
also agree, was Io the daughter of Inachos. These standing near to the
stern of the ship were buying of the wares such as pleased them most,
when of a sudden the Phenicians, passing the word from one to another,
made a rush upon them; and the greater part of the women escaped by
flight, but Io and certain others were carried off. So they put them on
board their ship, and forthwith departed, sailing away to Egypt.
2. In this manner the Persians report that Io came to Egypt, not
agreeing therein with the Hellenes, 3 and this they say was the first
beginning of wrongs. Then after this, they say, certain Hellenes (but
the name of the people they are not able to report) put in to the city
of Tyre in Phenicia and carried off the king's daughter Europa;—these
would doubtless be Cretans;—and so they were quits for the former
injury. After this however the Hellenes, they say, were the authors of
the second wrong; for they sailed in to Aia of Colchis and to the river
Phasis with a ship of war, and from thence, after they had done the
other business for which they came, they carried off the king's daughter
Medea: and the king of Colchis sent a herald to the land of Hellas and
demanded satisfaction for the rape and to have his daughter back; but
they answered that, as the Barbarians had given them no satisfaction for
the rape of Io the Argive, so neither would they give satisfaction to
the Barbarians for this.
3. In the next generation after this, they say, Alexander the son of
Priam, having heard of these things, desired to get a wife for himself
by violence 4 from Hellas, being fully assured that he would not be
compelled to give any satisfaction for this wrong, inasmuch as the
Hellenes gave none for theirs. So he carried off Helen, and the
Hellenes resolved to send messengers first and to demand her back with
satisfaction for the rape; and when they put forth this demand, the
others alleged to them the rape of Medea, saying that the Hellenes were
now desiring satisfaction to be given to them by others, though they
had given none themselves nor had surrendered the person when demand was
made.
4. Up to this point, they say, nothing more happened than the carrying
away of women on both sides; but after this the Hellenes were very
greatly to blame; for they set the first example of war, making an
expedition into Asia before the Barbarians made any into Europe. Now
they say that in their judgment, though it is an act of wrong to
carry away women by force, it is a folly to set one's heart on taking
vengeance for their rape, and the wise course is to pay no regard when
they have been carried away; for it is evident that they would never be
carried away if they were not themselves willing to go. And the Persians
say that they, namely the people of Asia, when their women were carried
away by force, had made it a matter of no account, but the Hellenes on
account of a woman of Lacedemon gathered together a great armament, and
then came to Asia and destroyed the dominion of Priam; and that from
this time forward they had always considered the Hellenic race to be
their enemy: for Asia and the Barbarian races which dwell there the
Persians claim as belonging to them; but Europe and the Hellenic race
they consider to be parted off from them.
5. The Persians for their part say that things happened thus; and they
conclude that the beginning of their quarrel with the Hellenes was on
account of the taking of Ilion: but as regards Io the Phenicians do not
agree with the Persians in telling the tale thus; for they deny that
they carried her off to Egypt by violent means, and they say on the
other hand that when they were in Argos she was intimate with the master
of their ship, and perceiving that she was with child, she was ashamed
to confess it to her parents, and therefore sailed away with the
Phenicians of her own will, for fear of being found out. These are the
tales told by the Persians and the Phenicians severally: and concerning
these things I am not going to say that they happened thus or thus, 401
but when I have pointed to the man who first within my own knowledge
began to commit wrong against the Hellenes, I shall go forward further
with the story, giving an account of the cities of men, small as well
as great: for those which in old times were great have for the most part
become small, while those that were in my own time great used in former
times to be small: so then, since I know that human prosperity never
continues steadfast, I shall make mention of both indifferently.
6. Croesus was Lydian by race, the son of Alyattes and ruler of the
nations which dwell on this side of the river Halys; which river,
flowing from the South between the Syrians 5 and the Paphlagonians, runs
out towards the North Wind into that Sea which is called the Euxine.
This Croesus, first of all the Barbarians of whom we have knowledge,
subdued certain of the Hellenes and forced them to pay tribute, while
others he gained over and made them his friends. Those whom he subdued
were the Ionians, the Aiolians, and the Dorians who dwell in Asia; and
those whom he made his friends were the Lacedemonians. But before the
reign of Croesus all the Hellenes were free; for the expedition of the
Kimmerians, which came upon Ionia before the time of Croesus, was not a
conquest of the cities but a plundering incursion only. 6
7. Now the supremacy which had belonged to the Heracleidai came to the
family of Croesus, called Mermnadai, in the following manner:—Candaules,
whom the Hellenes call Myrsilos, was ruler of Sardis and a descendant of
Alcaios, son of Heracles: for Agron, the son of Ninos, the son of Belos,
the son of Alcaios, was the first of the Heracleidai who became king of
Sardis, and Candaules the son of Myrsos was the last; but those who were
kings over this land before Agron, were descendants of Lydos the son
of Atys, whence this whole nation was called Lydian, having been before
called Meonian. From these the Heracleidai, descended from Heracles and
the slave-girl of Iardanos, obtained the government, being charged
with it by reason of an oracle; and they reigned for two-and-twenty
generations of men, five hundred and five years, handing on the power
from father to son, till the time of Candaules the son of Myrsos.
8. This Candaules then of whom I speak had become passionately in love
with his own wife; and having become so, he deemed that his wife was
fairer by far than all other women; and thus deeming, to Gyges the son
of Daskylos (for he of all his spearmen was the most pleasing to him),
to this Gyges, I say, he used to impart as well the more weighty of his
affairs as also the beauty of his wife, praising it above measure: and
after no long time, since it was destined that evil should happen to
Candaules, he said to Gyges as follows: "Gyges, I think that thou dost
not believe me when I tell thee of the beauty of my wife, for it
happens that men's ears are less apt of belief than their eyes: contrive
therefore means by which thou mayest look upon her naked." But he cried
aloud and said: "Master, what word of unwisdom is this which thou dost
utter, bidding me look upon my mistress naked? When a woman puts off
her tunic she puts off her modesty also. Moreover of old time those fair
sayings have been found out by men, from which we ought to learn wisdom;
and of these one is this,—that each man should look on his own: but I
believe indeed that she is of all women the fairest and I entreat thee
not to ask of me that which it is not lawful for me to do."
9. With such words as these he resisted, fearing lest some evil might
come to him from this; but the king answered him thus: "Be of good
courage, Gyges, and have no fear, either of me, that I am saying these
words to try thee, or of my wife, lest any harm may happen to thee from
her. For I will contrive it so from the first that she shall not even
perceive that she has been seen by thee. I will place thee in the room
where we sleep, behind the open door; 7 and after I have gone in, my
wife also will come to lie down. Now there is a seat near the entrance
of the room, and upon this she will lay her garments as she takes
them off one by one; and so thou wilt be able to gaze upon her at full
leisure. And when she goes from the chair to the bed and thou shalt be
behind her back, then let it be thy part to take care that she sees thee
not as thou goest through the door."
10. He then, since he might not avoid it, gave consent: and Candaules,
when he considered that it was time to rest, led Gyges to the chamber;
and straightway after this the woman also appeared: and Gyges looked
upon her after she came in and as she laid down her garments; and when
she had her back turned towards him, as she went to the bed, then he
slipped away from his hiding-place and was going forth. And as he went
out, the woman caught sight of him, and perceiving that which had been
done by her husband she did not cry out, though struck with shame, 8 but
she made as though she had not perceived the matter, meaning to avenge
herself upon Candaules: for among the Lydians as also among most other
Barbarians it is a shame even for a man to be seen naked.
11. At the time then she kept silence, as I say, and made no outward
sign; but as soon as day had dawned, and she made ready those of the
servants whom she perceived to be the most attached to herself, and
after that she sent to summon Gyges. He then, not supposing that
anything of that which had been done was known to her, came upon her
summons; for he had been accustomed before to go 9 whenever the queen
summoned him. And when Gyges was come, the woman said to him these
words: "There are now two ways open to thee, Gyges, and I give thee the
choice which of the two thou wilt prefer to take. Either thou must slay
Candaules and possess both me and the kingdom of Lydia, or thou must
thyself here on the spot be slain, so that thou mayest not in future,
by obeying Candaules in all things, see that which thou shouldest not.
Either he must die who formed this design, or thou who hast looked upon
me naked and done that which is not accounted lawful." For a time then
Gyges was amazed at these words, and afterwards he began to entreat her
that she would not bind him by necessity to make such a choice: then
however, as he could not prevail with her, but saw that necessity was in
truth set before him either to slay his master or to be himself slain by
others, he made the choice to live himself; and he inquired further as
follows: "Since thou dost compel me to take my master's life against
my own will, let me hear from thee also what is the manner in which we
shall lay hands upon him." And she answering said: "From that same place
shall the attempt be, where he displayed me naked; and we will lay hands
upon him as he sleeps."
12. So after they had prepared the plot, when night came on, (for Gyges
was not let go nor was there any way of escape for him, but he must
either be slain himself or slay Candaules), he followed the woman to the
bedchamber; and she gave him a dagger and concealed him behind that very
same door. Then afterwards, while Candaules was sleeping, Gyges came
privily up to him 10 and slew him, and he obtained both his wife and his
kingdom: of him moreover Archilochos the Parian, who lived about that
time, made mention in a trimeter iambic verse. 11
13. He obtained the kingdom however and was strengthened in it by means
of the Oracle at Delphi; for when the Lydians were angry because of the
fate of Candaules, and had risen in arms, a treaty was made between the
followers of Gyges and the other Lydians to this effect, that if the
Oracle should give answer that he was to be king of the Lydians, he
should be king, and if not, he should give back the power to the sons of
Heracles. So the Oracle gave answer, and Gyges accordingly became
king: yet the Pythian prophetess said this also, that vengeance for
the Heracleidai should come upon the descendants of Gyges in the fifth
generation. Of this oracle the Lydians and their kings made no account
until it was in fact fulfilled.
14. Thus the Mermnadai obtained the government having driven out from it
the Heracleidai: and Gyges when he became ruler sent votive offerings to
Delphi not a few, for of all the silver offerings at Delphi his are more
in number than those of any other man; and besides the silver he offered
a vast quantity of gold, and especially one offering which is more
worthy of mention than the rest, namely six golden mixing-bowls, which
are dedicated there as his gift: of these the weight is thirty talents,
and they stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, (though in truth this
treasury does not belong to the State of the Corinthians, but is that
of Kypselos the son of Aëtion). 12 This Gyges was the first of the
Barbarians within our knowledge who dedicated votive offerings at
Delphi, except only Midas the son of Gordias king of Phrygia, who
dedicated for an offering the royal throne on which he sat before all to
decide causes; and this throne, a sight worth seeing, stands in the
same place with the bowls of Gyges. This gold and silver which Gyges
dedicated is called Gygian by the people of Delphi, after the name of
him who offered it.
Now Gyges also, 13 as soon as he became king, led an army against
Miletos and Smyrna, and he took the lower town of Colophon: 14 but no
other great deed did he do in his reign, which lasted eight-and-thirty
years, therefore we will pass him by with no more mention than has
already been made,
15, and I will speak now of Ardys the son of Gyges, who became king
after Gyges. He took Priene and made an invasion against Miletos; and
while he was ruling over Sardis, the Kimmerians driven from their abodes
by the nomad Scythians came to Asia and took Sardis except the citadel.
16. Now when Ardys had been king for nine-and-forty years, Sadyattes his
son succeeded to his kingdom, and reigned twelve years; and after him
Alyattes. This last made war against Kyaxares the descendant of Deïokes
and against the Medes, 15 and he drove the Kimmerians forth out of Asia,
and he took Smyrna which had been founded from Colophon, and made an
invasion against Clazomenai. From this he ed not as he desired, but
with great loss: during his reign however he performed other deeds very
worthy of mention as follows:—
17. He made war with those of Miletos, having received this war as
an inheritance from his father: for he used to invade their land and
besiege Miletos in the following manner:—whenever there were ripe crops
upon the land, then he led an army into their confines, making his march
to the sound of pipes and harps and flutes both of male and female tone:
and when he came to the Milesian land, he neither pulled down the houses
that were in the fields, nor set fire to them nor tore off their doors,
but let them stand as they were; the trees however and the crops that
were upon the land he destroyed, and then departed by the way he came:
for the men of Miletos had command of the sea, so that it was of no use
for his army to blockade them: and he abstained from pulling down the
houses to the end that the Milesians might have places to dwell in while
they sowed and tilled the land, and by the means of their labour he
might have somewhat to destroy when he made his invasion.
18. Thus he continued to war with them for eleven years; and in the
course of these years the Milesians suffered two great defeats, once
when they fought a battle in the district of Limenion in their own land,
and again in the plain of Maiander. Now for six of the eleven years
Sadyattes the son of Ardys was still ruler of the Lydians, the same who
was wont to invade the land of Miletos at the times mentioned; 16 for
this Sadyattes was he who first began the war: but for the five years
which followed these first six the war was carried on by Alyattes the
son of Sadyattes, who received it as an inheritance from his father (as
I have already said) and applied himself to it earnestly. And none of
the Ionians helped those of Miletos bear the burden of this war except
only the men of Chios. These came to their aid to pay back like with
like, for the Milesians had formerly assisted the Chians throughout
their war with the people of Erythrai.
19. Then in the twelfth year of the war, when standing corn was being
burnt by the army of the Lydians, it happened as follows:—as soon as the
corn was kindled, it was driven by a violent wind and set fire to the
temple of Athene surnamed of Assessos; and the temple being set on fire
was burnt down to the ground. Of this no account was made then; but
afterwards when the army had ed to Sardis, Alyattes fell sick, and as
his sickness lasted long, he sent messengers to inquire of the Oracle at
Delphi, either being advised to do so by some one, or because he himself
thought it best to send and inquire of the god concerning his sickness.
But when these arrived at Delphi, the Pythian prophetess said that she
would give them no answer, until they should have built up again
the temple of Athene which they had burnt at Assessos in the land of
Miletos.
20. Thus much I know by the report of the people of Delphi; but the
Milesians add to this that Periander the son of Kypselos, being a
special guest-friend of Thrasybulos the then despot of Miletos, heard
of the oracle which had been given to Alyattes, and sending a messenger
told Thrasybulos, in order that he might have knowledge of it beforehand
and take such counsel as the case required. This is the story told by
the Milesians.
21. And Alyattes, when this answer was reported to him, sent a herald
forthwith to Miletos, desiring to make a truce with Thrasybulos and the
Milesians for so long a time as he should be building the temple. He
then was being sent as envoy to Miletos; and Thrasybulos in the meantime
being informed beforehand of the whole matter and knowing what Alyattes
was meaning to do, contrived this device:—he gathered together in the
market-place all the store of provisions which was found in the
city, both his own and that which belonged to private persons; and he
proclaimed to the Milesians that on a signal given by him they should
all begin to drink and make merry with one another.
22. This Thrasybulos did and thus proclaimed to the end that the herald
from Sardis, seeing a vast quantity of provisions carelessly piled up,
and the people feasting, might report this to Alyattes: and so on fact
it happened; for when the herald ed to Sardis after seeing this and
delivering to Thrasybulos the charge which was given to him by the king
of Lydia, the peace which was made, came about, as I am informed, merely
because of this. For Alyattes, who thought that there was a great famine
in Miletos and that the people had been worn down to the extreme of
misery, heard from the herald, when he ed from Miletos, the opposite
to that which he himself supposed. And after this the peace was made
between them on condition of being guest-friends and allies to one
another, and Alyattes built two temples to Athene at Assessos in place
of one, and himself recovered from his sickness. With regard then to
the war waged by Alyattes with the Milesians and Thrasybulos things went
thus.
23. As for Periander, the man who gave information about the oracle to
Thrasybulos, he was the son of Kypselos, and despot of Corinth. In his
life, say the Corinthians, (and with them agree the Lesbians), there
happened to him a very great marvel, namely that Arion of Methymna was
carried ashore at Tainaron upon a dolphin's back. This man was a harper
second to none of those who then lived, and the first, so far as we
know, who composed a dithyramb, naming it so and teaching it to a chorus
17 at Corinth.
24. This Arion, they say, who for the most part of his time stayed with
Periander, conceived a desire to sail to Italy 18 and Sicily; and
after he had there acquired large sums of money, he wished to again to
Corinth. He set forth therefore from Taras, 19 and as he had faith
in Corinthians more than in other men, he hired a ship with a crew of
Corinthians. These, the story says, when out in open sea, formed a
plot to cast Arion overboard and so possess his wealth; and he having
obtained knowledge of this made entreaties to them, offering them his
wealth and asking them to grant him his life. With this however he
did not prevail upon them, but the men who were conveying him bade him
either slay himself there, that he might receive burial on the land,
or leap straightway into the sea. So Arion being driven to a strait
entreated them that, since they were so minded, they would allow him to
take his stand in full minstrel's garb upon the deck 20 of the ship and
sing; and he promised to put himself to death after he had sung. They
then, well pleased to think that they should hear the best of all
minstrels upon earth, drew back from the stern towards the middle of
the ship; and he put on the full minstrel's garb and took his lyre, and
standing on the deck performed the Orthian measure. Then as the measure
ended, he threw himself into the sea just as he was, in his full
minstrel's garb; and they went on sailing away to Corinth, but him,
they say, a dolphin supported on its back and brought him to shore at
Tainaron: and when he had come to land he proceeded to Corinth with his
minstrel's garb. Thither having arrived he related all that had been
done; and Periander doubting of his story kept Arion in guard and
would let him go nowhere, while he kept careful watch for those who had
conveyed him. When these came, he called them and inquired of them if
they had any report to make of Arion; and when they said that he was
safe in Italy and that they had left him at Taras faring well, Arion
suddenly appeared before them in the same guise as when he made his leap
from the ship; and they being struck with amazement were no longer
able to deny when they were questioned. This is the tale told by the
Corinthians and Lesbians alike, and there is at Tainaron a votive
offering of Arion of no great size, 21 namely a bronze figure of a man
upon a dolphin's back.
25. Alyattes the Lydian, when he had thus waged war against the
Milesians, afterwards died, having reigned seven-and-fifty years. This
king, when he recovered from his sickness, dedicated a votive offering
at Delphi (being the second of his house who had so done), namely a
great mixing-bowl of silver with a stand for it of iron welded together,
which last is a sight worth seeing above all the offerings at Delphi and
the work of Glaucos the Chian, who of all men first found out the art of
welding iron.
26. After Alyattes was dead Croesus the son of Alyattes received the
kingdom in succession, being five-and-thirty years of age. He (as I
said) fought against the Hellenes and of them he attacked the Ephesians
first. The Ephesians then, being besieged by him, dedicated their city
to Artemis and tied a rope from the temple to the wall of the city: now
the distance between the ancient city, which was then being besieged,
and the temple is seven furlongs. 22 These, I say, were the first upon
whom Croesus laid hands, but afterwards he did the same to the other
Ionian and Aiolian cities one by one, alleging against them various
causes of complaint, and making serious charges against those in whose
cases he could find serious grounds, while against others of them he
charged merely trifling offences.
27. Then when the Hellenes in Asia had been conquered and forced to pay
tribute, he designed next to build for himself ships and to lay hands
upon those who dwelt in the islands; and when all was prepared for
his building of ships, they say that Bias of Priene (or, according to
another account, Pittacos of Mytilene) came to Sardis, and being asked
by Croesus whether there was any new thing doing in Hellas, brought to
an end his building of ships by this saying: "O king," said he, "the men
of the islands are hiring a troop of ten thousand horse, and with this
they mean to march to Sardis and fight against thee." And Croesus,
supposing that what he reported was true, said: "May the gods put
it into the minds of the dwellers of the islands to come with horses
against the sons of the Lydians!" And he answered and said: "O king, I
perceive that thou dost earnestly desire to catch the men of the islands
on the mainland riding upon horses; and it is not unreasonable that thou
shouldest wish for this: what else however thinkest thou the men of the
islands desire and have been praying for ever since the time they heard
that thou wert about to build ships against them, than that they might
catch the Lydians upon the sea, so as to take vengeance upon thee for
the Hellenes who dwell upon the mainland, whom thou dost hold enslaved?"
Croesus, they say, was greatly pleased with this conclusion, 23 and
obeying his suggestion, for he judged him to speak suitably, he stopped
his building of ships; and upon that he formed a friendship with the
Ionians dwelling in the islands.
28. As time went on, when nearly all those dwelling on this side the
river Halys had been subdued, (for except the Kilikians and Lykians
Croesus subdued and kept under his rule all the nations, that is to say
Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynoi, Chalybians, Paphlagonians,
Thracians both Thynian and Bithynian, Carians, Ionians, Dorians,
Aiolians, and Pamphylians), 24
29, when these, I say, had been subdued, and while he was still adding
to his Lydian dominions, there came to Sardis, then at the height of
its wealth, all the wise men 25 of the Hellas who chanced to be alive at
that time, brought thither severally by various occasions; and of them
one was Solon the Athenian, who after he had made laws for the Athenians
at their bidding, left his native country for ten years and sailed away
saying that he desired to visit various lands, in order that he might
not be compelled to repeal any of the laws which he had proposed. 26 For
of themselves the Athenians were not competent to do this, having bound
themselves by solemn oaths to submit for ten years to the laws which
Solon should propose for them.
30. So Solon, having left his native country for this reason and for
the sake of seeing various lands, came to Amasis in Egypt, and also to
Croesus at Sardis. Having there arrived he was entertained as a guest
by Croesus in the king's palace; and afterwards, on the third or fourth
day, at the bidding of Croesus his servants led Solon round to see his
treasuries; and they showed him all things, how great and magnificent
they were: and after he had looked upon them all and examined them as he
had occasion, Croesus asked him as follows: "Athenian guest, much report
of thee has come to us, both in regard to thy wisdom and thy wanderings,
how that in thy search for wisdom thou hast traversed many lands to see
them; now therefore a desire has come upon me to ask thee whether thou
hast seen any whom thou deemest to be of all men the most happy." 27
This he asked supposing that he himself was the happiest of men; but
Solon, using no flattery but the truth only, said: "Yes, O king, Tellos
the Athenian." And Croesus, marvelling at that which he said, asked
him earnestly: "In what respect dost thou judge Tellos to be the most
happy?" And he said: "Tellos, in the first place, living while his
native State was prosperous, had sons fair and good and saw from all of
them children begotten and living to grow up; and secondly he had what
with us is accounted wealth, and after his life a most glorious end:
for when a battle was fought by the Athenians at Eleusis against the
neighbouring people, he brought up supports and routed the foe and there
died by a most fair death; and the Athenians buried him publicly where
he fell, and honoured him greatly."
31. So when Solon had moved Croesus to inquire further by the story of
Tellos, recounting how many points of happiness he had, the king
asked again whom he had seen proper to be placed next after this man,
supposing that he himself would certainly obtain at least the second
place; but he replied: "Cleobis and Biton: for these, who were of Argos
by race, possessed a sufficiency of wealth and, in addition to this,
strength of body such as I shall tell. Both equally had won prizes in
the games, and moreover the following tale is told of them:—There was a
feast of Hera among the Argives and it was by all means necessary that
their mother should be borne in a car to the temple. But since their
oxen were not brought up in time from the field, the young men, barred
from all else by lack of time, submitted themselves to the yoke and drew
the wain, their mother being borne by them upon it; and so they brought
it on for five-and-forty furlongs, 28 and came to the temple. Then after
they had done this and had been seen by the assembled crowd, there came
to their life a most excellent ending; and in this the deity declared
that it was better for man to die than to continue to live. For the
Argive men were standing round and extolling the strength 29 of the
young men, while the Argive women were extolling the mother to whose
lot it had fallen to have such sons; and the mother being exceedingly
rejoiced both by the deed itself and by the report made of it, took her
stand in front of the image of the goddess and prayed that she would
give to Cleobis and Biton her sons, who had honoured her 30 greatly,
that gift which is best for man to receive: and after this prayer, when
they had sacrificed and feasted, the young men lay down to sleep within
the temple itself, and never rose again, but were held bound in this
last end. 31 And the Argives made statues in the likeness of them and
dedicated them as offerings at Delphi, thinking that they had proved
themselves most excellent."
32. Thus Solon assigned the second place in respect of happiness to
these: and Croesus was moved to anger and said: "Athenian guest, hast
thou then so cast aside our prosperous state as worth nothing, that thou
dost prefer to us even men of private station?" And he said: "Croesus,
thou art inquiring about human fortunes of one who well knows that
the Deity is altogether envious and apt to disturb our lot. For in the
course of long time a man may see many things which he would not desire
to see, and suffer also many things which he would not desire to suffer.
The limit of life for a man I lay down at seventy years: and these
seventy years give twenty-five thousand and two hundred days, not
reckoning for any intercalated month. Then if every other one of these
years shall be made longer by one month, that the seasons may be caused
to come round at the due time of the year, the intercalated months will
be in number five-and-thirty besides the seventy years; and of these
months the days will be one thousand and fifty. Of all these days, being
in number twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty, which go to the
seventy years, one day produces nothing at all which resembles what
another brings with it. Thus then, O Croesus, man is altogether a
creature of accident. As for thee, I perceive that thou art both great
in wealth and king of many men, but that of which thou didst ask me I
cannot call thee yet, until I learn that thou hast brought thy life to
a fair ending: for the very rich man is not at all to be accounted more
happy than he who has but his subsistence from day to day, unless also
the fortune go with him of ending his life well in possession of all
things fair. For many very wealthy men are not happy, 32 while many who
have but a moderate living are fortunate; 33 and in truth the very rich
man who is not happy has two advantages only as compared with the poor
man who is fortunate, whereas this latter has many as compared with the
rich man who is not happy. The rich man is able better to fulfil his
desire, and also to endure a great calamity if it fall upon him; whereas
the other has advantage over him in these things which follow:—he is not
indeed able equally with the rich man to endure a calamity or to fulfil
his desire, but these his good fortune keeps away from him, while he is
sound of limb, 34 free from disease, untouched by suffering, the father
of fair children and himself of comely form; and if in addition to this
he shall end his life well, he is worthy to be called that which thou
seekest, namely a happy man; but before he comes to his end it is well
to hold back and not to call him yet happy but only fortunate. Now to
possess all these things together is impossible for one who is mere man,
just as no single land suffices to supply all things for itself, but one
thing it has and another it lacks, and the land that has the greatest
number of things is the best: so also in the case of a man, no single
person is complete in himself, for one thing he has and another he
lacks; but whosoever of men continues to the end in possession of the
greatest number of these things and then has a gracious ending of his
life, he is by me accounted worthy, O king, to receive this name. But
we must of every thing examine the end and how it will turn out at the
last, for to many God shows but a glimpse of happiness and then plucks
them up by the roots and overturns them."
33. Thus saying he refused to gratify Croesus, who sent him away
from his presence holding him in no esteem, and thinking him utterly
senseless in that he passed over present good things and bade men look
to the end of every matter.
34. After Solon had departed, a great retribution from God came upon
Croesus, probably because he judged himself to be the happiest of all
men. First there came and stood by him a dream, which showed to him the
truth of the evils that were about to come to pass in respect of his
son. Now Croesus had two sons, of whom one was deficient, seeing that he
was deaf and dumb, while the other far surpassed his companions of the
same age in all things: and the name of this last was Atys. As regards
this Atys then, the dream signified to Croesus that he should lose him
by the blow of an iron spear-point: 35 and when he rose up from sleep
and considered the matter with himself, he was struck with fear on
account of the dream; and first he took for his son a wife; and whereas
his son had been wont to lead the armies of the Lydians, he now no
longer sent him forth anywhere on any such business; and the javelins
and lances and all such things which men use for fighting he conveyed
out of the men's apartments and piled them up in the inner bed-chambers,
for fear lest something hanging up might fall down upon his son.
35. Then while he was engaged about the marriage of his son, there came
to Sardis a man under a misfortune and with hands not clean, a Phrygian
by birth and of the royal house. This man came to the house of Croesus,
and according to the customs which prevail in that land made request
that he might have cleansing; and Croesus gave him cleansing: now the
manner of cleansing among the Lydians is the same almost as that which
the Hellenes use. So when Croesus had done that which was customary, he
asked of him whence he came and who he was, saying as follows: "Man, who
art thou, and from what region of Phrygia didst thou come to sit upon
my hearth? And whom of men or women didst thou slay?" And he replied:
"O king, I am the son of Gordias, the son of Midas, and I am called
Adrastos; and I slew my own brother against my will, and therefore am I
here, having been driven forth by my father and deprived of all that I
had." And Croesus answered thus: "Thou art, as it chances, the offshoot
of men who are our friends and thou hast come to friends, among whom
thou shalt want of nothing so long as thou shalt remain in our land: and
thou wilt find it most for thy profit to bear this misfortune as lightly
as may be." So he had his abode with Croesus. 36
36. During this time there was produced in the Mysian Olympos a boar of
monstrous size. This, coming down from the mountain aforesaid, ravaged
the fields of the Mysians, and although the Mysians went out against it
often, yet they could do it no hurt, but rather received hurt themselves
from it; so at length messengers came from the Mysians to Croesus and
said: "O king, there has appeared in our land a boar of monstrous size,
which lays waste our fields; and we, desiring eagerly to take it, are
not able: now therefore we ask of thee to send with us thy son and also
a chosen band of young men with dogs, that we may destroy it out of our
land." Thus they made request, and Croesus calling to mind the words of
the dream spoke to them as follows: "As touching my son, make no further
mention of him in this matter; for I will not send him with you, seeing
that he is newly married and is concerned now with the affairs of his
marriage: but I will send with you chosen men of the Lydians and the
whole number of my hunting dogs, and I will give command to those who
go, to be as zealous as may be in helping you to destroy the wild beast
out of your land."
37. Thus he made reply, and while the Mysians were being contented with
this answer, there came in also the son of Croesus, having heard of the
request made by the Mysians: and when Croesus said that he would not
send his son with them, the young man spoke as follows: "My father, in
times past the fairest and most noble part was allotted to us, to go out
continually to wars and to the chase and so have good repute; but
now thou hast debarred me from both of these, although thou hast not
observed in me any cowardly or faint-hearted spirit. And now with what
face must I appear when I go to and from the market-place of the city?
What kind of a man shall I be esteemed by the citizens, and what kind of
a man shall I be esteemed by my newly-married wife? With what kind of a
husband will she think that she is mated? Therefore either let me go to
the hunt, or persuade me by reason that these things are better for me
done as now they are."
38. And Croesus made answer thus: "My son, not because I have observed
in thee any spirit of cowardice or any other ungracious thing, do I act
thus; but a vision of a dream came and stood by me in my sleep and told
me that thou shouldest be short-lived, and that thou shouldest perish
by a spear-point of iron. With thought of this vision therefore I both
urged on this marriage for thee, and I refuse now to send thee upon the
matter which is being taken in hand, having a care of thee that I may
steal thee from thy fate at least for the period of my own life, if by
any means possible for me to do so. For thou art, as it chances, my only
son: the other I do not reckon as one, seeing that he is deficient in
hearing."
39. The young man made answer thus: "It may well be forgiven in thee, O
my father, that thou shouldest have a care of me after having seen such
a vision; but that which thou dost not understand, and in which the
meaning of the dream has escaped thee, it is right that I should expound
to thee. Thou sayest the dream declared that I should end my life by
means of a spear-point of iron: but what hands has a boar, or what
spear-point of iron, of which thou art afraid? If the dream had told
thee that I should end my life by a tusk, or any other thing which
resembles that, it would be right for thee doubtless to do as thou art
doing; but it said 'by a spear-point.' Since therefore our fight will
not be with men, let me now go."
40. Croesus made answer: "My son, thou dost partly prevail with me by
declaring thy judgment about the dream; therefore, having been prevailed
upon by thee, I change my resolution and allow thee to go to the chase."
41. Having thus said Croesus went to summon Adrastos the Phrygian; and
when he came, he addressed him thus: "Adrastos, when thou wast struck
with a grievous misfortune (with which I reproach thee not), I cleansed
thee, and I have received thee into my house supplying all thy costs.
Now therefore, since having first received kindness from me thou art
bound to requite me with kindness, I ask of thee to be the protector of
my son who goes forth to the chase, lest any evil robbers come upon
you by the way to do you harm; and besides this thou too oughtest to go
where thou mayest become famous by thy deeds, for it belongs to thee
as an inheritance from thy fathers so to do, and moreover thou hast
strength for it."
42. Adrastos made answer: "O king, but for this I should not have been
going to any such contest of valour; for first it is not fitting that
one who is suffering such a great misfortune as mine should seek the
company of his fellows who are in prosperity, and secondly I have no
desire for it; and for many reasons I should have kept myself away. But
now, since thou art urgent with me, and I ought to gratify thee (for I
am bound to requite thee with kindness), I am ready to do this: expect
therefore that thy son, whom thou commandest me to protect, will home to
thee unhurt, so far as his protector may avail to keep him safe."
43. When he had made answer to Croesus in words like these, they
afterwards set forth provided with chosen young men and with dogs.
And when they were come to Mount Olympos, they tracked the animal;
and having found it and taken their stand round in a circle, they
were hurling against it their spears. Then the guest, he who had been
cleansed of manslaughter, whose name was Adrastos, hurling a spear at it
missed the boar and struck the son of Croesus. So he being struck by the
spear-point fulfilled the saying of the dream. And one ran to report
to Croesus that which had come to pass, and having come to Sardis he
signified to him of the combat and of the fate of his son. And Croesus
was very greatly disturbed by the death of his son, and was much the
more moved to complaining by this, namely that his son was slain by the
man whom he had himself cleansed of manslaughter. And being grievously
troubled by the misfortune he called upon Zeus the Cleanser, protesting
to him that which he had suffered from his guest, and he called moreover
upon the Protector of Suppliants 37 and the Guardian of Friendship,
38 naming still the same god, and calling upon him as the Protector of
Suppliants because when he received the guest into his house he had
been fostering ignorantly the slayer of his son, and as the Guardian of
Friendship because having sent him as a protector he had found him the
worst of foes.
45. After this the Lydians came bearing the corpse, and behind it
followed the slayer: and he taking his stand before the corpse delivered
himself up to Croesus, holding forth his hands and bidding the king slay
him over the corpse, speaking of his former misfortune and saying that
in addition to this he had now been the destroyer of the man who had
cleansed him of it; and that life for him was no more worth living. But
Croesus hearing this pitied Adrastos, although he was himself suffering
so great an evil of his own, and said to him: "Guest, I have already
received from thee all the satisfaction that is due, seeing that thou
dost condemn thyself to suffer death; and not thou alone art the cause
of this evil, except in so far as thou wert the instrument of it against
thine own will, but some one, as I suppose, of the gods, who also long
ago signified to me that which was about to be." So Croesus buried his
son as was fitting: but Adrastos the son of Gordias, the son of Midas,
he who had been the slayer of his own brother and the slayer also of the
man who had cleansed him, when silence came of all men round about the
tomb, recognising that he was more grievously burdened by misfortune
than all men of whom he knew, slew himself upon the grave.
46. For two years then Croesus remained quiet in his mourning,
because he was deprived of his son: but after this period of time the
overthrowing of the rule of Astyages the son of Kyaxares by Cyrus
the son of Cambyses, and the growing greatness of the Persians caused
Croesus to cease from his mourning, and led him to a care of cutting
short the power of the Persians, if by any means he might, while yet it
was in growth and before they should have become great.
So having formed this design he began forthwith to make trial of
the Oracles, both those of the Hellenes and that in Libya, sending
messengers some to one place and some to another, some to go to Delphi,
others to Abai of the Phokians, and others to Dodona; and some were
sent to the shrine of Amphiaraos and to that of Trophonios, others to
Branchidai in the land of Miletos: these are the Oracles of the Hellenes
to which Croesus sent messengers to seek divination; and others he sent
to the shrine of Ammon in Libya to inquire there. Now he was sending the
messengers abroad to the end that he might try the Oracles and find
out what knowledge they had, so that if they should be found to have
knowledge of the truth, he might send and ask them secondly whether he
should attempt to march against the Persians.
47. And to the Lydians whom he sent to make trial of the Oracles he gave
charge as follows,—that from the day on which they set out from Sardis
they should reckon up the number of the days following and on the
hundredth day they should consult the Oracles, asking what Croesus
the son of Alyattes king of the Lydians chanced then to be doing: and
whatever the Oracles severally should prophesy, this they should cause
to be written down 39 and bear it back to him. Now what the other
Oracles prophesied is not by any reported, but at Delphi, so soon as the
Lydians entered the sanctuary of the temple 40 to consult the god and
asked that which they were commanded to ask, the Pythian prophetess
spoke thus in hexameter measure:
"But the number of sand I know, 41 and the measure of drops in the ocean;
The dumb man I understand, and I hear the speech of the speechless:
And there hath come to my soul the smell of a strong-shelled tortoise
Boiling in caldron of bronze, and the flesh of a lamb mingled with it;
Under it bronze is laid, it hath bronze as a clothing upon it."
48. When the Pythian prophetess had uttered this oracle, the Lydians
caused the prophecy to be written down, and went away at once to Sardis.
And when the rest also who had been sent round were there arrived with
the answers of the Oracles, then Croesus unfolded the writings one by
one and looked upon them: and at first none of them pleased him, but
when he heard that from Delphi, forthwith he did worship to the god and
accepted the answer, 42 judging that the Oracle at Delphi was the only
true one, because it had found out what he himself had done. For when he
had sent to the several Oracles his messengers to consult the gods,
keeping well in mind the appointed day he contrived the following
device,—he thought of something which it would be impossible to discover
or to conceive of, and cutting up a tortoise and a lamb he boiled them
together himself in a caldron of bronze, laying a cover of bronze over
them.
49. This then was the answer given to Croesus from Delphi; and as
regards the answer of Amphiaraos, I cannot tell what he replied to the
Lydians after they had done the things customary in his temple, 43 for
there is no record of this any more than of the others, except only that
Croesus thought that he also 44 possessed a true Oracle.
50. After this with great sacrifices he endeavoured to win the favour of
the god at Delphi: for of all the animals that are fit for sacrifice he
offered three thousand of each kind, and he heaped up couches overlaid
with gold and overlaid with silver, and cups of gold, and robes of
purple, and tunics, making of them a great pyre, and this he burnt up,
hoping by these means the more to win over the god to the side of the
Lydians: and he proclaimed to all the Lydians that every one of them
should make sacrifice with that which each man had. And when he had
finished the sacrifice, he melted down a vast quantity of gold, and of
it he wrought half-plinths 45 making them six palms 46 in length and
three in breadth, and in height one palm; and their number was one
hundred and seventeen. Of these four were of pure gold 47 weighing two
talents and a half 48 each, and others of gold alloyed with silver 49
weighing two talents. And he caused to be made also an image of a lion
of pure gold weighing ten talents; which lion, when the temple of Delphi
was being burnt down, fell from off the half-plinths, for upon these
it was set, 50 and is placed now in the treasury of the Corinthians,
weighing six talents and a half, for three talents and a half were
melted away from it.
51. So Croesus having finished all these things sent them to Delphi, and
with them these besides:—two mixing bowls of great size, one of gold and
the other of silver, of which the golden bowl was placed on the right
hand as one enters the temple, and the silver on the left, but the
places of these also were changed after the temple was burnt down,
and the golden bowl is now placed in the treasury of the people of
Clazomenai, weighing eight and a half talents and twelve pounds over,
51 while the silver one is placed in the corner of the vestibule 52 and
holds six hundred amphors 53 (being filled with wine by the Delphians on
the feast of the Theophania): this the people of Delphi say is the work
of Theodoros the Samian, 54 and, as I think, rightly, for it is evident
to me that the workmanship is of no common kind: moreover Croesus sent
four silver wine-jars, which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians,
and two vessels for lustral water, 55 one of gold and the other of
silver, of which the gold one is inscribed "from the Lacedemonians,"
who say that it is their offering: therein however they do not speak
rightly; for this also is from Croesus, but one of the Delphians wrote
the inscription upon it, desiring to gratify the Lacedemonians; and his
name I know but will not make mention of it. The boy through whose hand
the water flows is from the Lacedemonians, but neither of the vessels
for lustral water. And many other votive offerings Croesus sent with
these, not specially distinguished, among which are certain castings 56
of silver of a round shape, and also a golden figure of a woman three
cubits high, which the Delphians say is a statue of the baker of
Croesus. Moreover Croesus dedicated the ornaments from his wife's neck
and her girdles.
52. These are the things which he sent to Delphi; and to Amphiaraos,
having heard of his valour and of his evil fate, he dedicated a shield
made altogether of gold throughout, and a spear all of solid gold, the
shaft being of gold also as well as the two points, which offerings
were both remaining even to my time at Thebes in the temple of Ismenian
Apollo.
53. To the Lydians who were to carry these gifts to the temples Croesus
gave charge that they should ask the Oracles this question also,—whether
Croesus should march against the Persians, and if so, whether he should
join with himself any army of men as his friends. And when the Lydians
had arrived at the places to which they had been sent and had dedicated
the votive offerings, they inquired of the Oracles and said: "Croesus,
king of the Lydians and of other nations, considering that these are
the only true Oracles among men, presents to you 57 gifts such as your
revelations deserve, and asks you again now whether he shall march
against the Persians, and if so, whether he shall join with himself any
army of men as allies." They inquired thus, and the answers of both
the Oracles agreed in one, declaring to Croesus that if he should
march against the Persians he should destroy a great empire: and they
counselled him to find out the most powerful of the Hellenes and join
these with himself as friends.
54. So when the answers were brought back and Croesus heard them, he
was delighted with the oracles, and expecting that he would certainly
destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he sent again to Pytho, 58 and presented
to the men of Delphi, having ascertained the number of them, two staters
of gold for each man: and in for this the Delphians gave to Croesus and
to the Lydians precedence in consulting the Oracle and freedom from all
payments, and the right to front seats at the games, with this privilege
also for all time, that any one of them who wished should be allowed to
become a citizen of Delphi.
55. And having made presents to the men of Delphi, Croesus consulted the
Oracle the third time; for from the time when he learnt the truth of
the Oracle, he made abundant use of it. 59 And consulting the Oracle
he inquired whether his monarchy would endure for a long time. And the
Pythian prophetess answered him thus:
"But when it cometh to pass that a mule of the Medes shall be monarch
Then by the pebbly Hermos, O Lydian delicate-footed,
Flee and stay not, and be not ashamed to be callèd a coward."
56. By these lines when they came to him Croesus was pleased more than
by all the rest, for he supposed that a mule would never be ruler of the
Medes instead of a man, and accordingly that he himself and his heirs
would never cease from their rule. Then after this he gave thought to
inquire which people of the Hellenes he should esteem the most powerful
and gain over to himself as friends. And inquiring he found that the
Lacedemonians and the Athenians had the pre-eminence, the first of the
Dorian and the others of the Ionian race. For these were the most
eminent races in ancient time, the second being a Pelasgian and the
first a Hellenic race: and the one never migrated from its place in any
direction, while the other was very exceedingly given to wanderings; for
in the reign of Deucalion this race dwelt in Pthiotis, and in the time
of Doros the son of Hellen in the land lying below Ossa and Olympos,
which is called Histiaiotis; and when it was driven from Histiaiotis by
the sons of Cadmos, it dwelt in Pindos and was called Makednian; and
thence it moved afterwards to Dryopis, and from Dryopis it came finally
to Peloponnesus, and began to be called Dorian.
57. What language however the Pelasgians used to speak I am not able
with certainty to say. But if one must pronounce judging by those that
still remain of the Pelasgians who dwelt in the city of Creston 60 above
the Tyrsenians, and who were once neighbours of the race now called
Dorian, dwelling then in the land which is now called Thessaliotis, and
also by those that remain of the Pelasgians who settled at Plakia
and Skylake in the region of the Hellespont, who before that had been
settlers with the Athenians, 61 and of the natives of the various other
towns which are really Pelasgian, though they have lost the name,—if
one must pronounce judging by these, the Pelasgians used to speak a
Barbarian language. If therefore all the Pelasgian race was such as
these, then the Attic race, being Pelasgian, at the same time when it
changed and became Hellenic, unlearnt also its language. For the people
of Creston do not speak the same language with any of those who dwell
about them, nor yet do the people of Phakia, but they speak the same
language one as the other: and by this it is proved that they still keep
unchanged the form of language which they brought with them when they
migrated to these places.
58. As for the Hellenic race, it has used ever the same language, as I
clearly perceive, since it first took its rise; but since the time when
it parted off feeble at first from the Pelasgian race, setting forth
from a small beginning it has increased to that great number of races
which we see, 62 and chiefly because many Barbarian races have been
added to it besides. Moreover it is true, as I think, 6201 of the
Pelasgian race also, 63 that so far as it remained Barbarian it never
made any great increase.
59. Of these races then Croesus was informed that the Athenian was held
subject and torn with faction by Peisistratos 64 the son of Hippocrates,
who then was despot of the Athenians. For to Hippocrates, when as a
private citizen he went to view the Olympic games, a great marvel had
occurred. After he had offered the sacrifice, the caldrons which were
standing upon the hearth, full of pieces of flesh and of water, boiled
without fire under them and ran over. And Chilon the Lacedemonian,
who chanced to have been present and to have seen the marvel, advised
Hippocrates first not to bring into his house a wife to bear him
children, and secondly, if he happened to have one already, to dismiss
her, and if he chanced to have a son, to disown him. When Chilon
had thus recommended, Hippocrates, they say, was not willing to be
persuaded, and so there was born to him afterwards this Peisistratos;
who, when the Athenians of the shore 65 were at feud with those of the
plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being leader of the first faction,
and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaïdes of that of the plain, aimed at the
despotism for himself and gathered a third party. So then, after
having collected supporters and called himself leader of the men of the
mountain-lands, 66 he contrived a device as follows:—he inflicted
wounds upon himself and upon his mules, and then drove his car into the
market-place, as if he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he
alleged, had desired to kill him when he was driving into the country:
and he asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from them,
for before this he had gained reputation in his command against the
Megarians, during which he took Nisaia and performed other signal
service. And the commons of the Athenians being deceived gave him those
67 men chosen from the dwellers in the city who became not indeed the
spear-men 68 of Peisistratos but his club-men; for they followed behind
him bearing wooden clubs. And these made insurrection with Peisistratos
and obtained possession of the Acropolis. Then Peisistratos was ruler of
the Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor changed
the ancient laws; but he administered the State under that constitution
of things which was already established, ordering it fairly and well.
60. However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles and those
of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus Peisistratos had
obtained possession of Athens for the first time, and thus he lost
the power before he had it firmly rooted. But those who had driven
out Peisistratos became afterwards at feud with one another again.
And Megacles, harassed by the party strife, 69 sent a message to
Peisistratos asking whether he was willing to have his daughter to wife
on condition of becoming despot. And Peisistratos having accepted the
proposal and made an agreement on these terms, they contrived with a
view to his a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was
practised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when
the Hellenic race had been long marked off from the Barbarian as more
skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among the
Athenians who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 70
In the deme of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya, in height
four cubits all but three fingers, 71 and also fair of form. This woman
they dressed in full armour and caused her to ascend a chariot and
showed her the bearing in which she might best beseem her part, 72 and
so they drove to the city, having sent on heralds to run before them,
who, when they arrived at the city, spoke that which had been commanded
them, saying as follows: "O Athenians, receive with favour Peisistratos,
whom Athene herself, honouring him most of all men, brings back to her
Acropolis." So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this,
and straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report
that Athene was bringing Peisistratos back, while at the same time the
men of the city, persuaded that the woman was the very goddess herself,
were paying worship to the human creature and receiving Peisistratos.
61. So having received back the despotism in the manner which has been
said, Peisistratos according to the agreement made with Megacles married
the daughter of Megacles; but as he had already sons who were young men,
and as the descendants of Alcmaion were said to be under a curse, 73
therefore not desiring that children should be born to him from his
newly-married wife, he had commerce with her not in the accustomed
manner. And at first the woman kept this secret, but afterwards she told
her mother, whether in answer to her inquiry or not I cannot tell; and
the mother told her husband Megacles. He then was very indignant that he
should be dishonoured by Peisistratos; and in his anger straightway he
proceeded to compose his quarrel with the men of his faction. And when
Peisistratos heard of that which was being done against himself, he
departed wholly from the land and came to Eretria, where he took counsel
together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having prevailed, that
they should endeavour to win back the despotism, they began to gather
gifts of money from those States which owed them obligations for favours
received: and many contributed great sums, but the Thebans surpassed
the rest in the giving of money. Then, not to make the story long, time
elapsed and at last everything was prepared for their . For certain
Argives came as mercenaries from the Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos
had come to them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed
very great zeal in providing both money and men.
62. So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years 74 they ed
back; and in Attica the first place of which they took possession was
Marathon. While they were encamping here, their partisans from the city
came to them, and also others flowed in from the various demes, to whom
despotic rule was more welcome than freedom. So these were gathering
themselves together; but the Athenians in the city, so long as
Peisistratos was collecting the money, and afterwards when he took
possession of Marathon, made no account of it; but when they heard that
he was marching from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the
rescue against him. These then were going in full force to fight against
the ing exiles, and the forces of Peisistratos, as they went towards the
city starting from Marathon, met them just when they came to the temple
of Athene Pallenis, and there encamped opposite to them. Then moved
by divine guidance 75 there came into the presence of Peisistratos
Amphilytos the Arcarnanian, 76 a soothsayer, who approaching him uttered
an oracle in hexameter verse, saying thus:
"But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely extended,
And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted waters."
63. This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and
Peisistratos, having understood the oracle and having said that he
accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against the enemy.
Now the Athenians from the city were just at that time occupied with the
morning meal, and some of them after their meal with games of dice or
with sleep; and the forces of Peisistratos fell upon the Athenians and
put them to flight. Then as they fled, Peisistratos devised a very
skilful counsel, to the end that the Athenians might not gather again
into one body but might remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on
horseback and sent them before him; and overtaking the fugitives they
said that which was commanded them by Peisistratos, bidding them be of
good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home.
64. Thus then the Athenians did, and so Peisistratos for the third time
obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his despotism by
many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue of money, coming partly
from the land itself and partly from about the river Strymon, and also
by taking as hostages the sons of those Athenians who had remained in
the land and had not at once fled, and placing them in the hands of
Naxos; for this also Peisistratos conquered by war and delivered into
the charge of Lygdamis. Moreover besides this he cleansed the island
of Delos in obedience to the oracles; and his cleansing was of the
following kind:—so far as the view from the temple extended 77 he dug up
all the dead bodies which were buried in this part and removed them to
another part of Delos. So Peisistratos was despot of the Athenians; but
of the Athenians some had fallen in the battle, and others of them with
the sons of Alcmaion were exiles from their native land.
65. Such was the condition of things which Croesus heard was prevailing
among the Athenians during this time; but as to the Lacedemonians he
heard that they had escaped from great evils and had now got the better
of the Tegeans in the war. For when Leon and Hegesicles were kings of
Sparta, the Lacedemonians, who had good success in all their other wars,
suffered disaster in that alone which they waged against the men of
Tegea. Moreover in the times before this they had the worst laws of
almost all the Hellenes, both in matters which concerned themselves
alone and also in that they had no dealings with strangers. And they
made their change to a good constitution of laws thus:—Lycurgos, a
man of the Spartans who was held in high repute, came to the Oracle at
Delphi, and as he entered the sanctuary of the temple, straightway the
Pythian prophetess said as follows:
"Lo, thou art come, O Lycurgos, to this rich shrine of my temple,
Loved thou by Zeus and by all who possess the abodes of Olympos.
Whether to call thee a god, I doubt, in my voices prophetic,
God or a man, but rather a god I think, O Lycurgos."
66. Some say in addition to this that the Pythian prophetess also set
forth to him the order of things which is now established for the
Spartans; but the Lacedemonians themselves say that Lycurgos having
become guardian of Leobotes his brother's son, who was king of the
Spartans, brought in these things from Crete. For as soon as he became
guardian, he changed all the prevailing laws, and took measures that
they should not transgress his institutions: and after this Lycurgos
established that which appertained to war, namely Enomoties and Triecads
and Common Meals, 7701 and in addition to this the Ephors and the
Senate. Having changed thus, the Spartans had good laws; and to Lycurgos
after he was dead they erected a temple, and they pay him great worship.
So then, as might be supposed, with a fertile land and with no small
number of men dwelling in it, they straightway shot up and became
prosperous: and it was no longer sufficient for them to keep still; but
presuming that they were superior in strength to the Arcadians, they
consulted the Oracle at Delphi respecting conquest of the whole of
Arcadia; and the Pythian prophetess gave answer thus:
"The land of Arcadia thou askest; thou askest me much; I refuse it;
Many there are in Arcadian land, stout men, eating acorns;
These will prevent thee from this: but I am not grudging towards thee;
Tegea beaten with sounding feet I will give thee to dance in,
And a fair plain I will give thee to measure with line and divide it."
When the Lacedemonians heard report of this, they held off from the
other Arcadians, and marched against the Tegeans with fetters in their
hands, trusting to a deceitful 78 oracle and expecting that they
would make slaves of the men of Tegea. But having been worsted in the
encounter, those of them who were taken alive worked wearing the fetters
which they themselves brought with them and having "measured with line
and divided" 79 the plain of the Tegeans. And these fetters with which
they had been bound were preserved even to my own time at Tegea, hanging
about the temple of Athene Alea. 80
67. In the former war then I say they struggled against the Tegeans
continually with ill success; but in the time of Croesus and in the
reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston at Lacedemon the Spartans had at
length become victors in the war; and they became so in the following
manner:—As they continued to be always worsted in the war by the men of
Tegea, they sent messengers to consult the Oracle at Delphi and inquired
what god they should propitiate in order to get the better of the men
of Tegea in the war: and the Pythian prophetess made answer to them
that they should bring into their land the bones of Orestes the son of
Agamemnon. Then as they were not able to find the grave of Orestes,
they sent men again to go to the god and to inquire about the spot where
Orestes was laid: and when the messengers who were sent asked this, the
prophetess said as follows:
"Tegea there is, in Arcadian land, in a smooth place founded;
Where there do blow two blasts by strong compulsion together;
Stroke too there is and stroke in , and trouble on trouble.
There Agamemnon's son in the life-giving earth is reposing;
Him if thou bring with thee home, of Tegea thou shalt be master." 81
When the Lacedemonians had heard this they were none the less far from
finding it out, though they searched all places; until the time that
Lichas, one of those Spartans who are called "Well-doers," 82 discovered
it. Now the "Well-doers" are of the citizens the eldest who are passing
from the ranks of the "Horsemen," in each year five; and these are bound
during that year in which they pass out from the "Horsemen," to allow
themselves to be sent without ceasing to various places by the Spartan
State.
68. Lichas then, being one of these, discovered it in Tegea by means
both of fortune and ability. For as there were at that time dealings
under truce with the men of Tegea, he had come to a forge there and was
looking at iron being wrought; and he was in wonder as he saw that which
was being done. The smith therefore, perceiving that he marvelled at it,
ceased from his work and said: "Surely, thou stranger of Lacedemon, if
thou hadst seen that which I once saw, thou wouldst have marvelled much,
since now it falls out that thou dost marvel so greatly at the working
of this iron; for I, desiring in this enclosure to make a well, lighted
in my digging upon a coffin of seven cubits in length; and not believing
that ever there had been men larger than those of the present day,
I opened it, and I saw that the dead body was equal in length to the
coffin: then after I had measured it, I filled in the earth over it
again." He then thus told him of that which he had seen; and the other,
having thought upon that which was told, conjectured that this was
Orestes according to the saying of the Oracle, forming his conjecture
in the following manner:—whereas he saw that the smith had two pairs of
bellows, he concluded that these were the winds spoken of, and that the
anvil and the hammer were the stroke and the stroke in , and that the
iron which was being wrought was the trouble laid upon trouble, making
comparison by the thought that iron has been discovered for the evil of
mankind. Having thus conjectured he came back to Sparta and declared the
whole matter to the Lacedemonians; and they brought a charge against him
on a fictitious pretext and drove him out into exile. 83 So having come
to Tegea, he told the smith of his evil fortune and endeavoured to hire
from him the enclosure, but at first he would not allow him to have it:
at length however Lichas persuaded him and he took up his abode there;
and he dug up the grave and gathered together the bones and went with
them away to Sparta. From that time, whenever they made trial of one
another, the Lacedemonians had much the advantage in the war; and by now
they had subdued to themselves the greater part of Peloponnesus besides.
69. Croesus accordingly being informed of all these things was sending
messengers to Sparta with gifts in their hands to ask for an alliance,
having commanded them what they ought to say: and they when they came
said: "Croesus king of the Lydians and also of other nations sent us
hither and saith as follows: O Lacedemonians, whereas the god by an
oracle bade me join with myself the Hellene as a friend, therefore,
since I am informed that ye are the chiefs of Hellas, I invite you
according to the oracle, desiring to be your friend and your ally
apart from all guile and deceit." Thus did Croesus announce to the
Lacedemonians through his messengers; and the Lacedemonians, who
themselves also had heard of the oracle given to Croesus, were pleased
at the coming of the Lydians and exchanged oaths of friendship and
alliance: for they were bound to Croesus also by some services rendered
to them even before this time; since the Lacedemonians had sent to
Sardis and were buying gold there with purpose of using it for the image
of Apollo which is now set up on Mount Thornax in the Lacedemonian land;
and Croesus, when they desired to buy it, gave it them as a gift.
70. For this reason therefore the Lacedemonians accepted the alliance,
and also because he chose them as his friends, preferring them to all
the other Hellenes. And not only were they ready themselves when he made
his offer, but they caused a mixing-bowl to be made of bronze, covered
outside with figures round the rim and of such a size as to hold three
hundred amphors, 84 and this they conveyed, desiring to give it as a
gift in to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis for reasons of which
two accounts are given as follows:—The Lacedemonians say that when the
bowl was on its way to Sardis and came opposite the land of Samos, the
men of Samos having heard of it sailed out with ships of war and took
it away; but the Samians themselves say that the Lacedemonians who were
conveying the bowl, finding that they were too late and hearing that
Sardis had been taken and Croesus was a prisoner, sold the bowl in
Samos, and certain private persons bought it and dedicated it as a
votive offering in the temple of Hera; and probably those who had sold
it would say when they ed to Sparta that it had been taken from them by
the Samians.
71. Thus then it happened about the mixing-bowl: but meanwhile Croesus,
mistaking the meaning of the oracle, was making a march into Cappadokia,
expecting to overthrow Cyrus and the power of the Persians: and while
Croesus was preparing to march against the Persians, one of the
Lydians, who even before this time was thought to be a wise man but in
consequence of this opinion got a very great name for wisdom among
the Lydians, had advised Croesus as follows (the name of the man was
Sandanis):—"O king, thou art preparing to march against men who wear
breeches of leather, and the rest of their clothing is of leather also;
and they eat food not such as they desire but such as they can obtain,
dwelling in a land which is rugged; and moreover they make no use of
wine but drink water; and no figs have they for dessert, nor any other
good thing. On the one hand, if thou shalt overcome them, what wilt thou
take away from them, seeing they have nothing? and on the other hand,
if thou shalt be overcome, consider how many good things thou wilt lose;
for once having tasted our good things, they will cling to them fast
and it will not be possible to drive them away. I for my own part feel
gratitude to the gods that they do not put it into the minds of the
Persians to march against the Lydians." Thus he spoke not persuading
Croesus: for it is true indeed that the Persians before they subdued the
Lydians had no luxury nor any good thing.
72. Now the Cappadokians are called by the Hellenes Syrians; 85 and
these Syrians, before the Persians had rule, were subjects of the Medes,
but at this time they were subjects of Cyrus. For the boundary between
the Median empire and the Lydian was the river Halys; and this flows
from the mountain-land of Armenia through the Kilikians, and afterwards,
as it flows, it has the Matienians on the right hand and the Phrygians
on the other side; then passing by these and flowing up towards the
North Wind, it bounds on the one side the Cappadokian Syrians and on the
left hand the Paphlagonians. Thus the river Halys cuts off from the rest
almost all the lower parts of Asia by a line extending from the sea
that is opposite Cyprus to the Euxine. And this tract is the neck of the
whole peninsula, the distance of the journey being such that five days
are spent on the way by a man without encumbrance. 86
73. Now for the following reasons Croesus was marching into
Cappadokia:—first because he desired to acquire the land in addition to
his own possessions, and then especially because he had confidence in
the oracle and wished to take vengeance on Cyrus for Astyages. For
Cyrus the son of Cambyses had conquered Astyages and was keeping him in
captivity, who was brother by marriage to Croesus and king of the Medes:
and he had become the brother by marriage of Croesus in this manner:—A
horde of the nomad Scythians at feud with the rest withdrew and sought
refuge in the land of the Medes: and at this time the ruler of the Medes
was Kyaxares the son of Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, who at first
dealt well with these Scythians, being suppliants for his protection;
and esteeming them very highly he delivered boys to them to learn their
speech and the art of shooting with the bow. Then time went by, and the
Scythians used to go out continually to the chase and always brought
back something; till once it happened that they took nothing, and when
they ed with empty hands Kyaxares (being, as he showed on this occasion,
not of an eminently good disposition 87) dealt with them very harshly
and used insult towards them. And they, when they had received this
treatment from Kyaxares, considering that they had suffered indignity,
planned to kill and to cut up one of the boys who were being instructed
among them, and having dressed his flesh as they had been wont to dress
the wild animals, to bear it to Kyaxares and give it to him, pretending
that it was game taken in hunting; and when they had given it, their
design was to make their way as quickly as possible to Alyattes the son
of Sadyattes at Sardis. This then was done; and Kyaxares with the guests
who ate at his table tasted of that meat, and the Scythians having so
done became suppliants for the protection of Alyattes.
74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give up the Scythians
when Kyaxares demanded them, there had arisen war between the Lydians
and the Medes lasting five years; in which years the Medes often
discomfited the Lydians and the Lydians often discomfited the Medes (and
among others they fought also a battle by night): 88 and as they still
carried on the war with equally balanced fortune, in the sixth year a
battle took place in which it happened, when the fight had begun, that
suddenly the day became night. And this change of the day Thales the
Milesian had foretold to the Ionians laying down as a limit this very
year in which the change took place. The Lydians however and the Medes,
when they saw that it had become night instead of day, ceased from their
fighting and were much more eager both of them that peace should be made
between them. And they who brought about the peace between them were
Syennesis the Kilikian and Labynetos the Babylonian: 89 these were they
who urged also the taking of the oath by them, and they brought about an
interchange of marriages; for they decided that Alyattes should give his
daughter Aryenis to Astyages the son of Kyaxares, seeing that without
the compulsion of a strong tie agreements are apt not to hold strongly
together. Now these nations observe the same ceremonies in taking oaths
as the Hellenes, and in addition to them they make incision into the
skin of their arms, and then lick up the blood each of the other.
75. This Astyages then, being his mother's father, Cyrus had conquered
and made prisoner for a reason which I shall declare in the history
which comes after. 90 This then was the complaint which Croesus had
against Cyrus when he sent to the Oracles to ask if he should march
against the Persians; and when a deceitful answer had come back to him,
he marched into the dominion of the Persians, supposing that the answer
was favourable to himself. And when Croesus came to the river Halys,
then, according to my account, he passed his army across by the bridges
which there were; but, according to the account which prevails among the
Hellenes, Thales the Milesian enabled him to pass his army across. For,
say they, when Croesus was at a loss how his army should pass over the
river (since, they add, there were not yet at that time the bridges
which now there are), Thales being present in the army caused the river,
which flowed then on the left hand of the army, to flow partly also on
the right; and he did it thus:—beginning above the camp he proceeded to
dig a deep channel, directing it in the form of a crescent moon, so that
the river might take the camp there pitched in the rear, being turned
aside from its ancient course by this way along the channel, and
afterwards passing by the camp might fall again into its ancient course;
so that as soon as the river was thus parted in two it became fordable
by both branches: and some say even that the ancient course of the river
was altogether dried up. But this tale I do not admit as true, for how
then did they pass over the river as they went back?
76. And Croesus, when he had passed over with his army, came to that
place in Cappadokia which is called Pteria (now Pteria is the strongest
place in this country, and is situated somewhere about in a line with
the city of Sinope 91 on the Euxine). Here he encamped and ravaged the
fields of the Syrians. Moreover he took the city of the Pterians, and
sold the people into slavery, and he took also all the towns that lay
about it; and the Syrians, who were not guilty of any wrong, he forced
to remove from their homes. 92 Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered his
own forces and having taken up in addition to them all who dwelt in the
region between, was coming to meet Croesus. Before he began however to
lead forth his army, he had sent heralds to the Ionians and tried to
induce them to revolt from Croesus; but the Ionians would not do as he
said. Then when Cyrus was come and had encamped over against Croesus,
they made trial of one another by force of arms in the land of Pteria:
and after hard fighting, when many had fallen on both sides, at length,
night having come on, they parted from one the other with no victory on
either side.
77. Thus the two armies contended with one another: and Croesus being
ill satisfied with his own army in respect of number (for the army
which he had when he fought was far smaller than that of Cyrus), being
dissatisfied with it I say on this account, as Cyrus did not attempt to
advance against him on the following day, marched back to Sardis, having
it in his mind to call the Egyptians to his help according to the oath
which they had taken (for he had made an alliance with Amasis king of
Egypt before he made the alliance with the Lacedemonians), and to
summon the Babylonians as well (for with these also an alliance had
been concluded by him, Labynetos 93 being at that time ruler of the
Babylonians), and moreover to send a message to the Lacedemonians
bidding them appear at a fixed time: and then after he had got all these
together and had gathered his own army, his design was to let the winter
go by and at the coming of spring to march against the Persians. So with
these thoughts in his mind, as soon as he came to Sardis he proceeded to
send heralds to his several allies to give them notice that by the fifth
month from that time they should assemble at Sardis: but the army which
he had with him and which had fought with the Persians, an army which
consisted of mercenary troops, 94 he let go and disbanded altogether,
never expecting that Cyrus, after having contended against him with such
even fortune, would after all march upon Sardis.
78. When Croesus had these plans in his mind, the suburb of the city
became of a sudden all full of serpents; and when these had appeared,
the horses leaving off to feed in their pastures came constantly thither
and devoured them. When Croesus saw this he deemed it to be a portent,
as indeed it was: and forthwith he despatched messengers to the dwelling
of the Telmessians, who interpret omens: and the messengers who were
sent to consult arrived there and learnt from the Telmessians what the
portent meant to signify, but they did not succeed in reporting the
answer to Croesus, for before they sailed back to Sardis Croesus had
been taken prisoner. The Telmessians however gave decision thus: that an
army speaking a foreign tongue was to be looked for by Croesus to
invade his land, and that this when it came would subdue the native
inhabitants; for they said that the serpent was born of the soil, while
the horse was an enemy and a stranger. The men of Telmessos thus made
answer to Croesus after he was already taken prisoner, not knowing as
yet anything of the things which had happened to Sardis and to Croesus
himself.
79. Cyrus, however, so soon as Croesus marched away after the battle
which had been fought in Pteria, having learnt that Croesus meant after
he had marched away to disband his army, took counsel with himself and
concluded that it was good for him to march as quickly as possible
to Sardis, before the power of the Lydians should be again gathered
together. So when he had resolved upon this, he did it without delay:
for he marched his army into Lydia with such speed that he was himself
the first to announce his coming to Croesus. Then Croesus, although he
had come to a great strait, since his affairs had fallen out altogether
contrary to his own expectation, yet proceeded to lead forth the
Lydians into battle. Now there was at this time no nation in Asia more
courageous or more stout in battle than the Lydian; and they fought on
horseback carrying long spears, the men being excellent in horsemanship.
80. So when the armies had met in that plain which is in front of the
city of Sardis,—a plain wide and open, through which flow rivers (and
especially the river Hyllos) all rushing down to join the largest called
Hermos, which flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother surnamed
"of Dindymos" 95 and runs out into the sea by the city of Phocaia,—then
Cyrus, when he saw the Lydians being arrayed for battle, fearing their
horsemen, did on the suggestion of Harpagos a Mede as follows:—all
the camels which were in the train of his army carrying provisions and
baggage he gathered together, and he took off their burdens and set
men upon them provided with the equipment of cavalry: and having thus
furnished them forth he appointed them to go in front of the rest of
the army towards the horsemen of Croesus; and after the camel-troop he
ordered the infantry to follow; and behind the infantry he placed his
whole force of cavalry. Then when all his men had been placed in their
several positions, he charged them to spare none of the other Lydians,
slaying all who might come in their way, but Croesus himself they were
not to slay, not even if he should make resistance when he was captured.
Such was his charge: and he set the camels opposite the horsemen for
this reason,—because the horse has a fear of the camel and cannot endure
either to see his form or to scent his smell: for this reason then the
trick had been devised, in order that the cavalry of Croesus might be
useless, that very force wherewith the Lydian king was expecting most
to shine. And as they were coming together to the battle, so soon as the
horses scented the camels and saw them they turned away back, and the
hopes of Croesus were at once brought to nought. The Lydians however
for their part did not upon that act as cowards, but when they perceived
what was coming to pass they leapt from their horses and fought with
the Persians on foot. At length, however, when many had fallen on either
side, the Lydians turned to flight; and having been driven within the
wall of their fortress they were besieged by the Persians.
81. By these then a siege had been established: but Croesus, supposing
that the siege would last a long time, proceeded to send from the
fortress other messengers to his allies. For the former messengers were
sent round to give notice that they should assemble at Sardis by the
fifth month, but these he was sending out to ask them to come to his
assistance as quickly as possible, because Croesus was being besieged.
82. So then in sending to his other allies he sent also to Lacedemon.
But these too, the Spartans I mean, had themselves at this very time
(for so it had fallen out) a quarrel in hand with the Argives about
the district called Thyrea. For this Thyrea, being part of the Argive
possessions, the Lacedemonians had cut off and taken for themselves. Now
the whole region towards the west extending as far down as Malea 96 was
then possessed by the Argives, both the parts situated on the mainland
and also the island of Kythera with the other islands. And when the
Argives had come to the rescue to save their territory from being cut
off from them, then the two sides came to a parley together and agreed
that three hundred should fight of each side, and whichever side had the
better in the fight that nation should possess the disputed land: they
agreed moreover that the main body of each army should withdraw to their
own country, and not stand by while the contest was fought, for fear
lest, if the armies were present, one side seeing their countrymen
suffering defeat should come up to their support. Having made this
agreement they withdrew; and chosen men of both sides were left behind
and engaged in fight with one another. So they fought and proved
themselves to be equally matched; and there were left at last of six
hundred men three, on the side of the Argives Alkenor and Chromios, and
on the side of the Lacedemonians Othryades: these were left alive when
night came on. So then the two men of the Argives, supposing that
they were the victors, set off to run to Argos, but the Lacedemonian
Othryades, after having stripped the corpses of the Argives and carried
their arms to his own camp, remained in his place. On the next day both
the two sides came thither to inquire about the result; and for some
time both claimed the victory for themselves, the one side saying that
of them more had remained alive, and the others declaring that these had
fled away, whereas their own man had stood his ground and had stripped
the corpses of the other party: and at length by reason of this dispute
they fell upon one another and began to fight; and after many had fallen
on both sides, the Lacedemonians were the victors. The Argives then cut
their hair short, whereas formerly they were compelled by law to wear
it long, and they made a law with a curse attached to it, that from that
time forth no man of the Argives should grow the hair long nor their
women wear ornaments of gold, until they should have won back Thyrea.
The Lacedemonians however laid down for themselves the opposite law to
this, namely that they should wear long hair from that time forward,
whereas before that time they had not their hair long. And they say that
the one man who was left alive of the three hundred, namely Othryades,
being ashamed to to Sparta when all his comrades had been slain, slew
himself there in Thyrea.
83. Such was the condition of things at Sparta when the herald from
Sardis arrived asking them to come to the assistance of Croesus, who was
being besieged. And they notwithstanding their own difficulties, as
soon as they heard the news from the herald, were eager to go to his
assistance; but when they had completed their preparations and their
ships were ready, there came another message reporting that the fortress
of the Lydians had been taken and that Croesus had been made prisoner.
Then (and not before) they ceased from their efforts, being grieved at
the event as at a great calamity.
84. Now the taking of Sardis came about as follows:—When the fourteenth
day came after Croesus began to be besieged, Cyrus made proclamation
to his army, sending horsemen round to the several parts of it, that he
would give gifts to the man who should first scale the wall. After this
the army made an attempt; and when it failed, then after all the rest
had ceased from the attack, a certain Mardian whose name was Hyroiades
made an attempt to approach on that side of the citadel where no guard
had been set; for they had no fear that it would ever be taken from that
side, seeing that here the citadel is precipitous and unassailable. To
this part of the wall alone Meles also, who formerly was king of Sardis,
did not carry round the lion which his concubine bore to him, the
Telmessians having given decision that if the lion should be carried
round the wall, Sardis should be safe from capture: and Meles having
carried it round the rest of the wall, that is to say those parts of the
citadel where the fortress was open to attack, passed over this part as
being unassailable and precipitous: now this is a part of the city which
is turned towards Tmolos. So then this 97 Mardian Hyroiades, having seen
on the day before how one of the Lydians had descended on that side of
the citadel to recover his helmet which had rolled down from above,
and had picked it up, took thought and cast the matter about in his own
mind. Then he himself 98 ascended first, and after him came up others
of the Persians, and many having thus made approach, Sardis was finally
taken and the whole city was given up to plunder.
85. Meanwhile to Croesus himself it happened thus:—He had a son, of whom
I made mention before, who was of good disposition enough but deprived
of speech. Now in his former time of prosperity Croesus had done
everything that was possible for him, and besides other things which he
devised he had also sent messengers to Delphi to inquire concerning him.
And the Pythian prophetess spoke to him thus:
"Lydian, master of many, much blind to destiny, Croesus,
Do not desire to hear in thy halls that voice which is prayed for,
Voice of thy son; much better if this from thee were removèd,
Since he shall first utter speech in an evil day of misfortune."
Now when the fortress was being taken, one of the Persians was about to
slay Croesus taking him for another; and Croesus for his part, seeing
him coming on, cared nothing for it because of the misfortune which was
upon him, and to him it was indifferent that he should be slain by the
stroke; but this voiceless son, when he saw the Persian coming on, by
reason of terror and affliction burst the bonds of his utterance and
said: "Man, slay not Croesus." This son, I say, uttered voice then first
of all, but after this he continued to use speech for the whole time of
his life.
86. The Persians then had obtained possession of Sardis and had taken
Croesus himself prisoner, after he had reigned fourteen years and had
been besieged fourteen days, having fulfilled the oracle in that he had
brought to an end his own great empire. So the Persians having taken him
brought him into the presence of Cyrus: and he piled up a great pyre
and caused Croesus to go up upon it bound in fetters, and along with him
twice seven sons of Lydians, whether it was that he meant to dedicate
this offering as first-fruits of his victory to some god, or whether
he desired to fulfil a vow, or else had heard that Croesus was a
god-fearing man and so caused him to go up on the pyre because he wished
to know if any one of the divine powers would save him, so that he
should not be burnt alive. He, they say, did this; but to Croesus as
he stood upon the pyre there came, although he was in such evil case, a
memory of the saying of Solon, how he had said with divine inspiration
that no one of the living might be called happy. And when this thought
came into his mind, they say that he sighed deeply 99 and groaned aloud,
having been for long silent, and three times he uttered the name of
Solon. Hearing this, Cyrus bade the interpreters ask Croesus who was
this person on whom he called; and they came near and asked. And
Croesus for a time, it is said, kept silence when he was asked this,
but afterwards being pressed he said: "One whom more than much wealth I
should have desired to have speech with all monarchs." Then, since his
words were of doubtful import, they asked again of that which he said;
and as they were urgent with him and gave him no peace, he told how once
Solon an Athenian had come, and having inspected all his wealth had made
light of it, with such and such words; and how all had turned out for
him according as Solon had said, not speaking at all especially with
a view to Croesus himself, but with a view to the whole human race
and especially those who seem to themselves to be happy men. And while
Croesus related these things, already the pyre was lighted and the edges
of it round about were burning. Then they say that Cyrus, hearing
from the interpreters what Croesus had said, changed his purpose
and considered that he himself also was but a man, and that he was
delivering another man, who had been not inferior to himself in
felicity, alive to the fire; and moreover he feared the requital, and
reflected that there was nothing of that which men possessed which was
secure; therefore, they say, he ordered them to extinguish as quickly as
possible the fire that was burning, and to bring down Croesus and those
who were with him from the pyre; and they using endeavours were not able
now to get the mastery of the flames.
87. Then it is related by the Lydians that Croesus, having learned how
Cyrus had changed his mind, and seeing that every one was trying to put
out the fire but that they were no longer able to check it, cried aloud
entreating Apollo that if any gift had ever been given by him which had
been acceptable to the god, he would come to his aid and rescue him from
the evil which was now upon him. So he with tears entreated the god, and
suddenly, they say, after clear sky and calm weather clouds gathered and
a storm burst, and it rained with a very violent shower, and the pyre
was extinguished. Then Cyrus, having perceived that Croesus was a lover
of the gods and a good man, caused him to be brought down from the pyre
and asked him as follows: "Croesus, tell me who of all men was it who
persuaded thee to march upon my land and so to become an enemy to me
instead of a friend?" and he said: "O king, I did this to thy felicity
and to my own misfortune, and the causer of this was the god of the
Hellenes, who incited me to march with my army. For no one is so
senseless as to choose of his own will war rather peace, since in peace
the sons bury their fathers, but in war the fathers bury their sons.
But it was pleasing, I suppose, to the divine powers that these things
should come to pass thus."
88. So he spoke, and Cyrus loosed his bonds and caused him to sit near
himself and paid to him much regard, and he marvelled both himself and
all who were about him at the sight of Croesus. And Croesus wrapt in
thought was silent; but after a time, turning round and seeing the
Persians plundering the city of the Lydians, he said: "O king, must I
say to thee that which I chance to have in my thought, or must I keep
silent in this my present fortune?" Then Cyrus bade him say boldly
whatsoever he desired; and he asked him saying: "What is the business
that this great multitude of men is doing with so much eagerness?" and
he said: "They are plundering thy city and carrying away thy wealth."
And Croesus answered: "Neither is it my city that they are plundering
nor my wealth which they are carrying away; for I have no longer any
property in these things: but it is thy wealth that they are carrying
and driving away."
89. And Cyrus was concerned by that which Croesus had said, and he
caused all the rest to withdraw and asked Croesus what he discerned for
his advantage as regards that which was being done; and he said: "Since
the gods gave me to thee as a slave, I think it right if I discern
anything more than others to signify it to thee. The Persians, who are
by nature unruly, 100 are without wealth: if therefore thou shalt suffer
them to carry off in plunder great wealth and to take possession of it,
then it is to be looked for that thou wilt experience this result, thou
must expect namely that whosoever gets possession of the largest share
will make insurrection against thee. Now therefore, if that which I say
is pleasing to thee, do this:—set spearmen of thy guard to watch at all
the gates, and let these take away the things, and say to the men who
were bearing them out of the city that they must first be tithed for
Zeus: and thus thou on the one hand wilt not be hated by them for taking
away the things by force, and they on the other will willingly let the
things go, 101 acknowledging within themselves that thou art doing that
which is just."
90. Hearing this, Cyrus was above measure pleased, because he thought
that Croesus advised well; and he commended him much and enjoined the
spearmen of his guard to perform that which Croesus had advised: and
after that he spoke to Croesus thus: "Croesus, since thou art prepared,
like a king as thou art, to do good deeds and speak good words,
therefore ask me for a gift, whatsoever thou desirest to be given thee
forthwith." And he said: "Master, thou wilt most do me a pleasure if
thou wilt permit me to send to the god of the Hellenes, whom I honoured
most of all gods, these fetters, and to ask him whether it is accounted
by him right to deceive those who do well to him." Then Cyrus asked him
what accusation he made against the god, that he thus requested; and
Croesus repeated to him all that had been in his mind, and the answers
of the Oracles, and especially the votive offerings, and how he had been
incited by the prophecy to march upon the Persians: and thus speaking he
came back again to the request that it might be permitted to him to make
this reproach 102 against the god. And Cyrus laughed and said: "Not this
only shalt thou obtain from me, Croesus, but also whatsoever thou mayst
desire of me at any time." Hearing this Croesus sent certain of the
Lydians to Delphi, enjoining them to lay the fetters upon the threshold
of the temple and to ask the god whether he felt no shame that he had
incited Croesus by his prophecies to march upon the Persians, persuading
him that he should bring to an end the empire of Cyrus, seeing that
these were the first-fruits of spoil which he had won from it,—at the
same time displaying the fetters. This they were to ask, and moreover
also whether it was thought right by the gods of the Hellenes to
practice ingratitude.
91. When the Lydians came and repeated that which they were enjoined to
say, it is related that the Pythian prophetess spoke as follows: "The
fated destiny it is impossible even for a god to escape. And Croesus
paid the debt due for the sin of his fifth ancestor, who being one of
the spearmen of the Heracleidai followed the treacherous device of a
woman, and having slain his master took possession of his royal dignity,
which belonged not to him of right. And although Loxias eagerly desired
that the calamity of Sardis might come upon the sons of Croesus and not
upon Croesus himself, it was not possible for him to draw the Destinies
aside from their course; but so much as these granted he brought to
pass, and gave it as a gift to Croesus: for he put off the taking of
Sardis by three years; and let Croesus be assured that he was taken
prisoner later by these years than the fated time: moreover secondly, he
assisted him when he was about to be burnt. And as to the oracle which
was given, Croesus finds fault with good ground: for Loxias told him
beforehand that if he should march upon the Persians he should destroy
a great empire: and he upon hearing this, if he wished to take counsel
well, ought to have sent and asked further whether the god meant his
own empire or that of Cyrus: but as he did not comprehend that which was
uttered and did not ask again, let him pronounce himself to be the cause
of that which followed. To him also 103 when he consulted the Oracle for
the last time Loxias said that which he said concerning a mule; but this
also he failed to comprehend: for Cyrus was in fact this mule, seeing
that he was born of parents who were of two different races, his mother
being of nobler descent and his father of less noble: for she was a
Median woman, daughter of Astyages and king of the Medes, but he was a
Persian, one of a race subject to the Medes, and being inferior in all
respects he was the husband of one who was his royal mistress." Thus the
Pythian prophetess replied to the Lydians, and they brought the answer
back to Sardis and repeated it to Croesus; and he, when he heard it,
acknowledged that the fault was his own and not that of the god. With
regard then to the empire of Croesus and the first conquest of Ionia, it
happened thus.
92. Now there are in Hellas many other votive offerings made by Croesus
and not only those which have been mentioned: for first at Thebes of the
Boeotians there is a tripod of gold, which he dedicated to the Ismenian
Apollo; then at Ephesos there are the golden cows and the greater number
of the pillars of the temple; and in the temple of Athene Pronaia at
Delphi a large golden shield. These were still remaining down to my own
time, but others of his votive offerings have perished: and the votive
offerings of Croesus at Branchidai of the Milesians were, as I am told,
equal in weight and similar to those at Delphi. Now those which he sent
to Delphi and to the temple of Amphiaraos he dedicated of his own goods
and as first-fruits of the wealth inherited from his father; but the
other offerings were made of the substance of a man who was his foe, who
before Croesus became king had been factious against him and had joined
in endeavouring to make Pantaleon ruler of the Lydians. Now Pantaleon
was a son of Alyattes and a brother of Croesus, but not by the same
mother, for Croesus was born to Alyattes of a Carian woman, but
Pantaleon of an Ionian. And when Croesus had gained possession of the
kingdom by the gift of his father, he put to death the man who opposed
him, drawing him upon the carding-comb; and his property, which even
before that time he had vowed to dedicate, he then offered in the manner
mentioned to those shrines which have been named. About his votive
offerings let it suffice to have said so much.
93. Of marvels to be recorded the land of Lydia has no great store as
compared with other lands, 104 excepting the gold-dust which is carried
down from Tmolos; but one work it has to show which is larger far than
any other except only those in Egypt and Babylon: for there is there the
sepulchral monument of Alyattes the father of Croesus, of which the base
is made of larger stones and the rest of the monument is of earth piled
up. And this was built by contributions of those who practised trade and
of the artisans and the girls who plied their traffic there; and still
there existed to my own time boundary-stones five in number erected upon
the monument above, on which were carved inscriptions telling how much
of the work was done by each class; and upon measurement it was found
that the work of the girls was the greatest in amount. For the daughters
of the common people in Lydia practice prostitution one and all, to
gather for themselves dowries, continuing this until the time when they
marry; and the girls give themselves away in marriage. Now the circuit
of the monument is six furlongs and two hundred feet, 105 and the
breadth is thirteen hundred feet. 106 And adjoining the monument is a
great lake, which the Lydians say has a never-failing supply of water,
and it is called the lake of Gyges. 107 Such is the nature of this
monument.
94. Now the Lydians have very nearly the same customs as the Hellenes,
with the exception that they prostitute their female children; and they
were the first of men, so far as we know, who struck and used coin of
gold or silver; and also they were the first retail-traders. And the
Lydians themselves say that the games which are now in use among them
and among the Hellenes were also their invention. These they say were
invented among them at the same time as they colonised Tyrsenia, 108 and
this is the account they give of them:—In the reign of Atys the son of
Manes their king there came to be a grievous dearth over the whole
of Lydia; and the Lydians for a time continued to endure it, but
afterwards, as it did not cease, they sought for remedies; and one
devised one thing and another of them devised another thing. And then
were discovered, they say, the ways of playing with the dice and the
knucklebones and the ball, and all the other games excepting draughts
(for the discovery of this last is not claimed by the Lydians). These
games they invented as a resource against the famine, and thus they used
to do:—on one of the days they would play games all the time in order
that they might not feel the want of food, and on the next they ceased
from their games and had food: and thus they went on for eighteen years.
As however the evil did not slacken but pressed upon them ever more
and more, therefore their king divided the whole Lydian people into two
parts, and he appointed by lot one part to remain and the other to go
forth from the land; and the king appointed himself to be over that one
of the parts which had the lot to stay in the land, and his son to be
over that which was departing; and the name of his son was Tyrsenos.
So the one party of them, having obtained the lot to go forth from the
land, went down to the sea at Smyrna and built ships for themselves,
wherein they placed all the movable goods which they had and sailed away
to seek for means of living and a land to dwell in; until after passing
by many nations they came at last to the land of the Ombricans, 109 and
there they founded cities and dwell up to the present time: and changing
their name they were called after the king's son who led them out from
home, not Lydians but Tyrsenians, taking the name from him.
The Lydians then had been made subject to the Persians as I say:
95, and after this our history proceeds to inquire about Cyrus, who he
was that destroyed the empire of Croesus, and about the Persians, in
what manner they obtained the lead of Asia. Following then the report
of some of the Persians,—those I mean who do not desire to glorify the
history of Cyrus but to speak that which is in fact true,—according to
their report, I say, I shall write; but I could set forth also the other
forms of the story in three several ways.
The Assyrians ruled Upper Asia 110 for five hundred and twenty years,
and from them the Medes were the first who made revolt. These having
fought for their freedom with the Assyrians proved themselves good men,
and thus they pushed off the yoke of slavery from themselves and were
set free; and after them the other nations also did the same as the
Medes: and when all on the continent were thus independent, they ed
again to despotic rule as follows:—
96. There appeared among the Medes a man of great ability whose name
was Deïokes, and this man was the son of Phraortes. This Deïokes, having
formed a desire for despotic power, did thus:—whereas the Medes dwelt
in separate villages, he, being even before that time of great repute in
his own village, set himself to practise just dealing much more and
with greater zeal than before; and this he did although there was much
lawlessness throughout the whole of Media, and although he knew that
injustice is ever at feud with justice. And the Medes of the same
village, seeing his manners, chose him for their judge. So he, since
he was aiming at power, was upright and just, and doing thus he had no
little praise from his fellow-citizens, insomuch that those of the other
villages learning that Deïokes was a man who more than all others gave
decision rightly, whereas before this they had been wont to suffer from
unjust judgments, themselves also when they heard it came gladly to
Deïokes to have their causes determined, and at last they trusted the
business to no one else.
97. Then, as more and more continually kept coming to him, because men
learnt that his decisions proved to be according to the truth, Deïokes
perceiving that everything was referred to himself would no longer
sit in the place where he used formerly to sit in public to determine
causes, and said that he would determine causes no more, for it was not
profitable for him to neglect his own affairs and to determine causes
for his neighbours all through the day. So then, since robbery and
lawlessness prevailed even much more in the villages than they did
before, the Medes having assembled together in one place considered with
one another and spoke about the state in which they were: and I suppose
the friends of Deïokes spoke much to this effect: "Seeing that we are
not able to dwell in the land under the present order of things, let
us set up a king from among ourselves, and thus the land will be well
governed and we ourselves shall turn to labour, and shall not be ruined
by lawlessness." By some such words as these they persuaded themselves
to have a king.
98. And when they straightway proposed the question whom they should set
up to be king, Deïokes was much put forward and commended by every one,
until at last they agreed that he should be their king. And he bade them
build for him a palace worthy of the royal dignity and strengthen him
with a guard of spearmen. And the Medes did so: for they built him a
large and strong palace in that part of the land which he told them, and
they allowed him to select spearmen from all the Medes. And when he
had obtained the rule over them, he compelled the Medes to make one
fortified city and pay chief attention to this, having less regard to
the other cities. And as the Medes obeyed him in this also, he built
large and strong walls, those which are now called Agbatana, standing
in circles one within the other. And this wall is so contrived that one
circle is higher than the next by the height of the battlements alone.
And to some extent, I suppose, the nature of the ground, seeing that it
is on a hill, assists towards this end; but much more was it produced
by art, since the circles are in all seven in number. 111 And within the
last circle are the royal palace and the treasure-houses. The largest
of these walls is in size about equal to the circuit of the wall round
Athens; and of the first circle the battlements are white, of the second
black, of the third crimson, of the fourth blue, of the fifth red: thus
are the battlements of all the circles coloured with various tints, and
the two last have their battlements one of them overlaid with silver and
the other with gold.
99. These walls then Deïokes built for himself and round his own palace,
and the people he commanded to dwell round about the wall. And after
all was built, Deïokes established the rule, which he was the first to
establish, ordaining that none should enter into the presence of the
king, but that they deal with him always through messengers; and that
the king should be seen by no one; and moreover that to laugh or to spit
in presence is unseemly, and this last for every one without exception.
112 Now he surrounded himself with this state 113 to the end that his
fellows, who had been brought up with him and were of no meaner family
nor behind him in manly virtue, might not be grieved by seeing him
and make plots against him, but that being unseen by them he might be
thought to be of different mould.
100. Having set these things in order and strengthened himself in his
despotism, he was severe in preserving justice; and the people used
to write down their causes and send them in to his presence, and he
determined the questions which were brought in to him and sent them out
again. Thus he used to do about the judgment of causes; and he also took
order for this, that is to say, if he heard that any one was behaving in
an unruly manner, he sent for him and punished him according as each act
of wrong deserved, and he had watchers and listeners about all the land
over which he ruled.
101. Deïokes then united the Median race alone, and was ruler of this:
and of the Medes there are the tribes which here follow, namely, Busai,
Paretakenians, Struchates, Arizantians, Budians, Magians: the tribes of
the Medes are so many in number.
102. Now the son of Deïokes was Phraortes, who when Deïokes was dead,
having been king for three-and-fifty years, received the power in
succession; and having received it he was not satisfied to be ruler of
the Medes alone, but marched upon the Persians; and attacking them first
before others, he made these first subject to the Medes. After this,
being ruler of these two nations and both of them strong, he proceeded
to subdue Asia going from one nation to another, until at last he
marched against the Assyrians, those Assyrians I mean who dwelt at
Nineveh, and who formerly had been rulers of the whole, but at that time
they were left without support their allies having revolted from them,
though at home they were prosperous enough. 114 Phraortes marched, I
say, against these, and was both himself slain, after he had reigned
two-and-twenty years, and the greater part of his army was destroyed.
103. When Phraortes had brought his life to an end, Kyaxares the son of
Phraortes, the son of Deïokes, received the power. This king is said
to have been yet much more warlike than his forefathers; and he first
banded the men of Asia into separate divisions, that is to say, he first
arrayed apart from one another the spearmen and the archers and the
horsemen, for before that time they were all mingled together without
distinction. This was he who fought with the Lydians when the day became
night as they fought, and who also united under his rule the whole of
Asia above the river Halys. 115 And having gathered together all his
subjects he marched upon Nineveh to avenge his father, and also because
he desired to conquer that city. And when he had fought a battle with
the Assyrians and had defeated them, while he was sitting down before
Nineveh there came upon him a great army of Scythians, 116 and the
leader of them was Madyas the son of Protohyas, king of the Scythians.
These had invaded Asia after driving the Kimmerians out of Europe, and
in pursuit of them as they fled they had come to the land of Media.
104. Now from the Maiotian lake to the river Phasis and to the land of
the Colchians is a journey of thirty days for one without encumbrance;
117 and from Colchis it is not far to pass over to Media, for there
is only one nation between them, the Saspeirians, and passing by this
nation you are in Media. However the Scythians did not make their
invasion by this way, but turned aside from it to go by the upper road
118 which is much longer, keeping Mount Caucasus on their right hand.
Then the Medes fought with the Scythians, and having been worsted in the
battle they lost their power, and the Scythians obtained rule over all
Asia.
105. Thence they went on to invade Egypt; and when they were in Syria
which is called Palestine, Psammetichos king of Egypt met them; and by
gifts and entreaties he turned them from their purpose, so that they
should not advance any further: and as they retreated, when they came
to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians passed through
without doing any damage, but a few of them who had stayed behind
plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania. Now this temple, as I find
by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples which belong to this
goddess; for the temple in Cyprus was founded from this, as the people
of Cyprus themselves report, and it was the Phenicians who founded the
temple in Kythera, coming from this land of Syria. So these Scythians
who had plundered the temple at Ascalon, and their descendants for ever,
were smitten by the divinity 119 with a disease which made them women
instead of men: and the Scythians say that it was for this reason
that they were diseased, and that for this reason travellers who visit
Scythia now, see among them the affection of those who by the Scythians
are called Enareës.
106. For eight-and-twenty years then the Scythians were rulers of Asia,
and by their unruliness and reckless behaviour everything was ruined;
for on the one hand they exacted that in tribute from each people which
they laid upon them, 120 and apart from the tribute they rode about and
carried off by force the possessions of each tribe. Then Kyaxares with
the Medes, having invited the greater number of them to a banquet, made
them drunk and slew them; and thus the Medes recovered their power,
and had rule over the same nations as before; and they also took
Nineveh,—the manner how it was taken I shall set forth in another
history, 121—and made the Assyrians subject to them excepting only the
land of Babylon.
107. After this Kyaxares died, having reigned forty years including
those years during which the Scythians had rule, and Astyages son of
Kyaxares received from him the kingdom. To him was born a daughter whom
he named Mandane; and in his sleep it seemed to him that there passed
from her so much water as to fill his city and also to flood the whole
of Asia. This dream he delivered over 122 to the Magian interpreters of
dreams, and when he heard from them the truth at each point he became
afraid. And afterwards when this Mandane was of an age to have a
husband, he did not give her in marriage to any one of the Medes who
were his peers, because he feared the vision; but he gave her to a
Persian named Cambyses, whom he found to be of a good descent and of a
quiet disposition, counting him to be in station much below a Mede of
middle rank.
108. And when Mandane was married to Cambyses, in the first year
Astyages saw another vision. It seemed to him that from the womb of this
daughter a vine grew, and this vine overspread the whole of Asia. Having
seen this vision and delivered it to the interpreters of dreams, he sent
for his daughter, being then with child, to come from the land of the
Persians. And when she had come he kept watch over her, desiring to
destroy that which should be born of her; for the Magian interpreters
of dreams signified to him that the offspring of his daughter should
be king in his room. Astyages then desiring to guard against this, when
Cyrus was born, called Harpagos, a man who was of kin near him and whom
he trusted above all the other Medes, and had made him manager of all
his affairs; and to him he said as follows: "Neglect not by any means,
Harpagos, the matter which I shall lay upon thee to do, and beware lest
thou set me aside, 123 and choosing the advantage of others instead,
bring thyself afterwards to destruction. Take the child which Mandane
bore, and carry it to thy house and slay it; and afterwards bury it in
whatsoever manner thou thyself desirest." To this he made answer: "O
king, never yet in any past time didst thou discern in me an offence
against thee, and I keep watch over myself also with a view to the time
that comes after, that I may not commit any error towards thee. If it
is indeed thy pleasure that this should so be done, my service at least
must be fitly rendered."
109. Thus he made answer, and when the child had been delivered to him
adorned as for death, Harpagos went weeping to his wife all the words
which had been spoken by Astyages. And she said to him: "Now, therefore,
what is it in thy mind to do?" and he made answer: "Not according as
Astyages enjoined: for not even if he shall come to be yet more out
of his senses and more mad than he now is, will I agree to his will or
serve him in such a murder as this. And for many reasons I will not slay
the child; first because he is a kin to me, and then because Astyages is
old and without male issue, and if after he is dead the power shall come
through me, does not the greatest of dangers then await me? To secure
me, this child must die; but one of the servants of Astyages must be the
slayer of it, and not one of mine."
110. Thus he spoke, and straightway sent a messenger to that one of the
herdsmen of Astyages who he knew fed his herds on the pastures which
were most suitable for his purpose, and on the mountains most haunted by
wild beasts. The name of this man was Mitradates, and he was married to
one who was his fellow-slave; and the name of the woman to whom he was
married was Kyno in the tongue of the Hellenes and in the Median tongue
Spaco, for what the Hellenes call kyna (bitch) the Medes call spaca.
Now, it was on the skirts of the mountains that this herdsman had his
cattle-pastures, from Agbatana towards the North Wind and towards the
Euxine Sea. For here in the direction of the Saspeirians the Median land
is very mountainous and lofty and thickly covered with forests; but
the rest of the land of Media is all level plain. So when this herdsman
came, being summoned with much urgency, Harpagos said these words:
"Astyages bids thee take this child and place it on the most desolate
part of the mountains, so that it may perish as quickly as possible.
And he bade me to say that if thou do not kill it, but in any way shalt
preserve it from death, he will slay thee by the most evil kind of
destruction: 124 and I have been appointed to see that the child is laid
forth."
111. Having heard this and having taken up the child, the herdsman went
back by the way he came, and arrived at his dwelling. And his wife also,
as it seems, having been every day on the point of bearing a child, by
a providential chance brought her child to birth just at that time, when
the herdsman was gone to the city. And both were in anxiety, each for
the other, the man having fear about the child-bearing of his wife, and
the woman about the cause why Harpagos had sent to summon her husband,
not having been wont to do so aforetime. So as soon as he ed and stood
before her, the woman seeing him again beyond her hopes was the first
to speak, and asked him for what purpose Harpagos had sent for him so
urgently. And he said: "Wife, when I came to the city I saw and heard
that which I would I had not seen, and which I should wish had never
chanced to those whom we serve. For the house of Harpagos was all full
of mourning, and I being astonished thereat went within: and as soon as
I entered I saw laid out to view an infant child gasping for breath
and screaming, which was adorned with gold ornaments and embroidered
clothing: and when Harpagos saw me he bade me forthwith to take up the
child and carry it away and lay it on that part of the mountains which
is most haunted by wild beasts, saying that it was Astyages who laid
this task upon me, and using to me many threats, if I should fail to do
this. And I took it up and bore it away, supposing that it was the
child of some one of the servants of the house, for never could I have
supposed whence it really was; but I marvelled to see it adorned with
gold and raiment, and I marvelled also because mourning was made for it
openly in the house of Harpagos. And straightway as we went by the road,
I learnt the whole of the matter from the servant who went with me out
of the city and placed in my hands the babe, namely that it was in truth
the son of Mandane the daughter of Astyages, and of Cambyses the son of
Cyrus, and that Astyages bade slay it. And now here it is."
112. And as he said this the herdsman uncovered it and showed it to
her. And she, seeing that the child was large and of fair form, wept and
clung to the knees of her husband, beseeching him by no means to lay it
forth. But he said that he could not do otherwise than so, for watchers
would come backwards and forwards sent by Harpagos to see that this was
done, and he would perish by a miserable death if he should fail to do
this. And as she could not after all persuade her husband, the wife next
said as follows: "Since then I am unable to persuade thee not to lay it
forth, do thou this which I shall tell thee, if indeed it needs must be
seen laid forth. I also have borne a child, but I have borne it dead.
Take this and expose it, and let us rear the child of the daughter of
Astyages as if it were our own. Thus thou wilt not be found out doing
a wrong to those whom we serve, nor shall we have taken ill counsel
for ourselves; for the dead child will obtain a royal burial and the
surviving one will not lose his life."
113. To the herdsman it seemed that, the case standing thus, his wife
spoke well, and forthwith he did so. The child which he was bearing
to put to death, this he delivered to his wife, and his own, which was
dead, he took and placed in the chest in which he had been bearing the
other; and having adorned it with all the adornment of the other child,
he bore it to the most desolate part of the mountains and placed it
there. And when the third day came after the child had been laid forth,
the herdsman went to the city, leaving one of his under-herdsmen to
watch there, and when he came to the house of Harpagos he said that he
was ready to display the dead body of the child; and Harpagos sent the
most trusted of his spearmen, and through them he saw and buried the
herdsman's child. This then had had burial, but him who was afterwards
called Cyrus the wife of the herdsman had received, and was bringing him
up, giving him no doubt some other name, not Cyrus.
114. And when the boy was ten years old, it happened with regard to him
as follows, and this made him known. He was playing in the village in
which were stalls for oxen, he was playing there, I say, with other boys
of his age in the road. And the boys in their play chose as their king
this one who was called the son of the herdsman: and he set some of them
to build palaces and others to be spearmen of his guard, and one of them
no doubt he appointed to be the eye of the king, and to one he gave the
office of bearing the messages, 12401 appointing a work for each one
severally. Now one of these boys who was playing with the rest, the son
of Artembares a man of repute among the Medes, did not do that which
Cyrus appointed him to do; therefore Cyrus bade the other boys seize him
hand and foot, 125 and when they obeyed his command he dealt with the
boy very roughly, scourging him. But he, so soon as he was let go, being
made much more angry because he considered that he had been treated with
indignity, went down to the city and complained to his father of the
treatment which he had met with from Cyrus, calling him not Cyrus, for
this was not yet his name, but the son of the herdsman of Astyages. And
Artembares in the anger of the moment went at once to Astyages, taking
the boy with him, and he declared that he had suffered things that were
unfitting and said: "O king, by thy slave, the son of a herdsman, we
have been thus outraged," showing him the shoulders of his son.
115. And Astyages having heard and seen this, wishing to punish the boy
to avenge the honour of Artembares, sent for both the herdsman and his
son. And when both were present, Astyages looked at Cyrus and said:
"Didst thou dare, being the son of so mean a father as this, to treat
with such unseemly insult the son of this man who is first in my
favour?" And he replied thus: "Master, I did so to him with right. For
the boys of the village, of whom he also was one, in their play set me
up as king over them, for I appeared to them most fitted for this place.
Now the other boys did what I commanded them, but this one disobeyed
and paid no regard, until at last he received the punishment due. If
therefore for this I am worthy to suffer any evil, here I stand before
thee."
116. While the boy thus spoke, there came upon Astyages a sense of
recognition of him and the lineaments of his face seemed to him to
resemble his own, and his answer appeared to be somewhat over free for
his station, while the time of the laying forth seemed to agree with the
age of the boy. Being struck with amazement by these things, for a
time he was speechless; and having at length with difficulty recovered
himself, he said, desiring to dismiss Artembares, in order that he might
get the herdsman by himself alone and examine him: "Artembares, I will
so order these things that thou and thy son shall have no cause to
find fault"; and so he dismissed Artembares, and the servants upon the
command of Astyages led Cyrus within. And when the herdsman was left
alone with the king, Astyages being alone with him asked whence he had
received the boy, and who it was who had delivered the boy to him.
And the herdsman said that he was his own son, and that the mother was
living with him still as his wife. But Astyages said that he was not
well advised in desiring to be brought to extreme necessity, and as he
said this he made a sign to the spearmen of his guard to seize him. So
he, as he was being led away to the torture, 126 then declared the story
as it really was; and beginning from the beginning he went through the
whole, telling the truth about it, and finally ended with entreaties,
asking that he would grant him pardon.
117. So when the herdsman had made known the truth, Astyages now cared
less about him, but with Harpagos he was very greatly displeased and
bade his spearmen summon him. And when Harpagos came, Astyages asked
him thus: "By what death, Harpagos, didst thou destroy the child whom I
delivered to thee, born of my daughter?" and Harpagos, seeing that
the herdsman was in the king's palace, turned not to any false way of
speech, lest he should be convicted and found out, but said as follows:
"O king, so soon as I received the child, I took counsel and considered
how I should do according to thy mind, and how without offence to thy
command I might not be guilty of murder against thy daughter and against
thyself. I did therefore thus:—I called this herdsman and delivered the
child to him, saying first that thou wert he who bade him slay it—and in
this at least I did not lie, for thou didst so command. I delivered it,
I say, to this man commanding him to place it upon a desolate mountain,
and to stay by it and watch it until it should die, threatening him with
all kinds of punishment if he should fail to accomplish this. And when
he had done that which was ordered and the child was dead, I sent the
most trusted of my eunuchs and through them I saw and buried the child.
Thus, O king, it happened about this matter, and the child had this
death which I say."
118. So Harpagos declared the truth, and Astyages concealed the anger
which he kept against him for that which had come to pass, and first he
related the matter over again to Harpagos according as he had been told
it by the herdsman, and afterwards, when it had been thus repeated by
him, he ended by saying that the child was alive and that that which had
come to pass was well, "for," continued he, "I was greatly troubled by
that which had been done to this child, and I thought it no light thing
that I had been made at variance with my daughter. Therefore consider
that this is a happy change of fortune, and first send thy son to be
with the boy who is newly come, and then, seeing that I intend to make a
sacrifice of thanksgiving for the preservation of the boy to those gods
to whom that honour belongs, be here thyself to dine with me."
119. When Harpagos heard this, he did reverence and thought it a great
matter that his offence had turned out for his profit and moreover that
he had been invited to dinner with happy augury; 127 and so he went to
his house. And having entered it straightway, he sent forth his son, for
he had one only son of about thirteen years old, bidding him go to the
palace of Astyages and do whatsoever the king should command; and he
himself being overjoyed told his wife that which had befallen him. But
Astyages, when the son of Harpagos arrived, cut his throat and divided
him limb from limb, and having roasted some pieces of the flesh and
boiled others he caused them to be dressed for eating and kept them
ready. And when the time arrived for dinner and the other guests were
present and also Harpagos, then before the other guests and before
Astyages himself were placed tables covered with flesh of sheep; but
before Harpagos was placed the flesh of his own son, all but the head
and the hands and the feet, 128 and these were laid aside covered up
in a basket. Then when it seemed that Harpagos was satisfied with food,
Astyages asked him whether he had been pleased with the banquet; and
when Harpagos said that he had been very greatly pleased, they who had
been commanded to do this brought to him the head of his son covered
up, together with the hands and the feet; and standing near they
bade Harpagos uncover and take of them that which he desired. So when
Harpagos obeyed and uncovered, he saw the remains of his son; and seeing
them he was not overcome with amazement but contained himself: and
Astyages asked him whether he perceived of what animal he had been
eating the flesh: and he said that he perceived, and that whatsoever
the king might do was well pleasing to him. Thus having made answer and
taking up the parts of the flesh which still remained he went to his
house; and after that, I suppose, he would gather all the parts together
and bury them.
120. On Harpagos Astyages laid this penalty; and about Cyrus he took
thought, and summoned the same men of the Magians who had given judgment
about his dream in the manner which has been said: and when they came,
Astyages asked how they had given judgment about his vision; and they
spoke according to the same manner, saying that the child must have
become king if he had lived on and had not died before. He made answer
to them thus: "The child is alive and not dead: 129 and while he was
dwelling in the country, the boys of the village appointed him king; and
he performed completely all those things which they do who are really
kings; for he exercised rule, 130 appointed to their places spearmen
of the guard and doorkeepers and bearers of messages and all else. Now
therefore, to what does it seem to you that these things tend?" The
Magians said: "If the child is still alive and became king without any
arrangement, be thou confident concerning him and have good courage,
for he shall not be ruler again the second time; since some even of our
oracles have had but small results, 131 and that at least which has
to do with dreams comes often in the end to a feeble accomplishment."
Astyages made answer in these words: "I myself also, O Magians, am most
disposed to believe that this is so, namely that since the boy was named
king the dream has had its fulfilment and that this boy is no longer
a source of danger to me. Nevertheless give counsel to me, having well
considered what is likely to be most safe both for my house and for
you." Replying to this the Magians said: "To us also, O king, it is of
great consequence that thy rule should stand firm; for in the other
case it is transferred to strangers, coming round to this boy who is a
Persian, and we being Medes are made slaves and become of no account
in the eyes of the Persians, seeing that we are of different race; but
while thou art established as our king, who art one of our own nation,
we both have our share of rule and receive great honours from thee. Thus
then we must by all means have a care of thee and of thy rule. And now,
if we saw in this anything to cause fear, we would declare all to thee
beforehand: but as the dream has had its issue in a trifling manner,
both we ourselves are of good cheer and we exhort thee to be so
likewise: and as for this boy, send him away from before thine eyes to
the Persians and to his parents."
121. When he heard this Astyages rejoiced, and calling Cyrus spoke to
him thus: "My son, I did thee wrong by reason of a vision of a dream
which has not come to pass, but thou art yet alive by thine own destiny;
now therefore go in peace to the land of the Persians, and I will send
with thee men to conduct thee: and when thou art come thither, thou
shalt find a father and a mother not after the fashion of Mitradates the
herdsman and his wife."
122. Thus having spoken Astyages sent Cyrus away; and when he had ed and
come to the house of Cambyses, his parents received him; and after that,
when they learnt who he was, they welcomed him not a little, for they
had supposed without doubt that their son had perished straightway after
his birth; and they inquired in what manner he had survived. And he told
them, saying that before this he had not known but had been utterly in
error; on the way, however, he had learnt all his own fortunes: for
he had supposed without doubt that he was the son of the herdsman of
Astyages, but since his journey from the city began he had learnt the
whole story from those who conducted him. And he said that he had been
brought up by the wife of the herdsman, and continued to praise her
throughout, so that Kyno was the chief person in his tale. And his
parents took up this name from him, and in order that their son might
be thought by the Persians to have been preserved in a more supernatural
manner, they set on foot a report that Cyrus when he was exposed had
been reared by a bitch: 132 and from that source has come this report.
123. Then as Cyrus grew to be a man, being of all those of his age the
most courageous and the best beloved, Harpagos sought to become his
friend and sent him gifts, because he desired to take vengeance on
Astyages. For he saw not how from himself, who was in a private station,
punishment should come upon Astyages; but when he saw Cyrus growing
up, he endeavoured to make him an ally, finding a likeness between the
fortunes of Cyrus and his own. And even before that time he had
effected something: for Astyages being harsh towards the Medes, Harpagos
communicated severally with the chief men of the Medes, and persuaded
them that they must make Cyrus their leader and cause Astyages to cease
from being king. When he had effected this and when all was ready, then
Harpagos wishing to make known his design to Cyrus, who lived among the
Persians, could do it no other way, seeing that the roads were watched,
but devised a scheme as follows:—he made ready a hare, and having cut
open its belly but without pulling off any of the fur, he put into it,
just as it was, a piece of paper, having written upon it that which
he thought good; and then he sewed up again the belly of the hare, and
giving nets as if he were a hunter to that one of his servants whom he
trusted most, he sent him away to the land of the Persians, enjoining
him by word of mouth to give the hare to Cyrus, and to tell him at the
same time to open it with his own hands and let no one else be present
when he did so.
124. This then was accomplished, and Cyrus having received from him the
hare, cut it open; and having found within it the paper he took and read
it over. And the writing said this: "Son of Cambyses, over thee the gods
keep guard, for otherwise thou wouldst never have come to so much good
fortune. Do thou therefore 133 take vengeance on Astyages who is thy
murderer, for so far as his will is concerned thou art dead, but by the
care of the gods and of me thou art still alive; and this I think thou
hast long ago learnt from first to last, both how it happened about
thyself, and also what things I have suffered from Astyages, because I
did not slay thee but gave thee to the herdsman. If therefore thou wilt
be guided by me, thou shalt be ruler of all that land over which now
Astyages is ruler. Persuade the Persians to revolt, and march any army
against the Medes: and whether I shall be appointed leader of the army
against thee, or any other of the Medes who are in repute, thou hast
what thou desirest; for these will be the first to attempt to destroy
Astyages, revolting from him and coming over to thy party. Consider then
that here at least all is ready, and therefore do this and do it with
speed."
125. Cyrus having heard this began to consider in what manner he might
most skilfully persuade the Persians to revolt, and on consideration he
found that this was the most convenient way, and so in fact he did:—He
wrote first on a paper that which he desired to write, and he made an
assembly of the Persians. Then he unfolded the paper and reading from it
said that Astyages appointed him commander of the Persians; "and now, O
Persians," he continued, "I give you command to come to me each one with
a reaping-hook." Cyrus then proclaimed this command. (Now there are of
the Persians many tribes, and some of them Cyrus gathered together and
persuaded to revolt from the Medes, namely those, upon which all the
other Persians depend, the Pasargadai, the Maraphians and the Maspians,
and of these the Pasargadai are the most noble, of whom also the
Achaimenidai are a clan, whence are sprung the Perseïd 134 kings. But
other Persian tribes there are, as follows:—the Panthaliaians, the
Derusiaians and the Germanians, these are all tillers of the soil; and
the rest are nomad tribes, namely the Daoi, Mardians, Dropicans and
Sagartians.)
126. Now there was a certain region of the Persian land which was
overgrown with thorns, extending some eighteen or twenty furlongs in
each direction; and when all had come with that which they had been
before commanded to bring, Cyrus bade them clear this region for
cultivation within one day: and when the Persians had achieved the
task proposed, then he bade them come to him on the next day bathed and
clean. Meanwhile Cyrus, having gathered together in one place all the
flocks of goats and sheep and the herds of cattle belonging to his
father, slaughtered them and prepared with them to entertain the host
of the Persians, and moreover with wine and other provisions of the most
agreeable kind. So when the Persians came on the next day, he made them
recline in a meadow and feasted them. And when they had finished dinner,
Cyrus asked them whether that which they had on the former day or
that which they had now seemed to them preferable. They said that the
difference between them was great, for the former day had for them
nothing but evil, and the present day nothing but good. Taking up this
saying Cyrus proceeded to lay bare his whole design, saying: "Men of the
Persians, thus it is with you. If ye will do as I say, ye have these and
ten thousand other good things, with no servile labour; but if ye will
not do as I say, ye have labours like that of yesterday innumerable. Now
therefore do as I say and make yourselves free: for I seem to myself to
have been born by providential fortune to take these matters in hand;
and I think that ye are not worse men than the Medes, either in other
matters or in those which have to do with war. Consider then that this
is so, and make revolt from Astyages forthwith."
127. So the Persians having obtained a leader willingly attempted to set
themselves free, since they had already for a long time been indignant
to be ruled by the Medes: but when Astyages heard that Cyrus was acting
thus, he sent a messenger and summoned him; and Cyrus bade the messenger
report to Astyages that he would be with him sooner than he would
himself desire. So Astyages hearing this armed all the Medes, and
blinded by divine providence he appointed Harpagos to be the leader of
the army, forgetting what he had done to him. Then when the Medes had
marched out and began to fight with the Persians, some of them continued
the battle, namely those who had not been made partakers in the design,
while others went over to the Persians; but the greater number were
wilfully slack and fled.
128. So when the Median army had been shamefully dispersed, so soon as
Astyages heard of it he said, threatening Cyrus: "But not even so shall
Cyrus at least escape punishment." Thus having spoken he first impaled
the Magian interpreters of dreams who had persuaded him to let Cyrus go,
and then he armed those of the Medes, youths and old men, who had been
left behind in the city. These he led out and having engaged battle with
the Persians he was worsted, and Astyages himself was taken alive, and
he lost also those of the Medes whom he had led forth.
129. Then when Astyages was a prisoner, Harpagos came and stood near him
and rejoiced over him and insulted him; and besides other things which
he said to grieve him, he asked him especially how it pleased him to
be a slave instead of a king, making reference to that dinner at which
Astyages had feasted him with the flesh of his own son. 135 He looking
at him asked him in whether he claimed the work of Cyrus as his own
deed: and Harpagos said that since he had written the letter, the deed
was justly his. Then Astyages declared him to be at the same time the
most unskilful and the most unjust of men; the most unskilful because,
when it was in his power to become king (as it was, if that which had
now been done was really brought about by him), he had conferred the
chief power on another, and the most unjust, because on account of that
dinner he had reduced the Medes to slavery. For if he must needs confer
the kingdom on some other and not keep it himself, it was more just
to give this good thing to one of the Medes rather than to one of the
Persians; whereas now the Medes, who were guiltless of this, had become
slaves instead of masters, and the Persians who formerly were slaves of
the Medes had now become their masters.
130. Astyages then, having been king for five-and-thirty years, was thus
caused to cease from being king; and the Medes stooped under the yoke of
the Persians because of his cruelty, after they had ruled Asia above the
river Halys for one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during that
period for which the Scythians had rule. 136 Afterwards however it
repented them that they had done this, and they revolved from Dareios,
and having revolted they were subdued again, being conquered in a
battle. At this time then, I say, in the reign of Astyages, the Persians
with Cyrus rose up against the Medes and from that time forth were
rulers of Asia: but as for Astyages, Cyrus did no harm to him besides,
but kept him with himself until he died. Thus born and bred Cyrus became
king; and after this he subdued Croesus, who was the first to begin the
quarrel, as I have before said; and having subdued him he then became
ruler of all Asia.
131. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians
practise:—Images and temples and altars they do not account it lawful
to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do these things; and
this, as it seems to me, because they do not account the gods to be in
the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. But it is their wont to perform
sacrifices to Zeus going up to the most lofty of the mountains, and the
whole circle of the heavens they call Zeus: and they sacrifice to the
Sun and the Moon and the Earth, to Fire and to Water and to the Winds:
these are the only gods to whom they have sacrificed ever from the
first; but they have learnt also to sacrifice to Aphrodite Urania,
having learnt it both from the Assyrians and the Arabians; and the
Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Arabians Alitta, 13601 and the
Persians Mitra.
132. Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid which
is established among the Persians:—they make no altars neither do they
kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they use no libation nor
music of the pipe nor chaplets 137 nor meal for sprinkling; 138 but when
a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the gods, he leads the animal
for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and calls upon the god, having
his tiara 13801 wreathed round generally with a branch of myrtle. For
himself alone separately the man who sacrifices may not request good
things in his prayer, but he prays that it may be well with all the
Persians and with the king; for he himself also is included of course
in the whole body of Persians. And when he has cut up the victim into
pieces and boiled the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass
and especially clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of
flesh; and when he has placed them in order, a Magian man stands by them
and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say that their
incantation is), seeing that without a Magian it is not lawful for
them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short time the sacrificer
carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever purpose he pleases.
133. And of all days their wont is to honour most that on which they
were born, each one: on this they think it right to set out a feast more
liberal than on other days; and in this feast the wealthier of them set
upon the table an ox or a horse or a camel or an ass, roasted whole in
an oven, and the poor among them set out small animals in the same way.
They have few solid dishes, 139 but many served up after as dessert, and
these not in a single course; and for this reason the Persians say that
the Hellenes leave off dinner hungry, because after dinner they have
nothing worth mentioning served up as dessert, whereas if any
good dessert were served up they would not stop eating so soon. To
wine-drinking they are very much given, and it is not permitted for
a man to vomit or to make water in presence of another. Thus do they
provide against these things; and they are wont to deliberate when
drinking hard about the most important of their affairs, and whatsoever
conclusion has pleased them in their deliberation, this on the next day,
when they are sober, the master of the house in which they happen to be
when they deliberate lays before them for discussion: and if it pleases
them when they are sober also, they adopt it, but if it does not
please them, they let it go: and that on which they have had the first
deliberation when they are sober, they consider again when they are
drinking.
134. When they meet one another in the roads, by this you may discern
whether those who meet are of equal rank,—for instead of greeting by
words they kiss one another on the mouth; but if one of them is a little
inferior to the other, they kiss one another on the cheeks, and if one
is of much less noble rank than the other, he falls down before him and
does worship to him. 140 And they honour of all most after themselves
those nations which dwell nearest to them, and next those which dwell
next nearest, and so they go on giving honour in proportion to distance;
and they hold least in honour those who dwell furthest off from
themselves, esteeming themselves to be by far the best of all the human
race on every point, and thinking that others possess merit according
to the proportion which is here stated, 141 and that those who dwell
furthest from themselves are the worst. And under the supremacy of the
Medes the various nations used also to govern one another according to
the same rule as the Persians observe in giving honour, 142 the Medes
governing the whole and in particular those who dwelt nearest to
themselves, and these having rule over those who bordered upon them, and
those again over the nations that were next to them: for the race went
forward thus ever from government by themselves to government through
others.
135. The Persians more than any other men admit foreign usages; for they
both wear the Median dress judging it to be more comely than their own,
and also for fighting the Egyptian corslet: moreover they adopt all
kinds of luxuries when they hear of them, and in particular they have
learnt from the Hellenes to have commerce with boys. They marry each
one several lawful wives, and they get also a much larger number of
concubines.
136. It is established as a sign of manly excellence next after
excellence in fight, to be able to show many sons; and to those who have
most the king sends gifts every year: for they consider number to be a
source of strength. And they educate their children, beginning at five
years old and going on till twenty, in three things only, in riding, in
shooting, and in speaking the truth: but before the boy is five years
old he does not come into the presence of his father, but lives with the
women; and it is so done for this reason, that if the child should die
while he is being bred up, he may not be the cause of any grief to his
father.
137. I commend this custom of theirs, and also the one which is next
to be mentioned, namely that neither the king himself shall put any to
death for one cause alone, nor any of the other Persians for one cause
alone shall do hurt that is irremediable to any of his own servants; but
if after reckoning he finds that the wrongs done are more in number and
greater than the services rendered, 143 then only he gives vent to
his anger. Moreover they say that no one ever killed his own father or
mother, but whatever deeds have been done which seemed to be of this
nature, if examined must necessarily, they say, be found to be due
either to changelings or to children of adulterous birth; for, say they,
it is not reasonable to suppose that the true parent would be killed by
his own son.
138. Whatever things it is not lawful for them to do, these it is not
lawful for them even to speak of: and the most disgraceful thing in
their estimation is to tell an lie, and next to this to owe money, this
last for many other reasons, but especially because it is necessary,
they say, for him who owes money, also sometimes to tell lies: and
whosoever of the men of the city has leprosy or whiteness of skin, he
does not come into a city nor mingle with the other Persians; and they
say that he has these diseases because he has offended in some way
against the Sun: but a stranger who is taken by these diseases, in many
regions 144 they drive out of the country altogether, and also white
doves, alleging against them the same cause. And into a river they
neither make water nor spit, neither do they wash their hands in it,
nor allow any other to do these things, but they reverence rivers very
greatly.
139. This moreover also has chanced to them, which the Persians have
themselves failed to notice but I have not failed to do so:—their
names, which are formed to correspond with their bodily shapes or their
magnificence of station, end all with the same letter, that letter which
the Dorians call san and the Ionians sigma; with this you will find, if
you examine the matter, that all the Persian names end, not some with
this and others with other letters, but all alike.
140. So much I am able to say for certain from my own knowledge about
them: but what follows is reported about their dead as a secret mystery
and not with clearness, namely that the body of a Persian man is not
buried until it has been torn by a bird or a dog. (The Magians I know
for a certainty have this practice, for they do it openly.) However that
may be, the Persians cover the body with wax and then bury it in the
earth. Now the Magians are distinguished in many ways from other men,
as also from the priests in Egypt: for these last esteem it a matter
of purity to kill no living creature except the animals which they
sacrifice; but the Magians kill with their own hands all creatures
except dogs and men, and they even make this a great end to aim at,
killing both ants and serpents and all other creeping and flying things.
About this custom then be it as it was from the first established; and I
now to the former narrative. 145
141. The Ionians and Aiolians, as soon as the Lydians had been subdued
by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at Sardis, desiring to be his
subjects on the same terms as they had been subjects of Croesus. And
when he heard that which they proposed to him, he spoke to them a fable,
saying that a certain player on the pipe saw fishes in the sea and
played on his pipe, supposing that they would come out to land; but
being deceived in his expectation, he took a casting-net and enclosed
a great multitude of the fishes and drew them forth from the water: and
when he saw them leaping about, he said to the fishes: "Stop dancing I
pray you now, seeing that ye would not come out and dance before when
I piped." Cyrus spoke this fable to the Ionians and Aiolians for this
reason, because the Ionians had refused to comply before, when Cyrus
himself by a messenger requested them to revolt from Croesus, while now
when the conquest had been made they were ready to submit to Cyrus. Thus
he said to them in anger, and the Ionians, when they heard this answer
brought back to their cities, put walls round about them severally, and
gathered together to the Panionion, all except the men of Miletos, for
with these alone Cyrus had sworn an agreement on the same terms as the
Lydians had granted. The rest of the Ionians resolved by common consent
to send messengers to Sparta, to ask the Spartans to help the Ionians.
142. These Ionians to whom belongs the Panionion had the fortune to
build their cities in the most favourable position for climate and
seasons of any men whom we know: for neither the regions above Ionia nor
those below, neither those towards the East nor those towards the West,
146 produce the same results as Ionia itself, the regions in the one
direction being oppressed by cold and moisture, and those in the other
by heat and drought. And these do not use all the same speech, but have
four different variations of language. 147 First of their cities on the
side of the South lies Miletos, and next to it Myus and Priene. These
are settlements made in Caria, and speak the same language with one
another; and the following are in Lydia,—Ephesos, Colophon, Lebedos,
Teos, Clazomenai, Phocaia: these cities resemble not at all those
mentioned before in the speech which they use, but they agree one with
another. There remain besides three Ionian cities, of which two are
established in the islands of Samos and Chios, and one is built upon the
mainland, namely Erythrai: now the men of Chios and of Erythrai use the
same form of language, but the Samians have one for themselves alone.
Thus there result four separate forms of language.
143. Of these Ionians then those of Miletos were sheltered from danger,
since they had sworn an agreement; and those of them who lived in
islands had no cause for fear, for the Phenicians were not yet subjects
of the Persians and the Persians themselves were not sea-men. Now these
148 were parted off from the other Ionians for no other reason than
this:—The whole Hellenic nation was at that time weak, but of all its
races the Ionian was much the weakest and of least account: except
Athens, indeed, it had no considerable city. Now the other Ionians, and
among them the Athenians, avoided the name, not wishing to be called
Ionians, nay even now I perceive that the greater number of them are
ashamed of the name: but these twelve cities not only prided themselves
on the name but established a temple of their own, to which they gave
the name of Panionion, and they made resolution not to grant a share in
it to any other Ionians (nor indeed did any ask to share it except those
of Smyrna);
144, just as the Dorians of that district which is now called the Five
Cities 149 but was formerly called the Six Cities, 150 take care not
to admit any of the neighbouring Dorians to the temple of Triopion, and
even exclude from sharing in it those of their own body who commit any
offence as regards the temple. For example, in the games of the Triopian
Apollo they used formerly to set bronze tripods as prizes for the
victors, and the rule was that those who received them should not carry
them out of the temple but dedicate them then and there to the god.
There was a man then of Halicarnassos, whose name was Agasicles, who
being a victor paid no regard to this rule, but carried away the tripod
to his own house and hung it up there upon a nail. On this ground
the other five cities, Lindos, Ialysos and Cameiros, Cos and Cnidos,
excluded the sixth city Halicarnassos from sharing in the temple.
145. Upon these they laid this penalty: but as for the Ionians, I think
that the reason why they made of themselves twelve cities and would
not receive any more into their body, was because when they dwelt in
Peloponnesus there were of them twelve divisions, just as now there are
twelve divisions of the Achaians who drove the Ionians out: for first,
(beginning from the side of Sikyon) comes Pellene, then Aigeira and
Aigai, in which last is the river Crathis with a perpetual flow (whence
the river of the same name in Italy received its name), and Bura and
Helike, to which the Ionians fled for refuge when they were worsted by
the Achaians in fight, and Aigion and Rhypes and Patreis and Phareis
and Olenos, where is the great river Peiros, and Dyme and Tritaieis, of
which the last alone has an inland position. 151 These form now twelve
divisions of the Achaians, and in former times they were divisions of
the Ionians.
146. For this reason then the Ionians also made for themselves twelve
cities; for at any rate to say that these are any more Ionians than
the other Ionians, or have at all a nobler descent, is mere folly,
considering that a large part of them are Abantians from Euboea, who
have no share even in the name of Ionia, and Minyai of Orchomenos have
been mingled with them, and Cadmeians and Dryopians and Phokians who
seceded from their native State and Molossians and Pelasgians of Arcadia
and Dorians of Epidauros and many other races have been mingled with
them; and those of them who set forth to their settlements from the City
Hall of Athens and who esteem themselves the most noble by descent
of the Ionians, these, I say, brought no women with them to their
settlement, but took Carian women, whose parents they slew: and on
account of this slaughter these women laid down for themselves a rule,
imposing oaths on one another, and handed it on to their daughters, that
they should never eat with their husbands, nor should a wife call her
own husband by name, for this reason, because the Ionians had slain
their fathers and husbands and children and then having done this had
them to wife. This happened at Miletos.
147. Moreover some of them set Lykian kings over them, descendants of
Glaucos and Hippolochos, while others were ruled by Cauconians of Pylos,
descendants of Codros the son of Melanthos, and others again by princes
of the two races combined. Since however these hold on to the name more
than the other Ionians, let them be called, if they will, the Ionians of
truly pure descent; but in fact all are Ionians who have their descent
from Athens and who keep the feast of Apaturia; and this all keep except
the men of Ephesos and Colophon: for these alone of all the Ionians do
not keep the Apaturia, and that on the ground of some murder committed.
148. Now the Panionion is a sacred place on the north side of Mycale,
set apart by common agreement of the Ionians for Poseidon of Helike 152;
and this Mycale is a promontory of the mainland running out Westwards
towards Samos, where the Ionians gathering together from their cities
used to hold a festival which they called the Panionia. (And not only
the feasts of the Ionians but also those of all the Hellenes equally are
subject to this rule, that their names all end in the same letter, just
like the names of the Persians.) 153
These then are the Ionian cities:
149, and those of Aiolia are as follows:—Kyme, which is called
Phriconis, Larisai, Neon-teichos, Temnos, Killa, Notion, Aigiroëssa,
Pitane, Aigaiai, Myrina, Gryneia; these are the ancient cities of the
Aiolians, eleven in number, since one, Smyrna, was severed from them by
the Ionians; for these cities, that is those on the mainland, used also
formerly to be twelve in number. And these Aiolians had the fortune to
settle in a land which is more fertile than that of the Ionians but in
respect of climate less favoured. 154
150. Now the Aiolians lost Smyrna in the following manner:—certain men
of Colophon, who had been worsted in party strife and had been driven
from their native city, were received there for refuge: and after this
the Colophonian exiles watched for a time when the men of Smyrna were
celebrating a festival to Dionysos outside the walls, and then they
closed the gates against them and got possession of the city. After
this, when the whole body of Aiolians came to the rescue, they made an
agreement that the Ionians should give up the movable goods, and that
on this condition the Aiolians should abandon Smyrna. When the men of
Smyrna had done this, the remaining eleven cities divided them amongst
themselves and made them their own citizens.
151. These then are the Aiolian cities upon the mainland, with the
exception of those situated on Mount Ida, for these are separate from
the rest. And of those which are in the islands, there are five in
Lesbos, for the sixth which was situated in Lesbos, namely Arisba, was
enslaved by the men of Methymna, though its citizens were of the same
race as they; and in Tenedos there is one city, and another in what are
called the "Hundred Isles." Now the Lesbians and the men of Tenedos,
like those Ionians who dwelt in the islands, had no cause for fear; but
the remaining cities came to a common agreement to follow the Ionians
whithersoever they should lead.
152. Now when the messengers from the Ionians and Aiolians came to
Sparta (for this business was carried out with speed), they chose before
all others to speak for them the Phocaian, whose name was Pythermos. He
then put upon him a purple cloak, in order that as many as possible
of the Spartans might hear of it and come together, and having been
introduced before the assembly 155 he spoke at length, asking the
Spartans to help them. The Lacedemonians however would not listen to
him, but resolved on the contrary not to help the Ionians. So they
departed, and the Lacedemonians, having dismissed the messengers of the
Ionians, sent men notwithstanding in a ship of fifty oars, to find out,
as I imagine, about the affairs of Cyrus and about Ionia. These when
they came to Phocaia sent to Sardis the man of most repute among
them, whose name was Lacrines, to report to Cyrus the saying of the
Lacedemonians, bidding him do hurt to no city of the Hellas, since they
would not permit it.
153. When the herald had spoken thus, Cyrus is said to have asked those
of the Hellenes whom he had with him, what men the Lacedemonians were
and how many in number, that they made this proclamation to him; and
hearing their answer he said to the Spartan herald: "Never yet did I
fear men such as these, who have a place appointed in the midst of their
city where they gather together and deceive one another by false oaths:
and if I continue in good health, not the misfortunes of the Ionians
will be for them a subject of talk, but rather their own." These words
Cyrus threw out scornfully with reference to the Hellenes in general,
because they have got for themselves 156 markets and practise buying and
selling there; for the Persians themselves are not wont to use markets
nor have they any market-place at all. After this he entrusted Sardis to
Tabalos a Persian, and the gold both of Croesus and of the other Lydians
he gave to Pactyas a Lydian to take charge of, and himself marched
away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus and making for the present no
account of the Ionians. For Babylon stood in his way still, as also the
Bactrian nation and the Sacans and the Egyptians; and against these he
meant to make expeditions himself, while sending some other commander
about the Ionians.
154. But when Cyrus had marched away from Sardis, Pactyas caused the
Lydians to revolt from Tabalos and from Cyrus. This man went down to the
sea, and having in his possession all the gold that there had been in
Sardis, he hired for himself mercenaries and persuaded the men of the
sea-coast to join his expedition. So he marched on Sardis and besieged
Tabalos, having shut himself up in the citadel.
155. Hearing this on his way, Cyrus said to Croesus as follows:
"Croesus, what end shall I find of these things which are coming to
pass? The Lydians will not cease as it seems, from giving trouble to
me and from having it themselves. I doubt me if it were not best 157 to
sell them all as slaves; for as it is, I see that I have done in like
manner as if one should slay the father and then spare his sons: just so
I took prisoner and am carrying away thee, who wert much more than the
father of the Lydians, while to the Lydians themselves I delivered up
their city; and can I feel surprise after this that they have revolted
from me?" Thus he said what was in his mind, but Croesus answered him as
follows, fearing lest he should destroy Sardis: "O king, that which thou
hast said is not without reason; but do not thou altogether give vent
to thy wrath, nor destroy an ancient city which is guiltless both of the
former things and also of those which have come to pass now: for as
to the former things it was I who did them and I bear the consequences
heaped upon my head; 158 and as for what is now being done, since the
wrongdoer is Pactyas to whom thou didst entrust the charge of Sardis,
let him pay the penalty. But the Lydians I pray thee pardon, and lay
upon them commands as follows, in order that they may not revolt nor
be a cause of danger to thee:—send to them and forbid them to possess
weapons of war, but bid them on the other hand put on tunics under their
outer garments and be shod with buskins, and proclaim to them that they
train their sons to play the lyre and the harp and to be retail-dealers;
and soon thou shalt see, O king, that they have become women instead of
men, so that there will be no fear that they will revolt from thee."
156. Croesus, I say, suggested to him this, perceiving that this was
better for the Lydians than to be reduced to slavery and sold; for he
knew that if he did not offer a sufficient reason, he would not persuade
Cyrus to change his mind, and he feared lest at some future time, if
they should escape the present danger, the Lydians might revolt from
the Persians and be destroyed. And Cyrus was greatly pleased with the
suggestion made and slackened from his wrath, saying that he agreed with
his advice. Then he called Mazares a Mede, and laid charge upon him to
proclaim to the Lydians that which Croesus suggested, and moreover to
sell into slavery all the rest who had joined with the Lydians in the
expedition to Sardis, and finally by all means to bring Pactyas himself
alive to Cyrus.
157. Having given this charge upon the road, he continued his march to
the native land of the Persians; but Pactyas hearing that an army was
approaching to fight against him was struck with fear and fled away
forthwith to Kyme. Then Mazares the Mede marched upon Sardis with a
certain portion of the army of Cyrus, and as he did not find Pactyas or
his followers any longer at Sardis, he first compelled the Lydians to
perform the commands of Cyrus, and by his commands the Lydians changed
the whole manner of their life. After this Mazares proceeded to send
messengers to Kyme bidding them give up Pactyas: and the men of Kyme
resolved to refer to the god at Branchidai the question what counsel
they should follow. For there was there an Oracle established of old
time, which all the Ionians and Aiolians were wont to consult; and this
place is in the territory of Miletos above the port of Panormos.
158. So the men of Kyme sent messengers to the Branchidai 159 to inquire
of the god, and they asked what course they should take about Pactyas so
as to do that which was pleasing to the gods. When they thus inquired,
the answer was given them that they should deliver up Pactyas to the
Persians: and the men of Kyme, having heard this answer reported, were
disposed to give him up. Then when the mass of the people were thus
disposed, Aristodicos the son of Heracleides, a man of repute among the
citizens, stopped the men of Kyme from doing so, having distrust of the
answer and thinking that those sent to inquire were not speaking the
truth; until at last other messengers were sent to the Oracle to ask a
second time about Pactyas, and of them Aristodicos was one.
159. When these came to Branchidai, Aristodicos stood forth from the
rest and consulted the Oracle, asking as follows: Lord, 160 there came
to us a suppliant for protection Pactyas the Lydian, flying from a
violent death at the hands of the Persians, and they demand him from us,
bidding the men of Kyme give him up. But we, though we fear the power of
the Persians, yet have not ventured up to this time to deliver to them
the suppliant, until thy counsel shall be clearly manifested to us,
saying which of the two things we ought to do." He thus inquired, but
the god again declared to them the same answer, bidding them deliver up
Pactyas to the Persians. Upon this Aristodicos with deliberate purpose
did as follows:—he went all round the temple destroying the nests of the
sparrows 161 and of all the other kinds of birds which had been hatched
on the temple: and while he was doing this, it is said that a voice came
from the inner shrine directed to Aristodicos and speaking thus: "Thou
most impious of men, why dost thou dare to do this? Dost thou carry
away by force from my temple the suppliants for my protection?" And
Aristodicos, it is said, not being at all at a loss replied to this:
"Lord, dost thou thus come to the assistance of thy suppliants, and yet
biddest the men of Kyme deliver up theirs?" and the god answered him
again thus: "Yea, I bid you do so, that ye may perish the more quickly
for your impiety; so that ye may not at any future time come to the
Oracle to ask about delivering up of suppliants."
160. When the men of Kyme heard this saying reported, not wishing either
to be destroyed by giving him up or to be besieged by keeping him with
them, they sent him away to Mytilene. Those of Mytilene however, when
Mazares sent messages to them, were preparing to deliver up Pactyas
for a price, but what the price was I cannot say for certain, since the
bargain was never completed; for the men of Kyme, when they learnt that
this was being done by the Mytilenians, sent a vessel to Lesbos and
conveyed away Pactyas to Chios. After this he was dragged forcibly from
the temple of Athene Poliuchos by the Chians and delivered up: and the
Chians delivered him up receiving Atarneus in , (now this Atarneus is a
region of Mysia 162 opposition Lesbos). So the Persians having received
Pactyas kept him under guard, meaning to produce him before Cyrus. And
a long time elapsed during which none of the Chians either used
barley-meal grown in this region of Atarneus, for pouring out in
sacrifice to any god, or baked cakes for offering of the corn which grew
there, but all the produce of this land was excluded from every kind of
sacred service.
161. The men of Chios had then delivered up Pactyas; and after this
Mazares made expedition against those who had joined in besieging
Tabalos: and first he reduced to slavery those of Priene, then he
overran the whole plain of the Maiander making spoil of it for his army,
and Magnesia in the same manner: and straightway after this he fell sick
and died.
162. After he was dead, Harpagos came down to take his place in command,
being also a Mede by race (this was the man whom the king of the Medes
Astyages feasted with the unlawful banquet, and who helped to give the
kingdom to Cyrus). This man, being appointed commander then by Cyrus,
came to Ionia and proceeded to take the cities by throwing up mounds
against them: for when he had enclosed any people within their walls,
then he threw up mounds against the walls and took their city by storm;
and the first city of Ionia upon which he made an attempt was Phocaia.
163. Now these Phocaians were the first of the Hellenes who made long
voyages, and these are they who discovered the Adriatic and Tyrsenia and
Iberia and Tartessos: and they made voyages not in round ships, but in
vessels of fifty oars. These came to Tartessos and became friends with
the king of the Tartessians whose name was Arganthonios: he was ruler
of the Tartessians for eighty years and lived in all one hundred and
twenty. With this man, I say, the Phocaians became so exceedingly
friendly, that first he bade them leave Ionia and dwell wherever they
desired in his own land; and as he did not prevail upon the Phocaians
to do this, afterwards, hearing from them of the Mede how his power was
increasing, he gave them money to build a wall about their city: and he
did this without sparing, for the circuit of the wall is many furlongs
163 in extent, and it is built all of large stones closely fitted
together.
164. The wall of the Phocaians was made in this manner: and Harpagos
having marched his army against them began to besiege them, at the same
time holding forth to them proposals and saying that it was enough to
satisfy him if the Phocaians were willing to throw down one battlement
of their wall and dedicate one single house. 164 But the Phocaians,
being very greatly grieved at the thought of subjection, said that they
wished to deliberate about the matter for one day and after that they
would give their answer; and they asked him to withdraw his army from
the wall while they were deliberating. Harpagos said that he knew very
well what they were meaning to do, nevertheless he was willing to allow
them to deliberate. So in the time that followed, when Harpagos
had withdrawn his army from the wall, the Phocaians drew down their
fifty-oared galleys to the sea, put into them their children and women
and all their movable goods, and besides them the images out of the
temples and the other votive offerings except such as were made of
bronze or stone or consisted of paintings, all the rest, I say, they
put into the ships, and having embarked themselves they sailed towards
Chios; and the Persians obtained possession of Phocaia, the city being
deserted of the inhabitants.
165. But as for the Phocaians, since the men of Chios would not sell
them at their request the islands called Oinussai, from the fear lest
these islands might be made a seat of trade and their island might be
shut out, therefore they set out for Kyrnos: 165 for in Kyrnos
twenty years before this they had established a city named Alalia, in
accordance with an oracle, (now Arganthonios by that time was dead). And
when they were setting out for Kyrnos they first sailed to Phocaia and
slaughtered the Persian garrison, to whose charge Harpagos had
delivered the city; then after they had achieved this they made solemn
imprecations on any one of them who should be left behind from their
voyage, and moreover they sank a mass of iron in the sea and swore that
not until that mass should appear again on the surface 166 would they to
Phocaia. However as they were setting forth to Kyrnos, more than half of
the citizens were seized with yearning and regret for their city and for
their native land, and they proved false to their oath and sailed back
to Phocaia. But those of them who kept the oath still, weighed anchor
from the islands of Oinussai and sailed.
166. When these came to Kyrnos, for five years they dwelt together with
those who had come thither before, and they founded temples there.
Then, since they plundered the property of all their neighbours,
the Tyrsenians and Carthaginians 167 made expedition against them by
agreement with one another, each with sixty ships. And the Phocaians
also manned their vessels, sixty in number, and came to meet the enemy
in that which is called the Sardinian sea: and when they encountered one
another in the sea-fight the Phocaians won a kind of Cadmean victory,
for forty of their ships were destroyed and the remaining twenty were
disabled, having had their prows bent aside. So they sailed in to Alalia
and took up their children and their women and their other possessions
as much as their ships proved capable of carrying, and then they left
Kyrnos behind them and sailed to Rhegion.
167. But as for the crews of the ships that were destroyed, the
Carthaginians and Tyrsenians obtained much the greater number of them,
168 and these they brought to land and killed by stoning. After this the
men of Agylla found that everything which passed by the spot where the
Phocaians were laid after being stoned, became either distorted, or
crippled, or paralysed, both small cattle and beasts of burden and
human creatures: so the men of Agylla sent to Delphi desiring to purge
themselves of the offence; and the Pythian prophetess bade them do that
which the men of Agylla still continue to perform, that is to say, they
make great sacrifices in honour of the dead, and hold at the place a
contest of athletics and horse-racing. These then of the Phocaians had
the fate which I have said; but those of them who took refuge at Rhegion
started from thence and took possession of that city in the land of
Oinotria which now is called Hyele. This they founded having learnt from
a man of Poseidonia that the Pythian prophetess by her answer meant
them to found a temple to Kyrnos, who was a hero, and not to found a
settlement in the island of Kyrnos. 169
168. About Phocaia in Ionia it happened thus, and nearly the same thing
also was done by the men of Teos: for as soon as Harpagos took their
wall with a mound, they embarked in their ships and sailed straightway
for Thrace; and there they founded the city of Abdera, which before
them Timesios of Clazomenai founded and had no profit therefrom, but
was driven out by the Thracians; and now he is honoured as a hero by the
Teïans in Abdera.
169. These alone of all the Ionians left their native cities because
they would not endure subjection: but the other Ionians except the
Milesians did indeed contend in arms with Harpagos like those who left
their homes, and proved themselves brave men, fighting each for his own
native city; but when they were defeated and captured they remained all
in their own place and performed that which was laid upon them: but the
Milesians, as I have also said before, had made a sworn agreement with
Cyrus himself and kept still. Thus for the second time Ionia had been
reduced to subjection. And when Harpagos had conquered the Ionians on
the mainland, then the Ionians who dwelt in the islands, being struck
with fear by these things, gave themselves over to Cyrus.
170. When the Ionians had been thus evilly entreated but were continuing
still to hold their gatherings as before at the Panionion, Bias a man
of Priene set forth to the Ionians, as I am informed, a most profitable
counsel, by following which they might have been the most prosperous
of all the Hellenes. He urged that the Ionians should set forth in one
common expedition and sail to Sardinia, and after that found a single
city for all the Ionians: and thus they would escape subjection and
would be prosperous, inhabiting the largest of all islands and being
rulers over others; whereas, if they remained in Ionia, he did not
perceive, he said, that freedom would any longer exist for them. This
was the counsel given by Bias of Priene after the Ionians had been
ruined; but a good counsel too was given before the ruin of Ionia
by Thales a man of Miletos, who was by descent of Phenician race. He
advised the Ionians to have one single seat of government, 170 and that
this should be at Teos (for Teos, he said, was in the centre of Ionia),
and that the other cities should be inhabited as before, but accounted
just as if they were demes.
These men 171 set forth to them counsels of the kind which I have said:
171. but Harpagos, after subduing Ionia, proceeded to march against the
Carians and Caunians and Lykians, taking also Ionians and Aiolians to
help him. Of these the Carians came to the mainland from the islands;
for being of old time subjects of Minos and being called Leleges, they
used to dwell in the islands, paying no tribute, so far back as I am
able to arrive by hearsay, but whenever Minos required it, they used
to supply his ships with seamen: and as Minos subdued much land and was
fortunate in his fighting, the Carian nation was of all nations by much
the most famous at that time together with him. And they produced three
inventions of which the Hellenes adopted the use; that is to say, the
Carians were those who first set the fashion of fastening crests on
helmets, and of making the devices which are put onto shields, and these
also were the first who made handles for their shields, whereas up to
that time all who were wont to use shields carried them without handles
and with leathern straps to guide them, having them hung about their
necks and their left shoulders. Then after the lapse of a long time the
Dorians and Ionians drove the Carians out of the islands, and so they
came to the mainland. With respect to the Carians the Cretans relate
that it happened thus; the Carians themselves however do not agree with
this account, but suppose that they are dwellers on the mainland from
the beginning, 172 and that they went always by the same name which they
have now: and they point as evidence of this to an ancient temple of
Carian Zeus at Mylasa, in which the Mysians and Lydians share as being
brother races of the Carians, for they say that Lydos and Mysos were
brothers of Car; these share in it, but those who being of another race
have come to speak the same language as the Carians, these have no share
in it.
172. It seems to me however that the Caunians are dwellers there from
the beginning, though they say themselves that they came from Crete: but
they have been assimilated to the Carian race in language, or else the
Carians to the Caunian race, I cannot with certainty determine which.
They have customs however in which they differ very much from all other
men as well as from the Carians; for example the fairest thing in their
estimation is to meet together in numbers for drinking, according to
equality of age or friendship, both men, women, and children; and again
when they had founded temples for foreign deities, afterwards they
changed their purpose and resolved to worship only their own native
gods, and the whole body of Caunian young men put on their armour and
made pursuit as far as the borders of the Calyndians, beating the ai
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