Washington and the American Republic, Vol. 3.
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Title: Washington and the American Republic, Vol. 3.
Author: Benson John Lossing
Release date: June 24, 2008 [eBook #25889]
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WASHINGTON AND THE AMERICAN REPUBLIC, VOL. 3. ***
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[Illustration: WASHINGTON]
[Illustration: WASHINGTON
AND THE
AMERICAN REPUBLIC
BY
BENSON J. LOSSING
NEW-YORK: VIRTUE AND YORSTON]
WASHINGTON
AND THE
AMERICAN REPUBLIC.
BY
Benson J. Lossing,
_AUTHOR OF "PICTORIAL HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR," "FIELD-BOOK OF THE
REVOLUTION," "FIELD-BOOK OF THE WAR OF 1812," ETC. ETC._
VOLUME III.
NEW YORK:
VIRTUE & YORSTON,
12 DEY STREET.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by VIRTUE &
YORSTON, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington.
[Transcriber's Note: The caret (^) has been used to mark subscript in the
text version. A Table of Contents has been added. Obvious printer errors,
including punctuation, have been corrected. All other inconsistencies have
been left as they were in the original.]
CONTENTS
PAGE
CHAPTER I 1
CHAPTER II 13
CHAPTER III 32
CHAPTER IV 40
CHAPTER V 53
CHAPTER VI 63
CHAPTER VII 74
CHAPTER VIII 92
CHAPTER IX 103
CHAPTER X 114
CHAPTER XI 125
CHAPTER XII 135
CHAPTER XIII 147
CHAPTER XIV 161
CHAPTER XV 167
CHAPTER XVI 178
CHAPTER XVII 192
CHAPTER XVIII 205
CHAPTER XIX 219
CHAPTER XX 230
CHAPTER XXI 243
CHAPTER XXII 258
CHAPTER XXIII 271
CHAPTER XXIV 283
CHAPTER XXV 292
CHAPTER XXVI 307
CHAPTER XXVII 323
CHAPTER XXVIII 334
CHAPTER XXIX 348
CHAPTER XXX 368
CHAPTER XXXI 378
CHAPTER XXXII 390
CHAPTER XXXIII 417
CHAPTER XXXIV 435
CHAPTER XXXV 447
CHAPTER XXXVI 465
CHAPTER XXXVII 479
CHAPTER XXXVIII 491
CHAPTER XXXIX 501
CHAPTER XL 517
CHAPTER XLI 527
CHAPTER XLII 550
CHAPTER XLIII 573
CHAPTER XLIV 584
WASHINGTON MEMORIALS 605
ANALYTICAL INDEX 613
ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOL. III.
PORTRAIT OF WASHINGTON (AFTER STUART) FRONTISPIECE.
WASHINGTON AT VALLEY FORGE VIGNETTE TITLE.
WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS NEAR NEWBURG 7
ENTRANCE OF THE AMERICAN ARMY INTO NEW YORK,
NOVEMBER 25, 1783 33
WASHINGTON PRESIDING IN THE CONVENTION, 1787 63
PORTRAITS OF RUFUS KING, JOHN DICKINSON, GOUVERNEUR MORRIS,
OLIVER ELLSWORTH, AND JOHN RUTLEDGE 64
WASHINGTON ENTERING TRENTON 87
RECEPTION OF PRESIDENT WASHINGTON AT NEW YORK,
APRIL 23, 1789 89
PORTRAITS OF COMMANDERS HOPKINS, TALBOT, PAUL JONES,
DALE, AND BARRY 295
PORTRAIT OF JOHN ADAMS 472
WASHINGTON.
CHAPTER I.
WASHINGTON RECEIVES CHEERING NEWS FROM GREENE--SIEGE OF FORT
NINETY-SIX--SUCCESS OF PARTISAN CORPS ELSEWHERE--CAPTURE OF AUGUSTA
BY THE AMERICANS--RAWDON APPROACHES NINETY-SIX--GREENE ABANDONS THE
SIEGE--RAWDON RETIRES TO ORANGEBURG FOLLOWED BY GREENE--GREENE
ENCAMPS ON THE HIGH HILLS OF SANTEE--STEWART AND CRUGER AT
ORANGEBURG--RAWDON GOES TO ENGLAND--BATTLE AT EUTAW SPRINGS--THE
UPPER COUNTRY IN POSSESSION OF THE AMERICANS--SERVICES OF MARION AND
OTHER PARTISANS--BRITISH CONFINED TO THE SEABOARD--DEATH OF JOHN
PARKE CUSTIS--WASHINGTON ADOPTS HIS CHILDREN--WASHINGTON CO-OPERATES
WITH CONGRESS--JOINS THE ARMY ON THE HUDSON--DISCONTENTS IN THE
ARMY--PROPOSITION TO MAKE WASHINGTON KING--HIS REBUKE--PEACE
MOVEMENTS--WASHINGTON'S CAUTION--JUNCTION OF THE FRENCH AND AMERICAN
ARMIES--EVACUATION OF SAVANNAH AND CHARLESTON.
We have observed, that with the capture of Cornwallis and his army, the
War for Independence was virtually ended, but that some blood flowed
afterward, and that hostile forces were arrayed against each other for
several months longer, before the two nations agreed to fight no more.
Let us take a brief survey of events, from the siege of Yorktown until
the declaration of peace, and the departure of the last British troops
from our shores.
On the evening of the ninth of October, just as Lincoln, having
completed the first parallel before Yorktown, ordered a battery to open
upon the British works, Washington received encouraging intelligence
from General Greene in the far South. Greene was then encamped upon the
High Hills of Santee, having, a little more than a week previous to the
date of his letter, been engaged in a bloody battle with the enemy at
Eutaw Springs.
In a former chapter we left Greene on his march to attack Fort
Ninety-Six, situated in Abbeville district in South Carolina, within
about six miles of the Saluda river. It was then garrisoned by five
hundred and fifty loyalists, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel
Cruger, of New York. Sumter having cut off all communication between
Camden and Ninety-Six, Cruger had not received Rawdon's orders to join
Brown at Augusta, but remained, and was using every endeavor to
strengthen his works.
Greene arrived before Ninety-Six on the twenty-second of May, with less
than a thousand regulars and a few raw militia. Kosciuszko, the brave
Pole, was his chief engineer, and under his direction the Americans
commenced making regular approaches, by parallels, for the works were
too strong to be taken by assault. For almost a month the work went on,
enlivened by an occasional sortie and skirmish. Then news came that Lord
Rawdon was approaching with a strong force to the relief of Cruger.
Greene's troops were full of spirit, and were anxious to storm the works
before his lordship's arrival. Consent was given by the commander, and
on the eighteenth an assault was made, and a bloody contest ensued. The
Americans were repulsed, and on the following day Greene raised the
siege and retreated across the Saluda. Rawdon pursued him a short
distance, and, having accomplished the object of his errand, wheeled,
and marched toward Orangeburg.
While the siege of Ninety-Six was in progress, partisan corps were
elsewhere successful. Lee captured Fort Galphin, twelve miles below
Augusta, and then sent an officer to the latter post to demand its
surrender from Brown. The summons was disregarded, and Lee, Pickens, and
Clarke, commenced a siege. It lasted several days, and on the fifth of
June, the fort and its dependencies at Augusta were surrendered to the
republicans. Lee and Pickens then joined Greene at Ninety-Six, and with
him retreated beyond the Saluda.
And now Greene and Rawdon changed their relative positions, the former
becoming the pursuer of the latter, in his march toward Orangeburg.
Finding Rawdon strongly entrenched there, Greene deemed it prudent not
to attack him; and the sickly season approaching, he crossed the
Congaree with his little army, and encamped upon the High Hills of
Santee, below Camden, where pure air and water might be found in
abundance.
Considering the post at Ninety-Six quite untenable, Rawdon ordered
Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger to abandon it and join him at Orangeburg.
There Rawdon was met by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart, who had come up from
Charleston with an Irish regiment. As Greene had gone into
summer-quarters apparently, and the American partisans were just then
quiet, his lordship left all his forces in charge of Stewart, went down
to Charleston, and embarked for Europe to seek the restoration of his
health.
Soon after encamping on the High Hills of Santee, Greene detached Sumter
with about a thousand light troops to scour the lower country and beat
up the British posts in the vicinity of Charleston. His assistants were
those bold partisans, Lee, Marion, Horry, the Hamptons, and other brave
republican leaders, with troops accustomed to the swamps and sandy
lowlands. These performed excellent service in preparing the way for the
expulsion of the enemy from the interior of South Carolina.
Early in August Greene was reinforced by North Carolina troops, under
General Sumner; and toward the close of the month, he broke up his
encampment, crossed the Wateree, and marched upon Orangeburg. Stewart,
who had been joined by Cruger, immediately retreated to Eutaw Springs,
near the southwest bank of the Santee, and there encamped. Greene
followed, and on the morning of the eighth of September, a very severe
battle commenced. The British were finally expelled from the camp,
leaving their tents standing, and almost everything but their arms
behind them.
Greene's troops, unmindful of their commander's orders, had spread
themselves through the abandoned camp to plunder, eat, and drink, when
the enemy unexpectedly and suddenly renewed the battle. After a bloody
conflict of four hours the Americans were compelled to give way. "It was
by far the most obstinate fight I ever saw," Greene wrote to Washington.
Stewart feeling insecure, for the American partisan legions were
hovering around him, retreated toward Charleston that night.
On the morning of the ninth Greene advanced and took possession of the
battle-field, and sent detachments in pursuit of Stewart. A victory was
claimed by both parties. Washington seemed to consider it as such for
Greene. "Fortune," he said, in a letter to him, "must have been coy
indeed, had she not yielded at last to so persevering a pursuer as you
have been." Yet there was no victory in the case. The advantage
evidently lay with the Americans. The contest had been a most sanguinary
one. The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and missing, was five
hundred and fifty-five; that of the British six hundred and
ninety-three. The bravery, skill, and caution of Greene, and the general
good conduct of his troops, were applauded by the whole country.
Congress ordered a gold medal to be struck in commemoration of the
event, and presented to Greene. A British standard captured on that
occasion was also presented to him.
Many of his troops being sick, Greene again retired to the High Hills of
Santee, where he remained until the middle of November. There, on the
thirtieth of October, he was informed of the glorious events at
Yorktown, and the day was made jubilant with the rejoicings of the army.
The whole upper country of the Carolinas and Georgia was now in
possession of the republicans. Nothing remained to be done, but to drive
in the British outposts, and hem them within the narrow precincts of
their lines at Charleston and Savannah. Marion, Sumter, Lee, and other
partisans, performed this service effectually.
Greene finally crossed the Congaree and moved with his army to the
vicinity of Charleston. The object of his campaign was accomplished. He
had driven the enemy to the margin of the sea, and he was prepared to
keep them there. Marion and his men lingered around the headwaters of
the Cooper river to watch their movements, and to prevent their
incursions beyond Charleston. St. Clair had come down from Yorktown, and
had driven the British from Wilmington. Governor Rutledge had called the
legislators of South Carolina together at Jacksonboro', to re-establish
civil government in that state, and Greene's army lay as a guard between
them and the enemy at Charleston. In that city and Savannah only, did
the British have a foothold south of the Delaware at the close of 1781;
and Wayne, with vigilant eye and supple limb, lay not far from the
latter place, closely watching the British there. The war was virtually
at an end in the South.
Let us turn to the consideration of Washington's movements after the
capitulation at Yorktown.
In the midst of the rejoicings because of the great victory,
Washington's heart was made sad by domestic affliction. His stepson,
John Parke Custis, who had followed him to the field as his aid-de-camp,
sickened before the close of the siege. Anxious to participate in the
pleasures of the victory, he remained in camp until the completion of
the surrender, when he retired to Eltham, the seat of Colonel Bassett,
who had married Mrs. Washington's sister. His malady (camp-fever) had
increased, and Washington sent Doctor Craik with him. A courier was also
despatched to Mount Vernon for his wife and mother; and on the fifth of
November, having arranged all public business at Yorktown, Washington
set out for Eltham. He arrived there, as he wrote to Lafayette, "time
enough to see poor Mr. Custis breathe his last."
The grief of Washington was very great, and he wept bitterly. He had
watched over that young man from his earliest childhood with paternal
affection and solicitude; and with pride he had seen him take public
position as a member of the Virginia assembly. Now, at the age of
twenty-eight years, he was taken from him. The mother was almost
unconsolable, and the young wife was sorely smitten by the bereavement.
Washington's heart deeply sympathized with them, and there, in the
death-chamber, he formally adopted the two younger children of Mrs.
Custis, who thenceforth became members of his family. These were
Eleanor Parke Custis, who married Lawrence Lewis, the favorite nephew of
Washington, and George Washington Parke Custis, who lived until the
autumn of 1857.
Washington proceeded directly from Eltham to Mount Vernon, only halting
at Fredericksburg to see his mother, and join in some public ceremonials
there, in honor of himself and the French officers. But he sought not
the quiet of his home for purposes of repose, for he was not to be
seduced into the practices engendered by a fancied security because of
the late brilliant victory. On the contrary, his apprehensions were
painfully awakened to the danger which the prevalence of such confidence
might occasion, and he wrote to General Greene, saying:--
"I shall remain but a few days here, and shall proceed to
Philadelphia, where I shall attempt to stimulate Congress to the
best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous
and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive
campaign, the next year. My greatest fear is, that Congress,
viewing this stroke in too important a point of light, may think
our work too nearly closed, and will fall into a state of languor
and relaxation. To prevent this error, I will employ every means in
my power, and if unhappily we sink into that fatal mistake no part
of the blame shall be mine."
A little later he wrote to Greene from Philadelphia, saying: "I am
apprehensive that the states, elated by the late success, and taking it
for granted that Great Britain will no longer support so losing a
contest, will relax in their preparations for the next campaign. I am
detained here by Congress to assist in the arrangements for the next
year; and I shall not fail, in conjunction with the financier, the
minister of foreign affairs, and the secretary at war, who are all most
heartily well-disposed, to impress upon Congress, and get them to
impress upon the respective states, the necessity of the most vigorous
exertions."
[Illustration: WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS NEAR NEWBURG]
Washington had been received in Philadelphia with distinguished honors,
at the close of November. With his usual energy and industry, he pressed
forward military arrangements for the campaign of 1782, and by his
continual importunities, he awakened Congress to the importance of being
prepared for another year of active duty in the field. On the tenth of
December that body, by resolution, made a requisition of men and money
from the southern states, and the resolve was warmly seconded by
Washington, in letters to the respective governors of those states.
Franklin, at the same time, was using the most strenuous exertions in
France to procure more aid from that power; and when intelligence of the
capitulation of Yorktown reached the French court, Vergennes promised a
loan of six millions to the United States.
Washington remained four months in Philadelphia, and then joined the
army near Newburg, on the Hudson. The allied forces had been dissolved.
The troops under the Marquis St. Simon had sailed from the Chesapeake in
De Grasse's fleet early in November; the French troops, under
Rochambeau, remained in Virginia; the remainder of the American army,
after St. Clair's force was detached to the South, proceeded northward,
under the command of Lincoln, and took post on the Hudson and in the
Jerseys, so as to be ready to operate against New York in the spring;
and Lafayette, perceiving no probability of active service immediately,
obtained leave of absence from the Congress, and returned to France to
visit his family.
We have already noticed the proceedings in the British house of commons
on the subject of peace with the Americans. Early in May, 1782, Sir Guy
Carleton arrived in New York as the successor of Sir Henry Clinton in
the chief command of the British forces; and in a letter dated the
seventh of that month, he informed Washington that he and Admiral Digby
were joint commissioners to make arrangements for a truce or peace. Even
this friendly approach of British officials did not make Washington any
the less vigilant and active, and he continued his preparations for
further hostilities, with all the means in his power.
With the dawning of the day of peace great discontents in the army were
developed. It prevailed equally among officers and private soldiers,
and originated in the destitute condition of the troops at that time,
and the conviction that the army would be disbanded without provision
being made for the liquidation of the claims upon the government for the
pay of arrearages, and the promised half-pay of the officers for a term
of years after the conclusion of the war. The prospect was, indeed,
gloomy. For a long time the public treasury had been empty; and
thousands of the soldiers, many of them invalids, made so by their hard
service for their country, would be compelled to seek a livelihood in
the midst of the desolation which war had produced. In this state of
things, and with such prospects, many sighed for a change. They lost
faith in the republican form of government, as they saw it in its
practical workings under the _Articles of Confederation_, and they
earnestly desired something stronger--perhaps an elective or
constitutional monarchy.
Washington had perceived these growing discontents with anxiety, and was
urging Congress to do something to allay them, when he received a letter
from Colonel Lewis Nicola, a veteran and well-bred officer of the
Pennsylvania line, which filled him with the greatest apprehensions. In
it Nicola, no doubt, spoke the sentiments of a great many of his
fellow-officers and soldiers at that time. He attributed all current
evils, and those in anticipation, to the existing form of government,
and then urged the necessity and expediency of adopting a mixed one like
that of England. Having fortified his position by argument, Nicola
added:--
"In this case it will, I believe, be uncontroverted, that the same
abilities which have led us through difficulties apparently
unsurmountable by human power to victory and glory--those
qualities, that have merited and obtained the universal esteem and
veneration of an army--would be most likely to conduct and direct
us in the smoother paths of peace. Some people have so connected
the ideas of tyranny and monarchy as to find it very difficult to
separate them. It may, therefore, be requisite to give the head of
such a constitution as I propose some title apparently more
moderate; but, if all other things were once adjusted, I believe
strong arguments might be produced for admitting the title of
KING, which I conceive would be attended with some national
advantage."
How little did even Nicola, who was very intimate with Washington,
comprehend the true character of his disinterested patriotism in all its
breadth and depth! The commander-in-chief perceived that Nicola was only
the organ of a dangerous military faction, whose object was to create a
new government through the active energies of the army, and to place
their present leader at the head. He sympathized with the army in its
distresses, but this movement met with his severest rebuke.
"_Sir_," said Washington, in a responsive letter to Nicola, "With a
mixture of great surprise and astonishment, I have read with attention
the sentiments you have submitted to my perusal. Be assured, sir, no
occurrence in the course of this war has given me more painful
sensations than your information of there being such ideas existing in
the army as you have expressed, and which I must view with abhorrence
and reprehend with severity. For the present, the communication of them
will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter
shall make a disclosure necessary. I am much at a loss to conceive what
part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an address which to
me seems big with the greatest mischiefs that can befall my country. If
I am not deceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a
person to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the same time, in
justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more
serious wish to see ample justice done to the army than I do; and, as
far as my power and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, they
shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to effect it, should
there be any occasion. Let me conjure you, then, if you have any regard
for your country, concern for yourself or posterity, or respect for me,
to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from
yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature. I am, etc."
This stern rebuke at once silenced the faction, and checked all further
movement in the direction of king-making. How brightly did the
patriotism of Washington shine out in this affair! At the head of a
victorious army; beloved and venerated by it and by the people; with
personal influence unbounded, and with power in possession for
consummating almost any political scheme not apparently derogatory to
good government, he receives from an officer whom he greatly esteems,
and who speaks for himself and others, an offer of the sceptre of
supreme rule and the crown of royalty! What a bribe! Yet he does not
hesitate for a moment; he does not stop to revolve in his mind any ideas
of advantage in the proposed scheme, but at once rebukes the author
sternly but kindly, and impresses his signet of strongest disapprobation
upon the proposal. History can not present a parallel.
The summer of 1782 passed away without much apparent progress being made
toward a definite and permanent arrangement for peace. At the beginning
of August, Carleton and Digby wrote a joint letter to Washington,
informing him that they had good authority for saying, that negotiations
for peace had been commenced at Paris, by commissioners, and that the
British representatives in that conference, would first propose the
independence of the United States as a basis. But Washington, taught by
past experience, was still doubtful of the reality of all these
professions. "Jealousy and precaution," he said, "at least can do no
harm. Too much confidence and supineness may be pernicious in the
extreme."
No wonder he still doubted. The British government had not yet made any
offer for a general cessation of hostilities. The Americans had allies
whose interests must be consulted. Hostilities might cease in the United
States, according to recent enactments of Parliament, but the very
forces then on our shores, might be sent to make war upon the French
dominions in the West Indies. The public faith required that the
interests of France should be considered in the negotiations for peace;
and until a cessation of general hostilities should be officially
proclaimed by Great Britain, Washington resolved to be prepared for a
renewal of the war.
Thus viewing affairs, the commander-in-chief advised Rochambeau, who was
then (August, 1782) at Baltimore, to march his troops to the banks of
the Hudson, and form a junction with the American army. This was
accomplished at the middle of September, the first division of the
French army crossing the Hudson at King's ferry on the fifteenth. The
American forces were at Verplanck's Point, opposite, to receive them,
all arranged in their best attire, their tents decked with evergreens,
and their bands playing French marches.
In the meantime British troops had been leaving the southern shores of
the United States, and others were preparing to depart. They evacuated
Savannah on the eleventh of July, and sailed for New York, when the
"keys of the city of Savannah" were delivered to Major Jackson, by a
committee of British officers, under the direction of General Wayne. On
the same day the American army, led by Wayne, entered the city, and
royal authority in every form ceased for ever in Georgia.
General Leslie, the British commander at Charleston, was not in a
condition to leave on account of a want of provisions. When he was
apprized of the proceedings in Parliament in favor of peace, he proposed
to General Greene a cessation of hostilities. Like a true soldier,
Greene took no such responsibility, but referred the whole matter to
Congress, while relaxing not one whit of his vigilance. Leslie then
asked permission to purchase supplies for his army, that he might
evacuate Charleston. The wary Greene refused to allow it, for in so
doing he might be nourishing a viper that would sting him.
Leslie then resorted to force to obtain supplies; and late in August he
sent an expedition up the Combahee for the purpose. General Gist, with
some Maryland troops, was there to oppose him, and the British were
compelled to retreat to Charleston. In the skirmish that ensued, the
noble Colonel John Laurens, who had volunteered in the service, was
killed. He was mourned by all as a great public loss; and his was about
the last blood that flowed in the War for Independence.[1]
On the fourteenth of December following, the British evacuated
Charleston, and on the ensuing day the Americans, under General Greene,
marched into the city and took possession. He and his army were greeted
as deliverers. From the windows, balconies, and housetops, handkerchiefs
waved, and the mingled voices of women and children shouted, "God bless
you, gentlemen! Welcome! Welcome!" That evening the last hostile sail
was seen beyond Charleston bar, as a white speck upon the horizon. At
the close of the year only New York city was held in possession by
British troops.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] John Laurens was a son of Henry Laurens, president of the
continental Congress in 1777. He joined the army early in 1777, and was
wounded in the battle of Germantown. He continued in the army (with the
exception of a few months), under the immediate command of Washington,
until after the surrender of Cornwallis, in which event he was a
conspicuous participant as one of the commissioners appointed to arrange
the terms. Early in 1781, he was sent on a special mission to France to
solicit a loan of money and to procure arms. He was successful, and on
his return received the thanks of Congress. Within three days after his
arrival in Philadelphia, he had settled all matters with Congress, and
departed for the army in the South under Greene. There he did good
service, until his death, on the Combahee, on the twenty-seventh of
August, 1782, when he was but twenty-nine years of age. Washington, who
made him his aid, loved him as a child. He declared that he could
discover no fault in him, unless it was intrepidity, bordering on
rashness. "Poor Laurens," wrote Greene, "has fallen in a paltry little
skirmish. You knew his temper, and I predicted his fate. The love of
military glory made him seek it upon occasions unworthy his rank. The
state will feel his loss." He was buried upon the plantation of Mrs.
Stock, in whose family he spent the evening previous to his death in
cheerful conversation. A small enclosure, without a stone, marks his
grave.
CHAPTER II.
DEATH OF JOSEPH HUDDY--RETALIATION RESOLVED UPON--CASE OF CAPTAIN
ASGILL--PEACE PROCEEDINGS IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT--PRELIMINARY
TREATY NEGOTIATED AND SIGNED AT PARIS--DISCONTENTS IN THE
ARMY--MEMORIAL OF OFFICERS SENT TO CONGRESS--INFLAMMATORY ADDRESS
CIRCULATED IN CAMP--MEETING OF OFFICERS CALLED--WASHINGTON
DETERMINES TO CONTROL THE MATTER--THE MEETING AND ITS
RESULTS--WASHINGTON'S ADDRESS--ITS EFFECTS--PATRIOTIC
RESOLUTIONS--INTELLIGENCE OF PEACE RECEIVED BY WASHINGTON--ITS
PROCLAMATION TO THE ARMY--JUSTICE TO THE SOLDIERS--FURLOUGHS FREELY
GRANTED--VIRTUAL DISSOLUTION OF THE ARMY--CONFERENCE BETWEEN
WASHINGTON AND CARLETON--DEPARTURE OF LAFAYETTE--CINCINNATI
SOCIETY--ADDRESS TO GOVERNORS OF STATES--MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA
TROOPS--CONGRESS ADJOURNS TO PRINCETON--WASHINGTON'S TOUR TO THE
NORTH--INVITED TO PRINCETON--A BRONZE STATUE OF WASHINGTON VOTED BY
CONGRESS.
A very painful affair occupied the attention of Washington in the autumn
of 1782, when his judgment and his sympathies were placed in opposition.
In the neighborhood of Freehold, in New Jersey, lurked a band of
marauding tories, known as Pine Robbers. One of these named Philip
White, notorious for his depredations, had been caught by the New Jersey
people, and killed while attempting to escape, when being conducted to
Monmouth jail. His partisans in New York vowed revenge. Captain Huddy, a
warm whig, then in confinement in New York, was taken by a party of
loyalists under Captain Lippincott, to the Jersey shore, near Sandy
Hook, and hanged. Upon Huddy's breast the infamous Lippincott placed a
label, on which, after avowing that the act was one of vengeance, he
placed the words in large letters--
"UP GOES HUDDY FOR PHILIP WHITE."
From the neighboring country went forth a strong cry for retaliation.
Washington submitted the case to a board of general officers, when it
was agreed that Lippincott should be demanded as a murderer, for
execution, and if Sir Henry Clinton would not give him up, retaliation
should be exercised upon some British officer in the possession of the
Americans.
Sir Henry refused. At the same time the Congress, by resolution,
approved Washington's course, and he proceeded to select a British
officer for execution, by lot, from among prisoners at Lancaster,
Pennsylvania. It fell upon Captain Asgill, a young man nineteen years of
age, an officer of the guards, and only son and heir of Sir Charles
Asgill. Efforts were immediately set on foot to save Asgill. For a long
time the matter remained in suspense, but Washington, firm in his
purpose, was deaf to all entreaty. Lippincott was tried by a
court-martial, and acquitted, it appearing that he was acting under the
verbal orders of Governor Franklin, who was at the head of the board of
associated loyalists. General Carleton, meanwhile, had succeeded Sir
Henry Clinton in command at New York. He condemned the proceedings in
the case of Huddy, and broke up the board of loyalists. Thus, in time,
the most prominent features of the case became changed.
Meanwhile Lady Asgill had written a most pathetic letter to the Count de
Vergennes, the French minister, imploring him to intercede on behalf of
her son. Vergennes, at the request of the king and queen, to whom he
showed the letter, wrote to Washington, soliciting the liberation of
young Asgill. The count's letter was referred to Congress. That body had
already admitted the prisoner to parole; and to the great relief of
Washington, he received orders from Congress, early in November, to set
Captain Asgill at liberty.
The case of Asgill excited Washington's deepest sympathies. He was an
amiable and honorable young man. "I felt for him," wrote the
commander-in-chief, "on many accounts; and not the least, when viewing
him as a man of honor and sentiment, I considered how unfortunate it was
for him that a wretch who possessed neither, should be the means of
causing him a single pang or a disagreeable sensation."
On the twenty-fifth of July, 1782, the British Parliament passed a bill
to enable the king to consent to the independence of the United States,
and the monarch signed it, though with reluctance. Richard Oswald was
immediately appointed, with full powers, to negotiate a treaty of peace
with the new republic, on the basis of its independence. The American
ministers abroad, Franklin, Adams, and Jay, were constituted
commissioners for the United States, to treat for peace, and on the
thirtieth of November, preliminary articles were signed by them
respectively at Paris. Henry Laurens, who had arrived at Paris, from
London, while the negotiations were in progress, had joined the American
commissioners, and he also signed the treaty.
Washington, meanwhile, had been anxiously preparing the way for the
anticipated disbanding of the army. Congress, through utter inability,
had done really nothing to allay the discontents in the army; and the
commander-in-chief was fearful, that during the idle hours of a winter
encampment, those discontents would assume the form of absolute mutiny.
He drew his forces to his former encampment, near Newburg, and there
calmly awaited the issue of events.
Almost daily there were bold conferences of officers and soldiers in the
camp, when the prospects of the future were discussed, sometimes
angrily, and always warmly. Finally, in December, 1782, the officers, in
behalf of the army, sent a committee with a memorial to the Congress, in
which they represented the real hardships of their condition, and
proposed that a specific sum should be granted them for the money
actually due them, and as a commutation for the half-pay of the
officers. This memorial elicited a long and warm debate in Congress, its
character and its propositions being viewed differently by different
minds. The entire winter passed away, and nothing satisfactory was done
in the supreme legislature for the suffering soldier.
At length forbearance appeared to many as no longer a virtue, and some
officers resolved not to wait for justice in idle expectation of its
appearance from the halls of legislation. A plan was arranged among a
few, "for assembling the officers, not in mass, but by representation;
and for passing a series of resolutions, which, in the hands of their
committee, and of their auxiliaries in Congress, would form a new and
powerful lever" of operations. Major John Armstrong, a young officer
six-and-twenty years of age, and aid-de-camp of Gates, was chosen to
write an address to the army, suitable to the subject, and this, with an
anonymous notification of a meeting of officers, was circulated
privately on the tenth of March, 1783.[2]
That address exhibited superior talent in the writer, and its tone was
calculated to make a deep impression upon the minds of the malcontents.
After preparing their feelings for a relinquishment of faith in the
justice of their country, which had been already much weakened by real
and fancied injuries, he remarked:--
"Faith has its limits as well as temper, and there are points
beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking into
cowardice or plunging into credulity. This, my friends, I conceive
to be your situation; hurried to the verge of both, another step
would ruin you forever. To be tame and unprovoked, when injuries
press hard upon you, is more than weakness; but to look up for
kinder usage, without one manly effort of your own, would fix your
character, and show the world how richly you deserved the chains
you broke." He then took a review of the past and present--their
wrongs and their complaints--their petitions and the denials of
redress--and then said: "If this, then, be your treatment while the
swords you wear are necessary for the defense of America, what have
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your
strength dissipate by division; when these very swords, the
instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your
sides, and no remaining mark of military distinction left but
wants, infirmities, and scars? Can you, then, consent to be the
only sufferers by the Revolution, and, retiring from the field,
grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt? Can you consent to
wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable
remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in
honor? If you can, go, and carry the jest of tories and the scorn
of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world!
Go, starve, and be forgotten."
The writer now changed from appeal to advice. "I would advise you,
therefore," he said, "to come to some final opinion upon what you can
bear and what you will suffer. If your determination be in proportion to
your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of
government. Change the milk-and-water style of your last memorial;
assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively, spirited, and determined; and
suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer
forbearance. Let two or three men who can feel as well as write, be
appointed to draw up _your last remonstrance_--for I would no longer
give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of _memorial_." He advised
them to talk boldly to Congress, and to warn that body that the
slightest mark of indignity from them now would operate like the grave,
to part them and the army for ever; "that in any political event, the
army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate you from
your arms but death; if war, that, courting the auspices, and inviting
the direction of your illustrious leader, you will retire to some
unsettled country, smile in your turn, and 'mock when their fear cometh
on.' Let it represent also, that should they comply with the request of
your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more
reputable."
Copies of these papers were placed in the hands of the
commander-in-chief on the day when they were circulated, and with
consummate sagacity and profound political wisdom, he resolved to guide
and control the proceedings in a friendly manner at the meeting of
officers, rather than to check them by authority. In general orders the
next morning, he referred to the anonymous papers, as disorderly, and
utterly disapproved of by the commander-in-chief. At the same time he
requested that the general and field officers, with one officer of each
company, and a proper representation of the staff of the army, should
assemble at a place designated, at twelve o'clock on Saturday, the
fifteenth, for the purpose of hearing the report of the committee of the
army to Congress. With masterly skill he requested the senior officer
(General Gates, whom he suspected, and doubtless with justice, of being
the chief actor in the drama) to preside at the meeting.
When this order appeared, Armstrong prepared and issued another address,
more subdued in tone, but so adroitly worded, as to convey the idea that
Washington approved of the scheme, the time of the meeting only being
changed. This interpretation Washington frustrated, by private
conversation with the principal officers, in whose good sense and
integrity he had confidence. The minds of these he impressed with a
sense of the danger that must attend any rash act at such a crisis; and
he inculcated moderation and forbearance. He thus prepared the best men
in camp to deliberate at the coming conference, without passion or
prejudice.
The meeting was held pursuant to the order of Washington. There was a
full attendance of officers, and Gates presided. There was a raised
platform at one end of the room in which the meeting was held, on which
Gates and others sat. Upon this Washington took a seat, and when the
meeting was called to order, he advanced upon the platform, while the
most solemn silence prevailed in the assembly, and read an address which
he had prepared for the occasion. It was compact in thought, dignified
and patriotic in expression, and mild in language, yet severe in
implication.[3]
When he had concluded the reading, Washington retired without uttering
a word, leaving the officers to deliberate without restraint. The
address had a most powerful and salutary effect. The conference was
brief. They did not deliberate long, but proceeded to pass resolutions
offered by Knox, and seconded by Putnam, by unanimous vote, thanking the
commander-in-chief for the course he had pursued; expressing their
unabated attachment to his person and their country; declaring their
unshaken confidence in the good faith of Congress, and their
determination to bear with patience their grievances, until, in due
time, they should be redressed. Gates, as president of the meeting,
signed the address, and on the eighteenth, Washington, in general
orders, expressed his satisfaction.
Thus was frustrated, by the sagacity, prudence, and wisdom of
Washington, the most dangerous scheme by which the liberties of America
were put in jeopardy, next to the treason of Arnold. It had no _wicked_
features in common with that treason, but its practical effects, if
carried out, might have been almost equally disastrous.
To the president of Congress Washington wrote, when he transmitted to
that body an account of the affair just narrated:--
"The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of officers,
which I have the honor of sending to your excellency, for the
inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as
the last glorious proof of patriotism which could have been given
by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army; and will
not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase
their title to the gratitude of their country."
The excitement caused by these events had scarcely died away, when
intelligence of the signing of the preliminary treaty of peace reached
the commander-in-chief. That intelligence came to him in despatches from
Robert L. Livingston, the secretary for foreign affairs, and also in a
letter from Alexander Hamilton, and other New York delegates in
Congress. It had been sent to them in the French ship, _Triomphe_,
despatched for the purpose by Count de Estiang, at the request of
Lafayette. Washington immediately wrote to Governor Clinton, saying:--
"I take the first moment of forwarding to your excellency the despatches
from the secretary of foreign affairs, which accompany this. They
contain, I presume, all the intelligence respecting peace, on which
great and glorious event, permit me to congratulate you with the
greatest sincerity." Upon the envelope, bearing the superscription of
this letter, Washington wrote, in a bold hand, and with a broad dash
under it--PEACE.
On the nineteenth of April, the seventh anniversary of the earlier
bloodshedding in the War for Independence, at Lexington and Concord, the
intelligence of peace was officially proclaimed to the army in general
orders. "The generous task," Washington said, "for which we first flew
to arms, being accomplished; the liberties of our country being fully
acknowledged, and firmly secured, and the characters of those who have
persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering, and danger,
being immortalized by the illustrious appellation of _the patriot army_,
nothing now remains, but for the actors of this mighty scene, to pursue
a perfect, unvarying consistency of character through the very last act;
to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the military
theatre with the same approbation of angels and men, which has crowned
all their former virtuous actions."
Ever mindful of the interests of his soldiers, Washington had procured
the passage of a resolution in Congress, that the services of the men
engaged in the war, did not expire until the definitive treaty of peace
should be ratified, but that the commander-in-chief might grant
furloughs according to his own judgment, and permit the men to take
their arms home with them. Washington used this prerogative freely, but
judiciously, and, by degrees, the continental army was virtually
disbanded, except a small force at headquarters; for those dismissed on
furlough were never called back to service. "Once at home," says Irving,
"they sank into domestic-life; their weapons were hung over their
fireplaces--military trophies of the Revolution, to be prized by future
generations."
On the sixth of May Washington held a personal conference with Sir Guy
Carleton, at Tappan, in relation to the transfer of certain posts in the
United States occupied by British troops, and other arrangements; and
two days afterward, Egbert Benson, William S. Smith, and Daniel Parker,
were appointed commissioners on the part of the Americans, to inspect
and superintend the embarkation of the tories, who were about to leave
for Nova Scotia, with their property. Several thousands of these
unfortunate people left New York for that far-east country, where, one
of them observed, were "nine months of winter, and three months of cold
weather every year."
In view of the approaching dissolution of the army, and their final
separation, the officers in camp, most of whom had worked shoulder to
shoulder in the eight years struggle, yearned for some bond of
association, whereby they should continue to be like brothers, not only
in the memory of the past, but in personal intercourse, and friendly
association. The idea of a society to be formed of all the officers of
the Revolution, American and foreign, was conceived by the large-hearted
Knox, and on the thirteenth of May, at the quarters of the Baron
Steuben, a committee that had been appointed for the purpose, submitted
a plan to a meeting of officers. It was adopted, and an association
called the _Society of the Cincinnati_, was formed. That name was
adopted, because, like the noble Roman, LUCIUS QUINTIUS CINCINNATUS,
they were about to return to private life and their several employments,
after serving the public.
The chief objects of the society were to promote cordial friendship and
indissoluble union among themselves; to commemorate by frequent
re-unions the great struggle they had just passed through; to use their
best endeavors for the promotion of human liberty; to cherish good
feeling between the respective states; and to extend benevolent aid to
those of the society whose circumstances might require it. They formed a
general society, and elected Washington the president, and Knox the
secretary. The former held his office until his death, and was succeeded
by General Alexander Hamilton. For greater convenience, state societies
were organized, which were auxiliary to the parent society. To
perpetuate the association, it was provided in the constitution, that
the eldest male descendant of an original member should be entitled to
membership on the decease of such member, "in failure thereof, the
collateral branches, who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters
and members." During the remainder of his life, Washington manifested a
great interest in this society, and the re-unions were seasons of real
enjoyment for the members.[4]
On the eighth of June Washington addressed a circular letter to the
governors of all the states, on the subject of the disbanding of the
army. It was a most able paper, evidently prepared with care after much
thought, and presenting, for the consideration of his countrymen,
topics and opinions of the greatest importance. With admirable skill he
drew a picture of the enviable condition and position of the United
States, and their citizens, and then remarked:--
"Such is our situation, and such our prospects; but notwithstanding
the cup of blessing is thus reached out to us--notwithstanding
happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion
and make it our own; yet it appears to me there is an option still
left to the United States of America, whether they will be
respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a
nation. This is the time of their political probation; this is the
moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this
is the time to establish or ruin their national character for ever;
this is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal
government as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution;
or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the
Union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing
us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one
state against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to
serve their own interested purposes. For, according to the system
of policy the states shall adopt at this moment, they will stand or
fall; and by their confirmation or lapse, it is yet to be decided
whether the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing
or a curse; a blessing or a curse not to the present age alone, for
with our fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved.
"With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis,
silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak to your
excellency the language of freedom and sincerity, without disguise.
I am aware, however, those who differ from me in political
sentiments may perhaps remark, I am stepping out of the proper line
of my duty; and they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or
ostentation, what I know is alone the result of the purest
intention; but the rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such
unworthy motives--the part I have hitherto acted in life--the
determination I have formed of not taking any share in public
business hereafter--the ardent desire I feel and shall continue to
manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all the toils
of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government, will, I
flatter myself, sooner or later convince my countrymen, that I
could have no sinister views in delivering, with so little reserve,
the opinions contained in this address.
"There are four things which I humbly conceive are essential to the
well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the
United States, as an independent power.
"1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one federal head.
"2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.
"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. And,
"4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly disposition
among the people of the United States, which will induce them to
forget their local prejudices and politics, to make those mutual
concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity, and in
some instances to sacrifice their individual advantages to the
interest of the community.
"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our
independence and national character must be supported. Liberty is
the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or
overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may
attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest
punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country."
With close and admirable logic he expatiated upon these four heads; and
with the earnestness of most profound conviction, he urged the
importance of union, and the vesting of the federal Congress with
greater power. He then made a warm and generous plea for the army, while
treating upon the subject of public justice. Concerning proposed
half-pay and commutation, he observed:--
"As to the idea, which I am informed has, in some instances,
prevailed, that the half-pay and commutation are to be regarded
merely in the odious light of a pension, it ought to be exploded
for ever; that provision should be viewed, as it really was, a
reasonable compensation offered by Congress, at a time when they
had nothing else to give to officers of the army, for services
then to be performed: it was the only means to prevent a total
dereliction of the service; it was a part of their hire. I may be
allowed to say, it was the price of their blood, and of your
independency; it is, therefore, more than a common debt, it is a
debt of honor; it can never be considered as a pension or gratuity,
nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged."
After giving a sufficient apology for treating upon political topics, he
concluded by saying:--
"I have thus freely declared what I wished to make known, before I
surrendered up my public trust to those who committed it to me. The
task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your excellency, as
the chief magistrate of your state, at the same time I bid a last
farewell to the cares of office and all the employments of public
life."
But, six long months of official labor, with all the anxieties and cares
incident thereto, were before the commander-in-chief. Even at the very
moment when he was sending forth his address, and making a noble plea to
his country for justice to the army, a part of that army was bringing
dishonor upon the whole, by mutinous proceedings. About eighty
newly-recruited soldiers of the Pennsylvania line, stationed at
Lancaster, marched in a body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by
about two hundred from the barracks in that city. The whole body then
proceeded, with drum and fife, and fixed bayonets, to the statehouse,
where the Pennsylvania legislature and the continental Congress were in
session, with the avowed purpose of demanding a redress of specified
grievances from the state authorities. They placed a guard at every
door, and sent a message in to the president and council, threatening
them with violence if their demands were not complied with in the course
of twenty minutes. The Congress, feeling themselves outraged, and
doubting the strength of the local government to protect them against
any armed mob that might choose to assail them, sent a courier to
Washington with information of these proceedings, and then adjourned to
meet at Princeton, in New Jersey. This event occurred on the
twenty-first of June, and the Congress reassembled at Princeton on the
thirtieth.
Washington received information of the mutiny on the twenty-fourth, and
immediately detached General Howe, with fifteen hundred men to quell the
insurrection and punish the leaders. At the same time he wrote a letter
to the president of Congress, in which he expressed his sorrow and
indignation that a mob of men, "contemptible in number, and equally so
in point of service, and not worthy to be called soldiers," should have
so insulted the "sovereign authority of the United States." He then
vindicated the rest of the army upon whom the act might cast dishonor.
But the mutiny was quelled before Howe reached Philadelphia, and
bloodshed was prevented.
While waiting, "with little business and less command," for the
definitive treaty, Washington made a tour northward from Newburg, of
about seven hundred and fifty miles. Governor Clinton accompanied him.
They set out on the seventeenth of July, ascended the Hudson to Albany,
visited the places made memorable by Burgoyne's defeat, passed down Lake
George in light boats, and over to Ticonderoga, from the foot of that
beautiful sheet of water. They returned by nearly the same route to
Schenectady, and then went up the Mohawk as far as Fort Schuyler (now
Rome); thence to Wood creek, a tributary of Oneida lake, by which there
was a water-communication with Lake Ontario, at Oswego, and then
traversed the country between the Mohawk and Otsego lake. They were
absent nineteen days, and performed a greater part of the journey on
horseback, much of it through an unbroken wilderness.
To the Chevalier de Chastellux, Washington wrote in October, respecting
this tour:--
"Prompted by these actual observations I could not help taking a
more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of the United
States, from maps and the information of others; and could not but
be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the
goodness of that Providence, which has dealt its favors to us with
so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough to
improve them. I shall not rest contented till I have explored the
western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them,
which have given bounds to a new empire."
Over all that region where then the primeval forest stood, the hand of
industry has spread the varied beauties and blessing of cultivation; and
where the solitary Indian then prowled with his rifle or arrow, in
search of game for his appetite, a busy population, inhabiting cities
and villages, and thousands of pleasant cottages or stately mansions,
now dwell.
On his return to headquarters, Washington found a resolution of the
Congress, calling him to Princeton, where that body was in session. The
chief object was to have him near them for consultation and aid in the
several arrangements for peace. The Congress engaged a house, suitably
furnished, for his use, at Rocky Hill, a few miles distant, and he set
out for Princeton on the eighteenth of August, leaving General Knox in
command at Newburg. On the twenty-sixth he had a formal public audience
with Congress, when that body presented a most affectionate address to
him, in which they said:--
"It has been the particular happiness of the United States, that
during a war so long, so dangerous, and so important, Providence
has been graciously pleased to preserve the life of a general, who
has merited and possessed the uninterrupted confidence and
affection of his fellow-citizens. In other nations, many have
performed eminent services, for which they have deserved the thanks
of the public. But to you, sir, peculiar praise is due. Your
services have been essential in acquiring and establishing the
freedom and independence of your country. They deserve the grateful
acknowledgments of a free and independent nation."
This honorable reception was grateful to the feelings of Washington,
for, next to the approval of his God and his conscience, he coveted that
of his country. Congress had already voted him a rarer honor, an honor
such as the senate of old Rome was fond of conferring upon the heroes of
the commonwealth. On the seventh of August they had--
"_Resolved_ (unanimously, ten states being present), That an equestrian
statue of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence
of Congress shall be established," and a committee appointed for the
purpose reported a plan for a pedestal to support the statue, with
historical _basso relievos_ upon it, and an appropriate inscription. But
this statue, like many other monumental testimonials, ordered by the old
Congress, was never made. Washington submitted to the unpleasant
operation of having a plaster-cast taken from his face, to be sent to
the sculptor in Europe who should be employed to execute the statue; but
the cast was broken, and as he would not submit to the manipulations
again, the effort was abandoned.
On the third of September the definitive treaty for peace was signed at
Paris, and by a proclamation dated the eighteenth day of October, 1783,
all officers and soldiers of the continental army, absent on furlough,
were discharged from further service; and all others who had engaged to
serve during the war, were to be discharged from and after the third of
November.
On the second of November, Washington, yet at Rocky Hill, issued his
last general orders, in which he addressed his soldiers as a father
speaking to his children, and bade them an affectionate farewell.[5]
He then waited quietly for the British to evacuate New York city, that
he might go thither with a few troops that would remain in camp under
Knox, take formal possession, and then hasten to the seat of Congress
and resign his commission of commander-in-chief of the American armies
into their hands.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] The following is a copy of the notification: "A meeting of
the field-officers is requested at the public building on Tuesday next
at eleven o'clock. A commissioned officer from each company is expected,
and a delegate from the medical staff. The object of this convention is
to consider the late letter of our representatives in Philadelphia, and
what measures (if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress of
grievances which they seem to have solicited in vain."
[3] The following is a copy of the address:--
"GENTLEMEN: By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been
made to convene you together; how inconsistent with the
rules of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of
all order and discipline, let the good sense of the army
decide. In the moment of this summons, another anonymous
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the
feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of the
army. The author of the piece is entitled to much credit for
the goodness of his pen, and I could wish he had as much
credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men see
through different optics, and are induced by the reflecting
faculties of the mind to use different means to attain the
same end, the author of the address should have had more
charity than to mark for suspicion the man who should
recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in other
words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he
advises."
When Washington had concluded this paragraph, he paused, took out his
spectacles, begged the indulgence of the audience while he put them on,
and observed, "You see I have grown gray in your service, and am now
growing blind." The effect was electrical, and many an eye was moistened
by tears called forth by the incident. He then proceeded:--
"But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of
sentiment, regard to justice, and love of country have no part; and
he was right to insinuate the darkest suspicion to effect the
blackest design. That the address is drawn with great art, and is
designed to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is
calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated
injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse
all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a
belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he may be,
intended to take advantage of the passions while they were warmed
by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for
cool, deliberate thinking, and that composure of mind which is so
necessary to give dignity and stability to measures, is rendered
too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other
proofs than a reference to the proceedings.
"Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe
to you, to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and
hasty meeting which was proposed to be held on Tuesday last, and
not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity,
consistent with your own honor and the dignity of the army, to make
known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore has not evinced to
you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration
of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But,
as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common
country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called
from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and
witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and
acknowledge your merits; as I have ever considered my own military
reputation as inseparably connected with that of the army; as my
heart has ever expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and
my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been
opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this last stage
of the war, that I am indifferent to its interests. But how are
they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous
addresser. 'If war continues, remove into the unsettled country;
there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful country to
defend itself.' But who are they to defend? Our wives, our
children, our farms, and other property which we leave behind us?
or, in this state of hostile separation, are we to take the two
first (the latter can not be removed) to perish in a wilderness,
with hunger, cold, and nakedness?
"'If peace takes place, never sheathe your swords,' says he, 'until
you have obtained full and ample justice.' This dreadful
alternative of either deserting our country in the extremest hour
of her distress, or turning our arms against it--which is the
apparent object--unless Congress can be compelled into instant
compliance, has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts
at the idea. My God! what can this writer have in view by
recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the army? Can he
be a friend to this country? Rather, is he not an insidious foe?
some emissary, perhaps, from New York, plotting the ruin of both,
by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the civil and
military powers of the continent? And what a compliment does he pay
to our understandings, when he recommends measures, in either
alternative, impracticable in their nature?
"But, here, gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be
as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it
would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood in need
of them. A moment's reflection will convince every dispassionate
mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into
execution. There might, gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking
notice, in this address to you, of an anonymous production; but the
manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army,
the effect it was intended to have, together with some other
circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency
of that writing.
"With respect to the advice given by the author, to suspect the man
who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I
spurn it, as every man, who regards that liberty and reveres that
justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, if men are to
be precluded from offering their sentiments on a matter which may
involve the most serious and alarming consequences that can invite
the consideration of mankind, reason is of no use to us. The
freedom of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be
led, like sheep, to the slaughter. I can not, in justice to my own
belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the intention
of Congress, conclude this address, without giving it as my decided
opinion that that honorable body entertains exalted sentiments of the
services of the army, and, from a full conviction of its merits
and sufferings, will do it complete justice; that their endeavors
to discover and establish funds for this purpose have been
unwearied, and will not cease till they have succeeded, I have not
a doubt. But, like all other large bodies, where there is a variety
of different interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow.
Why, then, should we distrust them, and, in consequence of that
distrust, adopt measures which may cast a shade over that glory
which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish the reputation of an
army which is celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude and
patriotism? And for what is this done? To bring the object we seek
nearer? No; most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a
greater distance. For myself (and I take no merit in giving the
assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude,
veracity, and justice, a grateful sense of the confidence you have
ever placed in me), a recollection of the cheerful assistance and
prompt obedience I have experienced from you under every
vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an
army I have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to
declare, in this public and solemn manner, that in the attainment
of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the
gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently
with the great duty I owe my country; and those powers we are bound
to respect, you may freely command my services to the utmost extent
of my abilities.
"While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most
unequivocal manner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in
your favor, let me entreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to
take any measures, which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will
lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto
maintained. Let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of
your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the
intentions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an
army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as
directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days
ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their
power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and
meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our
common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect
the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national
character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation
of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn
the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the
flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in
blood.
"By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and
direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the
insidious designs of your enemies, who are compelled to resort from
open force to secret artifice; you will give one more distinguished
proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue rising superior
to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will,
by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to
say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to
mankind, 'Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the
last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of
attaining.'"--_Journals of Congress_, viii 180-183.
[4] A full account of this society, with drawings of the orders
worn by the members, and the certificate of membership, may be found in
the first volume of _Lossing's Field-Book of the Revolution_.
[5] The following is a copy of Washington's last general order:--
"ROCKY HILL, NEAR PRINCETON, _November 2, 1783._
"The United States in Congress assembled, after giving the most
honorable testimony to the merits of the federal armies, and
presenting them with the thanks of their country, for their long,
eminent, and faithful service, having thought proper, by their
proclamation bearing date the sixteenth of October last, to
discharge such part of the troops as were engaged for the war, and
to permit the officers on furlough to retire from service, from and
after to-morrow, which proclamation having been communicated in the
public papers for the information and government of all concerned;
it only remains for the commander-in-chief to address himself once
more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United
States (however widely dispersed individuals who compose them may
be), and to bid them an affectionate, a long farewell.
"But before the commander-in-chief takes his final leave of those
he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in
calling to mind a slight review of the past: he will then take the
liberty of exploring, with his military friends, their future
prospects; of advising the general line of conduct which in his
opinion ought to be pursued; and he will conclude the address by
expressing the obligations he feels himself under for the spirited
and able assistance he has experienced from them in the performance
of an arduous office.
"A contemplation of the complete attainment (at a period earlier
than could have been expected) of the object for which we contended
against so formidable a power, can not but inspire us with
astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on
our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be
forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble
condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the
most unobserving; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies
of the United States, through almost every possible suffering and
discouragement, for the space of eight long years, was little short
of a standing miracle.
"It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to
detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to
describe the distresses which in several instances have resulted
from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined with the rigors
of an inclement season: nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark
side of our past affairs. Every American officer and soldier must
now console himself for any unpleasant circumstances which may have
occurred, by a recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has
been called to act no inglorious part, and the astonishing events
of which he has been a witness--events which have seldom, if ever
before, taken place on the stage of human action, nor can they
probably ever happen again. For who has before seen a disciplined
army formed at once from such raw materials? Who that was not a
witness could imagine that the most violent local prejudices would
cease so soon; and that men who came from different parts of the
continent, strongly disposed by the habits of education to despise
and quarrel with each other, would instantly become but one
patriotic band of brothers? Or who that was not on the spot, can
trace the steps by which such a wonderful Revolution has been
effected, and such a glorious period put to all our warlike toils?
"It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects of
happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and
sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description; and shall not
the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these
inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field of war
to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which
have been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude them from
the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors? In such a
country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the
cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry the certain road to
competence. To those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit
of adventure, the fisheries will afford ample and profitable
employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the West will
yield a most happy asylum for those who, fond of domestic
enjoyment, are seeking personal independence. Nor is it possible to
conceive that any one of the United States will prefer a national
bankruptcy, and dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the
requisitions of Congress, and the payment of its just debts; so
that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance,
in recommencing their civil operations, from the sums due to them
from the public, which must and will most inevitably be paid.
"In order to effect this desirable purpose, and to remove the
prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of any of
the good people of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all
the troops that, with strong attachments to the Union, they should
carry with them into civil society the most conciliating
dispositions; and that they should prove themselves not less
virtuous and useful as citizens than they have been persevering and
victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some envious
individuals who are unwilling to pay the debt the public has
contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit; yet let such
unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any instance of
intemperate conduct; let it be remembered that the unbiassed voice
of the free citizens of the United States has promised the just
reward, and given the merited applause; let it be known and
remembered that the reputation of the federal armies is established
beyond the reach of malevolence; and let a consciousness of their
achievements and fame still excite the men who composed them to
honorable actions, under the persuasion that the private virtues of
economy, prudence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil
life than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and
enterprise, were in the field. Every one may rest assured that
much, very much of the future happiness of the officers and men,
will depend upon the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted
by them when they are mingled with the great body of the community.
And, although the general has so frequently given it as his
opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, that unless the
principles of the federal government were properly supported, and
the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice
of the nation would be lost for ever; yet he can not help repeating
on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, and leaving it as his
last injunction to every officer and every soldier who may view the
subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best
endeavors to those of his worthy fellow-citizens, toward effecting
these great and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a
nation so materially depends.
"The commander-in-chief conceives little is now wanting to enable
the soldier to change the military character into that of a
citizen, but that steady and decent tenor of behavior which has
generally distinguished not only the army under his immediate
command, but the different detachments and separate armies, through
the course of the war. From their good sense and prudence he
anticipates the happiest consequences: and while he congratulates
them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the
field no longer necessary, he wishes to express the strong
obligations he feels himself under for the assistance he has
received from every class, and in every instance. He presents his
thanks, in the most serious and affectionate manner, to the general
officers, as well for their counsel on many interesting occasions
as for their ardor in promoting the success of the plans he had
adopted; to the commandants of regiments and corps, and to the
officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders
promptly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and
exactness in performing the duties of their several departments,
and to the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers for their
extraordinary patience in suffering as well as their invincible
fortitude in action. To various branches of the army the general
takes this last and solemn opportunity of professing his inviolable
attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare profession were
in his power; that he was really able to be useful to them all in
future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the
justice to believe that, whatever could with propriety be attempted
by him, has been done. And being now to conclude these his last
public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the
military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has
so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer, in their
behalf, his recommendations to their grateful country, and his
prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here,
and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter,
attend those who, under the Divine auspices, have secured
innumerable blessings for others! With these wishes, and this
benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from
service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the
military scene to him will be closed for ever."
Chapter III.
BRITISH TROOPS LEAVE THE CITY OF NEW YORK--AMERICAN TROOPS AND CIVIL
AUTHORITIES ENTER AND TAKE POSSESSION--THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN
TROOPS CONTRASTED--PARTING SCENE BETWEEN WASHINGTON AND HIS
OFFICERS--WASHINGTON SETTLES HIS ACCOUNTS WITH THE UNITED
STATES--JOURNEY TO ANNAPOLIS--COMPLIMENTARY DINNER AND BALL
THERE--WASHINGTON RESIGNS HIS COMMISSION--HIS RETIREMENT TO PRIVATE
LIFE AT MOUNT VERNON--LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS ON THE
SUBJECT--WASHINGTON'S DREAMS OF QUIET LIFE.
It was late in November, 1783, before the British troops were prepared
to leave New York, so large was the number of persons, and so great was
the quantity of goods to be first conveyed away. At length Sir Guy
Carleton gave Washington notice when he would be ready to surrender the
city. Governor Clinton summoned the members of the state council to
convene at Eastchester on the twenty-first of November, to prepare for
the re-establishment of civil government in New York city and its
vicinity, and a detachment of troops came down from West Point to be
ready to take possession of the posts about to be evacuated by the
British.
Carleton appointed the twenty-fifth of November as the day for the
evacuation, and before that time the British troops were drawn in from
the surrounding posts. On the morning of the twenty-fifth Washington and
Governor Clinton were at Harlem, with the detachment from West Point,
under General Knox; and during the morning they all moved toward the
city, and halted at the Bowery. The troops were composed of
light-dragoons, light-infantry, and artillery, and were accompanied by
the civil officers of the state.
[Illustration: ENTRANCE OF THE AMERICAN ARMY INTO NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 25,
1873.]
Between twelve and one o'clock the British troops were embarked. The
fleet immediately weighed anchor, and with a favoring breeze sailed out
the Narrows. The American troops and the civil authorities then marched
in and took formal possession. Washington and Clinton, with their
respective suites, led the procession, escorted by a troop of
Westchester cavalry. Then followed the lieutenant-governor and members
of the council, General Knox and the officers of the army, the speaker
of the assembly, and a large procession of citizens on horseback and on
foot.
The evacuation of the British, and the entrance of the Americans,
produced in the inhabitants mingled feelings of joy and sadness. The
whigs greatly rejoiced at their deliverance, while the families of
loyalists were saddened by the change. There was a marked contrast
between the troops that left and the troops that came. "We had been
accustomed for a long time to military display in all the finish and
finery of garrison life," said an American lady to Mr. Irving; "the
troops just leaving us were as if equipped for show, and with their
scarlet uniforms and burnished arms, made a brilliant display; the
troops that marched in, on the contrary, were ill-clad and
weather-beaten, and made a forlorn appearance; but they were _our_
troops, and as I looked at them and thought upon all they had done and
suffered for us, my heart and my eyes were full, and I admired and
gloried in them the more, because they _were_ weather-beaten and
forlorn."[6]
But joy was the predominant feeling, and on that night the city was a
scene of public festivity, and demonstrations of unbounded pleasure. The
governor gave a feast, and splendid fireworks illuminated the town.
On the fourth of December Washington was prepared for a journey to
Annapolis, where the Congress was in session, to resign his commission
into their hands. A handsome barge was made ready to convey him from the
Whitehall ferry to Paulus's Hook (now Jersey City), and lay at the
stairs, ready manned at twelve o'clock. Meanwhile Washington and his
officers had assembled in the parlor of Fraunce's tavern, near by, to
take a final leave of each other. Marshall has left on record, a brief
but touching narrative of the scene. As the commander-in-chief entered
the room, and found himself in the midst of his officers--his old
companions-in-arms, many of whom had shared with him the fortunes of war
from its earliest stages--his tender feelings were too powerful for
concealment, and defied his usual self-command. Filling a glass of wine,
and taking it in his hand, he turned upon his friends a sad but
benignant countenance, and said:--
"With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you, most
devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy,
as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." After lifting the
wine to his lips, and drinking a farewell benediction, he added, while
his voice trembled with emotion:--
"I can not come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if
each of you will come and take me by the hand." General Knox being
nearest, first turned to him. Washington, incapable of utterance,
grasped his hand in silence, and embraced him affectionately, while his
eyes were suffused with tears. In the same affectionate manner, every
officer took leave of him. Not a word was spoken. Feeling held speech in
abeyance. The tear of manly sensibility was in every eye, and in
dignified silence they all followed their beloved chief as he left the
room, passed through a corps of light-infantry, and walked to Whitehall
to embark. Having entered the barge, he turned to the tearful friends
upon the wharf, and waving his hat, bade them a silent adieu. They stood
and watched the barge until it was hidden from their view by an angle of
the battery, when, in silent and solemn procession, they all returned to
the place where they had assembled.
Washington stopped a few days in Philadelphia, where he adjusted his
accounts with the comptroller of the treasury. These were all in perfect
order, from the beginning of the war until the moment of settlement, on
the thirteenth of December. They were entirely in his own hand-waiting.
The gross amount was almost seventy-five thousand dollars, in which were
included moneys expended for secret service and in various incidental
charges. For his own services he would receive nothing.
Washington's journey from New York to Annapolis, in Maryland, was one
continued ovation. The people everywhere received him with enthusiasm;
and public meetings, legislative assemblies, and learned and religious
institutions, greeted him with addresses. He arrived at Annapolis on
Friday, the nineteenth of December, where he was joined by Mrs.
Washington and many warm personal friends. On the following day he
addressed a note to the Congress, inquiring when, and in what manner it
would be proper to offer his resignation; and on Monday he was present
at a dinner ordered by that body. In the evening he attended a grand
ball given in his honor.
On Tuesday, the twenty-third, Washington wrote to the Baron
Steuben--"This is the last letter I shall write while I continue in the
service of my country. The hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve
to-day; after which I shall become a private citizen on the banks of the
Potomac."
At the hour named the chief was before the assembled Congress, of whom
General Thomas Mifflin was president. The hall was filled with public
functionaries and military officers, accompanied by ladies; and in the
gallery was Mrs. Washington and many more ladies than were on the floor
below.
Washington was conducted to the hall by Secretary Thomson, when the
president said, "The United States in Congress assembled, are prepared
to receive your communication." Washington then arose, and in a
dignified manner, and clear, rich voice, said:--
"Mr. PRESIDENT: The great events on which my resignation depended,
having at length taken place, I now have the honor of offering my
sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself
before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to
me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my
country. Happy in the confirmation of our independence and
sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United
States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction
the appointment I accepted with diffidence; a diffidence in my
abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was
superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the
support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of
Heaven. The successful termination of the war has verified the most
sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of
Providence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen,
increases with every review of the momentous contest. While I
repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice
to my own feelings not to acknowledge in this place the peculiar
services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been
attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice
of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more
fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particular those who
have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of
the favorable notice and patronage of Congress. I consider it as an
indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life by
commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection
of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to
his holy keeping. Having now finished the work assigned me, I
retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an
affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I
have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave
of all the employments of public life."
President Mifflin replied: "SIR--The United States, in Congress
assembled, receive with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn
resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops
with success through a perilous and a doubtful war. Called upon by your
country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge,
before it had formed alliances, and while it was without funds or a
government to support you. You have conducted the great military contest
with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil
power, through all disasters and changes. You have, by the love and
confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their
martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. You have
persevered, until these United States, aided by a magnanimous king and
nation, have been enabled, under a just Providence, to close the war in
freedom, safety, and independence; in which happy event we sincerely
join you in congratulations. Having defended the standard of liberty in
this new world; having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict and
to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of
action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens. But the glory of your
virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue
to animate remotest ages. We feel with you our obligations to the army
in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of
those confidential officers who have attended your person to this
affecting moment. We join you in commending the interests of our dearest
country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the
hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity afforded
them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you, we address
to him our earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered with
all his care; that your days may be as happy as they have been
illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this
world can not give."
Washington, now a private citizen, hastened to his beloved home on the
Potomac, accompanied on the way by many friends, among whom was Colonel
Walker, one the aids of the Baron Steuben. By his hand, he sent a letter
to Governor George Clinton--the first that he wrote after his retirement
from office--in which he said: "The scene is at last closed. I am now a
private citizen on the banks of the Potomac. I feel myself eased of a
load of public care. I hope to spend the remainder of my days in
cultivating the affections of good men, and in the practice of the
domestic virtues."
It was on Christmas eve when Washington reached Mount Vernon. It must
have been a happy and a merry Christmas in that beautiful home, for the
toils and dangers of war were over, peace was smiling upon all the land,
and the people were free and independent. The enjoyment of his home,
under these circumstances, was an exquisite one to the retired soldier;
and in his letters to his friends he gives frequent and touching
evidence of his happiness in private life. To Lafayette he wrote on the
first of February:--
"At length, my dear marquis, I am become a private citizen on the
banks of the Potomac, and under the shadow of my own vine and my own
fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of
public life. I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments, of
which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman,
whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising
schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other
countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all, and the
courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in
hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception.
I have not only retired from all public employments, but I am
retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk,
and tread the paths of private life, with a heartfelt satisfaction.
Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all; and this my
dear friend, being the order of my march, I will move gently down
the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers."
A little later he wrote to Madam Lafayette, saying:--
"Freed from the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp, from the
cares of public employment and the responsibility of office, I am
now enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my
own fig-tree; and in a small villa, with the implements of husbandry
and lambkins around me, I expect to glide gently down the stream of
life, till I am entombed in the mansion of my fathers.
"Come, then, let me entreat you, and call my cottage your home; for
your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine
would. You will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet with
rustic civility; and you shall taste the simplicity of rural life.
It will diversify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for
the gayeties of the court, when you return to Versailles. In these
wishes and most respectful compliments, Mrs. Washington joins me."
Notwithstanding Washington's retirement was so perfect as to amount to
positive isolation for a month or more, on account of the effects of an
intensely severe winter, which closed almost every avenue to Mount
Vernon, and suspended even neighborly intercourse, he found it
extremely difficult to divest himself of the habits of the camp.
"Strange as it may seem," he wrote to General Knox on the twentieth of
February, "it is nevertheless true, that it was not till lately I could
get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in
the morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at
finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a
public man, nor had anything to do with public transactions.
"I feel now, however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must
do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy
burthen on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having
reached the haven to which all the former were directed; and
from his house-top is looking back, and tracing with an
eager eye the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands
and mires which lay in his way; and into which none but the
all-powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have
prevented his falling."
Surely, if ever a man had cause for serenity of mind while taking a
retrospect of his public and private life, it was George Washington.
From his youth he had walked in the path of truth and rectitude, and
throughout his long public career of about thirty years, at the time of
his retirement from the army, not a stain of dishonor--not even the
suspicion of a stain--had ever been seen upon his character. His moral
escutcheon was bright, his conscience was unqualifiedly approving, his
country loved him above all her sons. With a sincere desire to spend the
remainder of his days as a simple farmer upon the Potomac, without the
ambition of being famous, or the expectation of being again called into
public life, he resumed his old domestic habits, and prepared for the
enjoyment of the evening of his days undisturbed by the turmoils of
society around him.
"My manner of living is plain," he wrote to a friend, "and I do not mean to
be put out by it. A glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready, and
such as will be content to partake of them, are always welcome. Those who
expect more will be disappointed."
But Washington's modest dream of quietude and simplicity of life in his
home at Mount Vernon was not realized.
FOOTNOTES:
[6] Life of Washington, iv. 440.
CHAPTER IV.
WASHINGTON'S PRIVATE AFFAIRS--IMPROVEMENTS COMMENCED--REMUNERATION
FOR SERVICES DECLINED--VISITORS FLOCK TO MOUNT VERNON--TOUR TO THE
OHIO--INDIAN SACHEM AND HIS PROPHECY--WASHINGTON'S INTEREST IN
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS--HIS LETTER TO GOVERNOR HARRISON--ACTION OF
THE VIRGINIA LEGISLATURE--FORMATION OF COMPANIES--WASHINGTON
DECLINES RECEIVING A DONATION OF STOCK FOR HIS OWN
BENEFIT--DISPOSITION OF IT--DISTINGUISHED VISITORS AT MOUNT
VERNON--WASHINGTON'S CORRESPONDENCE BURDENSOME--MR. LEAR--ARTISTS
AND LITERARY MEN--PINE AND HOUDON AT MOUNT VERNON--AGRICULTURAL
PURSUITS AND IMPROVEMENTS--WASHINGTON'S DOMESTIC LIFE AFTER THE WAR.
Washington took a careful survey of all his affairs, on retiring from
the public service, and perceived that much was to be done to retrieve
losses, and to make his estate an agreeable home, and suitable to his
position in life. The mansion, two stories in height, with only four
rooms on a floor, was too small to accommodate the visitors who he well
knew, might be expected at Mount Vernon, and he had already determined
to commence its enlargement with the opening of the spring, as well as
the adornment of the grounds around it, and the improvement of his
farms. To do this required a large outlay of time and money; and,
notwithstanding Washington had an ample fortune for a private gentleman
of moderate tastes, he perceived the necessity of practising economy.
His private affairs had become somewhat deranged, and his fortune
diminished during the war; and he knew that the current expenses of his
household must thereafter be materially increased.
At this juncture, when economy appeared so necessary, his consistency as
a servant of the public without pecuniary reward, was tested. The
temptation came in the specious form of a proposed testimonial of
public gratitude for his services, and was so delicately presented to
his mind, as almost to leave a doubt of its real purpose. It originated
with the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania, who, a few days
before Washington resigned his commission at Annapolis, remarked as
follows in their instructions to the delegates in Congress from that
state:--
"Though his excellency, General Washington, proposes in a short
time to retire, yet his illustrious actions and virtues render his
character so splendid and venerable, that, it is highly probable,
the admiration and esteem of the world may make his life in a very
considerable degree public, as numbers will be desirous of seeing
the great and good man, who has so eminently contributed to the
happiness of a nation. His very services to his country, may,
therefore, subject him to expenses, unless he permits her gratitude
to interpose.
"We are perfectly acquainted with the disinterestedness and
generosity of his soul. He thinks himself amply rewarded for all
his labors and cares, by the love and prosperity of his
fellow-citizens. It is true, no rewards they can bestow can be
equal to his merits. But they ought not to suffer those merits to
be burdensome to him. We are convinced that the people of
Pennsylvania would regret such a consequence.
"We are aware of the delicacy with which this subject must be
treated. But relying upon the good sense of Congress, we wish it
may engage their early attention."
President Mifflin forwarded a copy of these instructions to Washington,
because it was thought advisable not to lay them before Congress without
his knowledge and approbation. True to the consistency of his character,
Washington promptly declined the intended favor. "I can not but feel,"
he said, in reply to Mifflin, "the greatest obligations to the supreme
executive council of Pennsylvania. But as my sentiments on the subject
of their instructions have been long and well known to the public, I
need not repeat them to your excellency on the present occasion." All
proceedings on the subject were accordingly stopped.
With the opening of the spring of 1784, numerous visitors began to make
their way to Mount Vernon. Many of them were officers, and some of them
poor soldiers of the war just closed, who went to pay the homage of
their affections to the general under whom they had so long served with
delight. Others were persons of distinction, from the various states and
from abroad; and others went there out of mere curiosity, to see the
great man of the nation in his retirement. Every one received the
attentions of a generous hospitality from the master; and in these
offices he was nobly seconded by Mrs. Washington, whose cheerful good
sense and excellent management, made her home a delightful spot for all
who entered it.
Of all the visitors who came to Mount Vernon during that first year of
Washington's retirement, none was more cordially welcomed than
Lafayette, who landed in New York early in August, and reached Mount
Vernon on the seventeenth of the same month. He remained there twelve
days, during which time the mansion was crowded with guests who came to
meet the great friend of America; and when he departed for Baltimore,
quite a large cavalcade of gentlemen accompanied him far on his way.
In September, Washington made quite an extensive tour westward, over the
Alleghany mountains, to visit his lands on the Ohio and Great Kanawha
rivers. He was accompanied by Doctor Craik, his old companion-in-arms in
the French and Indian war, and who had accompanied him to the same
region in 1770. They travelled in true soldier style--tent, pack-horses,
and a few supplies, relying for their food chiefly upon their guns and
fishing-tackle.
Owing to accounts of discontents and irritation among the Indian tribes,
Washington did not think it prudent to descend the Ohio, and they
proceeded no farther West than the Monongahela, which river they
ascended, and then went southward through the wilderness, until they
reached the Shenandoah valley, near Staunton. They returned to Mount
Vernon on the fourth of October, having travelled on horseback, in the
course of forty-four days, six hundred and eighty miles.
It was during their first tour, according to the late Mr. Custis, that
Washington was visited by a venerable Indian sachem, who regarded him
with the utmost reverence, as a God-protected hero. He would neither
eat, drink, nor smoke with Washington; and finally, when a fire was
kindled, he arose and addressed him through Nicholson, an interpreter,
in the following terms:--
"I am a chief, and the ruler over many tribes; my influence extends
to the waters of the great lakes, and to the far, blue mountains. I
have travelled a long and weary path, that I might see the young
warrior of the great battle. It was on the day, when the white
man's blood, mixed with the streams of our forest, that I first
beheld this chief; I called to my young men, and said, mark yon
tall and daring warrior, he is not of the red-coat tribe--he hath
an Indian's wisdom, and his warriors fight as we do--himself is
alone exposed. Quick, let your aim be certain, and he dies. Our
rifles were levelled, rifles which, but for him, knew not how to
miss. It was all in vain, for a power mightier far than we,
shielded him from harm. He can not die in battle. I am old, and
soon shall be gathered to the great council-fire of my fathers, in
the land of shades; but ere I go, there is a something, bids me
speak, in the voice of prophecy. Listen! _The Great Spirit protects
that man, and guides his destinies--he will become the chief of
nations, and a people yet unborn, will hail him as the founder of a
mighty empire!_"
This prophetic speech made a deep impression upon the companions of
Washington; and always afterward, on the field of battle, Doctor Craik
remembered it, and was fully persuaded that his friend would come out of
the storm of conflict unharmed. And so he did. It is a singular fact,
that Washington never received the slightest wound in battle.
Washington took an active interest in all that concerned the development
of the internal resources of the country; and one of the objects of his
tour westward in 1784, was the observation of the courses, and the
character of the streams flowing into the Ohio; the distance of their
navigable parts to those of the rivers east of the mountains, and the
distance of the portage between them. He had conceived the idea that a
communication, by canals, might be formed between the Potomac and James
rivers, and the waters of the Ohio, and thence to the great chain of
northern lakes. This idea had assumed the tangible shape of a
well-matured scheme of internal improvement, and he had attempted to
form a company for the purpose, when the kindling of the War for
Independence put a stop to every enterprise of that kind.
Washington now desired to awaken new interest in the matter, and in a
long and able letter to Benjamin Harrison, then governor of Virginia,
written in October, 1784, he set forth the advantages to be expected by
such a system of inland navigation. This letter was "one of the ablest,
most sagacious, and most important productions of his pen," says Mr.
Sparks, "presenting first a clear statement of the question, and showing
the practicability of facilitating the intercourse of trade between the
East and the West, by improving and extending the water
communications."[7]
Washington then proceeded, by a train of admirable arguments and
illustrations, to explain the commercial and political value of such a
measure, in giving strength to the union of the states, and promoting
the prosperity of the country, by multiplying the resources of trade.
"I need not remark to you, sir," he said, "that the flanks and rear of
the United States are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones
too; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all
parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part
of it which lies immediately west of us, with the middle states. For
what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people? How entirely
unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not
apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their
left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do,
should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? What, when they get
strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the
emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection
toward us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens), will be
the consequence of their having formed close connections with both or
either of those powers, in a commercial way? It needs not, in my
opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell.
"The western states (I speak now from my own observation) stand, as it
were, upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They
have looked down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards, very
impolitically, I think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way;
and they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could
glide gently down the stream, without considering, perhaps, the
difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessary to perform
it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long
land transportations and unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto
checked the industry of the present settlers; for, except the demand for
provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little
flour, which the necessities of the Spaniards compel them to buy, they
have no incitements to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the way
for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon
us; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply
we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to
effect it.
"A combination of circumstances makes the present conjuncture more
favorable for Virginia, than for any other state in the Union, to fix
these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on
the one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with
the general policy of the court of Great Britain on the other, to retain
as long as possible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego (which,
though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction
of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union), may be improved to the
greatest advantage by this state, if she would open the avenues to the
trade of that country, and embrace the present moment to establish it.
It only wants a beginning. The western inhabitants would do their part
toward its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least
halfway, rather than to be driven into the arms of foreigners, or to
be made dependent upon them; which would eventually either bring on a
separation of them from us, or a war between the United States and one
or the other of those powers, most probably with the Spaniards."
Washington's letter had a powerful effect upon the public mind. Governor
Harrison laid it before the Virginia legislature, and that body received
it with the greatest favor. Thus encouraged in his scheme, Washington
hastened to Richmond to give his personal attention to the matter; and
on the morning after his arrival (November sixteenth) he was waited upon
by a committee of the assembly, with Patrick Henry at their head, who,
in the name of the body whom they represented, testified their reverence
for his character and affection for his person.
The Virginia assembly proceeded to appoint a commission to make the
requisite surveys, and Washington returned to Mount Vernon, accompanied
by Lafayette, whom he had met in Richmond. The marquis remained there a
few days, and then departed for the seaboard, never to visit the United
States again, until he became an old man, and the republic he had
assisted in founding, had grown fifty years older.
Washington's scheme for internal improvements occupied much of his
attention, and he corresponded largely upon the subject. His plan, at
first, contemplated more especially the interests of Virginia and
Maryland, but it expanded in his mind so as to embrace the whole Union.
In a letter written on the fourteenth of December, to Richard Henry Lee,
then recently elected president of Congress, he urged the necessity of
action by that body, and suggested that the western waters should be
explored, the navigation of them fully ascertained, accurately laid
down, and a perfect map made of the country; that in the sale of public
lands, the United States should make a reservation of all mines,
minerals, and salt-springs, for special sale; and that a medium price
should be adopted for the western lands, sufficient to prevent a
monopoly, but not to discourage actual settlers. He wished to
discountenance the land-jobbers and "roaming speculators," who were
disquieting the Indians, and to encourage the useful citizen. He
perceived the necessity of doing something to regulate the matter, for,
he said, "the spirit of emigration is great. The people have got
impatient, and, though you can not stop the road, it is yet in your
power to mark the way. It is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil."
Late in December, Washington was invited to Annapolis by the Virginia
assembly, to assist in arranging matters with the assembly of Maryland,
respecting his scheme for uniting the Potomac and James rivers, with
those of the West. He attended the conference, and chiefly through his
exertions two companies were formed for the purpose, under the auspices
of the respective governments, and he was appointed president of both.
They were called respectively, the _Potomac Company_, and the _James
River Company_. Thus it will be seen, that during the first year after
the close of the Revolution, Washington set in motion that vast scheme
of internal improvements, which has had a powerful and salutary
influence upon the destinies of our country.
Again Washington's consistency was put to the test. Grateful for his
past services, and conscious of the advantages to the Virginia
commonwealth, of the great scheme of improvement which he had now set in
motion, they, by unanimous vote, offered to present to him fifty shares
in the Potomac Company, valued at ten thousand dollars, and one hundred
shares in the James River Company, valued at twenty-five thousand
dollars. Aware of his resolution not to receive any pecuniary gift from
the public, the legislature, in the preamble to the resolution, said:--
"It is the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth to
embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of the
unexampled merits of George Washington toward his country; and it
is their wish in particular, that those great works for its
improvement, which, both as springing from the liberty which he has
been so instrumental in establishing, and as encouraged by his
patronage, will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made
monuments also of the gratitude of his country."
This mark of his countrymen's appreciation, was, of course, gratifying
to Washington, but again, true to his convictions and his vows, he
declined to receive the donation for his own benefit; but, as a matter
of expediency, he offered to accept the shares, provided the legislature
would allow him to appropriate them to the use of some object of a
public nature. The assembly cheerfully acceded to his proposition. As
the encouragement of education was a subject in which he felt deeply
interested, he made over the shares of the James River Company to an
institution in Rockbridge county, called _Liberty Hall Academy_, and
those of the Potomac Company he bequeathed in perpetuity for the
endowment of a university in the District of Columbia, under the
auspices of the general government. _Liberty Hall_ afterward became the
flourishing _Washington College_, but the national university has never
been established.
Other examples of Washington's interest in educational institutions, are
on record. He cheerfully accepted the chancellorship of William and Mary
college at Williamsburg; during many years he gave two hundred and fifty
dollars annually for the instruction of poor children in Alexandria; and
by his will he left four thousand dollars, the net income of which was
to be used for the same object. "Other examples," says Sparks, after
enumerating these and other benevolent acts of the great and good man,
"might be cited; and from his cautious habit of concealing from the
world his deeds of charity, it may be presumed many others are unknown,
in which his heart and his hand were open to the relief of indigent
merit."
We have observed that Washington's dreams of repose at Mount Vernon were
not realized. Visitors from the old and the new world constantly
increased, and among them came that champion of liberty, Catharine
Macaulay Graham, whose pen had done noble service in the cause of human
rights. She came with her husband, and professed to have crossed the
Atlantic for the sole purpose of testifying, in person, her respect and
admiration for the character and deeds of Washington. "A visit from a
lady so celebrated in the literary world," he wrote to Knox, "can not
but be very flattering to me."
His correspondence increased so rapidly, that it soon began to be
burdensome. To Richard Henry Lee he wrote in February, 1785, when
transmitting to him a mass of papers which he had received from the
pious Countess of Huntington, explaining her scheme for Christianizing
the American Indians: "Many mistakingly think that I am retired to ease,
and to that kind of tranquillity which would grow tiresome for want of
employment; but at no period of my life, not in the eight years I served
the public, have I been obliged to write so much myself, as I have done
since my retirement. Was this confined to friendly communication, and to
my own business, it would be equally pleasing and trifling; but I have a
thousand references to old matters, with which I ought not to be
troubled, but which, nevertheless, must receive some answer."
In a letter to General Knox he amplified this topic a little, saying:
"It is not the letters from my friends which give me trouble, or add
aught to my perplexity. It is reference to old matters with which I have
nothing to do; applications which oftentimes can not be complied with;
inquiries which would require the pen of a historian to satisfy; letters
of compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as they are troublesome, but which
must be attended to; and the common-place business, which employs my pen
and my time, often disagreeably. Indeed, these, with company, deprive me
of exercise, and unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of
disagreeable consequences."
For more than two years after the war, Washington kept neither clerk nor
secretary. At length the labor became insupportable, and through the
kind offices of General Lincoln, he procured the services of Tobias
Lear, a talented young gentleman of New Hampshire, who had recently left
Harvard college with honor. Mr. Lear took a social position at Mount
Vernon, as one of the family at table and among the guests, and became
greatly beloved by Washington. He remained there several years,
accompanied the general to New York when he went there to take the chair
of chief magistrate of the nation, and continued in his family until
after the seat of government was removed to Philadelphia. He was again a
resident at Mount Vernon, after the death of his wife, and was present
when the master of the mansion died. Mr. Lear relieved Washington of
much of the drudgery of the pen, and also took charge of the instruction
of his adopted children, Master and Miss Custis.
Washington was also annoyed by the applications of artists and literary
men, the former for him to give them sittings for his portrait, and the
latter for materials for either his biography, or a general history of
the Revolution. He positively refused compliance with the latter
request, but occasionally indulged the former. At the solicitation of
Francis Hopkinson, he sat to Robert Edge Pine, a diminutive Englishman
and excellent artist. Pine was a warm republican, and came to America to
collect portraits of distinguished persons for the purpose of painting a
series of pictures illustrative of the War for Independence.
Soon after Pine left Mount Vernon, Houdon, the eminent French
portrait-sculptor was there, at the request of the legislature of
Virginia, who had ordered a statue of Washington to be executed for the
statehouse at Richmond. For such a purpose, and under such auspices,
Washington was willing to submit to the manipulations of art, even those
so unpleasant as the moulding of the face in plaster, and he wrote to
Houdon, on his arrival in New York: "It will give me pleasure, sir, to
welcome you to the seat of my retirement; and whatever I have, or can
procure, that is necessary to your purpose, or convenient and agreeable
to your wishes, you must freely command, as inclination to oblige you
will be among the last things in which I shall be found deficient,
either on your arrival or during your stay."
Houdon made a plaster-mould from Washington's face, modelled a complete
head and bust in clay, made a cast from that, took the latter to France,
and from it executed the statue now in the capitol at Richmond. He made
careful measurements of Washington's figure, and in Paris, Gouverneur
Morris stood for it.
During nearly all of the year 1785, Washington was engaged much of the
time in the ornamentation of the grounds around the mansion he had
greatly enlarged, and in the improvement of his farms. The relief from
the pen afforded him by Mr. Lear, gave him time for pursuits of this
nature, which he so much loved, and his diary abounds with brief records
of his planting of trees and sowing of seeds. His Mount Vernon estate
was divided into five farms, and several hundred acres of woodland. The
mansion-house farm was his great care and delight, yet he managed the
other four with skill and prudence. On them he had over fifty
draught-horses, a dozen mules, more than three hundred head of black
cattle, three hundred and sixty sheep, and a large number of swine that
ran wild in the woods.
He was fond of improvements of every kind. The king of Spain hearing
that he was anxious to procure the best breed of asses in Europe, for
the propagation of mules on his estate, sent him a magnificent jack and
two jennies. With this jack, and another sent to him by Lafayette, at
about the same time, he raised some noble mules from his coach-mares. In
a few years the Mount Vernon estate became stocked with a very superior
breed, some of them rising to the height of sixteen hands.
From Arthur Young, an English agriculturist, Washington received many
precious seeds, improved implements, and good advice in the laying out
and management of farms. His early life habits were resumed--his early
rising, his frugal breakfast, his ride over his estate, and his exact
method in everything. He loved amusements still, but of a more quiet
kind than those of his younger days. The pleasures of the chase were
relinquished. His kennel was broken up, and his hounds, some of them a
present from Lafayette, were given away.
Washington was a most cheerful, companionable man at home, yet always
dignified. "General Washington is, I believe," said Mr. Lear, after two
years residence in his family, "almost the only man of an exalted
character, who does not lose some part of his respectability by an
intimate acquaintance. I have never found a single thing that could
lessen my respect for him. A complete knowledge of his honesty,
uprightness, and candor in all his private transactions, has sometimes
led me to think him more than a man."
In his family he was peculiarly kind and affectionate. Between himself
and Mrs. Washington the most perfect harmony existed. In all his
intercourse with his wife, he was most considerate. Mrs. Lewis (Nelly
Custis) said she had often seen Mrs. Washington, when she had something
to communicate, or a request to make, at a moment when the general's
mind was entirely abstracted from the present, seize him by the button
to command his attention, when he would look down upon her with a most
benignant smile, and, become at once attentive to her wishes, which were
never slighted.
Thus, in the management of his estate, the entertainment of his guests,
correspondence with his friends at home and abroad, and the
contemplation of years of peaceful life that lay before him,
Washington's hours glided away for a season. Meanwhile the political
horizon of his country began to darken, and omens of a fearful storm
appeared. The people looked to their ancient pilot for help, and at the
hour when he was dreaming most sweetly of domestic quiet, they called
him to take the helm, for the ship of state was in danger. He was soon
at the post of responsibility, upon the turbulent sea of political life.
FOOTNOTES:
[7] Life of Washington, page 379.
Chapter V.
JEALOUSIES OF THE STATES--WEAKNESS OF CONGRESS--VIEWS OF WASHINGTON
AND HIS COMPATRIOTS--WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO JAMES WARREN ON THE
CONFEDERATION--CONFERENCE AT MOUNT VERNON--WASHINGTON SUGGESTS A
NATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONVENTION--HAMILTON'S VIEWS OF THE
CONFEDERATION--THE CONTINENTALIST--HAMILTON RECOMMENDS A GENERAL
CONVENTION OF STATES TO AMEND THE CONFEDERATION--SECONDED BY THE NEW
YORK LEGISLATURE--LETTER OF JAY TO WASHINGTON--WASHINGTON'S
REPLY--AN IMPENDING CRISIS--WASHINGTON'S SECOND LETTER TO
JAY--WASHINGTON'S INFLUENCE IN HIS RETIREMENT--CONVENTION AT
ANNAPOLIS A FAILURE--ANOTHER RECOMMENDED--WASHINGTON APPOINTED A
DELEGATE FROM VIRGINIA--HE HESITATES--CONGRESS RECOMMENDS A
CONVENTION--WASHINGTON ACCEPTS THE APPOINTMENT AND PROCEEDS TO
PHILADELPHIA.
We have had occasion, from time to time, to notice the jealousies of
individual states toward the continental Congress during the war, and
the consequent weakness of that body, as an executive of the will of the
people, at times when strength and energetic action were most needed.
It was with great difficulty that the states were brought to agree to
the _Articles of Confederation_, and nothing but the pressure of a
common danger, which required unity of action, could have induced them
to surrender even so much of their individual sovereignty as those
articles required. When, therefore, the common danger had passed, and
the people felt security in the pursuits of peace, sectional and
provincial pride began to operate powerfully in dissolving the union of
the states. The Congress, doubtful of their power, and but little relied
upon by the great mass of the people as an instrument for the promotion
of national prosperity, were incompetent to execute treaties, to
regulate commerce, or to provide for the payment of debts contracted
for the confederation, amounting in the aggregate, foreign and domestic,
to a little more than forty millions of dollars. And that body itself
was often distracted by party dissentions, and rendered powerless to
exercise even its acknowledged authority, through disagreement.
To Washington and other sagacious minds, the Articles of Confederation
had been regarded as essentially defective as a system of government,
long before the war had ceased. They perceived the necessity for a
greater centralization of power in the general government; and that
necessity became painfully apparent when peace came, and the people of
the several states found themselves in the condition of independent
sovereignty. The system of credit for the extinction of the national
debt, and to provide for the national expenditures, devised by the
Congress, was tardily accepted by most of the states, and utterly
neglected by others. Local interests and prejudices were consulted
instead of the national welfare; treaty stipulations were disregarded,
and the confederation became, in many respects, a dead letter.
"The confederation appears to me," Washington wrote to James Warren, in
October, 1785, "to be little more than a shadow without the substance,
and Congress a nugatory body, their ordinances being little attended to.
To me it is a solecism in politics, indeed, it is one of the most
extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as a nation,
and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that nation (who are the
creatures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short duration,
and who are amenable for every action, and may be recalled at any
moment, and are subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental
in producing) sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of the
same. By such policy as this the wheels of government are clogged, and
our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained
of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and, from
the high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of
confusion and darkness.
"That we have it in our power to become one of the most respectable
nations upon earth, admits, in my humble opinion, of no doubt, if we
would but pursue a wise, just, and liberal policy toward one another,
and keep good faith with the rest of the world. That our resources are
ample and increasing, none can deny; but while they are grudgingly
applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital stab to public faith,
and shall sink, in the eyes of Europe, into contempt.
"It has long been a speculative question among philosophers and wise
men, whether foreign commerce is of real advantage to any country; that
is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are
introduced along with it, are counterbalanced by the convenience and
wealth which it brings. But the decision of this question is of very
little importance to us. We have abundant reason to be convinced, that
the spirit of trade which pervades these states, is not to be
restrained. It behooves us, then, to establish just principles; and this
can not, any more than other matters of national concerns, be done by
thirteen heads differently constructed and organized. The necessity,
therefore, of a controlling power is obvious; and why it should be
withheld is beyond my comprehension."
A little earlier than this, Washington had been engaged in grave
discussions at Mount Vernon, with commissioners who had been appointed
by the assemblies of Virginia and Maryland, to form a compact in
relation to the navigation of the Potomac and Pocomoke rivers, and a
part of Chesapeake bay. During the conference he suggested the idea of a
conjunction of the several states in arrangements of a commercial
nature, over which the Congress, under the Articles of Confederation,
had no control. In this suggestion lay the kernel of future most
important action, which finally led to the great result of a convention
of the states, the abandonment of the old confederation, and the
adoption of the Federal Constitution.
But earlier far than this, one of the most extraordinary young men of
the last century--indeed, of any century--had, with wonderful sagacity,
perceived the evils that would naturally be developed by a weak central
government, and had pleaded eloquently with the people to give the
Congress more power. That young man was Alexander Hamilton, who, as
early as 1781, put forth his views on the subject in a series of
papers, under the title of _The Continentalist_. He was then only
twenty-four years of age, yet no man in the country appeared to have
clearer views of what constituted true national policy, than he. Indeed,
he spoke with the wisdom of a statesman of threescore years; and with
Washington and others he deeply lamented the mischievous effects of the
practical influence of the doctrine of state rights in its ultra phases.
"An extreme jealousy of power," he said, "is the attendant of all
popular revolutions, and has seldom been without its evils. It is to
this source we are to trace many of the fatal mistakes which have so
deeply endangered the common cause; particularly that defect--a want of
power in Congress."
The _Continentalist_ was published in the _New York Packet_, printed at
Fishkill, in Duchess county, and the series were devoted chiefly to a
discussion of the defects of the confederation. They excited great local
and general interest; and finally Hamilton succeeded in having the
subject of a general convention brought before the New York legislature,
in 1782, while in session at Poughkeepsie. The idea Was a popular one
with them, and on Sunday, the twenty-first of July, 1782, that body
passed a series of resolutions, in the last of which it was remarked,
"that it is essential to the common welfare, that there should be as
soon as possible, a conference of the whole on the subject, and that it
would be advisable for this purpose to propose to Congress to recommend,
and to each state to adopt, the measure of assembling a GENERAL
CONVENTION OF THE STATES, specially authorized to revise and amend the
CONFEDERATION, reserving the right to the respective legislatures to
ratify their determination."
This recommendation was pondered in other states, but the public
authorities were not ready to adopt it. At length the suggestion of
Washington, concerning a general commercial convention, was acted upon
by the Virginia legislature. That action drew a letter from John Jay to
Washington, in March, 1786, in which he said:--
"Experience has pointed out errors in our national government which
call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we
expected from our tree of liberty. The correction proposed by
Virginia may do some good, and would, perhaps, do more if it
comprehended more objects. An opinion begins to prevail that a
general convention for revising the Articles of Confederation would
be expedient. Whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure,
or whether the system proposed to be attained by it is only to be
expected from calamity and commotion, is difficult to ascertain. I
think we are in a delicate situation, and a variety of
considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness."
To this Washington responded in May, saying: "I coincide perfectly in
sentiment with you, my dear sir, that there are errors in our national
government which call for correction; loudly, I would add; but I shall
find myself happily mistaken, if the remedies are at hand. We are
certainly in a delicate situation; but my fear is, that the people are
not yet sufficiently _misled_ to retract from error. To be plain, I
think there is more wickedness than ignorance mixed in our councils.
Under this impression I scarcely know what opinion to entertain of a
general convention. That it is necessary to revise and amend the
Articles of Confederation, I entertain no doubt; but what may be the
consequences of such an attempt, is doubtful. Yet something must be
done, or the fabric must fall, for it certainly is tottering."
It was the general impression, at that time, that an alarming crisis in
public affairs was at hand, and during the whole summer of 1786,
Washington was in constant correspondence with leading minds in
different parts of the country. To Jay he again wrote in August,
saying:--
"I do not conceive we can long exist as a nation, without having
lodged somewhere a power, which will pervade the whole Union in as
energetic a manner as the authority of the state governments
extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing
Congress with powers, constituted as that body is, appears to me
the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress
exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring
themselves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their
interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents?
By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently
with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if
they were possessed of the powers before described, that the
individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions,
very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their
popularity and future election? We must take human nature as we
find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals.
"Many are of opinion, that Congress have too frequently made use of
the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in application to the
states, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and
command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect
nullity when thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited states, are
in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at
their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest
and a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures
they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the
prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What
then is to be done? They can not go on in the same train for ever.
It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of
people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their
minds prepared for any revolution whatever.... I am told that even
respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government
without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking; thence to acting
is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous!
What a triumph to our enemies to verify their predictions!... Would
to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the
consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend.
"Retired as I am from the world," he continued, "I frankly
acknowledge I can not feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet,
having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having
been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a
sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and
opinions could have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They
have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most
solemn manner," he said, referring to his circular to the governors
of the states in the summer of 1783; "I had then, perhaps, some
claim to public attention, I consider myself as having none at
present."
His sentiments and opinions _did_ have great weight, and in his
retirement at Mount Vernon, Washington exercised a most powerful
influence. To the patriotic and thoughtful, his words were oracular, and
the ear of the nation leaned in earnest silence toward Mount Vernon at
that crisis, to catch the faintest whisper from the lips of the retired
soldier, who was about to emerge as a sagacious statesman.
In September, 1786, commissioners met at Annapolis, at the suggestion of
the legislature of Virginia, "to take into consideration the trade of
the United States," and "to report to the several states such an act
relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them,"
would enable "the United States in Congress assembled," effectually to
provide for such a uniform system in their commercial relations as might
be necessary to their common interest and their social harmony.
Only five states (Virginia, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New
York) were represented in the convention. The deputies assembled on the
eleventh, and appointed John Dickenson, of Pennsylvania, chairman. A
committee was appointed to prepare a draft of a report to be made to the
legislatures of the several states there represented. That committee
reported on the fourteenth, when, as a majority of the states were not
represented in the convention, it was thought advisable to postpone
further action. They adjourned, after recommending to the several states
the appointment of deputies to meet in convention for a similar purpose,
in May following. They also prepared a letter to Congress, to accompany
a copy of the report to the several states represented, in which the
defects of the _Articles of Confederation_ were set forth.
When the Virginia assembly met, they resolved to appoint seven delegates
to represent that state in the proposed convention, and placed
Washington's name at the head of the list of deputies selected. The
appointment was made by the unanimous voice of the assembly, and the
fact was first communicated to him by Mr. Madison. Washington was
embarrassed. He heartily approved of the measure, and was willing to
leave the retirement of private life for a season, to serve his country
in a dark and critical hour; but he could not do so at that time,
without being obnoxious to the charge of inconsistency, and of
disrespect to a class of his fellow-citizens, who, above all others, he
most loved.
"I presume you have heard, sir," he said to Madison, "that I was first
appointed, and have since been re-chosen, president of the society of the
Cincinnati; and you may have understood, also, that the triennial
general meeting of this body is to be held in Philadelphia the first
Monday in May next. Some particular reasons, combining with the peculiar
situation of my private concerns, the necessity of paying attention to
them, a wish for retirement and relaxation from public cares, and
rheumatic pains which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced me to
address a circular letter to each state society, informing them of my
intention not to be at the next meeting, and of my desire not to be
re-chosen president."
Under these circumstances, and as the convention was to assemble at the
same place and at about the same time, he felt that he ought to decline
serving, for he could not appear there without giving offence to the
members of the society. They might, with reason, have grounds for
suspecting his sincerity, or even of his having deserted the officers
who had so nobly supported him during the war for independence. He,
therefore, in reply to the governor's official notification of his
appointment, expressed a wish that some other gentleman should be
substituted for himself.
Washington did not absolutely refuse to serve, and Governor Randolph
suggested that perhaps before the time for the assembling of the
convention the objections in his mind might be removed. His name was
therefore continued at the head of the Virginia convention.
Time moved on, and the subject of the convention of the states occupied
a large place in the public mind. Washington received many letters.
Some of these from his warm, personal friends expressed doubts of the
propriety of his attending the convention, and others advised against
it. Some thought that, as it did not originate with the supreme
legislature, acting under the articles of confederation which that
convention was called to revise, it would be illegal; and those who were
very tender of Washington's character, and had doubts concerning the
results of such convention, advised against his going, as his brilliant
reputation might suffer, should the whole affair prove abortive; while
others, having heard insinuations that the opposers of the convention
were monarchists, advised his going, to show that he favored it, and to
give the weight of his name to a really republican movement in which the
best interests of his country were involved.
Circumstances did finally occur which removed all objections from
Washington's mind. The Congress legalized the convention by a resolution
which declared it expedient, and fixing the day for its meeting. That
day was the second Monday in May, and was chosen in reference to the
general meeting of the society of the Cincinnati, which was to take
place a week earlier, that, thereby, Washington might be allowed to meet
with his brothers of the fraternity if he chose. Another circumstance
was the insinuation just alluded to, that the opponents of the
convention were monarchists, who were willing to have the difficulties
and dangers of the country increase, under the weak control of the
confederation, until republicanism should become hateful to the people;
and a third circumstance was a dangerous insurrection in Massachusetts
which had grown out of efforts to enforce federal laws. Washington was
unwilling to be classed among the opponents of the convention, or to
remain inactive, while violence was assuming to defy all law, and when
an era of anarchy in his country seemed about to dawn. Added to these
considerations, and the sanction of the convention by law, his friends,
whose minds had been changed in the course of a few months, now urged
him, by every consideration of patriotism, to come forth from his
retirement, for the salvation of the country depended in a great measure
upon his exertions. Washington no longer hesitated, and prepared to go
to the convention at the head of the Virginia deputies.
He resolved not to go uninformed upon the great subject that would
engage the attention of that body, and he commenced a course of
preparation. "His knowledge of the institutions of his country and of
its political forms," says Sparks, "both in their general character and
minute affiliated relations, gained by inquiry and long experience, was
probably as complete as that of any other man. But he was not satisfied
with this alone. He read the history and examined the principles of the
ancient and modern confederacies. There is a paper in his handwriting
which contains an abstract of each, and in which are noted, in a
methodical order, their chief characteristics, the kinds of authority
they possessed, their modes of operation, and their defects. The
confederacies analyzed in this paper are the Lycian, Amphictyonic,
Achæn, Helvetic, Belgic, and Germanic. He also read the standard works
on general politics and the science of government, abridging parts of
them, according to his usual practice, that he might impress the
essential points more deeply on his mind." He resolved to do all in his
power, in that convention, to affect a radical cure of the political
maladies with which his country was afflicted.
Washington set out from Mount Vernon on the ninth of May, in his
carriage, for Philadelphia, to attend the convention. He arrived at
Chester on the thirteenth, and was there met by General Mifflin (who was
then the speaker of the Pennsylvania assembly), Generals Knox and
Varnum, Colonels Humphreys and Meigs, and Majors Jackson and Nicholas,
by whom he was escorted toward Philadelphia. At Gray's ferry, on the
Schuylkill, a company of light-horse under Colonel Miles met and
escorted him into the city, when the bells were rung in honor of his
arrival. On the pressing invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Robert Morris, he
took lodgings with them; and as soon as the dust of travel could be
removed, he called upon Doctor Franklin, who was at that time president
of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania. The following day was the time
appointed for the assembling of the convention.
[Illustration: WASHINGTON PRESIDING IN THE CONVENTION. 1787]
CHAPTER VI.
THE CONVENTION OF STATES--WASHINGTON CHOSEN PRESIDENT OF THE
CONVENTION--RANDOLPH'S SPEECH AND RESOLUTIONS--NUMBER AND NAMES OF
DELEGATES--NOTICE OF SOME OF THEM--FRANKLIN IN THE CONVENTION OF
1754--THE LEADING SPEAKERS IN THE CONVENTION--POSITION OF THE
MEMBERS IN REGARD TO PRECEDENTS--SYNOPSIS OF RANDOLPH'S
PLAN--PINCKNEY'S SKETCH--NATIONAL AND STATE-RIGHTS MEN--PATTERSON'S
PLAN--VIRGINIA AND NEW JERSEY PLANS--HAMILTON DISSENTS FROM
BOTH--HIS CHARACTER, SPEECH, AND SCHEME--ALL PLANS AND AMENDMENTS
REFERRED TO A COMMITTEE FOR REVISION--A CONSTITUTION REPORTED AND
ADOPTED--CRITICAL PERIODS IN THE CONVENTION--SUBJECTS FOR
DIFFERENCES--WASHINGTON'S APPREHENSIONS AND VIEWS--PATRIOTISM OF
HAMILTON--THE CONSTITUTION SIGNED--REMARKS BY WASHINGTON AND
FRANKLIN--CLOSE OF THE CONVENTION.
On Monday, the fourteenth day of May, 1787, those delegates to the
convention called to revise the Articles of Confederation who were then
in Philadelphia, assembled in the large room in the statehouse, since
known as Independence hall; but it was not until Friday, the
twenty-fifth, that seven states, the number required by Congress to form
a quorum, were represented, and the convention was organized. On that
day, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, and North
and South Carolina, were represented by an aggregate number of
twenty-seven delegates; and on the nomination of Robert Morris, in
behalf of the state of Pennsylvania, Washington was, by unanimous vote,
elected president of the convention. William Jackson was chosen
secretary; and on Monday, the twenty-eighth, Edmund Randolph, of
Virginia, at the request of his colleagues, opened the business of the
convention by an elaborate speech, in which he showed the defects of the
Articles of Confederation, illustrated their utter inadequacy to secure
the peace and safety of the republic, and the absolute necessity of a
more energetic government. When he closed his remarks, he offered for
the consideration of the convention fifteen resolutions; not as a system
of organic law, but as leading principles whereon to form a new
government.
Very soon after the commencement of the session, eleven states were
represented. New Hampshire sent delegates at the close of June, but the
Rhode Island assembly refused to elect any. Some of the most influential
men of that little commonwealth united in a letter to the convention, in
which they expressed warm sympathy with the movement.
Sixty-one delegates had been appointed at the beginning of July, but
only about fifty served in the convention.[8] These were among the most
illustrious citizens of the republic, most of whom had been
distinguished for worth of character, talents, and patriotism, during
the late struggle for the independence of the colonies. Eighteen of them
were at that time members of the continental Congress.
It is not proposed to consider in detail, nor even in a synoptical
manner, the proceedings of that convention, which occupied several hours
each day for four months. We will merely glance at the men and measures,
contemplate the result, and leave the reader to seek, in special
sources, for information concerning the important and interesting
subject of the formation of our federal constitution.[9]
[Illustration: PORTRAITS OF RUFUS KING, JOHN DICKINSON, GOUVERNEUR
MORRIS, OLIVER ELLSWORTH, AND JOHN RUTLEDGE]
Next to Washington, the venerable Doctor Franklin, then a little over
eighty-one years of age, was the most conspicuous member. Thirty-three
years before, he had submitted to a convention of colonial delegates,
held at Albany, a plan for a confederation, similar to our federal
constitution, but it was not adopted. It satisfied neither the board of
trade to whom it was submitted, nor the colonial assemblies who
discussed it. "The assemblies did not adopt it," he said, "as they all
thought there was too much _prerogative_ in it, and in England it was
judged to have too much of the _democratic_."
Dickinson, Johnson, and Rutledge, had been members of the stamp-act
Congress in 1765. The first and last had been compatriots with
Washington in the Congress of 1774, and Sherman, Livingston, Read, and
Wythe, had shared the same honors. The two latter, with Franklin,
Sherman, Gerry, Morris, Clymer, and Wilson, had signed the Declaration
of Independence. Washington, Mifflin, Hamilton, and Cotesworth Pinckney,
represented the continental army; and the younger members, who became
prominent after the Declaration of Independence, were Hamilton, Madison,
and Edmund Randolph. The latter was then governor of Virginia, having
succeeded Patrick Henry.
The leading speakers in the long and warm debates elicited by the
resolutions of Governor Randolph and others, were King, Gerry, and
Gorham, of Massachusetts; Hamilton and Lansing, of New York; Ellsworth,
Johnson, and Sherman, of Connecticut; Paterson, of New Jersey, who
presented a scheme counter to that of Randolph; Franklin, Wilson, and
Morris, of Pennsylvania; Dickinson, of Delaware; Martin, of Maryland;
Randolph, Madison, and Mason, of Virginia; Williamson, of North
Carolina; and the Pinckneys, of South Carolina. Such were the men with
whom Washington was associated in the contrivance and construction of a
new system of government.
"At that time," says Curtis, "the world had witnessed no such spectacle
as that of the deputies of a nation, chosen by the free action of great
communities, and assembled for the purpose of thoroughly reforming its
constitution, by the exercise and with the authority of the national
will. All that had been done, both in ancient and in modern times, in
forming, moulding, or modifying constitutions of government, bore little
resemblance to the present undertaking of the states of America. Neither
among the Greeks nor the Romans was there a precedent, and scarcely an
analogy."
The great political maxim established by the Revolution was the original
residence of all human sovereignty in the people; and the statesmen in
the federal convention had scarcely any precedent, in theory or
practice, by which they might be governed in parcelling out so much of
that sovereignty as the people of the several states should be willing
to dismiss from their local political institutions, in making a strong
and harmonious federal republic, that should be at the same time
harmless toward reserved state-rights.
Randolph's resolutions proposed: First, To correct and enlarge the
Articles of Confederation, so as to accomplish the original objects of
common defence, security of liberty, and general welfare. Secondly, To
make the right of suffrage in the national legislature proportioned to
the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free inhabitants, as
might seem best in different cases. Thirdly, To make the national
legislature consist of two branches; the members of the first to be
elected by the people of the several states at certain intervals for a
specified term. They were to be of a prescribed age, entitled to liberal
emolument for their public services, and to be ineligible to any office,
state or federal, except such as pertained to the functions of that
first branch, during their service; also to be ineligible to re-election
until after a certain space of time succeeding their term of service.
Fourthly, To have the members of the second branch elected by those of
the first from among those who should be nominated by the state
legislatures; to hold their offices "for a term sufficient to insure
their independency;" to be liberally paid for their services, and to be
subject to restrictions similar to those of the first. Fifthly, To have
each branch invested with power to originate acts; to give the national
legislature the right to legislate in all cases where the state
governments might be incompetent, or in which the harmony of the
confederation might be interrupted by the exercise of individual
legislation; to negative all laws passed by the individual states that
might contravene the articles of union; and to call forth the whole
Union against any member of the confederation that should fail to fulfil
its stipulated duty. Sixthly, To institute a national executive, to be
chosen periodically, liberally remunerated, and to be ineligible to a
second official term. Seventhly, To constitute the executive and a
convenient number of the national judiciary a council of revision, who
should have authority to examine every act of the national legislature
before it should operate, and of every individual legislature before a
negative thereon should be final, the dissent of said council amounting
to a rejection unless such act be again passed, or that of such
particular legislature should be again negatived by a specified number
of members of each branch. Eighthly, To establish a national judiciary,
the members of which should hold office during good behavior; and to
define their duties, powers, privileges, and emoluments. Ninthly, To
provide for the admission of new states into the Union. Tenthly, To
guaranty a republican form of government to each state and territory.
Eleventhly, To provide for a continuation of a Congress with its
delegated powers, until a new constitution should be established.
Twelfthly, To make provision for the amendment of the article of union
whenever it should seem necessary, the assent thereto of the national
legislature to be required. Thirteenthly, To require the legislative,
executive, and judiciary powers within the several states to be bound by
oath to support the Union. Fourteenthly, To submit the amendments made
by the convention, after the approbation of the same by Congress, "to an
assembly or assemblies of representatives, recommended by the several
legislatures, to be expressly chosen by the people, to consider and
decide thereon."
Upon general principles, the scheme of Randolph, called the "Virginia
plan," was highly approved; but there were many zealous and pure-minded
patriots in that convention, who regarded the preservation of state
sovereignty, in all its integrity, as essential to the stability of the
republic. Holding the "Virginia plan" to be an infringement upon the
prerogatives of such sovereignty, they opposed it with vehemence. This
plan and a sketch submitted by Charles Pinckney, which appears to have
furnished the outline of the constitution as finally adopted, was
referred to a committee.
The question arose at the beginning, and frequently recurred, "What
limit has the convention in revising the Articles of Confederation? and
has it power to prepare an entirely new system of government?" It was
properly argued, that as a favorably-received resolution in Mr.
Randolph's plan proposed to submit the matter finally to popular
conventions in the several states, that question need not to be
considered.
The debates were carried on warmly, day after day, in committee of the
whole house, and the convention soon became divided into national and
state-rights men, the representatives of six of the states being in
favor of the broad national view, and five for the state-rights view.
Randolph's resolutions were taken up consecutively and debated for a
fortnight, when, after many modifications, they were reported back to
the house. Paterson, of New Jersey, then immediately brought forward a
counter scheme, which was called the "New Jersey plan," and embodied the
peculiar views of the state-rights party. It proposed to preserve the
continental Congress as the federal legislature, with additional power
to levy duties on foreign importations; to impose stamp and postage
taxes; to collect, without hinderance, requisitions not promptly met by
the states; and to regulate commerce with foreign nations. It proposed a
plural federal executive and a federal judiciary, and made acts of
Congress and foreign treaties supreme laws.
Paterson's plan and Randolph's modified resolutions were referred to a
new committee, and the whole question concerning a national government
was again considered. Again debates ran high. In the course of these,
Hamilton, who had come into the convention with more courage and fixed
plan than any other member, avowed his dissent from both the schemes
before the committee. He was listened to with the most profound respect;
and gray-haired men, as they looked upon his delicate form and youthful
features, were filled with wonder at the display of his great genius for
political construction, his extensive knowledge of the means by which
true conservative liberty might be secured, and his thorough
comprehension of the wants and resources of his country. He had come
into the convention fully prepared to propound a solution of the great
questions which he knew would perplex the members; and at the close of
an elaborate and in many respects most extraordinary speech, he offered
a written sketch of a system, not, he said, for discussion in the
committee, nor with the idea that the public mind was yet prepared for
it, but as explanatory of his own views and introductory to some
amendments he intended to propose. He then departed for New York,
leaving his two colleagues, who took the state-rights view of the
matter, to represent his state in the convention. They too soon left,
and never returned.
Day after day and week after week the debates continued, sometimes with
great courtesy, and sometimes with considerable acrimony, until the
tenth of September, when all plans and amendments which had been adopted
by the convention were placed in the hands of a committee for revision
and arrangement. Hamilton, who had returned to the convention at the
middle of August, was placed upon that committee, having for his
associates Messrs. Madison, King, Johnson, and Gouverneur Morris. To the
latter was intrusted the task of giving the finish to the style and
arrangement of the instrument. It was then reported to the convention,
taken up clause by clause, discussed, somewhat amended, and ordered to
be engrossed. On the fifteenth it was agreed to as amended, by all the
states present, and on the seventeenth a fair copy was brought in to
receive the signatures of the members.
Many times, during that long session of almost four months, there were
serious apprehensions of failure, the views of members differed so
essentially upon important points. One of the most exciting of these
questions which elicited zealous debates, was a proposition for the
general government to assume the debts of the respective states. The
debts of the several commonwealths were vastly unequal, and the
proposition was therefore distasteful to several. For example, those of
Massachusetts and South Carolina amounted to more than ten and a half
millions of dollars, while those of all the other states did not exceed,
in the aggregate, fifteen millions.
But the most serious subject for difference was that of representation
in the senatorial branch of the national legislature, the smaller states
claiming, and the larger ones opposing, the exercise of the rule of
equality. For a long time an equal division of votes on that point had
been reiterated, and most of the members began to feel assured that no
compromise could be effected. But the matter was finally adjusted by
mutual concessions, and a plan for the construction of the senate upon
the basis of an equal number of representatives from each of the states,
large and small, was adopted.
Frequently during the session of the convention, Washington had serious
apprehensions concerning the result. He perceived with much anxiety a
disposition to withhold power from the national legislature, which, in
his opinion, was the chief cause of the inadequacy of the confederation
to fulfil its mission. "Happy indeed will it be," he wrote to David
Stuart on the first of July, "if the convention shall be able to
recommend such a firm and permanent government for this Union, that all
who live under it may be secure in their lives, liberty, and property;
and thrice happy would it be if such a recommendation should obtain.
Everybody wishes, everybody expects something from the convention; but
what will be the final result of its deliberations the book of fate must
disclose. Persuaded I am, that the primary cause of all our disorders
lies in the different state governments, and in the tenacity of that
power which pervades the whole of their systems. Whilst independent
sovereignty is so ardently contended for, whilst the local views of each
state, and separate interests by which they are too much governed, will
not yield to a more enlarged scale of politics, incompatibility in the
laws of different states, and disrespect to those of the general
government, must render the situation of this great country weak,
inefficient, and disgraceful. It has already done so, almost to the
final dissolution of it. Weak at home, and disregarded abroad, is our
present condition, and contemptible enough it is."
"Thirteen governments," he wrote on the fifteenth of August, "pulling
against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring
ruin on the whole; whereas, a liberal and energetic constitution, well
checked and well watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to
that degree of respectability and consequence to which we had the
fairest prospect of attaining." And again: "I confess that my opinion of
public virtue is so far changed, that I have my doubts whether any
system, without means of coercion in the sovereign, will enforce due
obedience to the ordinances of a general government, without which
everything else fails."
Although Washington took no part in the debates of the convention, his
opinions, concurrent with those of Hamilton, were firmly and strongly
expressed, and had great influence. The constitution as finally framed
and adopted did not receive his unqualified approval. He had decided
objections to several of its features; but he accepted it as a whole, as
the best that could be obtained under the circumstances, firmly
persuaded that it was a great step in advance of the confederation, and
that experience in its workings would suggest necessary amendments, for
which ample provision was made. In fact, the instrument did not wholly
please a single member of the convention. It was, to a considerable
extent, a patchwork of compromises, and many doubted its being ratified
by a majority of the states.
Hamilton regarded the constitution as adopted with feelings of
disappointment. It lacked the strength that he desired it to possess;
but, like Washington, he yielded his private sentiments and impulses to
the consideration of the public good. His own plan, which he had urged
with all his eloquence and energy, differed radically from the one
adopted; yet, with a nobleness of spirit which challenges our highest
admiration, he sacrificed the pride of opinion, and when the
constitution had passed the ordeal of severest criticism and amendment
by the convention, he avowed himself ready to sign it, and urged others,
who hesitated, to do the same "No man's ideas are more remote from the
plan than my own," he said; "but is it possible to deliberate between
anarchy and confusion on one side, and the chance of good on the other."
A large majority of the members desired that the instrument should go
forth to the people, not only as the act of the convention, but with the
individual sanction and signatures of their representatives. Franklin,
desirous of having it promulgated with such sanction, arose with a
written speech in his hand when the engrossed copy was brought in, in
which, with pleasant words, he endeavored to allay the irritated temper
of some of the delegates, and procure for the constitution unanimous
signature. Mr. Wilson read the speech, and it was closed with a form
suggested by Gouverneur Morris, which might be signed without implying
personal approval of the instrument: "Done by consent of the states
present. In testimony whereof, we have subscribed," et cetera.
The appeals of Hamilton and Franklin, a few approving words of
Washington, and the example of Madison and Pinckney, secured the
signatures of several dissatisfied members; and all present, except
Mason and Randolph of Virginia, and Gerry of Massachusetts, signed the
constitution.[10] The absence of the colleagues of Mr. Hamilton (Yates
and Lansing), who had left the convention in disgust on the first of
July, caused New York to be regarded as not officially present; but, to
secure for the proceedings the weight of a name so important as that of
Hamilton, in the place that should have been filled by his state, was
recited "Mr. Hamilton of New York."
"There is a tradition," says Curtis, "that when Washington was about to
sign the instrument, he rose from his seat, and holding the pen in his
hand, after a short pause, pronounced these words: 'Should the states
reject this excellent constitution, the probability is that an
opportunity will never again offer to cancel another in peace--the next
will be drawn in blood.' While the members were signing, Doctor
Franklin, looking toward the chair occupied by Washington, at the back
of which a sun was painted, observed to the persons near him: 'I have
often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes of
my hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that sun behind the
president, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting:
at length I have the happiness to know it is a rising, not a setting
sun.'"
The great convention adjourned on the seventeenth of September, after
directing a copy of the constitution, with an accompanying letter, to be
sent to the Congress. The journal of the convention was placed in the
hands of Washington (by whom it was afterward deposited in the
department of state); and on the following morning he wrote in his
dairy: "The business being thus closed, the members adjourned to the
City Tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other;
after which, I returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and
received the papers from, the secretary of the convention, and retired
to meditate on the momentous work which had been executed, after not
less than five, for a large part of the time six, and sometimes seven
hours' sitting every day (except Sundays, and the ten days' adjournment
to give a committee an opportunity and time to arrange the business) for
more than four months."
FOOTNOTES:
[8] The following are the names of the delegates: _New
Hampshire_--John Langdon, John Pickering, Nicholas Gilman, and Benjamin
West. _Massachusetts_--Francis Dana, Elbridge Gerry, Nathaniel Gorham,
Rufus King, and Caleb Strong. _Connecticut_--William Samuel Johnson,
Roger Sherman, and Oliver Ellsworth. _New York_--Robert Yates, John
Lansing, Jr., and Alexander Hamilton. _New Jersey_--David Brearly,
William Churchill Houston, William Paterson, John Neilson, William
Livingston, Abraham Clark, and Jonathan Dayton. _Pennsylvania_--Thomas
Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Thomas
Fitzsimons, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris, and Benjamin Franklin.
_Delaware_--George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Richard
Bassett, and Jacob Broom. _Maryland_--James M'Henry, Daniel of St.
Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll, John Francis Mercer, and Luther Martin.
_Virginia_--George Washington, Patrick Henry (refused to serve, and
James M'Clure was nominated in his place), Edmund Randolph, John Blair,
James Madison, Jr., George Mason, and George Wythe. _North
Carolina_--Richard Caswell, Alexander Martin, William Richardson Davie,
Richard Dobbs Spaight, and Willie Jones: Caswell and Jones having
declined to serve, William Blount and Hugh Williamson were chosen in
their places. _South Carolina_--John Rutledge, Charles Pinckney, Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney, and Pierce Butler. _Georgia_--William Few, Abraham
Baldwin, William Pierce, George Walton, William Houston, and Nathaniel
Pendleton.
[9] Curtis's _History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of
the Constitution of the United States_ is by far the most ample and
reliable source of information on this subject.
[10] The following are the names of the delegates who signed
the constitution: GEO. WASHINGTON, _President, and deputy from
Virginia_. _New Hampshire_--John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.
_Massachusetts_--Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King. _Connecticut_--William
Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman. _New York_--Alexander Hamilton. _New
Jersey_--William Livingston, David Brearly, William Paterson, Jonathan
Dayton. _Pennsylvania_--Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert
Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James
Wilson, Gouverneur Morris. _Delaware_--George Reed, Gunning Bedford,
Jr., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. _Maryland_--James
M'Henry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll. _Virginia_--John
Blair, James Madison, Jr. _North Carolina_--William Blount, Richard
Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson. _South Carolina_--John Rutledge, Charles
C. Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler. _Georgia_--William Few,
Abraham Baldwin. _Attest_: William Jackson, _Secretary_.
CHAPTER VII.
THE CONSTITUTION SUBMITTED TO THE STATE LEGISLATURES--THE GREAT
CONFLICT OF OPINIONS--WASHINGTON'S LETTERS TO MRS. GRAHAM AND
LAFAYETTE ON THE SUBJECT--HAMILTON PREPARES FOR THE BATTLE--HIS
PRELIMINARY REMARKS--OPPOSITION TO THE CONSTITUTION--_THE
FEDERALIST_--STORMY DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS--RATIFICATION OF
THE CONSTITUTION--MEASURES FOR ESTABLISHING THE NEW
GOVERNMENT--WASHINGTON'S THANKFULNESS FOR THE RESULT--WASHINGTON
SPONTANEOUSLY NOMINATED FOR THE PRESIDENCY--HIS GREAT RELUCTANCE TO
ENTER UPON PUBLIC LIFE AGAIN--LETTERS TO HIS FRIENDS ON THE
SUBJECT--WASHINGTON ELECTED PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES--PREPARATIONS FOR LEAVING HOME--VISIT TO, AND PARTING WITH
HIS MOTHER--HIS JOURNEY TO THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT LIKE A TRIUMPHAL
PROCESSION--HONORS BY THE WAY--ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION AT NEW
YORK--HIS SENSE OF RESPONSIBILITY.
The Congress, on the twenty-eighth of September, unanimously resolved to
send the constitution adopted by the convention, and the accompanying
letters, to the legislatures of the several states, and to recommend
them to call conventions within their respective jurisdictions to
consider it. And it was agreed, that when nine of the thirteen states
should ratify it, it should become the fundamental law of the republic.
And now commenced the first great and general conflict of political
opinions since the establishment of the independence of the United
States; and in each of the several commonwealths, men of the first rank
in talent, social position, and sound moral and political integrity,
became engaged in the discussion of the great question of national
government. That conflict had commenced in the general convention, but
the proceedings of that body were under the seal of secrecy. Yet the
positions assumed by the delegates in the general discussion in their
several states, revealed the fact that extreme diversity of opinion had
prevailed in the convention, and that the constitution was composed of
compromises marked with the scars of severe conflict.
Referring to these differences of opinion in the convention, Washington
remarked to Catharine Macaulay Graham, in a letter written on the
sixteenth of November, that "the various and opposite interests which
were to be conciliated, the local prejudices which were to be subdued,
the diversity of opinions and sentiments which were to be reconciled,
and, in fine, the sacrifices which were necessary to be made on all
sides for the general welfare, combined to make it a work of so
intricate and difficult a nature, that I think it is much to be wondered
at that anything could have been produced with such unanimity as the
constitution proposed.... Whether it will be adopted by the people or
not remains yet to be determined."
To Lafayette he wrote in February following: "It appears to me little
short of a miracle that the delegates from so many states, different
from each other, as you know, in their manners, circumstances, and
prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government, so
little liable to well-founded objections." After alluding to its obvious
defects, he continued:--
"With regard to the two great points, the pivots upon which
the whole machine must move, my creed is simply: First, that
the general government is not invested with more powers than
are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a
good government; and, consequently, that no objection ought
to be made against the quantity of power delegated to it.
Secondly, that these powers, as the appointment of all
rulers will for ever arise from, and at short stated
intervals recur to, the free suffrage of the people, are so
distributed among the legislative, executive, and judicial
branches, into which the general government is arranged,
that it can never be in danger of degenerating into a
monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other
despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain
any virtue in the body of the people.
"I would not be understood, my dear marquis, to speak of
consequences which may be produced, in the revolution of
ages, by corruption of morals, profligacy of manners, and
listlessness in the preservation of the natural and
inalienable rights of mankind, nor of the successful
usurpations that may be established at such an unpropitious
juncture upon the ruins of liberty, however providently
guarded and secured, as these are contingencies against
which no human prudence can effectually provide. It will at
least be a recommendation to the proposed constitution, that
it is provided with more checks and barriers against the
introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable
to be surmounted, than any government hitherto instituted
among mortals. We are not to expect perfection in this
world; but mankind, in modern times, have apparently made
some progress in the science of government. Should that
which is now offered to the people of America be found an
experiment less perfect than it can be made, a constitutional
door is left open for its amelioration."
Hamilton, with his usual marvellous sagacity, clearly perceived the
shaping of the conflict to be fought, and at once assumed the panoply of
a most acute contestant in its favor. "The new constitution," he wrote
immediately after the adjournment of the convention, "has in favor of
its success these circumstances: A very great weight of influence of the
persons who framed it, particularly in the universal popularity of
General Washington. The good will of the commercial interest throughout
the states, which will give all its efforts to the establishment of a
government capable of regulating, protecting, and extending the commerce
of the Union. The good will of most men of property in the several
states, who wish a government of the Union able to protect them against
domestic violence, and the depredations which the democratic spirit is
apt to make on property; and who are, besides, anxious for the
respectability of the nation. The hopes of the creditors of the United
States that a general government, possessing the means of doing it, will
pay the debt of the Union. A strong belief, in the people at large, of
the insufficiency of the present confederation to preserve the existence
of the Union, and of the necessity of the Union to their safety and
prosperity; of course, a strong desire of change, and a predisposition
to receive well the propositions of the convention."
Very soon Hamilton, with other _federalists_, as the supporters of the
constitution were called, found it necessary to put forth all his
intellectual energies in defence of that instrument. Conventions were
speedily called in the several states to consider it, and the friends
and opponents of the constitution marshalled their respective
antagonistic forces with great skill and zeal.
In Virgina, Patrick Henry, George Mason, and Richard Henry Lee, opposed
the constitution with all their power and influence, chiefly because it
would, in a degree, annul state rights, and base the sovereignty too
absolutely upon the popular will. Mason led in the opposition, and Henry
gave him the support of his eloquence. His arguments were those of all
other opponents; and with the leaders in his own and other states, he
raised the cry, which soon became general, that the new constitution had
no bill of rights and no sufficient guaranties for personal liberty.
They cited the experience of the past to show, that of all national
governments a democratic one was the most unstable, fluctuating, and
short-lived; and that despotism, arising from a centralization of power
in the national government on one hand, and anarchy, incident to the
instability of democracy--"the levelling spirit of democracy" denounced
by Gerry as "the worst of political evils"--on the other, were the
Scylla and Charybdis between which the republic would, in the opinion of
their opponents, be placed, with almost a certainty of being destroyed.
These views were ably combated in a series of political essays written
by Hamilton and Madison, with a few numbers by John Jay, which were
published in a New York newspaper, the object being, as stated by
Hamilton in the first number, "A discussion of the utility of the Union;
the insufficiency of the confederation to preserve that Union;" and "the
necessity of a government at least equally energetic with the one
proposed, to the attainment of this object." These essays, under the
general title of _The Federalist_, were written with uncommon ability,
exerted a powerful influence, and present an admirable treatise on the
philosophy of our federal constitution.[11]
Long and stormy debates occurred in the state conventions; and it was
not until the twenty-first of June, 1788, that New Hampshire, the ninth
state in order, ratified the constitution.[12] It then became the organic
law of the republic. The Congress, when testimonials of ratification
were received from a sufficient number of states, appointed the first
Wednesday of January, 1789, for the people of the United States to
choose electors of a president in accordance with the provisions of the
constitution; the first Wednesday in February following for the electors
to meet and make a choice; and the first Wednesday in March ensuing for
the new government to meet for organization in the city of New York.
While these discussions were going on, Washington remained at Mount
Vernon, a most anxious spectator of the progress of political events,
especially in his own state, where the opposition to the constitution
was very powerful and well organized. He took no direct part in the
proceedings of his state convention. "There is not, perhaps, a man in
Virginia," he wrote to General Lincoln, "less qualified than I am to
say, from his own knowledge and observation, what will be the fate of
the constitution here; for I very seldom ride beyond the limits of my
own farms, and am wholly indebted to those gentlemen who visit me for
any information of the disposition of the people toward it; but, from
all I can collect, I have not the smallest doubt of its being accepted."
Washington's views were freely expressed in conversations at Mount
Vernon and in his letters, and they had great weight; and when, finally,
the seal of approbation of the constitution was set by New Hampshire and
his own state, and that instrument became the supreme law of the land,
his heart was filled with gratitude to the Great Disposer of events for
his manifest protection of the American people from the calamities with
which they had so long been threatened. "We may, with a kind of pious
and grateful exultation," he wrote to Governor Trumbull, "trace the
finger of Providence through those dark and mysterious events which
first induced the states to appoint a general convention, and then led
them, one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect
the object into an adoption of the systems recommended by that general
convention; thereby, in all human probability, laying a lasting
foundation for tranquillity and happiness, when we had too much reason
to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us."
The people of the Union, as if governed by one impulse, now turned to
Washington as the man who, above all others, was best qualified to
become the chief magistrate of the nation. He was informally nominated
by Hamilton, almost before the members of the convention that framed and
adopted the constitution had reached their homes. In a paper from which
we have just quoted, published immediately after the adjournment of the
convention, Hamilton said: "If the government be adopted, it is probable
General Washington will be the president of the United States. This will
insure a wise choice of men to administer the government, and a good
administration. A good administration will conciliate the confidence and
affection of the people, and perhaps enable the government to acquire
more consistency than the proposed constitution seems to promise for so
great a country."
It was soon apparent to Washington that the universal sentiment of the
people was in favor of his election to the chief magistracy. Almost
every letter from his friends expressed a desire that he should accept
the office when tendered to him, as it surely would be, by the electors
chosen by the people; and before the elections were held, so general was
the presumption that Washington would be the first president of the
United States, that he received many letters soliciting appointments to
office. These annoyed him exceedingly; for the subject, he said, never
failed to embarrass and distress him beyond measure. The prospect of
again being called into public life, in an arena in which difficulties
more formidable and perplexing than those in a military sphere must be
encountered, gave him great uneasiness. He loved his home, his family,
and the quiet pursuits of agriculture; and he desired, above all earthly
boons, the privilege of reposing among these.
To Hamilton he wrote, as early as August, 1788: "You know me well
enough, my good sir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty of affectation
when I tell you, that it is my great and sole desire to live and die in
peace and retirement on my own farm."
In October he again wrote to Hamilton, saying: "In taking a survey of
the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I
will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always
felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to
expect I might, and perhaps must ere long, be called to make a
decision."
To Governor Trumbull he wrote in December: "May Heaven assist me in
forming a judgment; for at present I see nothing but clouds and darkness
before me. Thus much I may safely say to you in confidence; if ever I
should, from any apparent necessity, be induced to go from home in a
public character again, it will certainly be the greatest sacrifice of
feelings and happiness that ever was or ever can be made by me."
To Lafayette he had written several months before, in reply to a hint of
the marquis that he would be called to the presidency, and said: "It has
no enticing charms and no fascinating allurements for me.... At my time
of life and under my circumstances, the increasing infirmities of nature
and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish
beyond that of living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those
follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for
them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment."
As the time approached when he should make a decision, the mind of
Washington was greatly exercised, and to all his friends he sincerely
declared that no other consideration than the solemn requirements of his
country could induce him to accept the office. These sentiments he
expressed with full freedom to his intimate friend, Colonel Henry Lee,
who had written to Washington with great warmth on the subject, and
said: "Solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convinced as
I continue to be that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper
improvement of the present period, my anxiety is extreme that the new
government may have an auspicious beginning. To effect this, and to
perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain that again
you will be called forth. The same principles of devotion to the good of
mankind which have invariably governed your conduct, will, no doubt,
continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be
to your repose and happiness.... If the same success should attend your
efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto,
then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which Providence rarely, if
ever, gave to the lot of man."
To this Washington replied: "The principal topic of your letter is to me
a point of great delicacy indeed--insomuch that I can scarcely, without
some impropriety, touch upon it.... You are among the small number of
those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my
sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely until my
final hour. But the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so
candidly disposed, as to believe me uninfluenced by sinister motives, in
case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct
I had prescribed to myself indispensable.
"Should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for
argument's sake alone let me say it) should my unfeigned
reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference
for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might I not,
after the declarations I have made (and Heaven knows that
they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the
judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be
chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with
rashness and ambition? Nay, farther, would there not be some
apparent foundation for the two former charges? Now, justice
to myself and tranquillity of conscience require that I
should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable
of vindication. Nor will you conceive me to be too
solicitous for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the
good opinion of my fellow-citizens, yet, if I know myself, I
would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one
social duty or moral virtue.
"While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it
respected my God, my country, and myself, I could despise
all the party clamor and unjust censure which might be
expected from some, whose personal enmity might be
occasioned by their hostility to the government. I am
conscious that I fear alone to give any real occasion for
obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited
reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced
the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in
risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition
with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined the task,
it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding
my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for
agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement,
augment and confirm my decided predilection for the
character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of
these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation
might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new
fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an
acceptance; but a belief that some other person, who had
less pretense and less inclination to be excused, could
execute all the duties fully as satisfactorily as myself."
To Lafayette he wrote, after the elections were held in January, 1789,
but before the electoral college met to make choice of a president: "I
can say little or nothing new, in consequence of the repetition of your
opinion, on the expediency there will be for my accepting the office to
which you refer. Your sentiments, indeed, coincide much more nearly with
those of my other friends than with my own feelings. In truth, my
difficulties increase and multiply as I draw toward the period when,
according to the common belief, it will be necessary for me to give a
definitive answer, in one way or another. Should circumstances render it
in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be assured,
my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance,
and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no credit
from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of
duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs; and
in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors
shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or
present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in
which it is entangled through want of credit, and to establish a general
system of policy which, if pursued, will insure permanent felicity to
the commonwealth. I think I see a path, as clear and as direct as a ray
of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but
harmony, honesty, industry, and frugality, are necessary to make us a
great and happy people. Happily, the present posture of affairs, and the
prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-operate in
establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity."
These sentences, taken from Washington's letters to his most intimate
friends, show how little ambitious he was for the fame of statesmanship,
and how honestly and eagerly he yearned for the quiet and obscurity of
domestic life. At the same time, they reveal the true motives which led
the great patriot to enter upon public employment, namely, a sincere
love for his country, and a ready willingness to labor for the promotion
of its best interests.
At the prescribed time the elections took place, and the college, by
unanimous voice, made choice of Washington for president of the United
States, and John Adams for vice-president. True to his convictions of
duty, the great leader of the armies of America consented to be the
pilot of the ship of state for four years, and prepared accordingly to
leave his beloved Mount Vernon for the stormy sea of public life. These
preparations were made with sincere reluctance; and the delay of a month
in forming a quorum of Congress, so that the votes for president were
not counted officially until the beginning of April, was regarded by
Washington with heartfelt satisfaction.
"The delay," he said in a letter to General Knox on the first of April,
"may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence I tell _you_ (with the
_world_ it would obtain little credit) that my movements to the chair of
government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a
culprit, who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I,
in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a
peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of
political skill, abilities, and inclination, which are necessary to
manage the helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of the
people and a good name of my own on this voyage; but what returns will
be made for them, Heaven alone can foretell. Integrity and firmness are
all I can promise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall never
forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men; for of the
consolations which are to be derived from these, under any
circumstances, the world can not deprive me."
The senate was organized on the sixth of April. The electoral votes were
counted, and Washington was declared duly chosen president of the United
States for four years from the fourth of March preceding. John Langdon,
a senator from New Hampshire, had been chosen president of the senate
_pro tempore_, and he immediately wrote an official letter to Washington
notifying him of his election. This was borne by Charles Thomson, the
secretary of the continental Congress from its first session in 1774. He
reached Mount Vernon at about noon on the fourteenth, and on the evening
of the sixteenth Washington wrote in his diary: "About ten o'clock I
bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life and domestic felicity; and
with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I
have words to express, set out for New York with Mr. Thomson and Colonel
Humphreys, with the best disposition to render service to my country in
obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its
expectations."
Meanwhile, the illustrious soldier, who was about to assume the most
exalted civil duties that can be delegated to man, had made a quick
journey to Fredericksburg, the residence
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