Celebrated Travels and Travellers, Part 2.
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Title: Celebrated Travels and Travellers, Part 2.
Author: Jules Verne
Illustrator: Léon Benett
Charles Émile Matthis
Paul Philippoteaux
Release date: June 14, 2008 [eBook #25784]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/25784
Credits: Produced by Ron Swanson (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS, PART 2. ***
Produced by Ron Swanson (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)
CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.
THE GREAT NAVIGATORS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
LONDON:
GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,
ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.
[Frontispiece: Hoisting the signals for triangulation.]
CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS.
THE GREAT NAVIGATORS OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
BY JULES VERNE.
WITH 96 ILLUSTRATIONS BY PHILIPPOTEAUX, BENETT, AND MATTHIS,
AND 20 MAPS BY MATTHIS AND MORIEU.
[Illustration: _TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH_.]
London:
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON,
CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET. 1880.
[_All rights reserved_.]
PUBLISHERS' NOTE.
This volume forms the second of three volumes under the _general
title_ of CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS. The first volume, already
published, is entitled THE EXPLORATION OF THE WORLD, and covers a
period in the World's History extending from B.C. 505, to the close of
the xviith century. The present volume extends over the xviiith
century, and the third volume will give an account of the GREAT
EXPLORERS AND TRAVELLERS OF THE XIXTH CENTURY.
LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED.
ANSON (Geo., Lord). "Voyage round the World in 1740-44."
BARROW (Sir John). "Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa."
London, 1806.
BOUGAINVILLE (Com. de). "Voyage round the World, 1766-69." Paris, 1771.
BRUCE (James). "Travels in Abyssinia between 1768-73." Edin., 1813.
COOK (Captain James). "Second Voyage to the South Pole and Round the
World, 1772-75." London, 1777.
COOK and KING (Captain James). "Third Voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
1776-80." London, 1784.
GROSIER (L'Abbe). "China, General Description of the Empire." Paris,
1735.
HAWKESWORTH (Dr. J.). "Account of the Voyages of Discovery in the
Southern Hemisphere by Commodore Byron, and Captains Wallis, Carteret,
and Cook." London, 1773.
KENNEDY. "New Zealand." London, 1873.
LABILLARDIERE (T.). "Voyage in Search of La Perouse, 1791-93." Paris,
1801.
MASON. "Costumes of China." London, 1800.
PARK (Mungo). "Travels in Africa." London, 1815-16.
PARKINSON (S.). "Voyage to the South Seas." London, 1784.
PERON (F.) and FREYCINET (Louis d'). "Voyage to Australasia, 1800-4."
Paris, 1808.
PEROUSE (J. Fr. G. de la). "Voyage round the World, 1785-88." Paris,
1798.
"TRANSACTIONS of the French Academy of Sciences," Vol. 7. Paris.
VAILLANT (Fr. le). "Travels in the Interior of Africa." Paris, 1790.
VANCOUVER (Capt. G.). "Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean,
and round the World, from 1790-95." London, 1798.
THE GREAT NAVIGATORS OF THE 18TH CENTURY.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS
REPRODUCED IN FAC-SIMILE FROM THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, GIVING THE
SOURCES WHENCE THEY ARE DERIVED.
PART THE FIRST.
PAGE
Hoisting the signals for triangulation . . . . . . . . _Frontispiece_
Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Selkirk falling over the precipice with his prey . . . . . . . . . 15
"I plunged my pike into his breast" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Fight between the _Centurion_ and a Spanish galleon . . . . . . . 22
"The council chose the latter alternative" . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
"Most of them on horseback" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
"One of them tore the carrion with his teeth" . . . . . . . . . . 37
"They made a thousand grimaces" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
The natives waving palm-leaves as a sign of welcome . . . . . . . 52
Head-dresses of natives of Otahiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
"Pursued by the arrows of the natives" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
A struggle between the _Swallow_ and a Malay prah . . . . . . . . 68
Portrait of Bougainville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
"We made them sing" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Lancers' Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83
Pirogue of the Marquesas Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88
Mdlle. Barre's adventure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Captain James Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
"They were pursued so closely" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
Otahitian flute-player . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112
A Fa-toka, New Zealand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Interior of a morai in Hawaii . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Tatooed head of a New Zealander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
An I-pah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
A New Zealand family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122
"They were kangaroos" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
Otahitian fleet off Oparee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 130
"Three Indians emerged from the wood" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133
Among the icebergs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
New Zealand war canoe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140
New Zealand utensils and weapons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
"Who passed his days in being fed by his wives" . . . . . . . . . 148
O-Too, King of Otaheite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150
Monuments in Easter Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158
Natives of Easter Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161
Natives of the Marquesas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 162
Typical natives of the Sandwich Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
"The natives had sufficient confidence" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
"With the roof of considerable height" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172
View of Christmas Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
Kerguelen Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
Fete in Cook's honour at Tonga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187
Human sacrifice at Otahiti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188
Tree, from beneath which Cook observed the transit of Venus . . . 190
Cook's reception by the natives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Prince William's Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196
"They gave him a little pig" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198
PART THE SECOND.
Pirogues of the Admiralty Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
"Picking up the enemies' weapons" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215
"A lighted brand was also presented to them" . . . . . . . . . . . 225
"The only one who had escaped" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
"A man's skull was found" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229
Portrait of La Perouse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242
Costumes of the inhabitants of Conception . . . . . . . . . . . . 244
Inhabitants of Easter Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246
Typical natives of the Port des Francais . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249
Shipwreck of French boats outside the Port des Francais . . . . . 251
"An Indian with a stag's head over his own" . . . . . . . . . . . 253
He traced the coast of Tartary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261
Typical Orotchys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263
Portrait of D'Entrecasteaux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274
"They came upon four natives" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 275
Fete in honour of D'Entrecasteaux at the Friendly Islands . . . . 285
Typical native of New Holland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287
Natives of New Caledonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
View of the Island of Bouron . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292
Native hut in Endracht Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305
King of the Island of Timor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306
The Swan River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
"A sail was seen on the horizon" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310
"The sick were carried on shore" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
View of Sydney . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
Water-carrier at Timor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318
"He received a cordial welcome" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
The Baobab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325
Portrait of Mungo Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329
Natives of Senegal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
A Hottentot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343
A Bosjeman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 344
"Till Master Rees had given his verdict" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 347
A Kaffir woman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349
Portrait of James Bruce . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 352
"I found the monarch seated on his throne" . . . . . . . . . . . . 357
Chinese magic-lantern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
The Emperor of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 368
The great wall of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 369
Chinese Prime Minister . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370
"The famous bird Leutze" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372
Port Monterey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 381
Mackenzie's first view of the North Pacific Ocean . . . . . . . . 389
Portrait of Condamine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 390
Celebrated Narrows of Manseriche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391
Omagua Indians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393
Portrait of Alex. de Humboldt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395
Gigantic vegetation on the banks of the Temi . . . . . . . . . . . 400
MAPS.
Map of France, corrected by order of the King, in accordance with
the instructions of the Members of the Academy of Sciences . . . 10
Map of the Eastern Hemisphere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Straits of Magellan, after Bougainville . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Polynesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
Map of Queen Charlotte Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
New Zealand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Louisiade Archipelago . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Map of Australia, after Perron's atlas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
Map of the east coast of New Holland, after Cook . . . . . . . . . 126
Captain Cook's chart of Otaheite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Itinerary of the principal voyagers during the 18th century, after
Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202
Map of Surville's discoveries, after Fleurieu . . . . . . . . . . 212
Island discovered by M. Marion du Fresnes in 1772, called Prince
Edward's Island by Cook in 1776 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235
Map of the journey of La Perouse, after the atlas published by
General Millet-Mureau . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
Map of the coast of Asia, after the map of La Perouse's voyage . . 258
Map of part of North Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320
Map of part of Western Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
Map of the Empire of China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362
Map of North-West America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 380
Map of the two Americas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 385
Itinerary of Humboldt's route in equinoctial America . . . . . . . 399
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
FIRST PART.
CHAPTER I.
I.
ASTRONOMERS AND CARTOGRAPHERS.
PAGE
Cassini, Picard, and La Hire--The Meridian line and the map of
France--G. Delisle and D'Anville--The shape of the earth--
Maupertuis in Lapland--Condamine at the Equator . . . . . . . . 3
II.
VOYAGES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Expedition of Wood Rogers--Adventures of Alexander Selkirk--
Galapagos Island--Puerto Seguro--Return to England--Expedition
of George Anson--Staten Island--Juan Fernandez--Tinian--Macao--
Taking of the vessel--Canton river--Results of the Cruise . . . 13
CHAPTER II.
CAPTAIN COOK'S PREDECESSORS.
I.
Roggewein--Scanty information respecting him--The uncertainty of
his discoveries--Easter Island--The Pernicious Islands--Bauman
Islands--New Britain--Arrival at Batavia--Byron--Stay at Rio
Janeiro and Port Desire--Entrance into Magellan's Strait--
Falkland Islands and Port Egmont--The Fuegians--Mas-a-fuero--
Disappointment Islands--Danger Islands--Tinian--Return to
Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
II.
Wallis and Carteret--Preparations for the Expedition--Difficult
Navigation of the Strait of Magellan--Separation of the
_Dauphin_ and _Swallow_--Whitsunday Island--Queen Charlotte's
Island--Cumberland and Henry Islands--Otaheite--Howe, Boscawen,
and Keppel Islands--Wallis Islands--Batavia--The Cape--The
Downs--Discovery of Pitcairn, Osnaburgh, and Gloucester Islands
by Carteret--Santa Cruz Archipelago--Solomon Islands--St.
George's Strait and New Ireland--Portland Island and the
Admiralty Islands--Macassar and Batavia--Meeting with
Bougainville in the Atlantic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
III.
Bougainville--Changes in the life of a Notary's son--Colonization
of the Falkland Islands--Buenos Ayres and Rio Janiero--Cession
of the Falkland Islands to Spain--Hydrographical Survey of the
Straits of Magellan--The Pecherais--The Four Facardins--
Otaheite--Incidents of stay there--Productions of the country
and manners of the people--Samoan Islands--Tierra del Santo
Espirito or the New Hebrides--The Louisiade--Anchorite
Islands--New Guinea--Buotan--From Batavia to St. Malo . . . . . 71
CHAPTER III.
CAPTAIN COOK'S FIRST VOYAGE.
I.
The beginning of his maritime career--The command of the
_Adventure_ entrusted to him--Tierra del Fuego--Discovery of
some islands in the Pomotou Archipelago--Arrival at Otaheite--
Manners and Customs of the inhabitants--Discovery of other
islands in the Society group--Arrival off New Zealand--
Interview with the natives--Discovery of Cook's Strait--
Circumnavigation of two large islands--Manners of the people
and productions of the country . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100
II.
Survey of the Eastern Coast of Australia--Botany Bay--Wreck of
the _Endeavour_--Crossing Torres Straits--Return to England . . 125
CHAPTER IV.
CAPTAIN COOK'S SECOND VOYAGE.
I.
Search for the Unknown--Second stay in New Zealand--Pomotou
Archipelago--Second Stay at Otaheite--Survey of Tonga Islands--
Third stay in New Zealand--Second crossing of the Pacific--
Survey of Easter Island--Visit to the Marquesas . . . . . . . . 135
II.
Fresh visit to Otaheite and the Friendly Archipelago--Exploration
of the New Hebrides--Discovery of New Caledonia and the Island
of Pines--Stay in Queen Charlotte's Strait--South Georgia--
Accident to the _Adventure_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
CHAPTER V.
CAPTAIN COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE.
I.
Search for lands discovered by the French--Stay in Van Diemen's
land--Queen Charlotte's Strait--Palmerston Island--Grand fetes
at the Tonga Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
II.
Discovery of the Sandwich Islands--Exploration of the Western
Coast of America--From thence to Behring Straits--Return to the
Hawaian Archipelago--History of Rono--Cook's death--Return of
the Expedition to England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
SECOND PART.
CHAPTER I.
FRENCH NAVIGATORS.
I.
Discoveries by Bouvet de Lozier in the Southern Seas--Surville--
Land of the Arsacides--Incident during the stay at Port
Praslin--Arrival off the Coast of New Ireland--Surville's
death--Marion's discoveries in the Antarctic Ocean--His massacre
in New Zealand--Kerguelen in Iceland and the Arctic Regions--The
Contest of the Watches--Fleurien and Verdun de la Crenne . . . . 209
II.
Expedition under command of La Perouse--St. Catherine's Island--
Conception Island--Sandwich Islands--Survey of the American
Coast--Fort des Francais--Loss of two boats--Monterey and the
Indians of California--Stay at Macao--Cavite and Manilla--En
route for China and Japan--Formosa--Quelpaert Island--The Coast
of Tartary--Ternay Bay--The Tartars of Saghalien--The
Orotchys--Straits of La Perouse--Ball at Kamtchatka--Navigator
Archipelago--Massacre of M. de Langle and several of his
companions--Botany Bay--Cessation of news of the expedition--
D'Entrecasteaux sent in search of La Perouse--False News--Strait
of D'Entrecasteaux--The Coast of New Caledonia--Land of the
Arsacides--Natives of Bouka--Stay at Port Carteret--Admiralty
Islands--Stay at Amboine--Lewin Land--Nuyts Land--Stay in
Tasmania--Fete in the Friendly Islands--Details of La Perouse's
visit to Tonga Tabou--Stay at Balado--Traces of La Perouse's
Voyage to New Caledonia--Vanikoro--Sad end of the Expedition . . 241
III.
Voyage by Captain Marchand--The Marquesas--Discovery of
Nouka-Hiva--Manners and Customs of the people--Revolution
Islands--The American Coast and Tchinkitane Port--Cox's
Straits--Stay in the Sandwich Islands--Macao--Deception--Return
to France--Discoveries by Bass and Flinders upon the Australian
coast--Expedition under Captain Baudin--Endracht and De Witt
Lands--Stay at Timor--Survey of Van Diemen's land--Separation of
the _Geographe_ and _Naturaliste_--Stay at Port Jackson--The
Convicts--Pastoral riches of New South Wales--Return of the
_Naturaliste_ to France--Cruises by the _Geographe_ and
_Casuarina_ to Nuyts, Edels, Endracht and De Witt Lands--Second
Stay at Timor--Return to France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294
CHAPTER II.
AFRICAN EXPLORERS.
Shaw in Algeria and Tunis--Hornemann in the Fezzan--Adanson in
Senegal--Houghton in Senegambia--Mungo Park and his two journeys
to the Djoliba or Niger--Sego and Timbuctoo--Sparmann and Le
Vaillant at the Cape, at Natal, and in the interior--Lacerda at
Mozambique and Cazembe--Bruce in Abyssinia--The Sources of the
Blue Nile--Tzana Lake--Browne's Voyage in Darfur . . . . . . . . 320
CHAPTER III.
ASIA AND ITS INHABITANTS.
Tartary according to Witzen--China according to the Jesuits and Du
Halde--Macartney in China--Stay at Chu-Sang--Arrival in Nankin--
Negotiations--Reception of the Embassy by the Emperor--Fetes and
ceremonies at Zhe Hol--Return to Pekin, and Europe--Volney--
Choiseul Gouffier--Le Chevalier in the Troade--Olivier in
Persia--A semi-Asiatic country--Russia according to Pallas . . . 361
CHAPTER IV.
THE TWO AMERICAS.
The Western Coast of America--Juan de Fuca and De Fonte--The three
voyages of Behring and Vancouver--The exploration of the Straits
of De Fuca--Survey of the Archipelago of New Georgia and a
portion of the American Coast--Exploration of the interior of
America--Samuel Hearn--Discovery of the Coppermine River--
Mackenzie, and the river named after him--Fraser River--Journey
of Humboldt and De Bonpland--Teneriffe--Guachero cavern--The
"Llanos"--The electric eels--The Amazon, Negro, and Orinoco
rivers--The earth-eaters--Results of the journey--Humboldt's
second journey--The Volcanitos, or Little Volcanoes--The cascade
at Tequendama--The bridges of Icononzo--Crossing the Quindiu on
men's backs--Quito and the Pinchincha--Ascent of Chimborazo--The
Andes--Lima--The transit of Mercury--Exploration of Mexico--
Mexico--Puebla and Cofre de Perote--Return to Europe . . . . . . 380
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
I.
ASTRONOMERS AND CARTOGRAPHERS.
Cassini--Picard and La Hire--The arc of the Meridian and the Map of
France--G. Delisle and D'Anville--The Shape of the Earth--Maupertuis
in Lapland--Condamine at the Equator.
Before we enter upon a recital of the great expeditions of the
eighteenth century, we shall do well to chronicle the immense progress
made during that period by the sciences. They rectified a crowd of
prejudices and established a solid basis for the labours of
astronomers and geographers. If we refer them solely to the matter
before us, they radically modified cartography, and ensured for
navigation a security hitherto unknown.
Although Galileo had observed the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites as
early as 1610, his important discovery had been rendered useless by
the indifference of Governments, the inadequacy of instruments, and
the mistakes committed by his followers.
In 1660 Jean Dominique Cassini published his "Tables of the Satellites
of Jupiter," which induced Colbert to send for him the following year,
and which obtained for him the superintendence of the Paris
Observatory.
In the month of July, 1671, Philippe de la Hire went to Uraniborg in
the Island of Huen, to take observations for the situation of Tycho
Brahe's Observatory. In that spot he calculated with the assistance of
Cassini's Tables, and with an exactitude never before obtained, the
difference between the longitudes of Paris and Uraniborg.
The Academy of Sciences sent the astronomer Jean Richter the same year
to Cayenne, to study the parallaxes of the sun and moon, and to
determine the distance of Mars and Venus from the earth. This voyage,
which was entirely successful, was attended with unforeseen
consequences, and resulted in inquiries shortly after entered into as
to the shape of the earth.
Richter noticed that the pendulum lost two minutes, twenty-eight
seconds at Cayenne, which proved that the momentum was less at this
place than at Paris. From this fact, Newton and Huyghens deduced the
flatness of the Globe at the Poles. Shortly afterwards, however, the
computation of a terrestrial degree given by Abbe Picard, and the
determination of the Meridional arc, arrived at by the Cassinis,
father and son, led scientific men to an entirety different result,
and induced them to consider the earth an elliptical figure, elongated
towards the polar regions. Passionate discussions arose from this
decision, and in them originated immense undertakings, from which
astronomical and mathematical geography profited.
Picard undertook to estimate the space contained between the parallels
of Amiens and Malvoisine, which comprises a degree and a third. The
Academy, however, decided that a more exact result could be obtained
by the calculation of a greater distance, and determined to portion
out the entire length of France, from north to south, in degrees. For
this purpose, they selected the meridian line which passes the Paris
Observatory. This gigantic trigonometrical undertaking was commenced
twenty years before the end of the seventeenth century, was
interrupted, and recommenced, and finally finished towards 1720.
At the same time Louis XIV., urged by Colbert, gave orders for the
preparation of a map of France. Men of science undertook voyages from
1679 to 1682, and by astronomical observations found the position of
the coasts on the Ocean and Mediterranean. But even these undertakings,
Picard's computation of the Meridional arc, the calculations which
determined the latitude and longitude of certain large cities in
France, and a map which gave the environs of Paris in detail with
geometrical exactitude, were still insufficient data for a map of
France.
As in the measurement of the Meridional arc, the only course to adopt
was to cover the whole extent of the country with a network of
triangles. Such was the basis of the large map of France which justly
bears the name of Cassini.
The result of the earlier observations of Cassini and La Hire was to
restrict France within much narrower limits than had hitherto been
assigned to her.
Desborough Cooley in his "History of Voyages," says, "They deprived
her (France) of several degrees of longitude in the length of her
western coast, from Brittany to the Bay of Biscay. And in the same way
retrenched about half a degree from Languedoc and La Provence." These
alterations gave rise to a "bon-mot." Louis the XIV., in complimenting
the Academicians upon their return, remarked, "I am sorry to see,
gentlemen, that your journey has cost me a good part of my kingdom!"
So far, however, cartographers had ignored the corrections made by
astronomers. In the middle of the seventeenth century, Peiresc and
Gassendi had corrected upon the maps of the Mediterranean a difference
of "five hundred" miles of distance between Marseilles and Alexandria.
This important rectification was set aside as non-existent until the
hydrographer, Jean Matthieu de Chazelles, who had assisted Cassini in
his labours, was sent to the Levant to draw up a coast-chart for the
Mediterranean.
"It was sufficiently clear," say the Memoirs of the Academy of
Sciences, that the maps unduly extended the Continents of Europe,
Africa, and America, and narrowed the Pacific Ocean between Asia and
Europe. These errors had caused singular mistakes. During M. de
Chaumont's voyage, when he went as Louis XIV.'s ambassador to Siam,
the pilots, trusting to their charts, were mistaken in their
calculations, and both in going and in returning went a good deal
further than they imagined. In proceeding from the Cape of Good Hope
to the island of Java they imagined themselves a long way from the
Strait of Sunda, when in reality they were more than sixty leagues
beyond it. And they were forced to put back for two days with a
favourable wind to enter it. In the same way upon their return voyage
from the Cape of Good Hope to France, they found themselves at the
island of Flores, the most western of the Azores, when they conceived
themselves to be at least a hundred and fifty leagues eastward of it.
They were obliged to navigate for twelve days in an easterly direction
in order to reach the French coast. As we have already said, the
corrections made in the map of France were considerable. It was
recognized that Perpignan and Collioures more especially were far more
to the east than had been supposed. To gain a fair idea of the
alteration, one has only to glance at the map of France published in
the first part of the seventh volume of the memoirs of the Academy of
Sciences. All the astronomical observations to which we have called
attention are noted in it, and the original outline of the map,
published by Sanson in 1679, makes the modification apparent.
[Illustration: Map of France, corrected by order of the king, in
accordance with the instructions of the Members of the Academy of
Sciences. (Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
Cassini was right in saying that cartography was no longer at its
height as a science. In reality, Sanson had blindly followed the
longitudes of Ptolemy, without taking any note of astronomical
observations. His sons and grandsons had simply re-edited his maps as
they were completed, and other geographers followed the same course.
William Delisle was the first to construct new maps, and to make use
of modern discoveries. He arbitrarily rejected all that had been done
before his time. His enthusiasm was so great that he had entirely
carried out his project at the age of twenty-five. His brother, Joseph
Nicolas, who taught astronomy in Russia, sent William materials for
his maps. At the same time his younger brother, Delisle de la Ceyere,
visited the coast of the Arctic Ocean, and astronomically fixed the
position of the most important points. He embarked on board De
Behring's vessel and died at Kamtchatka. That was the work of the
three Delisles, but to William belongs the glory of having
revolutionized geography.
"He succeeded," says Cooley, "in reconciling ancient and modern
computations, and in collecting an immense mass of documents. Instead
of limiting his corrections to any one quarter of the earth, he
directed them to the entire globe. By this means he earned the right
to be considered the founder of modern geography."
Peter the Great, on his way to Paris, paid a tribute to his merit by
visiting him, and placing at his disposal all the information he
himself possessed of the geography of Russia.
Could there be a more conclusive testimony to his worth than this from
a stranger? and if French geographers are excelled in these days by
those of Germany and England, is it not consolatory and encouraging to
them to know, that they have excelled in a science, in which they are
now struggling to regain their former superiority?
Delisle lived to witness the success of his pupil, J. B. d'Anville. If
the latter is inferior to Adrian Valois in the matter of historical
science, he deserved his high fame for the relative improvement of his
outlines, and for the clear and artistic appearance of his maps.
"It is difficult," says M. E. Desjardins, in his "Geographie de la
Gaule Romaine," "to understand the slight importance which has been
attributed to his works as a geographer, mathematician, and
draughtsman." The latter more especially do justice to his great merit.
D'Anville was the first to construct a map by scientific methods, and
that of itself is sufficient glory. In the department of historical
geography, D'Anville exhibited unusual good sense in discussion, and a
marvellous topographical instinct for identifications, but it is well
to remember that he was neither a man of science, nor even well versed
in classic authorities. His most beautiful work is his map of Italy,
the dimensions of which, hitherto exaggerated, extended from the east
to the west in accordance with the ideas of the ancients.
In 1735, Philip Buache, whose name as a geographer is justly
celebrated, inaugurated a new method in his chart of the depths of the
English Channel, by using contour levels to represent the variations
of the soil.
Ten years later d'Apres De Mannevillette published his "_Neptune
Oriental_," in which he rectified the charts of the African, Chinese,
and Indian coasts. He added to it a nautical guide, which was the more
precious at this period, as it was the first of the kind. Up to the
close of his life he amended his manual, which served as a guide for
all French naval officers during the latter part of the eighteenth
century.
Of English astronomers and physicists, Hally was the chief. He
published a theory of "Magnetic Variations," and a "History of the
Monsoons," which gained for him the command of a vessel, that he might
put his theory into practice.
That which D'Apres achieved for the French, Alexander Dalrymple
accomplished for the English. His views, however, bordered on the
hypothetical, and he believed in the existence of an Antarctic
Continent.
He was succeeded by Horsburgh, whose name is justly dear to navigators.
We must now speak of two important expeditions, which ought to have
settled the animated discussion as to the shape of the earth. The
Academy of Sciences had despatched a mission to America, to compute
the arc of the meridian at the Equator. It was composed of Godin,
Bouguer, and La Condamine.
It was decided to entrust a similar expedition to the North to
Maupertuis.
[Illustration: Pierre Louis Moreau de Maupertuis.]
"If," said this scientific man, "the flatness of the earth be not
greater then Huyghens supposed, the margin between the degrees of the
meridian measured in France, and the first degrees of the meridian
near the Equator, would not be too considerable to be attributed to
possible errors of the observers, or to the imperfection of
instruments. But, if the observation can be made at the Pole, the
difference between the first degree of the meridian nearest the
equatorial line, and, for example, the sixty-sixth degree, which
crosses the polar circle, will be great enough, even by Huyghens'
hypothesis, to show itself irresistibly, and beyond the possibility of
miscalculation, because the difference would be repeated just as many
times as there are intermediate degrees."
The problem thus neatly propounded ought to have obtained a ready
solution both at the Pole and the Equator--a solution which would have
settled the discussion, by proving Huyghens and Newton to be right.
The expedition embarked in a vessel equipped at Dunkerque. In addition
to Maupertuis, it comprised De Clairaut, Camus, and Lemonnier,
Academicians, Albey Outhier, canon of Bayeux, a secretary named
Sommereux, a draughtsman, Herbelot, and the scientific Swedish
astronomer, Celsius.
When the King of Sweden received the members of the mission at
Stockholm, he said to them, "I have been in many bloody battles, but I
should prefer finding myself in the midst of the most sanguinary,
rather than join your expedition."
Certainly, it was not likely to prove a party of pleasure. The learned
adventurers were to be tested by difficulties of every kind, by
continued privation, by excessive cold. But what comparison can be
made between their sufferings, and the agonies, the trials and the
dangers which were to be encountered by the Arctic explorers, Ross,
Parry, Hall, Payer, and many others.
Damiron in his "Eulogy of Maupertuis," says, "The houses at Tornea,
north of the Gulf of Bothnia, almost in the Arctic Circle, are hidden
under the snow. When one goes out, the air seems to pierce the lungs,
the increasing degrees of frost are proclaimed by the incessant
crackling of the wood, of which most of the houses are built. From the
solitude which reigns in the streets, one might fancy that the
inhabitants of the town were dead. At every step one meets mutilated
figures, people who have lost arms or legs from the terrible severity
of the temperature. And yet, the travellers did not intend pausing at
Tornea."
Now-a-days these portions of the globe are better known, and the
region of the Arctic climate thoroughly appreciated, which makes it
easier to estimate the difficulties the inquirers encountered.
They commenced their operations in July, 1736. Beyond Tornea they
found only uninhabited regions. They were obliged to rely upon their
own resources for scaling the mountains, where they placed the signals
intended to form the uninterrupted series of triangles.
Divided into two parties in order thus to obtain two measurements
instead of one, and thereby also to diminish the chance of mistakes,
the adventurous savants, after inconceivable hairbreadth escapes, of
which an account can be found in the Memoirs of the Academy of
Sciences for 1737, and after incredible efforts, decided that the
length of the meridian circle, comprised between the parallels of
Tornea and Kittis was 55,023 fathoms and a half. Thus below the Polar
circle, the meridian degree comprised a thousand fathoms more than
Cassini had imagined, and the terrestrial degree exceeded by 377
fathoms the length which Picard has reckoned it between Paris and
Amiens.
The result, therefore, of this discovery (a result long repudiated by
the Cassinis, both father and son), was that the earth was
considerably flattened at the poles.
Voltaire somewhat maliciously said of it,--
Courrier de la physique, argonaute nouveau,
Qui, franchissant les monts, qui, traversant les eaux,
Ramenez des climats soumis aux trois couronnes,
Vos perches, vos secteurs et surtout deux Laponnes.
Vous avez confirme dans ces lieux pleins d'ennui
Ce que Newton connut sans sortir de lui.
In much the same vein he alludes to the two sisters who accompanied
Maupertuis upon his return, the attractions of one of whom proved
irresistible,--
Cette erreur est trop ordinaire
Et c'est la seule que l'on fit
En allant au cercle polaire.
M. A. Maury in his "History of the Academy of Sciences," remarks,--
"At the same time, the importance of the instruments and methods
employed by the astronomers sent to the North, afforded a support to
the defenders of the theory of the flattening of the globes, which was
hardly theirs by right, and in the following century the Swedish
astronomer, Svanburg, rectified their involuntary exaggerations, in a
fine work published by him in the French language."
Meantime the mission despatched by the Academy to Peru proceeded with
analogous operations. It consisted of La Condamine, Bouguer, and Godin,
three Academicians, Joseph de Jussieu, Governor of the Medical College,
who undertook the botanical branch, Seniergues, a surgeon, Godin des
Odonais, a clock-maker, and a draughtsman. They started from La
Rochelle, on the 16th of May, 1735.
Upon reaching St. Domingo, they took several astronomical observations,
and continued by way of Porto Bello, and Carthagena. Crossing the
Isthmus of Panama, they disembarked at Manta in Peru, upon the 9th of
March, 1736.
Arrived there, Bouguer and Condamine parted from their companions,
studied the rapidity of the pendulum, and finally reached Quito by
different routes. Condamine pursued his way along the coast, as far as
Rio de las Esmeraldas, and drew the map of the entire country, which
he traversed with such infinite toil. Bouguer went southwards towards
Guayaquil, passing through marshy forests, and reaching Caracol at the
foot of the Cordillera range of the Andes, which he was a week in
crossing. This route had been previously taken by Alvarado, when
seventy of his followers perished; amongst them, the three Spaniards
who had attempted to penetrate to the interior. Bouguer reached Quito
on the 10th of June. At that time this city contained between thirty
and forty thousand inhabitants, and boasted of an episcopal president
of the Assembly, and numbers of religious communities, besides two
colleges.
Living there was cheap, with the exception of foreign merchandises,
which realized exorbitant prices, so much so indeed, that a glass
goblet fetched from eighteen to twenty francs.
The adventurers scaled the Pichincha, a mountain near Quito, the
eruptions from which had more than once been fatal to the inhabitants,
but they were not slow in discovering that they could not succeed in
carrying their implements to the summit of the mountains, and that
they must be satisfied with placing the signals upon the hills.
"An extraordinary phenomena may be witnessed almost every day upon the
summit of these mountains," said Bouguer in the account he read before
the Academy of Sciences, "which is probably as old as the world itself,
but what it appeared was never witnessed by any one before us. We
first remarked it when we were altogether upon a mountain called Pamba
Marca. A cloud in which we had been enveloped, and which dispersed,
allowed us a view of the rising sun, which was very brilliant. The
cloud passed on, it was scarcely removed thirty paces when each of us
distinguished his own shadow reflected above him, and saw only his own,
because the cloud presented a broken surface.
"The short distance allowed us fully to recognize each part of the
shadow; we distinguished the arms, the legs, the head, but we were
most amazed at finding that the latter was surrounded by a glory, or
aureole formed of two or three small concentric crowns of a very
bright colour, containing the same variety of hues as the rainbow, red
being the outer one. The spaces between the circles were equal, the
last circle the weakest, and in the far distance, we perceived one
large white one, which surrounded the whole. It produced the effect of
a transfiguration upon the spectator."
The instruments employed by these scholars were not as accurate as
more modern ones, and varied with changes of temperature, in
consequence of which, they were forced to proceed most carefully, and
with most minute accuracy, lest small errors accumulating should end
by leading to greater ones. Thus, in their trigonometrical surveys
Bouguer and his associates never calculated the third angle by the
observation of the two first, but always observed all three.
Having calculated the number of fathoms contained in the extent of
country surveyed, the next point was to discover what part this was of
the earth's circumference, which could only be ascertained by means of
astronomical observations.
After numerous obstacles, which it is impossible to give in detail,
after curious discoveries, as for example the attraction exercised on
the pendulum by mountains, the French inquirers arrived at conclusions
which fully confirmed the result of the expedition to Lapland. They
did not all return to France at the same time.
Jussieu continued his search after facts in natural history, and La
Condamine decided to return by way of the Amazon River, making an
important voyage, to which we shall have occasion to refer later.
II.
VOYAGES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Expedition of Wood Rogers--Adventures of Alexander Selkirk--Galapagos
Island--Puerto Seguro--Return to England--Expedition of George Anson--
Staten Island--Juan Fernandez--Tinian--Macao--Taking of the vessel--
Canton river--Results of the Cruise.
The war of the Spanish succession was at its height, when some
privateers of Bristol determined to fit out ships to attack the
Spanish vessels, in the Pacific Ocean, and to devastate the coasts of
South America. The two vessels chosen, the _Duke_ and _Duchess_, under
Captains Rogers and Courtenay, were carefully equipped, and stocked
with everything necessary for so long a voyage, the famous Dampier,
who had acquired a great reputation by his daring adventures and
piracies, did not disdain to accept the title of chief pilot, and
although this trip was richer in material results than in geographical
discoveries, the account of it contains a few curious particulars
worthy of preservation.
The _Duke_ and _Duchess_ set sail from the Royal Port of Bristol on
the 2nd April, 1708. To begin with, we may note one interesting fact.
Throughout the voyage a register was at the service of the crew, in
which all the incidents of the voyage were to be noted, so that the
slightest errors, and the most insignificant oversights could be
rectified before the facts of the case faded from memory.
Nothing of note occurred on this voyage till the 22nd December, when
the Falkland Islands, previously noticed by few navigators, were
discovered. Rogers did not land on them, but contented himself with
observing that the coast, although less precipitous, resembled that of
Portland.
"All the hills," he added, "with their well-wooded and gradually
sloping sides, appeared fertile, and the shore is not wanting in good
harbours."
Now these islands do not possess a single tree, and the good harbours,
as we shall presently see, are anything but numerous, so we can judge
of the exactitude of the observations made by Rogers. Navigators have
done well not to trust to them.
After passing this archipelago the two vessels steered due south, and
penetrated as far as south lat. 60 degrees 58 minutes. Here, there was
no night, the cold was intense, and the sea so rough that the
_Duchess_ sustained a few injuries. The chief officers of the two
vessels assembled in council, agreed that it would be better not to
attempt to go further south, and the course was changed for the west.
On the 15th January, 1709, Cape Horn is said to have been doubled, and
the southern ocean entered.
Up to this date the position of the island of Juan Fernandez, was
differently given on nearly all maps, and Wood Rogers, who intended to
harbour there, take in water, and get a little fresh meat, came upon
it almost unawares.
On the 1st February, he embarked in a little boat to try and find an
anchorage. Whilst his people were awaiting his return, a large fire
was noticed on shore. Had some Spanish or French vessels cast anchor
here? Would it be necessary to fight for the water and food required?
Every preparation was made during the night, but in the morning no
ship was in sight. Conjectures were already being hazarded as to
whether the enemy had retired, when the end was put to all surmises by
the return of the boat, bringing in it a man clad in goatskins, whose
personal appearance was yet more savage than his garments.
It was a Scotch mariner, Alexander Selkirk by name, who in consequence
of a quarrel with the captain of his ship, had been left on this
desert island four years and a half before. The fire which had
attracted notice had been lighted by him.
During his stay on the island of Juan Fernandez, Selkirk had seen many
vessels pass, but only two, both Spanish, had cast anchor. Discovered
by the sailors, Selkirk had been fired upon, and only escaped death by
the agility with which he managed to climb into a tree and hide.
He told how he had been put ashore with his clothes, his bed, a pound
of powder, some bullets, a little tobacco, a hatchet, a knife, a
kettle, a Bible, with a few other devotional books, his nautical
instruments and books.
Poor Selkirk provided for his wants as best he could, but during the
first few months he had great difficulty in conquering the sadness and
mastering the horror consequent upon his terrible loneliness. He built
two huts of willow, which he covered with a sort of rush, and lined
with the skins of the goats he killed to satisfy his hunger, so long
as his ammunition lasted. When it was likely to fail, he managed to
strike a light by rubbing two pieces of pimento wood together. When he
had quite exhausted his ammunition, he caught the goats as they ran,
his agility had become so great by dint of constant exercise, that he
scoured the woods, rocks, and hills, with a perfectly incredible speed.
We had sufficient proof of his skill, when he went hunting with us. He
outran and exhausted our best hunters, and an excellent dog which we
had on board; he easily caught the goats, and brought them to us on
his back. He himself related to us, that one day he chased his prey so
eagerly to the edge of a precipice, which was concealed by bushes,
that they rolled over and over together, until they reached the bottom.
He lost consciousness through that fall, and upon discovering that the
goat lay under him quite dead, after remaining where he was for
twenty-four hours, he with the utmost difficulty succeeded in crawling
to his cabin, which was about a mile distant; and he was unable to
walk again for six days.
[Illustration: Selkirk falling over the precipice with his prey.]
This deserted wretch managed to season his food with the turnips sown
by the crew of a ship, with cabbages, capsicums, and all-spice. When
his clothes and shoes were worn out, a process which occupied but a
short time, he ingeniously constructed new ones of goatskin, sewing
them together with a nail, which served him as a needle. When his
knife was useless, he constructed a new one from the cask-hoops he
found on the shore. He had so far lost the use of speech, that he
could only make himself understood by an effort. Rogers took him on
board, and appointed him boatswain's mate.
Selkirk was not the first sailor abandoned upon the island of Juan
Fernandez. It may be remembered that Dampier had already rescued an
unfortunate Mosquito man, who was abandoned from 1681 to 1684. Sharp
and other buccaneers have related that the sole survivor of a crew of
a vessel wrecked on this coast, lived there for five years, until he
was rescued by another ship. Saintine, in his recent novel, "Alone,"
has detailed Selkirk's adventures.
Upon the 14th of February, the _Duke_ and _Duchess_ left Juan
Fernandez, and commenced their operations against the Spaniards.
Rogers seized Guayaquil, for which he obtained a large ransom, and
captured several vessels, which, however, provided him with more
prisoners than money.
This part of his voyage concerns us but little, and a few particulars
only are interesting, as, for instance, his mention of a monkey in the
Gorgus Island, who was so lazy, that he was nicknamed the Sluggard,
and of the inhabitants of Tecamez, who repulsed the new-comers with
poisoned arrows, and guns. He also speaks of the Galapagos Island,
situated two degrees of northern latitude. According to Rogers, this
cluster of islands was numerous, but out of them all one only provided
fresh water. Turtle-doves existed there in great quantities, and
tortoises, and sea-turtles, of an extraordinary size abounded, thence
the name given by the Spaniards to this group.
Sea-dogs also were common, one of them had the temerity to attack
Rogers. "I was walking along the shore," he says, "when it left the
water, his jaws gaping, as quickly and ferociously as a dog escaping
from his chain. Three times he attacked me, I plunged my pike into his
breast, and each time I inflicted such a wound that he fled howling
horribly. Finally, turning towards me, he stopped to growl and show
his fangs. Scarcely twenty-four hours earlier, one of my crew had
narrowly escaped being devoured by a monster of the same family."
[Illustration: "I plunged my pike into his breast."]
In December, Rogers repaired to Puerto Seguro, upon the Californian
coast, with a Manilla galleon, which he had seized. Many of his men
penetrated to the interior; he found large forest trees, but not the
slightest appearance of culture, although smoke indicated the
existence of inhabitants.
The inhabitants, according to Albey Presort's "History of Voyages,"
were straight built and powerful, blacker than any Indian tribe
hitherto met with in the Pacific Ocean Seas. They had long black hair
plaited, which reached below the waist. All the men went about naked,
but the women wore a garment, either composed of leaves or of stuff
made from them, and sometimes the skins of beasts and birds.
Occasionally they wore necklaces and bracelets made of bits of wood or
shells. Others adorned their necks with small red berries and pearls.
Evidently they did not know how to pierce holes in them, for they
notched them and joined them by a thread. They valued these ornaments
so highly, that they refused to change them for English necklaces of
glass. Their chief anxiety was to obtain knives and useful implements.
The _Duke_ and _Duchess_ left Porto Segura on the 12th January, 1710,
and reached the island of Guaham, of the Mariannes, in the course of
two months. Here they revictualled, and passing by the Straits of
Boutan and Saleyer, reached Batavia. After a necessary delay at the
latter place, and at the Cape of Good Hope, Rogers cast anchor in the
Downs upon the 1st of October.
In spite of Rogers' reticence with regard to the immense riches he
brought with him, a good idea of their extent may be gathered from the
account of ingots, vessels of silver and gold, and pearls, with which
he delighted the shipowners.
We now come to our account of Admiral Anson's voyage, which almost
belongs to the category of naval warfare, but with it we may close the
list of piratical expeditions, which dishonoured the victors without
ruining the vanquished. And if he brought no new acquisition to
geography, his account teams with judicious observations, and
interesting remarks about a country then little known.
The merit of them, however, if we are to believe Nichols' Literary
anecdotes, rests rather with Benjamin Robins, than, as the title would
appear to indicate, with the chaplain of the expedition, Richard
Walter.
George Anson was born in Staffordshire in 1697. A sailor from his
childhood, he early brought himself into notice.
He was already well known as a clever and fortunate captain, when in
1739 he was offered the command of a squadron. It consisted of the
_Centurion_, 60 guns, the _Gloucester_ and _Severe_, each 50 guns, the
_Pearl_, 40 guns, the _Wager_, 28 guns. To it were attached also the
sloop _Trial_, and two transports carrying food and ammunition. In
addition to the crew of 1460, a reinforcement of 470 marines was added
to the fleet.
Leaving England on the 18th September, 1740, the expedition proceeded
by way of Madeira, past the island of St. Catharine, along the
Brazilian coast, by St. Julian Harbour, and finally crossed the Strait
of Lemaire.
"Terrible," said the narrative, "as the aspect of Tierra del Fuego may
be, that of Staten Island is more horrible still. It consists of a
series of inaccessible rocks, crowned with sharp points. Prodigiously
high, they are covered with eternal snow, and edged with precipices.
In short, it is impossible to conceive anything more deserted, or more
wild than this region."
Scarcely had the last vessels of the squadron filed through the strait,
than a series of heavy gales, squalls, and storms, caused the oldest
sailors to vow that all they had hitherto known of tempests were
nothing in comparison.
This fearful experience lasted seven weeks without intermission. It is
needless to state that the vessels sustained great damage, that many
men were swept away by the waves, numbers destroyed by illnesses
occasioned by the exposure to constant damp, and want of sufficient
nourishment.
Two of the vessels, the _Severe_ and the _Pearl_, were engulfed, and
four others were lost sight of. Anson was unable to reach Valdivia,
the rendezvous he had selected in case of separation; carried far to
the north, he could only arrest his course at Juan Fernandez, which he
reached upon the 9th of June.
The _Centurion_ had the greatest need of rest. She had lost eighty of
her crew, her supply of water had failed, and the sailors were so
weakened by scurvy, that ten only of the remaining number were
available for the watch. The other vessels, in an equally bad plight,
were not long in regaining her.
The first care was to restore the exhausted crews, and to repair the
worst injuries sustained by the vessels. Anson sent the sick on shore
and installed them in a sheltered hospital in the open air, then
putting himself at the head of the most enterprising sailors, he
scoured the entire island, and thoroughly examined its roads and
shores. The best anchorage, according to his report, was in Cumberland
Bay. The south-eastern portion of Juan Fernandez, a little island
scarcely five leagues by two in extent, is dry, rocky, treeless; the
ground lies low, and is level in comparison with the northern portion.
It produces water-cresses, purslain, sorrels, turnips, and Sicilian
radishes in abundance, as well as oats and clover. Anson sowed carrots
and lettuces, and planted plums, apricots, and peaches. He soon
discovered that the number of goats, left by the buccaneers, and which
had multiplied marvellously, had since decreased.
The Spaniards, eager to deprive their enemies of this valuable
resource, had let loose a quantity of famished dogs upon the island,
who chased the goats, and devoured so many of them, that, at the time
of Anson's visit, scarcely two hundred remained. The Commodore, for so
Anson is always called in the narrative of this voyage, reconnoitered
the Island of Mas a Fuero, which is only twenty-five leagues west of
Juan Fernandez. Smaller than the latter, it is more wooded, better
watered, and possessed more goats.
At the beginning of December, the crews were sufficiently recovered
for Anson to put into execution his projected attack upon the
Spaniards. He commenced by seizing several ships laden with precious
merchandise and ingots, and then set fire to the city of Paita. Upon
this occasion the Spaniards estimated their loss at one and a half
million piastres.
Anson then proceeded to Quibo Bay, near Panama, to lie in wait for the
galleon which, every year, transported the treasures of the Philippine
Islands to Acapulco. There, although the English met with no
inhabitants in the miserable huts, they found heaps of shells and
beautiful mother of pearl left there during the summer months by the
fishermen of Panama. In mentioning the resources of this place, we
must not omit the immense turtles, which usually weighed two hundred
pounds, and which were caught in a singular manner. When a shoal of
them were seen floating asleep upon the surface of the ocean, a good
swimmer would plunge in a few fathoms deep, and rising, seize the
turtle towards the tail, and endeavour to force it down. Upon
awakening, the creature's struggles to free itself suffice to support
both the man and his prey, until the arrival of a boat to receive them
both.
After a fruitless cruise, Anson determined to burn three of the
Spanish vessels which he had seized and equipped. Distributing the
crews and cargo upon the _Centurion_ and the _Gloucester_, the only
two vessels remaining to him, he decided upon the 6th of May, 1742, to
make for China, where he hoped to find reinforcements and supplies.
But this voyage, which he expected to accomplish in sixty days, took
him fully four months. After a violent gale, the _Gloucester_, having
all but foundered, and her crew being too reduced to work her, was
burnt. Her cargo of silver, and her supplies were trans-shipped to the
_Centurion_, which alone remained of all that magnificent fleet which
two years earlier had set sail from England!
Thrown out of his course, far to the north, Anson discovered on the
26th of August, the Isles of Atanacan and Serigan, and the following
day those of Saypan, Tinian, and Agnigan, which form a part of the
Marianne Archipelago.
A Spaniard, a sergeant, whom he captured in a small bark in these seas,
told him that the island of Tinian was inhabited, and abounded with
cattle, fowls, and excellent fruits, such as oranges, lemons, limes,
bread fruit, &c. Nowhere could the _Centurion_ have found a more
welcome port for her exhausted crew, now numbering only seventy-one
men, worn out by privation and illness, the only survivors of the 2000
sailors who had manned the fleet at its departure.
"The soil of this island," says the narrative, "is dry and somewhat
sandy, which makes the verdure of the meadows and woods more delicate
and more uniform than is usually the case in tropical climates.
"The ground rises gently from the English encampment to the centre of
the isle, but before its greatest height is reached, one meets with
sloping glade, covered with fine clover, and many brilliant flowers,
and bordered by beautiful fruit-trees.
"The animals, who, for the greater part of the year, are the only
lords of this beautiful retreat, add to its romantic charm, and
contribute not a little to its marvellous appearance. Thousands of
cattle may be seen grazing together in a vast meadow, and the sight is
the more singular as the animals are all of a milk white colour, with
the exception of their ears, which are generally black. Although it is
a desert-island, the sight and sound of such a number of domestic
animals, rushing in crowds through the woods, suggest the idea of
farmhouses and villages."
Truly an enchanting description! But has not the author rather drawn
upon his imagination for the charming details of his description?
After so long a voyage, after so many storms, it is little to be
wondered at, if the verdant woods, the exuberant vegetation, and the
abundance of animal life, profoundly impressed the minds of Anson's
companions. Well! we shall soon learn whether his successors at Tinian
found it as wonderful as he did.
Meanwhile Anson was not altogether free from anxiety. It was true that
his ships were repaired, but many of his men remained on land to
recover their strength, and but a small number of able-bodied seamen
remained on board with him. The roadstead being lined with coral,
great precautions were necessary to save the cables from being cut,
but in spite of them, at new moon, a sudden tempest arose and broke
the ship loose. The anchors held well, but the hawsers gave way, and
the _Centurion_ was carried out to sea. The thunder growled
ceaselessly, and the rain fell with such violence, that the signals of
distress which were given by the crew were not even heard. Anson, most
of his officers, and a large part of the crew, numbering one hundred
and thirteen persons, remained on land and found themselves deprived
of the only means they possessed of leaving Tinian. Their despair was
great, their consternation inexpressible. But Anson, with his energy
and endless resources, soon roused his companions from their despair!
One vessel, that which they had captured from the Spaniards, still
remained to them, and it occurred to them to lengthen it, until it
could contain them all with the necessary provisions for a voyage to
China. However, after nineteen days, the _Centurion_ returned, and the
English, embarking in her upon the 21st of October, were not long in
reaching Macao, putting into a friendly and civilized port for the
first time since their departure from England, two years before.
"Macao," says Anson, "formerly rich, well populated, and capable of
self-defence against the Chinese Government, is greatly shorn of its
ancient splendour! Although still inhabited by the Portuguese and
ruled by a Governor, nominated by the King of Portugal, it is at the
mercy of the Chinese, who can starve the inhabitants, or take
possession of it, for which reasons the Portuguese Governor is very
careful not to offend them."
Anson was forced to write an imperious letter to the Chinese Governor,
before he could obtain permission to buy, even at high prices, the
provisions and stores he required. He then publicly announced his
intention of leaving for Batavia and set sail on the 19th of April,
1743. But, instead of steering for the Dutch possession, he directed
his course towards the Philippine Islands, where, for several days, he
awaited the arrival of the galleon returning from Acapulco, laden with
the proceeds of the sale of her rich cargo. These vessels usually
carried forty-four guns, and were manned by a crew of over 500 men.
Anson had only 200 sailors, of whom thirty were but lads, but this
disproportion did not deter him, for he had the expectation of rich
booty, and the cupidity of his men was sufficient guarantee of their
courage.
"Why," asked Anson one day of his steward, "why do you no longer give
us mutton for dinner? Have we eaten all the sheep we bought in China?"
"Pray excuse me, Commodore," replied the steward, "but I am reserving
the only two which remain for the Captain of the galleon."
No one, not even the steward, doubted of success! Anson well
understood how to secure it, and the efficiency of his men compensated
for their reduced numbers. The struggle was hot, the straw mats which
filled the rigging of the galleon took fire and the flames rose as
high as the mizen mast. The Spaniards found the double enemies too
much! After a sharp contest of two hours, during which sixty-seven of
their men were killed and eighty-four wounded, they surrendered.
[Illustration: Fight between the _Centurion_ and a Spanish galleon.
(Fac-simile of early engraving.)]
It was a rich prize, 1,313,842 "pieces of eight,"[1] and 35,682 ounces
of ingot silver, with other merchandise of little value in comparison
with the money. This booty, added to others, amounted to nearly
400,000_l_, without taking into account the vessels, goods, &c., of
the Spaniards which the English squadron had burnt or destroyed, and
which could not be reckoned at less than 600,000_l_.
[Footnote 1: A Spanish coin, so called, because it represents the
eighth of a doubloon, it is worth about nine shillings English money.]
Anson convoyed his prize to the Canton River, where he sold it much
below its value, for 6000 piastres. He left on the 10th of December,
and reached Spithead on the 15th of June, 1744, after an absence of
three years and nine months. He made a triumphal entry into London.
The half-million of money, which was the result of his numerous prizes,
was conveyed through the city in thirty-two chariots, to the sound of
trumpets and beating of drums and amidst the shouts of the people.
The money was divided between himself, his officers, and men; the king
himself could not claim a share.
Anson was created rear-admiral shortly after his return, and received
important commands.
In 1747, he captured the Marquis of La Jonquiere Taffanel, after an
heroic struggle. For this exploit, he was made First Lord of the
Admiralty and Admiral.
In 1758, he covered the attempted descent of the English near St. Malo,
and died in London a short time after his return.
CHAPTER II.
CAPTAIN COOK'S PREDECESSORS.
I.
Roggewein--The little that is known of him--The uncertainty of his
discoveries--Easter Island--The Pernicious Islands--The Baumans--New
Britain--Arrival in Batavia--Byron--Stay at Rio Janeiro and Port
Desire--Entrance into Straits of Magellan--Falkland Islands and Port
Egmont--The Fuegians--Mas a Fuero--Disappointment Islands--Danger
Islands--Tinian--Return to Europe.
As early as 1669, Roggewein the elder had petitioned the Dutch West
India Company for three armed vessels, in order to prosecute his
discoveries in the Pacific Ocean. His project was favourably received,
but a coolness in the relations between Spain and Holland forced the
Batavian government to relinquish the expedition for a time. Upon his
death-bed Roggewein forced from his son Jacob a promise to carry the
plan he had conceived into execution.
Circumstances, over which he had no control, for a long time hindered
the fulfilment of his promise. It was only after several voyages in
the Indian seas, after having even been judge in the Batavian Justice
Court, that at length Jacob Roggewein was in a position to take the
necessary steps with the West India Company. We have no means of
finding out Roggewein's age in 1721, or of ascertaining what were his
claims to the command of an expedition of discovery. Most biographical
dictionaries honour him with but a slight mention, perhaps of a couple
of lines, and Fleurieu, in his learned and exhaustive account of the
Dutch navigator, was unable to find out anything certain about him.
Moreover, the narrative of the voyage was written not by Roggewein,
but by a German named Behrens. We may, therefore, with some justice,
attribute the obscurities and contradictions of the particulars given,
and their general want of accuracy, rather to the narrator than to the
navigator. It even appears sometimes (and this is far from improbable),
that Roggewein was ignorant of the voyages and discoveries of his
predecessors and contemporaries.
Upon the 21st of August, 1721, three vessels set sail from Texel,
under his command. They were, the _Eagle_ of 36 guns, and with a crew
of 111 men, the _Tienhoven_ of 28 guns and 100 men, Captain James
Bauman, and the galley _African_ of 14 guns and a crew of 60 men,
Captain Henry Rosenthal. Their voyage across the Atlantic afforded no
particulars of interest. Touching at Rio, Roggewein went in search of
an island which he named Auke's Magdeland, and which would appear to
be the same as the Land of the Virgin, Hawkins' Virginia, and the
Archipelago of the Falkland, or Malouine Islands, unless indeed it was
Southern Georgia. Although these islands were then well known, it
would appear that the Dutch knew little of their whereabouts, as after
vainly seeking the Falkland Isles, they set to work to look for the
island St. Louis, belonging to the French, apparently quite unaware
that they belonged to the same group.
There are few lands indeed which have borne so many different names as
Pepys Isles, Conti Isles, and many which we need not mention. It would
be easy to count up a dozen.
After discovering, or rather noticing an island below the parallel of
the Straits of Magellan, about twenty-four leagues from the American
continent, of two hundred leagues in circumference, which he named
South Belgium, Roggewein passed through the Straits of Lemaire, or
possibly was carried by the current to 62-1/2 degrees of southern
latitude. Finally, he regained the coast of Chili; and cast anchor
opposite the island of Mocha, which he found deserted. He afterwards
reached Juan Fernandez, where he met with the _Tienhoven_, from which
he had been separated since the 21st of December.
The vessels left this harbour before the end of March, and steered to
the west-north-west, in search of the land discovered by Davis,
between 27 degrees and 28 degrees south.
After a search of several days, Roggewein sighted an island upon the
6th of April, 1722, which he named Easter Island.
We will not stop to enumerate the exaggerated dimensions claimed for
this island by the Dutch navigator, nor to notice his observations of
the manners and customs of the inhabitants. We shall have occasion to
refer to them in dealing with the more detailed and reliable accounts
of Cook and La Perouse. "But," said Fleurieu, "we shall vainly look in
this narrative for any sign of learning on the part of Roggewein's
sergeant-major." After describing the Banana, of which the leaves are
six or eight feet high, and two or three wide, he adds that this was
the leaf with which our first parents covered their nakedness after
the Fall; and to make it clearer, further remarks that those who
accept this view, do so on account of this leaf being the largest of
all the plants growing either in eastern or western countries, thereby
plainly indicating his notion of the proportions of Adam and Eve.
A native came on board the _Eagle_. He delighted every one by his good
humour, gaiety, and friendly demonstrations.
In the morning Roggewein distinguished an eager multitude upon the
shore, which was adorned with high statues, who awaited the arrival of
the strangers with impatient curiosity. For no discoverable purpose a
gun was fired, one of the natives was killed, and the multitude fled
in every direction,--soon, however, to return in greater haste.
Roggewein, at the head of 150 men, fired a volley, stretching a number
of victims on the ground. Overcome with terror, the natives hastened
to appease their terrible visitors by offering them all they possessed.
Fleurieu is of opinion that Easter Island and Davis Land are not
identical; but in spite of the reasons with which he supports his
opinions, and the differences which he points out in the situation and
description of the two islands, it is impossible to avoid the
conclusion that Roggewein and Davis's discoveries are one and the same.
No other island answering to the description is to be found in these
latitudes, which are now thoroughly well known.
A violent storm of wind drove Roggewein from his anchorage on the
eastern side of the island, and obliged him to make for the
west-north-west. He traversed the sea called Mauvaise by Schouten, and
having sailed eight hundred leagues from Easter Island, fell in with
what he took to be the Isle of Dogs, so called by Schouten. Roggewein
named it Carlshoff, a name which it still retains.
The squadron passed this island in the night, without touching at it,
and was forced in the following night, by the wind and adverse
currents, to the midst of a group of low islands, which were quite
unexpectedly encountered. The _African_ was dashed against a coral
rock, and the two consorts narrowly escaped the same fate. Only after
five days of unceasing effort, of danger and anxiety, the crew
succeeded in extricating the vessels and in regaining the open sea.
The natives of this group were tall, with long and flowing hair. They
painted their bodies in various colours. It is generally agreed now to
recognize in Roggewein's description of the Pernicious Islands, the
group to which Cook gave the name of Palliser Isles.
On the morning succeeding the day in which he had so narrowly escaped
the dangers of the Pernicious Islands, Roggewein discovered an island
to which he gave the name of Aurora. Lying low, it was scarcely
visible above the water, and had the sun not shone out, the
_Tienhoven_ would have been lost upon it.
As night approached, new land was perceived, to which the name of
Vesper was given, and it is difficult to decide whether or no it
belonged to the Palliser group.
Roggewein continued to sail between the 15th and 16th degrees, and was
not long in finding himself "all of a sudden" in the midst of islands
which were half submerged.
"As we approached them," says Behrens, "we saw an immense number of
canoes navigating the coasts, and we concluded that the islands were
well populated. Upon nearing the land we discovered that it consisted
of a mass of different islands, situated close the one to the other,
and we were insensibly drawn in amongst them. We began to fear that we
should be unable to extricate ourselves. The admiral sent one of the
pilots up to the look-out to ascertain how we could get free of them.
"We owed our safety to the calm that prevailed. The slightest movement
of the water would have run our ships upon the rocks, without the
possibility of assistance reaching us. As it was, we got away without
any accident worth mentioning. These islands are six in number, all
very pleasant, and taken together may extend some thirty leagues. They
are situated twenty-five leagues westward of the Pernicious Islands.
We named them the Labyrinth, because we could only leave them by a
circuitous route."
Many authors identify this group with Byron's Prince of Wales Islands.
Fleurieu holds a different opinion. Dumont d'Urville thinks them
identical with the group of Vliegen, already seen by Schouten and
Lemaire.
After navigating for three days in a westerly direction, the Dutch
caught sight of a beautiful island. Cocoa-nuts, palm-trees, and
luxuriant verdure testified to its fertility. But finding it
impossible to anchor there, the officers and crews were obliged to
visit it in well-armed detachments.
Once more the Dutch needlessly shed the blood of an inoffensive
population which had awaited them upon the shore, and whose only fault
consisted in their numbers.
After this execution, worthy rather of barbarians than of civilized
men, they endeavoured to persuade the natives to return, by offering
presents to the chiefs, and by deceitful protestations of friendship.
But they were not to be deceived by the latter, and having enticed the
sailors into the interior, the inhabitants rushed upon them and
attacked them with stones. Although a volley of bullets stretched a
number upon the ground, they still bravely persisted in attacking the
strangers, and forced them to re-embark, carrying with them their dead
and wounded.
Of course the Dutch cried treason, not knowing how to find epithets
strong enough for the treachery and disloyalty of their adversaries.
But, who struck the first blow? Who was the aggressor? Even admitting
that a few thefts were committed, which is probable enough, was it
necessary to visit them with so severe a punishment, to revenge upon
an entire population the wrong-doing of a few individuals, who after
all can have had no very strict notions of honesty?
In spite of their losses, the Dutch called this island, in memory of
the refreshment they had enjoyed there, Recreation Island. Roggewein
gives its situation as below the sixth parallel, but his longitude is
so incorrect, that it is impossible to depend upon it.
The question now arises, whether the captain should prosecute his
search for the Island Espirito Santo de Quiros in the west, or whether,
on the contrary, he should sail northward and reach the East Indies
during the favourable season?
The counsel of war, which Roggewein called to the consideration of
this question, chose the latter alternative.
[Illustration: "The counsel chose the latter alternative."]
The third day after this decision, three islands were simultaneously
discovered. They received the name of Bauman, after the captain of the
_Tienhoven_, who was the first to catch sight of them. The natives
came round the vessels to traffic, whilst an immense crowd of the
inhabitants lined the shore, armed with bows and spears. They were
white skinned, and only differed from Europeans in appearance, when
very much tanned by the sun. Their bodies were not painted. A strip of
stuff, artistically arranged and fringed, covered them from the waist
to the heels. Hats of the same material protected their heads and
necklaces of sweet-smelling flowers, adorned their necks.
"It must be confessed," says Behrens, "that this is the most civilized
nation, as well as the most honest, which we have met with in the
southern seas. Charmed with our arrival, they received us like gods,
and when we showed our intention of leaving, they testified most
lively regrets."
From the description, these would appear to have been the inhabitants
of the Navigators Islands.
After having encountered the islands which Roggewein believed to be
Cocoa and Traitor Islands, already visited by Schouten and Lemaire,
and which Fleurieu, imagining them to be a Dutch discovery, named
Roggewein Islands; after having caught sight of Tienhoven and
Groningue Islands, which were believed by Pingre to be identical with
Santa Cruz of Mendana, the expedition finally reached the coast of New
Ireland. Here the discoverers perpetrated new massacres. From thence
they went to the shores of New Guinea, and after crossing the Moluccas,
cast anchor at Batavia.
There their fellow-countrymen, less humane than many of the tribes
they had visited, confiscated the two vessels, imprisoned the officers
and sailors indiscriminately, and sent them to Europe to take their
trial. They had committed the unpardonable crime of having entered
countries belonging to the East India Company, whilst they themselves
were in the employ of the West India Company.
The result was a trial, and the East India Company was compelled to
restore all that it had appropriated, and to pay heavy damages.
We lose all sight of Roggewein after his arrival at Texel upon the
11th July, 1723, and no details are to be obtained of the last years
of his life. Grateful thanks are due to Fleurieu for having unravelled
this "chaotic" narrative, and for having thrown some light upon an
expedition which deserves to be better known.
Upon the 17th of June, 1764, Commodore Byron received instructions
signed by the Lord of the Admiralty. They were to the following
effect,--"As nothing contributes more to the glory of this nation, in
its character of a maritime power, to the dignity of the British crown,
and to the progress of its national commerce and navigation, than the
discovery of new regions; and as there is every reason for believing
in the existence of lands and islands in great numbers, between the
Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan, which have been
hitherto unknown to the European powers, and which are situated in
latitudes suitable for navigation, and in climates productive of
different marketable commodities; and as moreover, his Majesty's
islands, called Pepys and Falkland Islands, situated as will be
described, have not been sufficiently examined for a just appreciation
of their shores and productions, although they were discovered by
English navigators; his Majesty, taking all these considerations into
account, and conceiving the existing state of profound peace now
enjoyed by his subjects especially suitable for such an undertaking,
has decided to put it into execution."
Upon what seaman would the choice of the English Government fall?
Commodore John Byron, born on the 8th of November, 1723, was the man
selected. From his earliest years, he had shown an enthusiastic love
of seafaring life, and at the age of seventeen had offered his
services upon one of the vessels that formed Admiral Anson's squadron,
when it was sent out for the destruction of Spanish settlements upon
the Pacific coast.
We have already given an account of the troubles which befell this
expedition before the incredible fortune which was to distinguish its
last voyage.
The vessel upon which Byron embarked was the _Wager_. It was wrecked
in passing through the Straits of Magellan, and the crew being taken
prisoners by the Spaniards, were sent to Chili. After a captivity
which lasted at least three years, Byron effected his escape, and was
rescued by a vessel from St. Malo, which took him to Europe. He
returned at once to service, and distinguished himself in various
encounters during the war with France. Doubtless it was the
recollection of his first voyage round the world, so disastrously
interrupted, which procured for him the distinction conferred upon him
by the Admiralty.
The vessels entrusted to him were carefully armed. The _Dauphin_ was a
sixth-rate man-of-war, and carried 24 guns, 150 sailors, 3 lieutenants,
and 37 petty officers. The _Tamar_ was a sloop of 16 guns, and 90
sailors, 3 lieutenants, 27 petty officers, commanded by Captain Mouat.
The start was not fortunate. The expedition left the Downs upon the
21st of June, but the _Dauphin_ grounded before leaving the Thames,
and was obliged to put into Plymouth for repairs.
Upon the 3rd of July, anchor was finally weighed, and ten days later,
Byron put in at Funchal in the Island of Madeira for refreshments. He
was forced to halt again at Cape Verd Islands, to take in water, that
with which he was supplied having become rapidly wasted.
Nothing further occurred to interrupt the voyage, until the two
English vessels sighted Cape Frio.
Byron remarked a singular fact, since fully verified, that the copper
sheathing of his vessels appeared to disperse the fish, which he
expected to meet with in large quantities.
The tropical heat, and constant rains, had struck down a large
proportion of the crew, hence the urgent need of rest and of fresh
victuals which they experienced.
These they hoped to find at Rio de Janeiro, where they arrived on the
12th December. Byron was warmly welcomed by the viceroy, and thus
describes his first interview.
"When I made my visit, I was received in the greatest state, about
sixty officers were drawn up by the palace. The guard was under arms.
They were fine, well-drilled men. His Excellency accompanied by the
nobility received me on the staircase. Fifteen salutes from the
neighbouring fort honoured my arrival. We then entered the
audience-chamber, and after a conversation of a quarter of an hour, I
took my leave, and was conducted back with the same ceremonies."
We shall see a little later how slightly the reception given to
Captain Cook some years afterwards resembled that just related.
The Commodore obtained ready permission to disembark his sick, and
found every facility for revictualling. His sole cause of complaint
was the repeated endeavour of the Portuguese to tempt his sailors to
desert.
The insupportable heat experienced by the crew shortened their stay at
Rio. Upon the 16th of October, anchor was weighed, but it was five
days before a land breeze allowed the vessels to gain the open sea.
Up to this moment, the destination of the expedition had been kept
secret. Byron now summoned the captain of the _Tamar_ on board, and in
the presence of the assembled sailors, read his instructions.
These enjoined him not to proceed to the East Indies, as had been
supposed, but to prosecute discoveries, which might prove of great
importance to England in the southern seas. With this object the Lords
of the Admiralty promised double pay to the crew, with future
advancement and enjoyments, if they were pleased with their services.
The second part of this short harangue was the most acceptable to the
sailors and was received by them with joyous demonstrations.
Until the 29th of October no incident occurred in their passage. Upon
that date sudden and violent squalls succeeded each other and
culminated in a fearful tempest, the violence of which was so great
that the Commodore ordered four guns to be thrown overboard, to avoid
foundering. In the morning the weather moderated somewhat, but it was
as cold as in England at the same time of year, although in this
quarter of the globe the month of November answers to the month of May.
As the wind continued to drive the vessel eastward, Byron began to
think that he should experience great difficulty in avoiding the east
of Patagonia.
Suddenly, upon the 12th of November, although no land was marked on
the chart in this position, a repeated cry of "Land! land ahead!"
arose. Clouds at this moment obscured almost the entire horizon, and
it thundered and lightened without intermission.
"It seemed to me," says Byron, "that what had at first appeared to be
an island, was really two steep mountains, but, upon looking windward,
it was apparent that the land which belonged to these mountains
stretched far to the south-east." Consequently, he steered south-west.
"I sent some officers to the masthead to watch the wind, and to verify
the discovery. They unanimously asserted that they saw a great extent
of country. We then went E.S.E. The land appeared to present entirely
the same appearance. The mountains looked blue, as is often the case
in dark and rainy weather, when one is near them. Shortly afterwards,
several of our number fancied they could distinguish waves breaking
upon a sandy shore, but after steering with the utmost caution for an
hour, that which we had taken for land disappeared suddenly, and we
were convinced to our amazement that it had been only a land of fog! I
have passed all my life at sea," continues Byron, "since I was
twenty-seven, but I never could have conceived so complete and
sustained an illusion.
"There is no doubt, that had the weather not cleared so suddenly as it
did, we should one and all on board have declared that we had
discovered land in this latitude. We were then in latitude 43 degrees
46 minutes S. and longitude 60 degrees 5 minutes W."
The next morning a terrible gale of wind arose, heralded by the
piercing cries of many hundred birds flying before it. It lasted only
twenty minutes--sufficiently long, however, to throw the vessel on its
beam end before it was possible to let go the halliards. At the same
moment a blow from the sheet of the mainsail overthrew the first
lieutenant, and sent him rolling to a distance, while the mizen-mast,
which was not entirely lowered, was torn to pieces.
The following days were not much more favourable. Moreover, the ship
had sunk so little, that she drifted away as the wind freshened. After
such a troublesome voyage, we may guess how gladly Byron reached
Penguin Island and Port Desire on the 24th of November. But the
delights of this station did not by any means equal the anticipations
of the crew.
The English sailors landed and upon advancing into the interior, met
only with a desert country, and sandy hills, without a single tree.
They found no game, but they saw a few guanacos too far off for a
shot; they were, however, able to catch some large hares, which were
not difficult to secure. The seals and sea birds, however, furnished
food for an entire fleet.
Badly situated and badly sheltered, Port Desire offered the further
inconvenience that only brackish water could be procured there. Not a
trace of inhabitants was to be found! A long stay in this place being
useless and dangerous, Byron started in search of Pepys Island on the
25th.
The position of this island was most uncertain. Halley placed it 80
degrees east of the continent. Cowley, the only person who asserted
that he had seen it, declared it was about 47 degrees latitude, S.,
but did not fix its longitude. Here then was an interesting problem to
solve.
After having explored to the N., to the S., and to the E., Byron,
satisfied that this island was imaginary, set sail for the Sebaldines,
in haste to reach the first possible port where he could obtain food
and water, of which he had pressing need. A storm overtook him, during
which the waves were so terrific, that Byron declared he had never
seen them equalled, even when he doubled Cape Horn with Admiral Anson.
This danger surmounted, he recognized Cape Virgin, which forms the
northern entrance to the Straits of Magellan.
As soon as the vessels neared the shore, the sailors distinguished a
crowd of men on horseback, who set up a white tent, and signed to them
to land. Curious to see these Patagonians, about whom preceding
navigators had so disagreed, Byron landed with a strong detachment of
armed soldiers.
He found nearly 500 men, most of them on horseback, of gigantic
stature, and looking like monsters in human shape. Their bodies were
painted in the most hideous manner, their faces traced with various
coloured lines, their eyes encircled with blue, black, or red, so that
they had the appearance of wearing enormous spectacles. Almost all
were naked, with the exception of a skin thrown over their
shoulders--the wool inside, and a few of them wore boots. Truly, a
singular costume! primitive and not expensive!
[Illustration: "Most of them on horseback."]
With them were numbers of dogs and of very small horses, excessively
ugly, but not the less extremely swift.
The women rode on horseback like the men without stirrups, and all
galloped on the shore, although it was covered with immense stones and
very slippery.
The interview was friendly. Byron distributed numbers of toys, ribbons,
glass trinkets, and tobacco, to the crowd of giants.
As soon as he had brought the _Dauphin_ to the wind, Byron entered the
Straits of Magellan with the tide. It was not his intention to cross
it, but merely to find a safe and commodious harbour, where he might
secure wood and water before starting in his search for the Falkland
Islands.
On leaving the second outlet, he met with St. Elizabeth, St.
Bartholomew, and St. George Islands, and Sandy Point. Near the last he
found a delicious country, springs, woods, fields covered with flowers,
which shed an exquisite perfume in the air. The country was swarming
with hundreds of birds, of which one species received the name of the
"Painted Goose," from the exceeding brilliancy of its plumage. But
nowhere could a spot be found where the ship's boat could approach
without extreme danger. The water was shallow everywhere, and the
breakers were heavy. Fish of many kinds--more especially
mullets,--geese, snipe, teal, and other birds of excellent flavour,
were caught and killed by the crew.
Byron was obliged to continue his voyage to Port Famine, which he
reached on the 27th of December.
"We were sheltered from all winds," he says, "with the exception of
the south-east, which rarely blows, and no damage could accrue to
vessels which might be driven on shore in the bay, because of the
profound calm that prevails. Wood enough floated near the shore to
stock a thousand vessels, so we had no need to go and cut it in the
forest.
"The River Sedger ran at the bottom of the bay, the water of which is
excellent. Its banks are planted with large and beautiful trees,
excellent for masts; parrots, and birds of brilliant plumage thronged
the branches." Abundance reigned in Famine Port during Byron's stay.
As soon as his crew were completely recovered from their fatigue and
the ships well provisioned, the Commodore, on the 5th of January, 1765,
resumed his search for the Falkland Islands. Seven days later, he
discovered a land in which he fancied he recognized the Islands of
Sebald de Wert, but upon nearing them he found that what he had taken
for three islands, was, in reality, but one, which extended far south.
He had no remaining doubt that he had found the group marked upon the
charts of the time as New Ireland, 51 degrees south latitude, and 63
degrees, 32 minutes west longitude.
First of all, Byron steered clear of them, fearing to be thrown upon a
coast with which he was unacquainted, and after this summary bearing,
a detachment was selected to skirt the coast as closely as possible,
and look for a safe and commodious harbour--which was soon met with.
It received the name of Port Egmont, in honour of Earl Egmont, First
Lord of the Admiralty.
"I did not expect," says Byron, "that it would be possible to find so
good a harbour. The depth was excellent, the supply of water easy; all
the ships of England might be anchored there in shelter from winds.
"Geese, ducks, and teal abounded to such an extent, that the sailors
were tired of eating them. Want of wood was general, with the
exception of some trunks of trees which floated by the shore, and
which were apparently brought here from the Strait of Magellan.
"The wild sorel and celery, both excellent anti-scorbutics, were to be
found in abundance. Sea-calves and seals, as well as penguins, were so
numerous that it was impossible to walk upon the strand without seeing
them rush away in herds. Animals resembling wolves, but more like
foxes in shape, with the exception of their height and tails, several
times attacked the sailors, who had great difficulty in defending
themselves. It would be no easy task to guess how they came here,
distant as the country is from any other continent,--by at least a
hundred leagues; or to imagine where they found shelter, in a country
barren of vegetation, producing only rushes, sword-grass, and not a
single tree."
The account of this portion of Byron's voyage, in Didot's biography,
is a tissue of errors.
"The flotilla," says M. Alfred de Lacaze, "became entangled in the
Straits of Magellan, and was forced to put into a bay near Port Famine,
which was named Port Egmont." A singular mistake, which proves how
lightly the articles of this important collection were sometimes
written.
Byron took possession of Port Egmont and the adjacent isles, called
Falkland, in the name of the King of England. Cowley had named them
Pepys Islands, but in all probability the first discoverer was Captain
Davis in 1592. Two years later Sir Richard Hawkins found land which
was thought to be the same, and named it Virginia, in honour of his
queen Elizabeth. Lastly, vessels from St. Malo visited this group, and
no doubt it was owing to this fact that Frezier called them the
Malouines Islands.
[Illustration: Map of the Eastern Hemisphere. _Engraved by E. Morieu
23, r. de Brea Paris._]
[Illustration: Straits of Magellan, after Bougainville. _Grave par E.
Morieu._]
After having named a number of rocks, islets, and capes, Byron left
Port Egmont on the 27th of January, and set sail for Port Desire,
which he reached nine days later. There he found the _Florida_--a
transport vessel, which had brought from England the provisions and
necessary appliances for his long voyage.
But this anchorage was too dangerous. The _Florida_ and the _Tamar_
were in too bad a condition to be equal to the long operation of
transhipment. Byron therefore sent one of his petty officers, who had
a thorough knowledge of the Strait of Magellan, on board the _Florida_,
and with his two consorts set sail for Port Famine. He met with a
French ship so many times in the straits, that it appeared as if she
were bent upon the same course as himself. Upon returning to England,
he ascertained that she was the _Aigle_, Captain M. de Bougainville,
who was coasting Patagonia in search of the wood needed by the French
colony in the Falkland Islands.
During the various excursions in the straits, the English expedition
received several visits from the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego.
"I have never seen such wretched beings," says Byron; "they were
entirely naked, with the exception of a skin thrown across the
shoulders. They offered me the bows and arrows with which they were
armed in exchange for beads, necklaces, and other trifles. Their
arrows, which were two feet long, were made of cane, and pointed with
greenish stone; the bows were three feet long and were furnished with
catgut for strings.
"Their nourishment consisted of certain fruits, mussels, and the
remains of putrid fish thrown upon the beach during the storms. Pigs
only could have relished their food. It consisted of large pieces of
whale, already putrified, the odour of which impregnated the air for
some distance. One of them tore the carrion in pieces with his teeth,
and handed the bits to his companions, who devoured them with the
voracity of wild beasts.
"Several of these miserable beings decided to come on board. Wishing
to give them a pleasant reception, one of my petty officers played the
violin and the sailors danced. This delighted them. Anxious to show
their appreciation, one of their number hastened to his pirogue (small
boat) and returned with a little bag of wolf-skin, containing a red
ointment, with which he rubbed the face of the violinist. He was
anxious to pay me the same attention, but I drew back. He then tried
every means of overcoming my delicacy, and I had great difficulty in
avoiding the mark of esteem he was so anxious to give me."
[Illustration: "One of them tore the carrion with his teeth."]
It will not be out of place here to record the opinion held by Byron,
an experienced seaman, upon the advantages and disadvantages offered
to the passage through the Straits of Magellan. He does not agree with
the majority of navigators who have visited these latitudes. He
says,--
"Our account of the difficulties and dangers we encountered may lead
to the idea that it is not prudent to attempt this passage, and that
ships leaving Europe for the southern seas, should prefer to double
Cape Horn. I am by no means of this opinion, although I have twice
doubled Cape Horn. There is one season in the year when not only one
ship, but an entire fleet, might safely cross the straits, and to
profit by this season one should enter them in the month of December.
One inestimable advantage which should weigh with all navigators is
that celery, scurvy-grass, fruits, and other anti-scorbutic vegetables
abound. Such obstacles as we encountered, and which delayed us from
the 17th of February till the 8th of April in the straits, were mainly
due to the equinoctial season, a season which is invariably stormy,
and which, more than once, tried our patience."
Until the 26th of April, the day upon which they found Mas-a-Fuero,
belonging to the Juan Fernandez group, Byron had sailed to the N.W. He
hastened to disembark several sailors, who after obtaining water and
wood, chased wild goats, which they found better flavoured than
venison in England.
During their stay in this port, a singular fact occurred. A violent
surf broke over the shore, and prevented the shore-boats from reaching
the strand. Although he was provided with a life-belt, one of the
sailors, who could not swim, refused to jump into the sea to reach the
boat. Threatened with being left alone on the island, he still
persistently refused to venture, when one of his companions cleverly
encircled his waist with a cord, in which he had made a running knot,
and one end of which was made fast to the boat. When he reached the
vessel, Hawksworth's narrative relates, that the unfortunate fellow
had swallowed so much water that he appeared lifeless. He was
accordingly hung up by the heels, whereupon he soon regained his
senses, and the next day was completely restored. But in spite of this
truly wonderful recovery, we can hardly venture to recommend this
course of treatment to humane rescue societies.
Leaving Mas-a-Fuero, Byron changed his route, with the intention of
seeking Davis Land, now known as Easter Island, which was placed by
geographers in 27 degrees 30 minutes, a hundred leagues westward of
the American coast. Eight days were devoted to this search.
Having found nothing after this cruise, which he was unable to prolong,
Byron, following his intention of visiting the Solomon group, steered
for the north-west. Upon the 22nd of May scurvy broke out on board the
vessels, and quickly made alarming havoc.
Fortunately land was perceived from the look-out on the 7th of June in
140 degrees 58 minutes west longitude.
Next day, the fleet neared two islands, which presented an attractive
appearance.
Large bushy trees, shrubs and groves were seen, and a number of
natives who hastened to the shore and lighted fires.
Byron sent a boat in search of anchorage. It returned without having
found the requisite depth at a cable's length from shore.
The unfortunate victims of scurvy who had crawled on to the forecastle,
cast looks of sorrowful longing at the fertile islands, which held the
remedy for their sufferings and which Nature placed beyond their
reach!
The narrative says,--
"They saw the cocoa-trees in abundance, laden with fruit, the milk of
which is probably the most powerful anti-scorbutic in the world. They
had reason for supposing that limes, bananas, and other tropical
fruits abounded, and to add to their torments they saw the shells of
tortoises floating on the shore."
All these delights, which would have restored them to vigour, were no
more attainable than if they had been separated by half the globe, but
the sight of them increased the misery of their privations.
Byron was anxious to curtail the tantalizing misery of his unfortunate
crew, and giving the name of Disappointment Islands to the group, he
set sail once more on the 8th of June.
The very next day he found a new land, long, flat, covered with
cocoa-nut trees. In its midst was a lake with a little islet. This
feature alone was indicative of the madreporic formation of the soil,
simple deposit, which was not yet, but which in time would become, an
island. The boat sent to sound met in every direction with a coast as
steep as a wall.
Meanwhile the natives made hostile demonstrations. Two men entered the
boat. One stole a sailor's waistcoat, another put out his hand for the
quarter-master's cocked hat, but not knowing how to deal with it,
pulled it towards him, instead of lifting it up, which gave the
quarter-master an opportunity of interfering with his intention. Two
large pirogues, each manned by thirty paddlers, showed an intention of
attacking the vessels, but the latter immediately chased them. Just as
they were running ashore a struggle ensued, and the English, all but
overwhelmed by numbers, were forced to use their arms. Three or four
natives were killed.
Next day, the sailors and such of the sick as could leave their
hammocks landed.
The natives, intimidated by the lesson they had received in the
evening, remained in concealment, whilst the English picked cocoa-nuts,
and gathered anti-scorbutic plants. These timely refreshments were so
useful that in a few days there was not a sick man on board.
Parrots, rarely beautiful, and tame doves, and several kinds of
unknown birds composed the fauna of the island, which received the
name of King George--that which was discovered afterwards was called
Prince of Wales' Island. All these lands belonged to the Pomotou group,
which is also known as the Low Islands, a very suitable name for this
archipelago.
On the 21st again a new chain of islands surrounded by breakers was
sighted. Byron did not attempt a thorough investigation of these, as
to do so he would have incurred risks out of proportion to the benefit
to be gained. He called them the Dangerous Islands.
Six days later, Duke of York Island was discovered. The English found
no inhabitants, but carried off two hundred cocoa-nuts, which appeared
to them of inestimable value.
A little farther, in latitude 1 degree 18 minutes south, longitude 173
degrees 46 minutes west, a desert island received the name of Byron;
it was situated eastward of the Gilbert group.
The heat was overwhelming, and the sailors, weakened, by their long
voyage and want of proper food, in addition to the putrid water they
had been forced to drink, were almost all attacked by dysentery.
At length, on the 28th of July, Byron joyfully recognized Saypan and
Tinian Islands, which form part of the Marianne or Ladrone Islands,
and he prepared to anchor in the very spot where Lord Anson had cast
anchor with the _Centurion_. Tents were immediately prepared for the
sufferers from scurvy. Almost all the sailors had been attacked by
this terrible disease, many even had been at the point of death. The
captain undertook to explore the dense wood which extended to the very
edge of the shore, in search of the lovely country so enthusiastically
described in the account written by Lord Anson's chaplain. How far
were these enchanting descriptions from the truth! Impenetrable
forests met him on every side, overgrown plants, briars, and tangled
shrubs, at every step caught and tore his clothes. At the same time
the explorers were attacked and stung by clouds of mosquitoes. Game
was scarce and wild, the water detestable, the roadstead was never
more dangerous than at this season.
The halt was made, therefore, under unfortunate auspices. Still, in
the end limes, bitter oranges, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruits, guavas, and
others were found. But although these productions were beneficial to
the invalids, who were shortly restored to vigour, the malarious
atmosphere caused such violent fever that two sailors succumbed to it.
In addition, the rain fell unceasingly and the heat was overpowering.
Byron says that he never experienced such terrific heat, even in his
visits to the coast of Guinea, the East Indies, or St. Thomas Island,
which is immediately below the equator.
Fowls and wild pigs which weighed about 2 cwt. each, were easily
procurable, but had to be eaten immediately, as in less than a hour
decomposition took place. Lastly, the fish caught upon this shore was
so unwholesome, that even those who ate it in moderation became
dangerously ill, and risked their lives.
After a stay of nine weeks, the two ships, amply provisioned, left the
port of Tinian. Byron continued his route to the north, after having
passed Anatacan Island, already discovered by Anson. He hoped to meet
the N.E. monsoon before reaching the Bashees, which form the extreme
north of the Philippines. Upon the 22nd he perceived Grafton Island,
the most northerly of this group, and upon the 3rd of November he
arrived at Timoan, which had been mentioned by Dampier as a favourable
place for procuring provisions. The natives, however, who are of Malay
descent, refused the offer of hatchets, knives, and iron instruments
in exchange for fowls--they demanded rupees. Finally they accepted
some handkerchiefs in payment of a dozen fowls, a goat and its kid.
Fortunately fish was abundant, as it would have been impossible to
procure fresh victuals.
Byron set sail once more on the 7th November, passed Poulo Condor at a
distance, stopped at Poulo Taya, where he encountered a vessel bearing
Dutch colours, but which was manned entirely by Malays. Reaching
Sumatra, he explored the coast and cast anchor at Batavia, the
principal seat of Dutch power in the East Indies, on the 20th November.
At this time there were more than one hundred ships, large and small,
in this roadstead, so flourishing was the trade of the East India
Company at this epoch. The town was at the height of its prosperity.
Its large and open thoroughfares, its admirable canals, bordered by
pine-trees, its regular buildings, singularly recalled the cities of
the Netherlands.
Portuguese, Chinese, English, Dutch, Persians, Moors, and Malays,
mixed in the streets, and transacted business. Fetes, receptions,
gaieties of every kind impressed new comers with a high idea of the
prosperity of the town, and contributed to make their stay a pleasant
one. The sole drawback, and it was a serious one to crews after so
long a voyage, was the unhealthiness of the locality, where endemic
fevers abound. Byron being aware of this, hurried the embarkation of
his provisions, and set sail after an interval of twelve days.
Short as their stay had been, it had been too long. The fleet had
scarcely reached the strait of the sound, before a malignant fever
broke out among the crew, disabling half their number, and ending in
the death of three sailors.
After forty-eight days' navigation, Byron perceived the coast of
Africa, and cast anchor three days later in Table Bay.
Cape Town furnished all that he could require. Provisions, water,
medicines, were all shipped with a rapidity which sufficiently
indicated their anxiety to return, and once more the prow of the
vessel was directed homewards.
Two incidents occurred on the passage across the Atlantic, thus
described by Byron.
"Off St. Helena, in fine weather, and with a favourable wind, the
vessel, then at a considerable distance from land, received a shock
which was as severe as if she had struck on a rock. Its violence so
alarmed us that we all ran to the bridge. Our fears were dissipated
when we saw the sea tinged with blood to a great distance. We
concluded that we had come in contact with a whale or a grampus, and
that our ship had apparently received no damage, which was true."
A few days later, however, the _Tamar_ was found to be in such a
dilapidated state, such grave injuries were discovered in her rudder,
that it was necessary to invent something to replace it, and to enable
her to reach the Antilles, it being too great a risk to allow her to
continue her voyage.
Upon the 9th of May, 1766, the _Dauphin_ anchored in the Downs, after
a voyage round the world which had lasted for twenty-three months.
This was the most fortunate of all the circumnavigation voyages
undertaken by the English. Up to this date, no purely scientific
voyage had been attempted. If it was less fruitful of results than had
been anticipated, the fault lay not so much with the captain as with
the Lords of the Admiralty. They were not sufficiently accurate in
their instructions, and had not taken the trouble (as was done in
later voyages) of sending special professors of the various branches
of science with the expedition.
Full justice, however, was paid to Byron. The title of Admiral was
conferred on him, and an important command in the East Indies was
entrusted to him. But we have no interest in the latter part of his
life, which ended in 1786, and to that, therefore, we need not allude.
II.
Wallis and Carteret--Preparations for the Expedition--Difficult
navigation of the Strait of Magellan--Separation of the _Dauphin_ and
the _Swallow_--Whitsunday Island--Queen Charlotte's Island--Cumberland,
Henry Islands, &c.--Tahiti--Howe, Boscawen, and Keppel Islands--Wallis
Island--Batavia--The Cape--The Downs--Discovery of Pitcairn, Osnaburgh,
and Gloucester Islands by Carteret--Santa Cruz Archipelago--Solomon
Islands--St. George's canal and New Ireland, Portland and Admiralty
Islands--Batavia and Macassar--Meeting with Bougainville in the
Atlantic.
The impulse once given, England inaugurated the series of scientific
expeditions which were to prove so fruitful of results, and to raise
her naval reputation to such a height.
Admirable indeed is the training acquired in these voyages round the
world. In them the crew, the officers, and sailors, are constantly
brought face to face with unforeseen difficulties and dangers, which
call forth the best qualities of the sailor, the soldier, and the man!
If France succumbed to the naval superiority of Great Britain during
the revolutionary and imperial wars, was it not fully as much owing to
this stern training of the British seaman, as to the internal
dissensions which deprived France of the services of the greater part
of her naval staff?
Be this as it may, the English Admiralty, shortly after Byron's return,
organized a new expedition. Their preparations appear to have been far
too hasty. The _Dauphin_ only anchored in the Downs at the beginning
of May, and six weeks later, on the 19th of June, Captain Samuel
Wallis received the command.
This officer, after attaining the highest rank in the military marine
service, had been entrusted with an important command in Canada, and
had assisted in the capture of Louisburgh. We cannot tell what
qualities commended him to the Admiralty in preference to his
companions in arms, but in any case, the noble lords had no reason to
regret their decision. Wallis hastened the needful preparations on
board the _Dauphin_, and on the 21st of August (less than a month
after receiving his commission), he joined the sloop _Swallow_ and the
_Prince Frederick_ in Plymouth Harbour.
The latter was in charge of Lieutenant Brine, the former was commanded
by Philip Carteret. Both were most distinguished officers who had just
returned from a voyage round the world with Commodore Byron, and whose
reputation was destined to be increased by their second voyage.
The _Swallow_, unfortunately, appears to have been quite unfit for the
service demanded of her. Having already been thirty years in service,
the sheathing was very much worn, and her keel was not studded with
nails, which might have served instead of sheathing to protect her
from parasites. Again the provisions and marketable commodities were
so unequally divided, that the _Swallow_ received much less than the
_Dauphin_. Carteret begged in vain for a rope yarn, a forge, and
various things which his experience told him would be indispensable.
This rebuff confirmed Carteret in his notion that he should not get
further than the Falkland Isles, but none the less he took every
precaution which his experience dictated to him.
As soon as the equipment was complete, on the 22nd of April 1766, the
vessels set sail. It did not take Wallis long to find out that the
_Swallow_ was a bad sailer, and that he might anticipate much trouble
during his voyage. However, no accident happened during the voyage to
Madeira, where the vessels put in to revictual.
Upon leaving the port, the commander supplied Carteret with a copy of
his instructions, and selected Port Famine, in the Strait of Magellan,
as a rendezvous, in case of separation.
Their stay at Port Praya, in the Island of Santiago, was shortened on
account of the ravages committed there by the small-pox, and Wallis
would not even allow his crew to land. Shortly after leaving the
Equator, the _Prince Frederick_ gave signs of distress, and it was
necessary to send the carpenter on board to stop up a leak on the
larboard side. This vessel, which was provided with inferior
provisions, counted already a number of sick among her crew.
Towards eight o'clock in the evening of the 19th of November, the
crews perceived in the N.E. a meteor of extraordinary appearance,
moving in a straight line towards the S.W. with marvellous rapidity.
It was visible for almost a minute, and left behind a trail of light,
so bright that the deck was illuminated as if it were mid-day.
On the 8th of December, the coast of Patagonia was at last visible.
Wallis skirted it until he reached Cape Virgin, where he landed with
the armed detachments of the _Swallow_ and _Prince Frederick_. A crowd
of natives awaited them upon the shore, and received with apparent
satisfaction the knives, scissors, and other trifles which it was
usual to distribute upon such occasions, but they would not part with
guanacos, ostriches, or any other game which were seen in their
possession for any consideration. Wallis says,--
"We took the measure of the largest of them, one was six feet six
inches in height, several were five feet five inches, but the average
was five foot six, or six feet."
It must be remembered that these were English feet, which are only 305
millemetres.
If these natives were not quite so tall as the giants mentioned by
previous navigators, they were very little less striking.
"Each one," continues the narrative, "carried a strange kind of weapon,
it consisted of two round stones, covered with copper, each of which
weighed about a pound, and they were attached at both ends to a cord
about eight feet long. They used them like slings, holding one of the
stones in the hand, and whirling the other round the head until it
attained sufficient velocity, when they threw it towards the object
they wished to strike. They managed this weapon so adroitly that they
could strike a butt no larger than a shilling with both stones, at a
distance of fifteen roods. They did not, however, employ it in chasing
guanacos or ostriches."
Wallis conducted eight of these Patagonians on board. They did not
appear surprised, as one would have expected, at the number of new and
extraordinary things they met with. They advanced, retired, made a
thousand grimaces before the mirrors, shouted with laughter, and
conversed animatedly among themselves. Their attention was attracted
by the pigs for a moment, but they were immensely amused with the
guinea fowls and turkeys. It was difficulty to persuade them to leave
the vessel. At last they returned to the shore, singing and making
signs of delight to their countrymen who awaited them on the bank.
[Illustration: "They made a thousand grimaces."]
On the 17th of December, Wallis signalled the _Swallow_ to head the
squadron for the passage of the Straits of Magellan.
At Port Famine the commander had two tents erected on shore for the
sick, the wood-cutters, and the sailors. Fish in sufficient quantities
for each day's meal, abundance of celery, and acid fruits similar to
cranberries and barberries, were to be found in this harbour, and in
the course of about a fortnight these remedies completely restored the
numerous sufferers from scurvy. The vessels were repaired and
partially calked, the sails were mended, the rigging, which had been a
good deal strained, was overhauled and repaired, and all was soon
ready for sea again.
But Wallis first ordered a large quantity of wood to be cut and
conveyed on board the _Prince Frederick_, for transport to the
Falkland Isles, where it is not obtainable. At the same time he had
hundreds of young trees carefully dug up, and the roots covered in
their native soil to facilitate their transplantation in Port Egmont,
that in taking root--as there was reason to hope they would--they
might supply the barren archipelago with this precious commodity.
Lastly, the provisions were divided between the _Dauphin_ and the
_Swallow_. The former taking sufficient for a year, the latter for ten
months.
We will not enlarge upon the different incidents which befell the two
ships in the Straits of Magellan, such as sudden gales, tempests and
snowstorms, irregular and rapid currents, heavy seas and fogs, which
more than once brought the vessels within an inch of destruction. The
_Swallow_ especially, was in such a dilapidated condition, that
Carteret besought Wallis to consider his vessel no longer of any use
in the expedition, and to tell him what course should best be pursued
for the public good.
Wallis replied, "The orders of the Admiralty are concise, and you must
conform to them, and accompany the _Dauphin_ as long as possible. I am
aware that the _Swallow_ is a bad sailer; I will accommodate myself to
her speed, and follow her movements, for it is most important that in
case of accident to one of the ships, the other should be within reach,
to give all the assistance in her power."
Carteret had nothing to urge in reply, but he augured badly for the
result of the expedition.
As the ships approached the opening of the straits on the Pacific side,
the weather became abominable. A thick fog, falls of snow and rain,
currents which sent the vessels on to the breakers, a chopping sea,
contributed to detain the navigators in the straits until the 10th of
April. On that day, the _Dauphin_ and _Swallow_ were separated off
Cape Pilar, and could not find each other, Wallis not having fixed a
rendezvous in case of separation.
Before we follow Wallis on his voyage across the Pacific, we will give
a short account of the wretched natives of Tierra del Fuego, and of
the general appearance of their country. These wretches, who were as
miserable and debased as possible, subsisted upon the raw flesh of
seals and penguins.
"One of our men," says Wallis, "who fished with a line, bestowed a
live fish, which he had just caught, and which was about the size of a
herring, upon one of these Americans. He took it with the eagerness of
a dog snatching a bone. He commenced operations by killing the fish
with a bite near the gills, and proceeded to devour it, beginning at
the head and finishing at the tail, without rejecting the bones, fins,
scales, or entrails. In fact, these people swallowed everything that
was offered to them, cooked or uncooked, fresh or salt, but they
refused all drink but water. Their sole covering was a miserable
seal-skin reaching to the knees. Their weapons were javelins tipped
with a fish-bone. They all suffered from bad eyes, which the English
attributed to their custom of living in smoke to protect themselves
from mosquitos. Lastly, they emitted a most offensive smell, only to
be likened to that of foxes, which doubtless arose from their
excessively filthy habits."
Although certainly not inviting, this picture is graphic, as all
navigators testify. It would appear that progress is not possible to
these savages, so nearly allied to brutes. Civilization is a dead
letter to them, and they still vegetate like their forefathers, with
no wish to improve, and with no ambition to attain a more comfortable
existence. Wallis continues,--
"Thus we quitted this savage and uninhabitable region, where for four
months we had been in constant danger of shipwreck, where in the
height of summer the weather is foggy, cold, and stormy, where almost
all the valleys are without verdure, and the mountains without woods,
in short where the land which one can see rather resembles the ruins
of a world, than the abode of living creatures."
Wallis was scarcely free of the strait, when he set sail westward in
spite of dense fogs, and with high wind and such a heavy sea, that for
weeks together there was not a dry corner in the ship.
The constant exposure to damp engendered cold and severe fevers, to
which scurvy shortly succeeded. Upon reaching 32 degrees south
latitude, and 100 degrees west longitude, the navigator steered due
north.
Upon the 6th of June, two islands were discovered amidst general
rejoicings.
The ships' boats, well armed and equipped, reached the shore under
command of Lieutenant Furneaux. A quantity of cocoa-nuts and
anti-scorbutic plants were obtained, but although the English found
huts and sheds, they did not meet with a single inhabitant. This
island was discovered on the eve of Whitsunday and hence received the
name Whitsunday.
It is situated in 19 degrees 26 minutes south latitude, and 137
degrees 56' minutes west longitude. Like the following islands, it
belongs to the Pomotou group.
Next day, the English endeavoured to make overtures to the inhabitants
of another island, but the natives appeared so ill-disposed and the
coast was so steep, that it was impossible to land. After tacking
about all night, Wallis despatched the boats, with orders not to use
violence to the inhabitants if they could avoid it, or unless
absolutely obliged.
As Lieutenant Furneaux approached the land, he was astonished by the
sight of two large pirogues with double masts, in which the natives
were on the eve of embarking.
As soon as they had done so, the English landed, and searched the
island thoroughly. They discovered several pits full of good water.
The soil was firm, sandy, covered with trees, more especially
cocoanut-trees, palm-trees, and sprinkled with anti-scorbutic plants.
The narrative says,--
"The natives of this island were of moderate stature. Their skin was
brown, and they had long black hair, straggling over the shoulders.
The men were finely formed, and the women were beautiful. Some coarse
material formed their garment, which was tied round the waist, and
appeared to be intended to be raised round the shoulders. In the
afternoon, Wallis sent the lieutenant to procure water and to take
possession of the island in the name of King George III. It was called
Queen Charlotte's Island, in honour of the English queen."
After reconnoitring personally, Wallis determined to remain in this
region for a week, in order to profit by the facilities it afforded
for provisioning.
In their walks the English met with working implements made of shells,
and sharpened stones shaped like axes, scissors, and awls. They also
noticed boats in course of construction, made of boards joined
together. But they were most of all astonished at meeting with tombs
upon which the dead bodies were exposed under a sort of awning, and
where they putrified in the open air.
When they quitted the island, they left hatchets, nails, bottles, and
other things as reparation for any damage they might have committed.
The 17th century teamed with philanthropic aspirations! And from the
accounts of all navigators one is led to believe that the theory so
much advocated was put into practice upon most occasions. Humanity had
made great strides. Difference of colour no longer presented an
insuperable barrier to a man's being treated as a brother, and the
convention which at the close of the century ordered the freedom of
the black, set a seal to the convictions of numbers.
The _Dauphin_ discovered new land, the same day that she left Queen
Charlotte's Island. It lay to the westward, but after cruising along
the coast, the vessel was unable to find anchorage. Lying low, it was
covered with trees, neither cocoa-nuts nor inhabitants were to be
found, and it evidently was merely a rendezvous for the hunters and
fishers of the neighbouring islands. Wallis therefore decided not to
stop. It received the name of Egmont, in honour of Earl Egmont, then
chief Lord of the Admiralty. The following days brought new
discoveries. Gloucester, Cumberland, William, Henry, and Osnaburgh
Islands, were sighted in succession. Lieutenant Furneaux was able to
procure provisions without landing at the last named.
Observing several large pirogues on the beach, he drew the conclusion
that other and perhaps larger islands would be found at no great
distance, where they would probably find abundant provisions, and to
which access might be less difficult. His pre-vision was right. As the
sun rose upon the 19th, the English sailors were astonished at finding
themselves surrounded by pirogues of all sizes, having on board no
less than eight hundred natives. After having consulted together at
some distance, a few of the natives approached, holding in their hands
banana branches. They were on the point of climbing up the vessels,
when an absurd accident interrupted these cordial relations.
[Illustration: The natives waving palm-leaves as a sign of welcome.]
One of them had climbed into the gangway when a goat ran at him.
Turning he perceived the strange animal upon its hind legs preparing
to attack him again. Overcome with terror, he jumped back into the sea,
an example quickly followed by the others. It recalled the incident of
the sheep of Panurge.
Recovering from this alarm, they again climbed into the ship, and
brought all their cunning to bear upon petty thefts. However, only one
officer had his hat stolen. The vessel all the time was following the
coast in search of a fitting harbour, whilst the boats coasted the
shore for soundings.
The English had never found a more picturesque and attractive country
in any of their voyages. On the shore, the huts of the natives were
sheltered by shady woods, in which flourished graceful clusters of
cocoanut-trees. Graduated chains of hills, with wooded summits, and
the silver sheen of rivers glistening amid the verdure as they found
their way to the sea, added to the beauty of the interior.
The boats sent to take soundings were suddenly surrounded at the
entrance of a large bay by a crowd of pirogues. Wallis, to avoid a
collision, gave the order for the discharge from the swivel gun above
the natives' heads, but although the noise terrified them, they still
continued their approach.
The captain accordingly ordered his boats to make for the shore, and
the natives finding themselves disregarded, threw some sharp stones
which wounded a few sailors. But the captains of the boats replied to
this attack by a volley of bullets, which injured one of them, and was
followed by the flight of the rest.
The _Dauphin_ anchored next day at the mouth of a large river in
twenty fathoms of water. The sailors rejoiced universally. The natives
immediately surrounded them with pirogues, bringing pigs, fowls, and
various fruits, which were quickly exchanged for hardware and nails.
One of the boats employed in taking soundings, however, was attacked
by blows from paddles and sticks, and the sailors were forced to use
their weapons. One native was killed, a second severely wounded, and
the rest jumped into the water. Seeing that they were not pursued, and
conscious that they themselves had been the aggressors, they returned
to traffic with the _Dauphin_ as if nothing had happened. Upon
returning on board, the officers reported that the natives had invited
them to land, more especially the women, with unequivocal gestures,
and that moreover, there was excellent anchorage near the shore within
reach of water.
The only inconvenience arose from a considerable swell. The _Dauphin_
accordingly weighed anchor and proceeded into the open sea to run with
the wind, when all at once Wallis perceived a bay seven or eight miles
distant, which he determined to reach. The captain was soon to
experience the truth of the proverb which asserts that one had better
leave well alone.
Although soundings were taken by the boats as they advanced, the
_Dauphin_ struck on a rock and damaged her forepart. The usual
measures in such a case were taken immediately, but outside the chain
of madreporic rocks no depth could be sounded. It was consequently
impossible to cast anchor, or to use the capstan. What course had best
be pursued in this critical situation? The vessel beat violently
against the rocks, and a host of pirogues waited in expectation of a
shipwreck, eager to clutch their prey. Fortunately at the end of an
hour a favourable breeze rising, disengaged the _Dauphin_, and wafted
her into good anchorage. The damage done was not serious, and was as
easily repaired as forgotten.
Wallis, rendered prudent by the constant efforts of the natives,
divided his men into four parties, one of which was always to be armed.
And he ordered guns to be fired. But after one or two rounds the
number of pirogues increased, and no longer laden with poultry, they
appeared to be filled with stones. The crews of the larger vessels
also were augmented.
All at once upon a given signal a storm of pebbles fell upon the ship.
Wallis ordered a general discharge, and had two guns loaded with fine
shot. The natives, after some slight hesitation and disorder, returned
to the attack with great bravery; and the captain, noticing the
constantly increasing numbers of the assailants, was not without
anxiety as to the result, when an unexpected event put an end to the
contest.
Among the pirogues which attacked the _Dauphin_ most energetically,
was one which appeared to contain a chief, as from it the signal of
attack was given. A well-directed shot cut this double pirogue in two.
This was enough to decide the natives upon retreat. They set about it
so precipitately that in less than half an hour not a single boat
remained in sight. The vessel was then towed into port, and so placed
as to protect the disembarkation. Lieutenant Furneaux landed at the
head of a strong detachment of sailors and marines, and planting the
English flag, took possession of the island in the name of the King of
England, in whose honour it was named George the Third. The natives
called it Tahiti.
After prostrating themselves, and offering various marks of repentance,
the natives appeared anxious to commence friendly and honest business
with the English, but fortunately Wallis, who was detained on board by
severe illness, perceived preparations for a simultaneous attack by
land and sea upon the men sent to find water. The shorter the struggle
the less the loss! Acting upon which principle, directly the natives
came within gunshot range, a few discharges dispersed their fleet.
To put a stop to these attempts, it was necessary to make an example.
Wallis decided with regret that it was so. He accordingly sent a
detachment on shore at once with his carpenters, ordering them to
destroy every pirogue which was hauled up on the beach. More than
fifty, many of them sixty feet long, were hacked to pieces. Upon this
the Tahitians decided to give in. They brought pigs, dogs, stuffs, and
fruits to the shore, placed them there, and then withdrew. The English
left in exchange hatchets and toys which were carried off to the
forest with many delighted gestures.
Peace was established, and from the morrow a regular and abundant
traffic commenced, which supplied the ships with the fresh provisions
needed by the crews. There was ground for hope that these amicable
relations would continue during their stay in the island, now that the
natives had once realized the power and effect of the strangers'
weapons. Wallis, therefore, ordered a tent to be prepared near the
water supply, and disembarked all the sufferers from scurvy, whilst
the healthy members of his company were engaged in repairing the
rigging, mending the sails, and calking and repainting the vessel,
putting her, in short, in a condition fitted for the long journey
which was to take her to England.
[Illustration: Polynesia. Grave par E. Morieu.]
At this juncture Wallis's illness assumed an alarming character. The
first lieutenant was in hardly better health. All the responsibility
of the expedition fell upon Furneaux, who was quite equal to the task.
After a rest of fifteen days, during which the peace had not been
disturbed, Wallis found all his invalids restored to health.
Provisions, however, became less plentiful. The natives, spoilt by the
abundance of nails and hatchets, became more exacting.
Upon the 15th of July, a tall woman, apparently some forty-five years
of age, of majestic appearance, and who seemed to be much respected by
the natives, came on board the _Dauphin_. Wallis at once perceived by
the dignity of her deportment, and the freedom of her manner, peculiar
to persons habituated to command, that she was of high station. He
presented her with a blue mantle, a looking-glass, and other gewgaws,
which she received with an expression of profound contentment. Upon
leaving the vessel she invited the captain to land, and to pay her a
visit. Wallis, although still very weak, did not fail to comply with
this request next day. He was conducted to a large hut, which covered
about 327 feet in length, and 42 in width. The roof was constructed of
palm leaves and was supported by fifty-three pillars.
A considerable crowd, collected together by the event, lined the
approach, and received him respectfully. The visit was enlivened by a
comical incident. The surgeon of the vessel, who perspired greatly
from the effects of the walk, to relieve himself took off his wig. A
sudden exclamation from one of the Indians at this sight, drew general
attention to the prodigy, and all fixed their eyes upon it. The whole
assemblage remained perfectly still for some moments, in the silence
of astonishment, which could not have been greater if they had seen
one of our company decapitated.
Next day, a messenger, sent to convey a present to Queen Oberoa, in
acknowledgment of her gracious reception, found her giving a feast to
several hundred persons.
Her servants carried the dishes to her already prepared, the meat in
cocoa-nut shells, and the shell fish in a sort of wooden trough,
similar to those used by our butchers. She herself distributed them
with her own hands to each of her guests, who were sitting and
standing all round the house. When this was over, she seated herself
upon a sort of raised dais, and two women beside her gave her her food.
They offered the viands to her in their fingers; and she had only to
take the trouble to open her mouth.
The consequences of this exchange of civilities were speedily felt.
The market was once more fully supplied with provisions, although no
longer at the same low price as upon the first arrival of the English.
Lieutenant Furneaux reconnoitred the length of the coast westward, to
gain an idea of the island, and to see what it was possible to obtain
from it. The English were everywhere well received. They found a
pleasant country, densely populated, whose inhabitants appeared in no
hurry to sell their commodities. All their working implements were
either of stone or of bone, which led Lieutenant Furneaux to infer
that the Tahitians possess no metals.
As they had no earthenware vessels, they had no idea that water could
be heated. They discovered it one day when the queen dined on board.
One of the principal members of her suite, having seen the surgeon
pour water from the boiler into the teapot, turned the tap and
received the scalding liquor upon his hand. Finding himself burnt, he
uttered most frightful screams, and ran round the cabin making most
extravagant gestures. His companions, unable to imagine what had
happened to him, stared at him with mingled astonishment and fear. The
surgeon hastened to interfere, but for a long time the poor Tahitian
refused to be comforted.
Some days later, Wallis discovered that his sailors stole nails to
give them to the native women. They even went so far as to raise the
planks of the ship to obtain screws, nails, bolts, and all the bits of
iron which united them to the timbers. Wallis treated the offence
rigorously, but nothing availed, and in spite of the precaution he
took, of allowing no one to leave the vessel without being searched,
these robberies constantly occurred.
An expedition, undertaken into the interior, discovered a large valley
watered by a beautiful river. Everywhere the soil was carefully
cultivated, and arrangements had been made for watering the gardens
and the fruit plantations. Farther penetrations into the interior
proved the capacious windings of the river; the valley narrowed, the
hills were succeeded by mountains, at every step the way became more
difficult. A peak, distant about six miles from the place of landing,
was climbed, in the hope of thus discovering the entire island, even
to its smallest recesses. But the view was intercepted by yet higher
mountains. On the side towards the sea, however, nothing interfered
with the magnificent view which stretched before their gaze,
everywhere hills, covered with magnificent woods, upon whose verdant
slopes the huts of the natives stood out clearly, and in the valleys
with their numberless cabins, and gardens surrounded by hedges, the
scenes were still more enchanting. The sugar cane, ginger plant,
tamarind and tree ferns, with cocoanut-trees, furnished the principal
resources of this fertile country.
Wallis, wishing to enrich it still more with the productions of our
own climate, caused peach, cherry, and plum stones to be planted, as
well as lemon, orange and lime pips, and sowed quantities of vegetable
seeds. At the same time he gave the queen a present of a cat about to
kitten, of two cocks, fowls, geese, and other domestic animals, which
he hoped might breed well.
However, time pressed, and Wallis decided to leave. When he announced
his intention to the queen, she threw herself upon a seat and cried
for a long time, with so much grief that it was impossible to comfort
her. She remained upon the vessel up to the last moment, and as it set
sail "embraced us," says Wallis, "in the tenderest way, weeping
plenteously, and our friends the Tahitians bade us farewell, with so
much sorrow, and in so touching a manner, that I felt heavy-hearted,
and my eyes filled with tears." The uncourteous reception of the
English, and the repeated attempts made by the natives to seize the
vessel, would hardly have led to the idea of a painful separation!
However, as the proverb has it, All's well that ends well!
Of Wallis' observations of the manners and customs of the island, we
shall only enumerate the few following, as we shall have occasion to
return to them again in relating the voyages undertaken by
Bougainville and Cook.
Tall, well built, active, slightly dark in complexion, the natives
were clothed in a species of white stuff made from the bark of trees.
Two pieces of stuff completed their costume, one was square and looked
like a blanket. The head was thrust through a hole in the centre, and
it recalled the "zarapo" of the Mexicans, and the "poncho" of the
South American Indian. The second piece was rolled round the body,
without being tightened. Almost all, men and women, tattoo their
bodies with black lines close together, representing different figures.
The operation was thus performed: the pattern was pricked in the skin,
and the holes filled with a sort of paste composed of oil and grease,
which left an indelible mark.
[Illustration: Head-dresses of natives of Tahiti. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
Civilization has little advanced. We have already stated that the
Tahitians did not understand earthenware vessels. Wallis, therefore,
presented the queen with a saucepan, which everybody flocked to
inspect with extreme curiosity.
As to religion, the captain found no trace of that! He only noticed
that upon entering certain places, which he took to be cemeteries,
they maintained a respectful appearance, and wore mourning apparel.
One of the natives, more disposed than his companions to adopt English
manners, was presented with a complete suit of clothes, which became
him very well. Jonathan--so they had named him, was quite proud of his
new outfit. To put the finishing touch to his manners, he desired to
learn the use of a fork. But habit was too strong for him! his hands
always went to his mouth! and the bit of meat at the end of the fork,
found its way to his ear.
It was the 27th of July, when Wallis left the George III. Island.
After coasting Duke of York Island, he discovered several islands or
islets in succession, upon which he did not touch. For example,
Charles Saunders, Lord Howe, Scilly, Boscawen, and Keppel Islands,
where the hostile character of the natives, and the difficulty of
disembarkation prevented his landing.
Winter was now to begin in the southern region. The vessel leaked in
all directions, the stern especially was much strained by the rudder.
Was it wise, under such circumstances, to sail for Cape Horn or the
Straits of Magellan? Would it not be running the risk of certain
shipwreck? Would it not be better to reach Tinian or Batavia, where
repairs were possible, and to return to Europe by the Cape of Good
Hope?
Wallis decided upon the latter course. He steered for the north-west,
and upon the 19th of September, after a voyage which was too fortunate
to supply any incidents, he cast anchor in the Tinian harbour.
The incidents which marked Byron's stay in this place were repeated,
with far too much regularity. Wallis could not rejoice over its
facilities for provisioning, or the temperature of the country, any
more than his predecessors. But the sufferers from scurvy recovered in
a short time, the sails were mended, and the vessel calked and
repaired, and the crew had the unexpected good fortune of catching no
fever.
On the 16th October, 1769, the _Dauphin_ returned to sea, but this
time, she encountered a succession of frightful storms, which tore the
sails, reopened the leakage, broke the rudder, and carried away the
poop with all that was to be found on the forecastle.
However, the Bashees were rounded, and Formosa Strait crossed, Sandy
Isle, Small Key, Long Island, and New Island were recognized, as also,
Condor, Timor, Aros, and Pisang, Pulo-Taya, Pulo-Tote, and Sumatra,
before the arrival at Batavia, which took place upon the 30th of
November.
We have already had occasion to mention the localities which witnessed
the completion of the voyage. It is enough to state that from Batavia,
where the crews took the fever, Wallis proceeded by the Cape, thence
to St. Helena, and finally arrived in the Downs, on the 20th of May,
1768, after six hundred and thirty-seven days' voyage.
It is to be regretted that Hawkesworth has not reproduced the
instructions Wallis received from the Admiralty. Without knowing what
they were, we cannot decide whether this brave sailor carried out the
orders he had received _au pied de la lettre_. We have seen that he
followed with little variation the route traced by his predecessors,
in the Pacific Ocean. In fact, nearly all had approached by the
dangerous archipelago, leaving unexplored that portion of Oceania,
where islands are most numerous, and where Cook was later to make such
important discoveries.
Clever as a navigator, Wallis understood how to obtain from a hasty
and incomplete equipment unexpected resources, which enabled him to
bring an adventurous enterprise to a successful close. He is equally
to be honoured for his humanity and the efforts he made to collect
reliable information of the countries he visited. Had he only been
accompanied by special men of science, there is no doubt that their
scientific harvest would have been abundant.
The fault lay with the Admiralty.
We have related how, on the 10th of April, 1767, as the _Dauphin_ and
the _Swallow_ entered the Pacific, the former, carried away by a
strong breeze, had lost sight of the latter, and had been unable to
follow her. This separation was most unfortunate for Captain Carteret.
He knew better than any of his crew the dilapidated condition of his
vessel and the insufficiency of his provisions. In short, he was well
aware that he could only hope to meet the _Dauphin_ in England, as no
plan of operation had been arranged, and no rendezvous had been
named--a grave omission on Wallis' part, who was aware of the
condition of his consort.
Nevertheless, Carteret allowed none of his apprehensions to come to
the knowledge of the crew. At first the detestable weather experienced
by the _Swallow_ upon the Pacific Ocean (most misleading name),
allowed no time for reflection. The dangers of the passing moment, in
which there was every prospect of their being engulfed, hid from them
the perils of the future.
Carteret steered for the north, by the coast of Chili. Upon
investigating the quantity of soft water which he had on board, he
found it quite insufficient for the voyage he had undertaken. He
determined therefore, before setting sail for the west, to take in
water at Juan Fernandez, or at Mas-a-Fuero.
The weather continued wretched. Upon the evening of the 27th a sudden
squall was followed by a rising wind, which carried the vessel
straight to the Cape. The violence of the storm failed to carry away
the masts or to founder the ship. The tempest continued in all its
fury, and the sails being extremely wet, clung round the masts and
rigging so closely, that it was impossible to work them. Next day a
sudden wave broke the mizen-mast, just where there was a flaw in the
sail, and submerged the vessels for a few moments. The storm only
abated sufficiently to allow the crew of the _Swallow_ time to recover
a little, and to repair the worst damage; then recommenced, and
continued with violent squalls until the 7th of May. The wind then
became favourable, and three days later Juan Fernandez was reached.
Carteret was not aware that the Spaniards had fortified this island.
He was, therefore, extremely surprised at seeing a large number of men
upon the shore, and at perceiving a battery of four pieces on the
beach, and a fort, pierced with twenty embrasures and surmounted by
the Spanish flag, upon a hill.
The rising wind prevented an entrance into Cumberland Bay, and after
cruising about for an entire day, Carteret was obliged to content
himself with reaching Mas-a-Fuero. But he met the same obstacles, and
the surge which broke upon the shore interfered with his operations,
and it was only with the utmost difficulty that he succeeded in
shipping a few casks of water. Some of the crew, who had been forced
by the state of the sea to remain on land, killed guinea fowls enough
to feed the entire crew. These, with the exception of some seals and
plenty of fish, were the sole result of a stay, marked by a succession
of squalls and storms, which constantly placed the ship in danger.
Carteret, who, owing to unfavourable winds, had had several
opportunities of noticing Mas-a-Fuero, corrected many of the errors in
the account of Lord Anson's voyage, and furnished many details of
inestimable use to navigators.
On leaving Mas-a-Fuero, Carteret steered northward in the hope of
meeting the south-eastern trade wind. Carried farther than he had
counted upon, he determined to seek St. Ambrose, and St. Felix Island,
or the island of St. Paul. Now that the Spaniards had taken possession
of and fortified Juan Fernandez, those islands might be of great value
to the English in the event of war.
But Mr. Green's charts and the "Elements of Navigation" by Robertson
did not tally as to their situation. Carteret, having most confidence
in the latter work, sought for them in the north, and failed to find
them. In re-reading the description given by Waser, Davis' surgeon, he
thought these two islands were identical with the land met with by
that filibuster, in his route to the south of the Galapagos Islands,
and that Davis' Land did not exist. This caused a double error, that
of identifying St. Felix Island with Davis' Land, and of denying the
existence of the latter, which is in reality Easter Island.
"At this parallel," says Carteret, that is in 18 degrees west from his
point of departure, "we had fresh breezes, and a strong northerly
current, and other reasons for conjecturing that we were near Davis'
Land, which we were seeking so carefully. But a stiff breeze rising
again, we steered quarter S.W. and reached 28-1/2 degrees southern
latitude, from which it follows that if this land or anything
answering to it exists, I must infallibly have fallen in with it, or
at least have seen it. I afterwards remained in 28 degrees south
latitude, and 40 degrees west of my point of departure, and as far as
I can conjecture 121 degrees west London."
All the navigators combined in insisting upon the existence of a
southern continent. Carteret could not conceive that Davis' Land was
but a small island, a spot lost in the immensity of the ocean. As he
found no continent, he decided upon the non-existence of Davis' Land.
It was precisely in this way that he was misled.
Carteret continued his search until the 7th of June. He was in 28
degrees south latitude and 112 degrees west longitude, that is to say,
he was in the immediate neighbourhood of Easter Island. It was still
the depth of winter. The sea ran continually high, violent and
variable winds, dull, foggy, and cold weather was accompanied by
thunder, rain, and snow. No doubt it was owing to the great darkness,
and to the thick fog, which hid the sun for several days, that
Carteret failed to perceive Easter Island, for many signs, such as the
number of birds, floating seaweeds, &c., announced the neighbourhood
of land.
These atmospheric troubles again retarded the voyage, in addition to
which the _Swallow_ was as bad a sailer as possible, and one may guess
at the weariness, the preoccupation, even the mental suffering of the
captain, who saw his crew on the point of starvation. But in spite of
all, the voyage was continued by day and night in a westerly direction
until the 2nd of July. Upon this day land was discovered to the north,
and on the morrow, Carteret was sufficiently close to recognize it. It
was only a great rock five miles in circumference, covered with trees,
which appeared uninhabited, but the swell, so prevalent at this time
of year, prevented the vessel coming alongside. It was named Pitcairn,
after the first discoverer. In these latitudes, the sailors,
previously in good health, felt the first attacks of scurvy.
Upon the 11th, a new land was seen in 22 degrees southern latitude,
and 145 degrees 34 minutes longitude. It received the name of
Osnaburgh in honour of the king's second son.
Next day Carteret sent an expedition to two more islands, where
neither eatables nor water were found. The sailors caught many birds
in their hands, as they were so tame that they did not fly at the
approach of man.
All these islands belonged to the Dangerous group, a long chain of low
islands, clusters of which were the despair of all navigators, for the
few resources they offered. Carteret thought he recognized Quiros in
the land discovered, but this place, which is called by the natives
Tahiti, is situated more to the north.
Sickness, however, increased daily. The adverse winds, but especially
the damage the ship had sustained, made her progress very slow.
Carteret thought it necessary to follow the route upon which he was
most likely to obtain provisions and the needful repairs.
"My intention in the event of my ship being repaired," says Carteret,
"was to continue my voyage to the south upon the return of a
favourable season, with a view to new discoveries in that quarter of
the world. In fact, I had settled in my own mind, if I could find a
continent where sufficient provisions were procurable, to remain near
its coast until the sun had passed the Equator, then to gain a distant
southern latitude and to proceed westward towards the Cape of Good
Hope, and to return eastward after touching at the Falkland Islands,
should it be necessary, and thence to proceed quickly to Europe."
These laudable intentions show Carteret to have been a true explorer,
rather stimulated than intimidated by danger, but it proved impossible
to carry them into execution.
The trade wind was only met on the 16th, and the weather remained
detestable. Above all, although Carteret navigated in the
neighbourhood of Danger Island, discovered in 1765 by Byron, and by
others, he saw no land.
"We probably were close by land," he says, "which the fog prevented
our seeing, for in these waters numbers of birds constantly flew round
the ship. Commodore Byron in his last voyage had passed the northern
limits of this portion of the ocean, in which the Solomon Islands are
said to be situated, and as I have been myself beyond the southern
limit without seeing them, I have good reasons for thinking, that if
these islands exist they have been badly marked on all the charts."
This last supposition is correct, but the Solomon Islands do exist,
and Carteret stopped there a few days later without recognizing them.
The victuals were now all but consumed or tainted, the rigging and the
sails torn by the tempest, half the crew on the sick list, when a
fresh alarm for the captain arose. A leak was reported, just below the
load water-line; it was impossible to stop it, as long as they were in
the open sea. By unexpected good fortune land was seen on the morrow.
Needless to say what cries of delight, what acclamations followed this
discovery. To use Carteret's own comparison, the feelings of surprise
and comfort experienced by the crew can only be likened to those of a
criminal, who at the last moment on the scaffold receives a reprieve!
It was Nitendit Island, already discovered by Mendana.
No sooner was the anchor cast than landing was hurried, in search of
water supply. The natives were black, with woolly hair, and perfectly
naked. They appeared upon the shore, but fled again before the boat
could come up with them.
The leader of the landing-party described the country as wild,
bristling with mountains and impenetrable forests of trees and shrubs
reaching to the shore itself, through which ran a fine current of
fresh water.
The following day, the master was sent in search of an easier
landing-place, with orders to propitiate the natives, if possible, by
presents. He was expressly enjoined not to expose himself to danger,
to return if several pirogues advanced against him, not to leave the
boat himself, and not to allow more than two men to land at once,
whilst the remainder held themselves on the defensive.
Carteret, at the same time, sent his ship's boat on shore for water.
Some natives attacked it with arrows, which fortunately hit no one.
Meantime, the sloop regained the _Swallow_, the master had three
arrows in his body, and half his crew were so dangerously wounded that
three sailors and he himself died a few days later.
This is what had happened. Landing the fifth in succession, in a spot
where he had noticed huts, he entered into friendly traffic with the
natives. The latter soon increased in numbers, and several large
pirogues advanced towards his sloop, and he was unable to rejoin it
until the very moment when the attack commenced. Pursued by the arrows
of the natives, who waded up to their shoulders into the water, chased
by pirogues, he only succeeded in escaping after having killed several
natives and foundered one of their boats.
[Illustration: "Pursued by the arrows of the natives."]
This effort to find a more favourable spot where he might run the
_Swallow_ ashore, having ended so unfortunately, Carteret heaved his
ship down where he was, and efforts were made to stop the leak. If the
carpenter, the only healthy man on board, did not succeed in perfectly
stopping it, he at least considerably diminished it.
Whilst a fresh landing for water was sought, the fire of the guns was
directed upon the woods as well as volleys of musketry from the sloop.
Still the sailors worked for a quarter of an hour, when they were
attacked by a shower of arrows which grievously wounded one or two in
the breast. The same measures were necessary each time they fetched
water.
At this juncture, thirty of the crew became incapable of performing
their duty. The master died of his wounds. Lieutenant Gower was very
ill. Carteret himself, attacked by a bilious and inflammatory illness,
was forced to keep his bed.
These three were the only officers capable of navigating the _Swallow_
to England, and they were on the point of succumbing.
To stay the ravages of disease, it was necessary to procure provisions
at all costs, and this was utterly impossible in this spot. Carteret
weighed anchor on the 17th of August, after calling the island Egmont,
in honour of the Lord of the Admiralty, and the bay where he had
anchored, Swallow. Although convinced that it was identical with the
land named Santa Cruz by the Spaniards, the navigator nevertheless
followed the prevailing mania of giving new appellations to all the
places he visited. He then coasted the shore for a short distance, and
ascertained that the population was large. He had many a crow to pick
with the natives. These obstacles, and moreover the impossibility of
procuring provisions, prevented Carteret's reconnoitring the other
islands of this group, upon which he bestowed the name of Queen
Charlotte.
[Illustration: Map of Queen Charlotte Islands. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
"The inhabitants of Egmont Isle," he says, "are extremely agile,
active, and vigorous. They appear to live as well in water as on land,
for they are continually jumping from their pirogues into the sea. One
of the arrows which they sent passed through the planks of the boat,
and dangerously wounded the officer at the poop in the thigh.
"Their arrows are tipped with stone, and we saw no metal of any kind
in their possession. The country in general is covered with woods and
mountains and interspersed with a great number of valleys."
On the 18th of August, 1767, Carteret left this group with the
intention of regaining Great Britain. He fully expected to meet with
an island on his passage, where he might be more fortunate. And on the
20th, he actually did so, discovering a little low island, which he
named Gower, where cocoa-nuts were procurable. Next day he encountered
Simpson and Carteret Islands, and a group of new islands which he took
to be the Ohang Java, discovered by Tasman; then successively Sir
Charles Hardy and Winchelsea Islands, which he did not consider as
belonging to the Solomon Archipelago, the Island of St. John,
so-called by Schouten, and finally that of New Britain, which he
gained on the 28th of August.
Carteret coasted this island, in search of a safe and convenient port,
and stopped in various bays, where he obtained water, wood, cocoa,
nutmegs, aloes, sugar-canes, bamboos, and palm-cabbages.
"This cabbage," he says, "is white, crisp, of a substance filled with
sugar. Eaten raw, the flavour resembles that of a chestnut, and boiled
it is superior to the best parsnip. We cut it into small strips, and
boiled it in the broth made from our cakes, and this broth, afterwards
thickened with oatmeal furnished us with a good meal."
The wood was all alive with pigeons, turtle-doves, parroquets, and
other unknown birds. The English visited several deserted huts.
If an idea of the civilization of a people can be drawn from their
dwellings, these islanders were on the lowest rung of the social
ladder, for their huts were the most miserable Carteret had ever seen.
The commander profited by his stay in this place, by once more
overhauling the _Swallow_, and attending to the leak, which the
carpenters doctored as well as they could. The sheathing was greatly
worn, and the keel quite gnawed away by worms; they coated it with
pitch and warm tar mixed together.
On the 7th of September, Carteret accomplished the ridiculous ceremony
of taking possession of the country in the name of George III., he
then despatched one of his boats upon a reconnoitring expedition,
which returned with a quantity of cocoa and palm-cabbages, most
precious provision for the sick on board.
In spite of the fact that the monsoon would soon blow from the east
for a long time, Carteret, alive to the dilapidated condition of his
ship, determined to start for Batavia, where he hoped to make up his
crew, and to repair the _Swallow_.
Upon the 9th September, therefore, he left Carteret harbour, the best
which he had met with since leaving the Straits of Magellan.
He soon penetrated to a gulf to which Dampier had given the name of St.
George Bay, and was not long in reconnoitring for a strait which
separated New Britain and New Ireland. This passage he found and named
St. George. He describes it in his narrative with a care which should
certainly have earned for him the thanks of all his contemporary
navigators. He then followed the coast of New Ireland to its southern
extremity. Near a little island, which he named Sandwich, Carteret had
some dealings with the natives.
"These natives," he says "are black, and have woolly hair like negroes,
but they have not flat noses or large lips. We imagine them to be of
the same race as the inhabitants of Egmont Island. Like them they are
entirely naked, if we except some ornaments of shells which they
attach to their arms and legs. At the same time, they have adopted a
fashion, without which our fashionable men and women are not supposed
to be perfectly dressed. They powder their hair or rather the wool on
their heads white, from which it follows that the fashion of wearing
powder is probably of greater antiquity and of more extended fashion
than we would have generally supposed. They are armed with spears and
large sticks in the shape of clubs, but we perceived neither bows nor
arrows."
At the south-western extremity of New Ireland Carteret found another
land, to which he gave the name of New Hanover, and shortly afterwards
the group of the Duke of Portland.
Although all this portion of the narrative of his voyage, in countries
unknown before his time, abounds in precious details, Carteret, a far
more able and zealous navigator than his predecessors Byron and Wallis,
makes excuses for not having collected more facts.
"The description of the country," he says, "and of its productions and
inhabitants, would have been far more complete and detailed had I not
been so weakened and overcome by the illness to which I had succumbed
through the duties which devolved upon me from want of officers. When
I could scarcely drag myself along, I was obliged to take watch after
watch and to share in other labours with my lieutenant, who was also
in a bad state of health."
After leaving St. George's Strait, the route was westward. Carteret
discovered several other islands, but illness for several days
prevented his coming on deck, and therefore he could not determine
their position. He named them Admiralty Islands, and after two attacks,
found himself forced to employ fire-arms to repulse the natives.
He afterwards reconnoitred Durour and Matty Islands and the Cuedes,
whose inhabitants were quite delighted at receiving bits of an iron
hoop. Carteret affirms, that he might have bought all the productions
of this country for a few iron instruments. Although they are the
neighbours of New Guinea, and of the groups they had just explored,
these natives were not black, but copper coloured. They had very long
black hair, regular features, and brilliantly white teeth. Of medium
height, strong and active, they were cheerful and friendly, and came
on board fearlessly. One of them even asked permission to accompany
Carteret upon his voyage, and in spite of all the representations of
his countrymen and even of the captain, he refused to leave the
_Swallow_. Carteret, meeting with so decided a will, consented, but
the poor Indian, who had received the name of Joseph Freewill, soon
faded away and died at Celebes.
On the 29th October, the English reached the north-eastern portion of
Mindanao. Always on the look-out for fresh water and provisions,
Carteret in vain looked for the bay which Dampier had spoken of as
abounding in game. A little farther off he found a watering-place, but
the hostile demonstrations of the inhabitants forced him to re-embark.
After leaving Mindanao, the captain sailed for the Straits of Macassar,
between the islands of Borneo and Celebes. They entered it on the 14th
of November. The vessel then proceeded with so much difficulty that
she only accomplished twenty-eight leagues in fifteen days.
"Ill," he says, "weakened, dying, tortured by the sight of lands which
we could not reach, exposed to tempests which we found it impossible
to overcome, we were attacked by a pirate!"
The latter, hoping to find the English crew asleep, attacked the
_Swallow_ in the middle of the night. But far from allowing themselves
to be cowed by this new danger, the sailors defended themselves with
so much courage and skill, that they succeeded in foundering the Malay
prah.
[Illustration: A struggle between the _Swallow_ and a Malay prah.]
On the 12th of December Carteret sorrowfully perceived that the
western monsoon had commenced. The _Swallow_ was in no condition to
struggle against this wind and current to reach Batavia by the west.
He must then content himself with gaining Macassar, then the principal
colony of the Dutch in the Celebes Islands.
When the English arrived, it was thirty-five weeks since they left the
Straits of Magellan.
Anchor was scarcely cast, when a Dutchman, sent by the governor, came
on board the _Swallow_. He appeared much alarmed on finding that the
vessel belonged to the English marine service. In the morning,
therefore, when Carteret sent his lieutenant, Mr. Gower, to ask for
access to the port in order to secure provisions for his dying crew,
and to repair his dilapidated ship, and await the return of the
monsoon, not only could he not obtain permission to land, but the
Dutch hastened to collect their forces and arm their vessels. Finally,
after five hours, the governor's reply was brought on board. It was a
refusal couched in terms as little polite as they were equivocal. The
English were simultaneously forbidden to land at any port under Dutch
government.
All Carteret's representations, his remarks upon the inhumanity of the
refusal, even his hostile demonstrations, had no other result than the
sale of a few provisions, and permission to proceed to a small
neighbouring bay.
He would find there, he was told, certain shelter from the monsoon,
and might set up a hospital for his sick, that indeed he could procure
more plentiful provisions there than in Macassar, from whence they
would send him all that he could need. Fearing death by starvation and
foundering, it was necessary to overlook these exactions, and Carteret
proceeded to the roadstead of Bonthain.
There the sick, installed in a house, found themselves prohibited from
going more than thirty roods from their hospital.
They were kept under guard, and could not communicate with the natives.
Lastly they were forbidden to buy anything excepting through the
agency of the Dutch soldiers, who strangely abused their power, often
making more than a thousand per cent. profit. All the complaints of
the English were useless. They were forced to submit during their stay,
to a surveillance to the last degree humiliating. It was only on the
22nd of May, 1768, on the return of the monsoon, that Captain Carteret
was able to leave Bonthain, after a long series of annoyances,
vexations, and alarms, which it is impossible to give in detail and
which had sorely tried his patience.
"Celebes," he says, "is the key to the Moluccas, or Spice Islands,
which are necessarily under the power of the people who are masters of
this island. The town of Macassar is built upon a promontory, and is
watered by one or two rivers which cross it or flow in its vicinity.
The ground is even and beautiful in appearance. There are many
plantations and cocoa-nut woods, interspersed with houses, which
convey the idea that it is well populated.
"At Bonthain the beef is excellent, but it is difficult to procure
enough of it to feed a fleet. Fowls, and as much rice and fruits as
can be wished, are procurable. The woods abound with wild pigs, which
are to be had cheap, because the natives, being Mohamedans, do not eat
them."
These details, however incomplete, had great interest at the time they
were collected, and we go so far as to believe, that even now, some
hundred years since they were first written, they yet contain a
certain amount of truth. No incident marked the voyage to Batavia.
After several delays, caused by the desire of the Dutch Company to
make Carteret give them a testimonial as to the treatment he had met
with from the government of Macassar, and which he steadily refused,
Carteret at last obtained permission to repair his vessel.
On the 15th of September, the _Swallow_, partially refitted, set sail.
She was reinforced with a supplementary number of English sailors,
without which it would have been impossible to regain Europe. Eighty
of her original crew were dead, and eighty more were so reduced that
seven of their number died before they reached the Cape.
After a stay in this port, a most salutary one for the crew, which
lasted until the 6th of January, 1769, Carteret set out once more, and
a little beyond Ascension Island, at which he had touched, he met a
French vessel. It was the frigate, _La Boudeuse_, with which
Bougainville had just been round the world.
On the 20th of March the _Swallow_ anchored in Spithead roadstead,
after thirty-one months of a voyage as painful as it had been
dangerous.
All Carteret's nautical ability, all his _sang-froid_, all his
enthusiasm were needed to save so inefficient a vessel from
destruction, and to make important discoveries, under such conditions.
If the perils of the voyage, add lustre to his renown, the shame of
such a miserable equipment falls upon the English Admiralty, who,
despising the representations of an able captain, risked his life and
the lives of his crew upon so long a voyage.
III.
Bougainville--A notary's son metamorphosed--Colonization of the
Malouine Islands--Buenos Ayres and Rio Janeiro--The Malouines
relinquished to the Spaniards--Hydrography of the Strait of Magellan--
The Pecherais--The Quatre Facardius--Tahiti--Incidents of the stay
there--Productions of the country and manners of the inhabitants--
Samoa Islands--The Land of the Holy Spirit or the New Hebrides--The
Louisiade--The Anchorite Isles--New Guinea--Boutan--From Batavia to St.
Malo.
Whilst Wallis completed his voyage round the world, and Carteret
continued his long and hazardous circumnavigation, a fresh expedition
was organized for the purpose of prosecuting new discoveries in the
Southern Seas.
Under the old regime, when all was arbitrary, titles, rank, and places
were obtained by interest. It was therefore not surprising that a
military officer, who left the army scarcely four years before with
the rank of colonel, to enter the navy as a captain, should obtain
this important command.
Strangely enough, this singular measure was amply justified, thanks to
the talents possessed by the favoured recipient.
Louis Antoine de Bougainville was born at Paris, on the 13th of
November, 1729. The son of a notary, he was destined for the bar, and
was already an advocate. But having no taste for his father's
profession, he devoted himself to the sciences, and published a
Treatise on the Integral Calculus, whilst he obtained a commission in
the Black Musqueteers.
Of the three careers he thus entered upon, he entirely abandoned the
two first, slightly neglected the third, for the sake of a
fourth--diplomacy, and finally left it entirely for a fifth--the naval
service. He was destined to die a member of the senate after a sixth
metamorphosis.
[Illustration: Portrait of Bougainville. (Fac-simile of early
engraving.)]
First aide-de-camp to Chevret, then Secretary of the Embassy in London,
where he was made a member of the Royal Society, he left Brest in 1756,
with the rank of captain of Dragoons, to rejoin Montcalm in Canada.
Becoming aide-de-camp to this general, he distinguished himself on
various occasions, and obtained the confidence of his chief, who sent
him to France to ask for reinforcements.
That unhappy country was just then overwhelmed with reverses in Europe,
and had need of all her resources. Therefore, when young Bougainville
entered upon the object of his mission to M. de Choiseul, the minister
answered brusquely,--
"When the house is on fire, one does not worry oneself about the
stables!"
"At least," replied Bougainville, "no one can say that you speak like
a horse!"
This sally was too witty and too stinging to conciliate the minister.
Ultimately Madame de Pompadour, who appreciated witty people,
introduced Bougainville to the king, and although he did not succeed
in obtaining much for his general, he gained a colonelcy, and the
order of St. Louis for himself, although he had only seen seven years'
service. Returning to Canada he was anxious to justify Louis XIV.'s
confidence, and distinguished himself in various matters. After the
loss of the colony he served in Germany under M. de
Choiseul-Stainville.
His military career was cut short by the peace of 1763. His active
spirit and love of movement rebelled against a garrison life. He
conceived the strange idea of colonizing the Falkland Islands in the
extreme south of South America, and of conveying there free of expense
the emigrants from Canada who had settled in France to escape the
tyrannous yoke of England. Carried away by this idea, he addressed
himself to certain privateers at St. Malo, who, from the commencement
of the century, had been in the habit of visiting the group, and who
had named them Malouine Islands.
Having gained their confidence, Bougainville brought the advantages
(however problematical) of this colony to the minister's notice,
maintaining that the fortunate situation of the island, would secure a
good resting-place for ships going to the Southern Seas. Having high
interest, he obtained the authority he desired, and received his
nomination as ship-captain.
It was the year 1763. There is little reason to suppose, that marine
officers, who had passed all the grades of the service, looked with
gratification upon an appointment which no past event justified. But
that mattered little to the Minister of Marine, M. de
Choiseul-Stainville. Bougainville had served under him, and was far
too grand a personage to trouble himself about the grumbling of the
ship's officers.
Bougainville having brought his uncle and cousin, MM. de Nerville and
d'Arboulin, to look favourably upon his venture, caused the _Eagle_ of
twenty guns, and the _Sphinx_ of twelve, to be built at St. Malo,
under the auspices of M. Guzot Duclos. Upon these he embarked several
Canadian families.
Leaving St. Malo on the 15th of September, 1763, he rested at St.
Catherine's Island, on the coast of Brazil, and at Montevideo, where
he took horses and cattle, and landed at the Malouines in a large bay,
which appeared to him wholly suited to his purpose, but he was not
long in discovering that what had been taken by preceding navigators
for woods of moderate height, were only reeds. Not a tree, not a shrub
grew in the islands. Fortunately an excellent turf did for fuel in
their stead, whilst fish and game offered good resources.
The colony consisted at first of only twenty-nine persons, for whom
huts were built and also a provision warehouse. At the same time a
fort, capable of holding fourteen guns, was planned and commenced. M.
de Nerville agreed to remain at the head of the establishment, whilst
Bougainville returned to France on the 5th of April. There he
recruited some more colonists, and took a considerable cargo of
provisions of every kind, which he disembarked on the 5th of January,
1765. He then went to the Strait of Magellan in search of a cargo of
wood, and having, as we have already narrated, met Commodore Byron's
squadron, followed it to Port Famine.
There he took in more than ten thousand saplings of different growths,
which he intended to transport to the Malouines. When he left the
group on the 27th of April following, the colony already numbered
eighty persons, comprising a staff paid by the king. Towards the end
of 1765, the same two vessels were sent back with provisions and new
colonists.
The colony was beginning to make a show, when the English settled
themselves in Port Egmont, reconnoitred by Byron. At the same time
Captain Macbride attempted to obtain possession of the colony, on the
ground that the land belonged to the English king, although Byron had
not recognized the Malouines in 1765, and the French had then been
settled there two years.
In the meantime Spain laid claim to it in her turn, as a dependency of
Southern America. England and France were equally adverse to a breach
of the peace, for the sake of this archipelago, which was of so little
commercial value, and Bougainville was forced to relinquish his
undertaking on condition that the Spanish Government indemnified him
for his expenses. In addition, he was ordered by the French Government
to facilitate the restoration of the Malouines to the Spanish
Commissioners.
This foolish attempt at colonization was the origin and groundwork of
Bougainville's good fortune, for in order to make use of the last
equipment, the minister ordered Bougainville to return by the South
Sea, and to make discoveries.
In the early days of November, 1766, Bougainville repaired to Nantes,
where his second in command, M. Duclos-Guiyot, captain of the
fire-ship, and an able and veteran sailor, who grew grey in the
inferior rank because he was not noble, superintended the equipment of
the frigate _La Boudeuse_, of twenty-six guns.
Bougainville left the roadstead of Minden at the mouth of the Loire,
on the 15th of November, for the La Plata river, where he hoped to
find two Spanish vessels, the _Esmeralda_ and the _Liebre_. But
scarcely had the _Boudeuse_ gained the open sea when a furious tempest
arose. The frigate, the rigging of which was new, sustained such
serious damages that it was necessary to put for repairs into Brest,
which she entered on the 21st November. This experience sufficed to
convince the captain that the _Boudeuse_ was but little fitted for the
voyage he had before him. He therefore had the masts shortened, and
changed his artillery for less heavy pieces, but in spite of these
modifications, the _Boudeuse_ was not fit for the heavy seas and
storms of Cape Horn. However, the rendezvous with the Spaniards was
arranged, and Bougainville was obliged to put to sea. The staff of the
frigate consisted of eleven officers and three volunteers, among whom
was the Prince of Nassau-Sieghen. The crew comprised 203 sailors, boys,
and servants.
As far as La Plata the sea was calm enough to allow of Bougainville's
making many observations on the currents, a frequent source of the
errors made by navigators in their reckonings.
On the 31st of January, _La Boudeuse_ anchored in Montevideo Bay,
where the two Spanish frigates had been awaiting her for a month,
under the command of Don Philippe Pelicis Puente.
The long stay Bougainville made in this part, and also at Buenos Ayres,
enabled him to collect facts about the city, and the manners of the
inhabitants, which are too curious to be passed over in silence.
Buenos Ayres appeared to them too large for its population, which
amounted only to 20,000, the reason being that the houses are of only
one story, and have large courts or gardens. Not only has this town no
fort, but it has not even a jetty. Thus ships are forced to discharge
their cargoes on to lighters, which convey them to the little river,
where carts come to take the bales and convey them to the town.
The number of religious communities, both male and female, in Buenos
Ayres, adds to the originality of its character.
Bougainville says, "The year is full of Saint days, which are
celebrated by processions and fireworks. Religious ceremonies supply
the place of theatres. The Jesuits incite the women to greater
austerity in their piety than any other order. Attached to their
convent they have an institution intitled, _Casa de los egericios de
las mugeres_, that is, 'house for the devotion of women.' Women and
girls, without the permission of husbands or fathers, enter the
retreat for twelve days, to increase their sanctity."
They were lodged and boarded at the expense of the company. No man
ever set foot in this sanctuary unless in the cowl of St. Ignatius.
Servants even of the female sex were not allowed to accompany their
mistresses. The devotional services consisted of meditation, prayer,
catechizings, confession, and flagellation. "We were shown the stains
on the walls of the chapel, made by the blood which flowed under the
hands of these Magdalens as they did penance."
The environs of the town were well cultivated and brightened by a
large number of country houses named "quentas," but scarcely two or at
most three leagues from Buenos Ayres were immense plains, with
scarcely a single undulation, given up to bulls and horses, which are
almost the only inhabitants. Bougainville says,--
"These animals were so abundant, that travellers, when they needed
food, would kill a bull, consume what they could eat, and leave the
rest to be devoured by wild dogs and tigers."
The Spaniards had not yet succeeded in subduing the Indian tribes on
the two shores of the La Plata River. They were called "Indios
bravos."
"They are of medium height, very ugly, and almost all infected with
the itch. Their complexions are very dark, and the grease with which
they perpetually rub themselves, makes them even blacker. Their sole
garment is the skin of the roe-buck, which reaches to the heels, and
in which they wrap themselves.
"These Indians pass their lives on horseback, at least near the
Spanish settlement. They occasionally come there with their wives to
buy eau de cologne, and they never cease drinking until drunkenness
literally deprives them of the power to move. Sometimes they assemble
in droves of two or three hundred to carry off the cattle from the
Spanish lands, or to attack the caravans of travellers.
"They pillaged, massacred, and carried off slaves. It was an evil
without remedy. How was it possible to subdue a wandering nation in a
vast and uncultivated country where it was difficult even to meet with
them?
"Commerce was far from flourishing, as no European merchandise was
allowed to pass by land to Peru or Chili."
Nevertheless Bougainville saw a vessel leaving Buenos Ayres carrying a
million piastres, "And if," adds he, "all the inhabitants of this
country had the traffic of their hides in Europe, that of itself would
be enough to enrich them."
The anchorage of Montevideo was safe, although several times they were
visited by "pamperos," a scourge of the South-West, accompanied by
violent tempests. The town offered nothing of interest. The environs
are so uncultivated that it is necessary to import flour, biscuits,
and everything necessary for the boats. But fruits, such as figs,
peaches, apples, lemons, &c., are plentiful, as well as the same
quantity of butcher's meat as in the rest of the country.
These documents, which are a hundred years old, are curious when
compared with those furnished by contemporary navigators, especially
by M. Emile Daireaux, in his work on La Plata. In many respects this
picture is still correct, but there are other details (such for
instance as regards instruction, of which Bougainville could not speak,
as it did not exist) in which it has made immense progress. When the
victuals, the provision of water, and the cattle were embarked, the
three vessels set sail on the 28th of February, 1767, for the
Malouines. The voyage was not fortunate. Variable winds, heavy weather,
and a running sea, caused much damage to the _Boudeuse_. On the 23rd
of March she cast anchor in French Bay, where she was joined on the
morrow by the two Spanish vessels, which had been much tried by the
tempest.
Upon the 1st of April the restitution of the colony to the Spaniards
was solemnized. Very few French profited by their king's permission to
remain in the Malouines; almost all preferred to embark upon the
Spanish frigates upon their leaving Montevideo. As for Bougainville,
he was forced to await the provisions, which the fly-boat _Etoile_ was
to bring him, and which was to accompany him upon his voyage round the
world.
However, the months of March, April, and May passed, and no _Etoile_
appeared. It was impossible to cross the Pacific with only six months'
provisions, which was all the _Boudeuse_ carried.
Bougainville decided at last, on the 2nd of June, to reach Rio Janeiro,
which he had mentioned to M. de la Gerandais, the commander of the
_Etoile_ as a rendezvous, should unforeseen circumstances prevent his
reaching the Malouines.
The crossing was made with such favourable weather, that only eighteen
days were needed to reach the Portuguese Colony. The _Etoile_, which
had been awaiting her for four days, had left France later than was
expected. She had been forced to seek shelter from the tempest at
Montevideo, from whence, following her instructions she gained Rio.
Well received by the Count of Acunha, Viceroy of Brazil, the French
had opportunities of seeing the comedies of Metastasio given at the
opera by a Mulatto troupe, and of hearing the works of the great
Italian masters executed by a bad orchestra, conducted by a deformed
abbe in ecclesiastical dress.
But the cordial relations with the viceroy were not lasting.
Bougainville, who with the viceroy's permission had made some purchase,
found the delivery of it refused for no reason. He was forbidden to
take wood he needed from the royal timber-yard, although he had
concluded a contract for it, and lastly, he was prevented from lodging
with his staff, during the repairs of the _Boudeuse_, in a house near
the town, placed at his disposal by a friend. To avoid altercation,
Bougainville hurried the preparations for departure.
Before leaving the capital of Brazil, the French commander entered
into various details of the beauty of the port, and the picturesque
nature of its surroundings, and finished by a very curious digression
upon the prodigious riches of the country, of which the port was the
emporium.
"The mines called 'general,'" he says, "are the nearest to the town,
although they are seventy-five leagues away from it. They yield the
king a yearly revenue by his right to a fifth share of at least a
hundred and twelve arobas of gold. In 1762, they brought him in a
hundred and nineteen. Under the captaincy of the 'general' mines,
those of the 'Rio des Morts,' Sabara, and Sero Frio were included--the
last named, in addition to all the gold it produces, yields all the
diamonds which come from the Brazils. No precious stones, except
diamonds, are contraband. They belonged to the speculators, who were
obliged to keep an exact account of the diamonds they find and to
restore them to the possession of an intendant named by the king for
this purpose. He immediately places them in a casket bound with iron,
and fastened with three locks. He retains one key, the king has
another, and the 'Provedor de hacienda reale' the third. This casket
is enclosed in a second, stamped with the seals of the three persons
named, and containing the three keys of the smaller one."
But in spite of all these precautions, and the severe punishment
visited upon diamond robberies, an enormous contraband trade was
carried on. It was, however, not the only source of revenue; and
Bougainville calculated, that deducting the maintenance of troops, the
pay of the civil officers, and all the expenses of the administration,
the King of Portugal drew no less than ten million francs from the
Brazils.
From Rio to Montevideo no incident occurred, but upon the Plata,
during a storm, the _Etoile_ was run down by a Spanish vessel, which
broke her bowsprit, her beak head, and much of her rigging. The
damages and the shock increased the leak of the ship, and forced her
to return to Encenada de Baragan, where repairs were more easily
managed than at Montevideo. It was impossible therefore to leave the
river until the 14th of November.
[Illustration: New Zealand. Grave par E. Morieu.]
Thirteen days later, both ships came in sight of Virgin Cape at the
entrance to the Strait of Magellan, which they hastened to enter.
Possession Bay, the first they met with, is a large space, open to all
winds and offering very bad anchorage. From Virgin Cape to Orange Cape
is about fifteen leagues, and the strait is throughout seven or eight
leagues wide. The first narrow entrance was easily passed, and anchor
cast in Boucault Bay, where half a score of officers and men landed.
They soon made acquaintance with the Patagonians, and exchanged a few
trifles, precious to the natives, for swansdown and gunaco skins.
The inhabitants were tall, but none of them reached six feet.
"What struck me as gigantic in their proportions," says Bougainville,
"was their enormous breadth of shoulder, the size of their heads, and
the thickness of their limbs. They are robust and well-nourished,
their muscles are sinewy, their flesh firm, and in fact they are men
who, having lived in the open air and drawn their nourishment from
juicy aliments, have reached their highest point of development."
The distance from the first to the second opening may have been six or
seven leagues, and was passed without accident. This opening is only
one and a half leagues in width, and four in length. In this part of
the strait the ships easily reconnoitred St. Bartholomew and St.
Elizabeth Islands.
At the latter the French landed. They found neither wood nor water. It
was an absolutely desert land.
Leaving this place, the American side of the strait is amply furnished
with wood. But although the first advances had been fortunate,
Bougainville was to find plenty to try his patience.
The distinctive character of the climate lies in the rapid atmospheric
changes, which succeeded each other so quickly that it is quite
impossible to forecast their sudden and dangerous variations. Hence
the damages which it is impossible to foresee, which retard the
passage of the ships, even if they do not force them to seek shelter
for repairs.
Guyot-Duclos Bay provides an excellent anchorage, with six or eight
fathoms of water and sound bottom. Bougainville remained there long
enough to fill several casks, and endeavoured to procure fresh meat,
but he only met with a few wild animals. St. Anne's point was reached.
At that place Sarmiento had founded the colony of Philippeville in
1581.
In a preceding volume we have narrated the fearful catastrophe which
procured the name of Port Famine for this spot.
The French reconnoitred several bays, capes, and harbours at which
they touched. They were Bougainville Bay, where the _Etoile_ was
repainted, Port Beau Bassin, Cormadiere Bay, off the coast of Tierra
del Fuego, and Cape Forward, which forms the most southerly point of
the strait and of Patagonia, Cascade Bay in Tierra del Fuego, the
safety, easy anchorage, and facilities for procuring water and wood of
which, render it a most desirable haven for navigators.
The various ports which Bougainville discovered are particularly
valuable, as they offer favourable points for doubling Cape Forward,
one of the most difficult routes for sailors on account of the violent
and contrary winds which prevail there.
The year 1768 opened for the adventurers in Fortescue Bay, below which
is Port Galant, the plan of which had been taken with great exactitude
by M. de Gennes. Detestable weather, of which the worst winter in
Paris can give no idea, detained the French expedition for three weeks.
It was visited by a band of Pecheians, the inhabitants of Tierra del
Fuego, who boarded the ship.
"We made them sing," says the narrative, "dance, listen to instruments,
and above all eat. Everything was pleasant to them, bread, salt meat,
tallow, they devoured everything that was given them. They showed no
surprise either at the sight of the vessels or that of the various
objects which were shown to them, no doubt because to feel surprise at
works of art, one must have elementary ideas. These men, akin to
brutes, treated _chef-d'oeuvres_ of human industry as they treated the
laws and phenomena of nature.
"These savages are small, ugly, thin, and smell abominably. They are
all but naked, having only clothing of seal-skin too small to cover
them.
"These women are hideous, and the men appear to care little for them.
They live all together, men and women and children, in one hut, in the
centre of which a fire is lighted.
"Their food is chiefly shell-fish. Still they have dogs and snares set
with whalebone. On the whole they appear to be a good sort of people,
but so weak that one overlooks their faults.
"Of all the savages I have met with, the Pecherais are the most
destitute."
[Illustration: "We made them sing."]
A painful event occurred whilst the crew were in this port. A child of
about twelve years of age came on board, and glass beads and bits of
glass were given to it, with no suspicion of the use to which they
would be put. It would appear that these savages are in the habit of
stuffing pieces of talc down their throats as talismans. This boy no
doubt meant to do the same with the glass, for when they landed they
found him vomiting violently and spitting blood. His throat and gums
were lacerated and bleeding. In spite of the enchantments and violent
rubbings of a juggler, or perhaps on account of this not too effective
treatment, the poor child suffered dreadfully, and died shortly
afterwards. This was the signal for a precipitate flight of the
Pecherais. They no doubt entertained a fear that the French had cast a
spell upon them, and that they would all die in a similar manner.
On the 16th of January, in endeavouring to reach Rupert Isle, the
_Boudeuse_ was driven by the currents half a cable's length from the
shore. The anchor which was then heaved, gave way, and without the
least land-breeze the vessel stranded.
It was necessary to regain Galant Harbour. It was just time, for next
day a fearful storm was raging.
"After experiencing constantly adverse and variable winds for
twenty-six days in Port Galant, thirty-six hours favourable breeze,
for which we had not dared to hope, sufficed to take us into the
Pacific Ocean. This I believe to be a solitary instance of a voyage
without anchorage from Port Galant to the narrow channel. I estimate
the entire length of this strait, from Virgin Cape to Cape Peliers, at
about 114 leagues.
"We took fifty-two days to accomplish it. In spite of the difficulties
we met with in the passage of the Straits of Magellan" (and in this
Bougainville entirely agrees with Byron), "I should advise this route,
in preference to that by Cape Horn from September to the end of March.
During the remaining months of the year I should prefer the open sea.
"Contrary winds and heavy seas are not dangerous, whilst it is not
wise to grope one's way between two coasts. One is sure to be detained
for some time in the strait, but this delay is not time wholly lost.
One meets with water in abundance, wood and shell-fish, and
occasionally very good fish. And I am decidedly of opinion that a crew
reaching the Pacific by doubling Cape Horn suffers more from the
ravages of scurvy than that which proceeds by the Straits of
Magellan."
Bougainville's opinion has met with many opposers up to the present
time, and the route which he lauds so highly has been almost abandoned
by navigators. One strong reason for which is that steam has
completely transformed maritime experience, and entirely changed
nautical science.
Scarcely had he entered the Southern Sea, when Bougainville, to his
intense surprise, found the winds southerly. He was therefore obliged
to relinquish his intention of reaching Juan Fernandez.
Bougainville had agreed with M. de la Giraudais, captain of the
_Etoile_, that if a larger stretch of sea was discovered, the two
vessels should separate, but not lose sight of each other, and that
every evening the bugle should recall them within half a league of
each other, so that, in the event of the _Boudeuse_ encountering
danger, the _Etoile_ might avoid it.
Bougainville for some time sought Easter Island in vain. At last he
fell in during the month of March with the lands and islands
erroneously marked upon M. Bellin's chart as Quiros Islands. On the
22nd of the same month he met with four islets, to which he gave the
name of Quatre Facardins, which belonged to the Dangerous group, a set
of madreporic islets, low and damp, which all navigators who have
visited the Pacific Ocean by way of the Straits of Magellan appear to
have noticed.
A little further discovery was made, of a fertile island inhabited by
entirely naked savages, who were armed with long spears, which they
brandished with menacing gestures, and thus it obtained the name of
Lancers Island.
[Illustration: Lancer's Island.]
We need not refer to what we have already repeatedly said of the
nature of these islands, the difficulty of access to them, their wild
and inhospitable inhabitants. Cook calls this very Lancers Island,
Thrum Cape, and the island of La Harpe, which Bougainville found on
the 24th, is identical with Cook's Bow Island.
The captain, knowing that Roggewein had nearly perished in these
latitudes, and thinking the interest of their exploration not worth
the risk to be run, proceeded southward and soon lost sight of this
immense archipelago, which extends in length 500 leagues, and contains
at least sixty islands or groups.
Upon the 2nd of April Boug
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