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The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation — Volume 13

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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation — Volume 13

Author: Richard Hakluyt

Editor: Edmund Goldsmid


        
Release date: May 29, 2008 [eBook #25645]
                Most recently updated: June 20, 2020

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/25645


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION — VOLUME 13 ***





                              The Principal

                    Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,

                                   And

                               Discoveries

                          Of The English Nation

                               Collected By

                        Richard Hakluyt, Preacher

                              And Edited By

                        Edmund Goldsmid, F.R.H.S.

                       Vol. XIII. America. Part II.





CONTENTS


Transcriber’s Note.
Part I.
   I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.
   II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
   Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie,
   and of furthering new discoueries, &c.
   III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
   merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
   their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.
   IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
   Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
   principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
   intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the
   Southwest of Cape Briton.
   V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
   hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April,
   1583. for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the
   Moscouian companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the
   furniture of the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne
   of gaine, albeit their said particular disbursements are required but
   in very slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li.
   10. s. and the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.
   VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of
   the Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon
   his intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of
   America.
   VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea,
   made for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship
   called the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts
   called the Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods
   helpe this yeere 1591.
   VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
   Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
   Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14
   of September. 1591.
   IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.
   X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife
   vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe,
   1593. Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.
   XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
   Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.
   XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
   thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest
   of Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for
   the barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
   Shipmaster of Bristoll.
   XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton
   and the Isle of Ramea.
   XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
   called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.
   XV. A shorte and briefe narration of the Nauigation made by the
   commandement of the King of France, to the Islands of Canada,
   Hochelaga, Saguenay, and diuers others which now are called New France,
   with the particular customes, and maners of the inhabitants therein.
   XVI. The third voyage of discouery made by Captaine Iaques Cartier,
   1540. vnto the Countreys of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay.
   XVII. A letter written to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris, by Iaques
   Noel of S. Malo, the nephew of Iaques Cartier, touching the foresaid
   discouery.
   XVIII. Vnderneath the aforesaid vnperfite relation that which followeth
   is written on another letter sent to M. Iohn Growte student in Paris
   from Iaques Noel of S. Malo, the grand nephew of Iaques Cartier.
   XIX. Here followeth the course from Belle Isle, Carpont, and the Grand
   Bay in Newfoundland vp the Riuer of Canada for the space of 230.
   leagues, obserued by Iohn Alphonse of Xanctoigne chiefe Pilote to
   Monsieur Roberual, 1542.
   XX. The Voyage of Iohn Francis de la Roche, knight, Lord of Roberual,
   to the Countries of Canada, Saguenai, and Hochelaga, with three tall
   Ships, and two hundred persons, both men, women, and children, begun in
   April, 1542. In which parts he remayned the same summer, and all the
   next winter.
   XXI. The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto
   Saguenay, the fifth of Iune, 1543.
   XXII. A Discourse of Western Planting, written by M. Richard Hakluyt,
   1584.
   XXIII. The letters patents, granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M.
   Walter Ralegh now Knight, for the discovering and planting of new lands
   and Countries, to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more.
   XXIV. The first voyage made to the coasts of America, with two barks,
   wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, and M. Arthur Barlowe, who
   discouered part of the Countrey now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written
   by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at
   whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set forth.
   XXV. The voiage made by Sir Richard Greenuile, for Sir Walter Ralegh,
   to Virginia, in the yeere 1585.
   XXVI. An extract of Master Ralph Lanes letter to M. Richard Hakluyt
   Esquire, and another Gentleman of the middle Temple, from Virginia.
   XXVII. An account of the particularities of the imployments of the
   English men left in Virginia by Richard Greeneuill vnder the charge of
   Master Ralph Lane Generall of the same, from the 17. of August 1585.
   vntil the 18. of Iune 1586. at which time they departed the Countrey;
   sent and directed to Sir Walter Ralegh.
Part II.
   XXVIII. The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586, to the
   reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir
   Walter Ralegh.
   XXIX. A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of
   the commodities there found, and to be raised, aswell merchantable as
   others: Written by Thomas Heriot, seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh, a
   member of the Colony, and there imployed in discouering a full
   tweluemonth.
   XXX. The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in yere 1587.
   Wherein was transported the second Colonie.
   XXXI. The names of all the men, women and children, which safely
   arriued in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there. 1587. Anno regni
   Reginæ Elizabethæ. 29.
   XXXII. A letter from John White to M. Richard Hakluyt.
   XXXIII. The fift voyage of M. Iohn White into the West Indies and parts
   of America called Virginia, in the yeere 1590.
   XXXIV. The relation of John de Verrazano of the land by him discovered.
   XXXV. A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine
   French Captaines into Florida: Wherein the great riches and
   fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto
   concealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by
   Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French Kings
   Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter.
   XXXVI. The relation of Pedro Morales a Spaniard, which sir Francis
   Drake brought from Saint Augustines in Florida, where he had remayned
   sixe yeeres, touching the state of those parts, taken from his mouth by
   Master Richard Hakluyt 1586.
   XXXVII. The relation of Nicholas Burgoignon, aliâs Holy, whom sir
   Francis Drake brought from Saint Augustine also in Florida, where he
   had remayned sixe yeeres, in mine and Master Heriots hearing.
   XXXVIII. Virginia Richly Valued, by the Description of the Maine Land
   of Florida, Her Next Neighbour: Out of the Foure Yeeres Continuall
   Trauell and Discouuerie, For Aboue One Thousand Miles East and West, of
   Don Ferdinando De Soto, and Sixe Hundred Able Men in his Companie.
Footnotes






TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE.


This book is a transcription of a 17th century book, which had the
spelling and printing conventions of that time: our “v” was often printed
as a “u”, and sometimes vice versa, our “j” was printed as an “i”, etc.
Those have been preserved in this book.  There are other conventions which
are converted into more modern usage; for instance, several words (such as
“Lord” and “which”) were often printed in abbreviated form (such as an “L”
and a superscript “d”, or “w” with a superscript “ch”), which have been
transcribed in expanded form (such as “Lord” and “which”).  In the plain
ASCII version, indicators like (M10) refer to marginal notes, originally
printed in the left or right margins of the page, and here printed at the
end of the book; similarly, indicators like (10) refer to footnotes, also
printed at the end of the book.





PART I.




I. Sir George Peckham’s true Report of the late discoueries. continued.



The second Part or Chapter sheweth, that it is lawfull and necessarie to
trade and traffique with the Sauages: And to plant in their Countries: And
diuideth planting into two sorts.


And first for traffique, I say that the Christians may lawfully trauell
into those Countries and abide there: whom the Sauages may not iustly
impugne and forbidde in respect of the mutuall societie and fellowshippe
betweene man and man prescribed by the Law of Nations.

For from the first beginning of the creation of the world, and from the
renewing of the same after Noes flood, all men haue agreed, that no
violence should be offered to Ambassadours: That the Sea with his Hauens
should be common: That such as should fortune to be taken in warre, should
be seruants or slaues: And that strangers should not be driuen away from
the place or Countrey whereunto they doe come.

If it were so then, I demaund in what age, and by what Law is the same
forbidden or denied since? For who doubteth but that it is lawfull for
Christians to vse trade and traffique with Infidels or Sauages, carrying
thither such commodities as they want, and bringing from thence some part
of their plentie?

A thing so commonly and generally practised, both in these our dayes, and
in times past, beyond the memorie of man, both by Christians and Infidels,
that it needeth no further proofe.

And forasmuch as the vse of trade and traffique (be it neuer so
profitable) ought not to be preferred before the planting of Christian
faith: I will therefore somewhat intreate of planting, (without which,
Christian Religion can take no roote, be the Preachers neuer so carefull
and diligent) which I meane to diuide into two sortts.

(M1) The first, when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of
the Sauages, are admitted by them to quiet possession.

The second, when Christians being vniustly repulsed, doe seeke to attaine
and mainteine the right for which they doe come.

And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion, eyther of
both may be lawfully and iustly exercised: (Whereof many examples may be
found, as well in the time of Moyses and Iosua, and other rulers before
the birth of Christ, as of many vertuous Emperours and Kings sithence his
incarnation:) yet doe I wish, that before the second be put in practise, a
proofe may be made of the first, sauing that for their safetie as well
against the Sauages, as all other foreigne enemies, they should first well
and strongly fortifie themselues: which being done, then by all fayre
speeches, and euery other good meanes of perswasion to seeke to take away
all occasions of offence.

As letting them to vnderstand, how they came, not to their hurt, but for
their good, and to no other ende, but to dwell peaceably amongst them, and
to trade and traffique with them for their owne commoditie, without
molesting or grieuing them any way: which must not be done by wordes onely
but also by deedes.

For albeit, to maintaine right and repell iniury, be a iust cause of
warre: yet must there hereof be heedefull care had, that whereas the
Sauages be fearefull by nature, and fond otherwise, the Christians should
doe their best endeuour to take away such feare as may growe vnto them by
reason of their strange apparell, Armour, and weapon, or such like, by
quiet and peaceable conuersation, and letting them liue in securitie, and
keeping a measure of blamelesse defence, with as little discommoditie to
the Sauages as may bee: for this kinde of warre would be onely defensiue
and not offensiue.

And questionlesse there is great hope and likelyhoode, that by this kinde
of meanes we should bring to passe all effects to our desired purposes:
Considering that all creatures, by constitution of nature, are rendred
more tractable and easier wonne for all assayes, by courtesie and
mildnesse, then by crueltie or roughnesse: and therefore being a principle
taught vs by naturall reason, it is first to be put in vse.

For albeit as yet the Christians are not so thoroughly furnished with the
perfectnesse of their language, eyther to expresse their mindes to them,
or againe to conceiue the Sauages intent: Yet for the present
opportunitie, such policie may be vsed by friendly signes, and courteous
tokens, towards them, as the Sauages may easily perceiue (were their
sences neuer so grosse) an assured friendship to be offered them, and that
they are encountered with such a nation, as brings them benefite,
commoditie, peace, tranquilitie and safetie. To further this, and to
accomplish it in deedes, there must bee presented vnto them gratis, some
kindes of our pettie marchandizes and trifles: As looking glasses, Belles,
Beades, Bracelets, Chaines, or collers of Bewgle, Chrystall, Amber, Iet,
or Glasse, &c. For such be the things, though to vs of small value, yet
accounted by them of high price and estimation: and soonest will induce
their Barbarous natures to a liking and a mutuall societie with vs.

Moreouer, it shall be requisite eyther by speeche, if it be possible
either by some other certaine meanes, to signifie vnto them, that once
league of friendship with all louing conuersation being admitted betweene
the Christians and them: that then the Christians from thenceforth will
alwayes be ready with force of Armes to assist and defend them in their
iust quarrels, from all inuasions, spoyles and oppressions offered them by
any Tyrants, Aduersaries, or their next borderers: and a benefite is so
much the more to be esteemed, by how much the person vpon whom it is
bestowed standeth in neede thereof.

For it appeareth by the relation of a Countreyman of ours, namely Dauid
Ingram, (who trauelled in those countries xi. Moneths and more) That the
Sauages generally for the most part, are at continuall warres with their
next adioyning neighbours, and especially the Cannibals, being a cruell
kinde of people whose foode is mans flesh, and haue teeth like dogges, and
doe pursue them with rauenous mindes to eate their flesh, and deuoure
them.

And it is not to be doubted, but that the Christians may in this case
iustly and lawfully ayde the Sauages against the Cannibals. So that it is
very likely, that by this meanes we shall not only mightily stirre and
inflame their rude mindes gladly to embrace the louing company of the
Christians, proffering vnto them both commodities, succour and kindnesse:
But also by their franke consents shall easily enioy such competent
quantity of Land, as euery way shall be correspondent to the Christians
expectation and contentation, considering the great abundance that they
haue of Land, and how small account they make thereof, taking no other
fruites thereby then such as the ground of it selfe doeth naturally
yeelde. And thus much concerning the first sort of planting, which as I
assuredly hope, so I most heartily pray may take effect and place.

(M2) But if after these good and fayre meanes vsed, the Sauages
neuerthelesse will not bee herewithall satisfied, but barbarously will goe
about to practise violence eyther in repelling the Christians from their
Ports and safe-landings, or in withstanding them afterwards to enioy the
rights for which both painfully and lawfully they haue aduentured
themselues thither.

Then in such a case I holde it no breach of equitie for the Christians to
defend themselues, to pursue reuenge with force, and to doe whatsoeuer is
necessarie for the attaining of their saftie: For it is allowable by all
Lawes in such distresses, to resist violence with violence: And for their
more securitie to increase their strength by building of Forts for
auoyding the extremitie of iniurious dealing.

Wherein if also they shal not be suffered in reasonable quietnesse to
continue, there is no barre (as I iudge) but that in stoute assemblies the
Christians may issue out, and by strong hand pursue their enemies, subdue
them, take possession of their Townes, Cities, or Villages, and (in
auoyding murtherous tyrannie) to vse the Law of Armes, as in like case
among all Nations at this day is vsed: and most especially to the ende
they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession, lest happily after
the departure of the Christians, such Sauages as haue bene conuerted
should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked
Rulers, returne to their horrible idolatrie (as did the children of
Israel, after the decease of Ioshua) and continue their wicked custome of
most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures.

And in so doing, doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit transgresse the
bonds of equitie or ciuilitie, forasmuch as in former ages, (yea, before
the incarnation of Christ) the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and
Princes, Gouernours of the children of Israel: chiefly in respect to begin
their planting, for the establishment of Gods worde: as also since the
Natiuitie of Christ, mightie and puissant Emperours and kings haue
performed the like, I say to plant, possesse, and subdue. For proofe
whereof, I wilt alledge you examples of both kindes.

Wee reade in the olde Testament, how that after Noes flood was ceased,
restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and
familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him, whose
seede in processe of time, was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations,
which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth.
And foreasmuch as all their posteritie being mightily encreased, followed
not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour, God chose out of the
multitude a peculiar people to himselfe, to whom afterwardes being vnder
the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay, hee made a graunt to inherite the
Land of Canaan, called the Land of promise, with all the other rich and
fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto. Neuerthelesse, before they
came to possession thereof, hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous
punishments and plagues for their sinnes, they fell in despayre to enioy
the same.

But being encouraged and comforted by their rulers, (men of God) they
proceeded, arming themselues with all patience, to suffer whatsoeuer it
should please God to send: and at last attaining to the Land, they were
encountered with great numbers of strong people, and mighty Kings.

(M3) Notwithstanding, Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of
God, being assured of the iustnesse of his quarrell, gathered the chiefe
strength of the children (M4) of Israel together, to the number of 40000.
with whom he safely passed the huge riuer Iordon, and hauing before sent
priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico, to vnderstand
the certaintie of the Citizens estate, he forthwith came thither, and
enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes.

In which respite, perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or
call for mercie, he then commanded (as God before had appointed) that both
the citie Ierico should be burned, yea, and all the inhabitants, as well
olde as young, with all their cattell should be destroyed, onely excepted
Rahab, her kindred and familie, because shee before had hid secretly the
messengers of Iosua, that were sent thither as spies. As for all their
golde, siluer, precious stones, or vessels of brasse, they were reserued
and consecrated to the Lords treasurie.

(M5) In like maner he burned the citie Hay, slew the inhabitants thereof,
and hanged vp their King. (M6) But for so much as the Gebionites (fearing
the like euent) sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to entreate for grace,
fauour, and peace: hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued,
and that they should be admitted to the children of Israel. Yet
vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a pollicie, he vsed them as
drudges to hewe wood and to carie water, and other necessaries for his
people. (M7) Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest, which he
pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites, Cananites.
Peresites, Heuites, and Iebusites, with all their princes and Kings, being
thirtie and one in number, and diuers other strange nations, besides whose
lands and dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people.

(M8) After that Iosua was deceased, Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the
armie, who receiuing like charge from God, pursued the proceedings of the
holy captaine Iosua, and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles, Idolaters, and
aduersaries to the children of Israel, with all such Rulers or Kings as
withstoode him, and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant: whose
thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off, for so much as hee had
done the like before vnto seuentie Kings, whom being his prisoners, he
forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table. In this God
shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie. (M9) We reade likewise, that
Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following
the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda, that in short time he not only
deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the
fierce Madianites, but also subdued them and their Tyrants, whose landes
he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite.

I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture, which aptly may
be applyed hereunto, were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to
be briefe. Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of
the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers, all
tending to the like argument. And first to begin withall, we doe reade:
That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion, the Apostles
being inspired with the holy Ghost, and the knowledge of all strange
languages, did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the
world, to the preaching of the Gospel. Yet not in so generall a maner, but
that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them, among
the which it is reported that India the great, called the vttermost India,
as yet had received no light of the word. (M10) But it came to passe, that
one Metrodorus, a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age, being
desirous to search out vnknowen lands, did first discouer the same finding
it wonderfull populous and rich, which vpon his returne being published,
and for certaine vnderstood, there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus
called Meropius, being a Christian, who did resolue himselfe (following
the example of Metrodorus) to trauaile thither, and in a short time
assisted but with a fewe, in a small Vessel arriued there, hauing in his
company two yong youths, Edesius and Frumentius, whom (being his
schollers) he had thoroughly instructed both in liberall Sciences, and
christian Religion. Now after that Meropius somewhile staying there, had
(as hee thought) sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whole estate: He
determined to depart, and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour, whom
he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same.

But by misfortune he was preuented, for being in the middest of his course
on the Sea homeward, a sore tempest arose, and perforce droue him backe
againe, to an unknowen Port of the said land: where he by the most cruell
barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company, except
the two young (M11) schollers aforesayde, whom the barbarous Indians, by
reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages, tooke, and
forthwith presented them to their King and Queene: which both being very
well liked of, the King courteously entreated, and ordeined Edesius to be
his Butler, and Frumentius his Secretarie, and in few yeeres by reason of
their learning and ciuill gouernment, they were had in great fauour,
honour, and estimation with the Princes. But the King departing this life,
left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne, and gaue free
scope and liberty to the two Christians, at their best pleasure to passe
to their natiue soyles, allowing them all necessaries for the same. Yet
the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorrowfull they should
depart, and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist
her in the gouernment of her people, till such time as her yong sonne
grewe to ripe yeeres, which request they fulfilled.

(M12) And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome, ruled both
the Queene and her subiects at his discretion, whereby he tooke occasion
to put in practise priuily, that the foundation of Christian religion
might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his
perswasion might best preuaile, and that soonest would giue eare vnto him:
which being brought to passe accordingly, hee then with his fellow Edesius
tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey. And so soone
as he was arriued there, he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine, the
effect of all those euents: who both commending his deedes and wholy
allowing thereof, by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop
of Alexandria, did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of
Frumentius, in this his so godly a purpose. And by this meanes came the
Emperour afterwards by faire promises, and by force of armes together,
vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey. (M13) The author of this
storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius
companion to Frumentius. Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie
Ecclesiasticall(1) in precise termes, and in diuers places maketh mention
how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of
his next neighbours, but also endeauoured by all meanes to subiect all
such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations, as then inhabited the foure
quarters of the worlde. For (as it is written) the Emperour thoroughly
ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before
perswaded to Christian religion, in proper person himselfe came euen vnto
this our country of England, then called the Island of Britaines, bending
from him full West, which he wholy conquered, made tributarie, and setled
therein Christian faith, and left behinde him such Rulers thereof, as to
his wisedome seemed best. From thence hee turned his force towardes the
North coast of the world, and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell
Nation of the Scythians, whereof part by friendly perswasions, part by
maine strength, hee reduced the whole to Christian faith. Afterwards he
determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in
the vttermost parts of the South. And with great hazard and labour, making
his iourney thither, at last became victour ouer them all euen to the
countrey of the Blemmyans, and the remote Æthiopians, that now are the
people of Presbyter Iohn, who yet till this day continue and beare the
name of Christians.

In the East likewise, what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice
of, he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire. So that to
conclude, there was no region in any part of the world, the inhabitants
whereof being Gentiles, though vnkowen vnto him, but in time he ouercame
and vanquished.

This worthy beginning of Constantine, both his sonnes succeeding his
roome, and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost
endeauour followed and continued, which all the bookes of Eusebius more at
large set foorth. (M14) Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall
historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed
earnestly all his time, as well in conquering the Gentiles to the
knowledge of the holy Gospel, vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples
and abominable Idolatry, as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants
as with Paganisme withstoode the planting of Christian religion. (M15)
After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created
Emperours, the one of the East, the other of the West, who with all the
stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the foresteps of their Father;
eyther in enlarging theyr territories, or increasing the christian flocke.

Moreouer, it is reported by the sayd author, that Theodosius iunior the
Emperour, no whit inferior in vertuous life to any of the aboue named
Princes, with great studie and zeale pursued and prosecuted the Gentiles,
subdued their tyrants and countries, and vtterly destroyed all their
idolatry, conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and
Creator, and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire. To be
briefe, who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus, Socrates Scholasticus,
Theodoritus Hermia, Sozomen, and Euagrius Scholasticus, which all were
most sage Ecclesiasticall writers, shall finde great store of examples of
the worthy liues of sundry Emperours, tending all to the confirmation of
my former speeches.

And for like examples of later time, (yea euen in the memorie of man) I
shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and
East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall, whereof there is
particular mention made in the last chapter of this booke. Herein haue I
vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done, sauing that I
haue bene in place, where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath
bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull, yea, such as doe take vpon them
to be more then meanely learned. To these examples could I ioyne many moe,
but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe, may satisfie himselfe in
reading at large the authors last aboue recited. Thus haue I (as I trust)
prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages, and
lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries.



The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most
excellent Maiestie hath vnto those countries, which through the ayde of
Almighty God are meant to be inhabited.


(M16) And it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right
amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions, or (I might rather
say) restore to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those
Countries, into the which a noble and worthy personage, lineally descended
from the blood royall, (M17) borne in Wales named Madock ap Owen Gwyneth,
departing from the coast of England, about the yeere of our Lord God 1170.
arriued and there planted himselfe and his Colonies, and afterward
returned himselfe into England, leauing certaine of his people there, as
appeareth in an ancient Welsh Chronicle, where he then gaue to certaine
Ilands, beastes, and foules sundry Welsh names, as the Iland of Pengwin,
which yet to this day beareth the same.

There is likewise a foule in the saide countreys called by the same name
at this day, and is as much to say in English, as Whitehead, and in trueth
the said foules haue white heads. There is also in those countreis a fruit
called Gwynethes which is likewise a Welsh word. Moreouer, there are
diuers other Welsh wordes at this day in vse, as Dauid Ingram aforesaid
reporteth in his relations. All which most strongly argueth, the sayd
prince with his people to haue inhabited there. And the same in effect is
confirmed by Mutezuma(2) that mightie Emperour of Mexico, who in an
Oration vnto his subiects for the better pacifying of them, made in the
presence of Hernando Cortes, vsed these speeches following.

(M18) My kinsmen, friends, and seruants, you doe well know that eighteene
yeres I haue bene your King, as my fathers and grandfathers were, and
alwayes I haue bene vnto you a louing Prince, and you vnto me good and
obedient subiects, and so I hope you will remaine vnto mee all the dayes
of my life. You ought to haue in remembrance, that either you haue heard
of your fathers, or else our diuines haue instructed you, that wee are not
naturally of this countrey, nor yet our kingdome is durable, because our
forefathers came from a farre countrey, and their King and Captaine, who
brought them hither, returned againe to his naturall Countrey, saying that
he would send such as should rule and gouerne vs, if by chance he himselfe
returned not, &c.

These be the very wordes of Mutezuma set downe in the Spanish Chronicles,
the which being thoroughly considered, because they haue relation to some
strange noble person, who long before had possessed those countreys, doe
all sufficiently argue the vndoubted title of her Maiestie: forasmuch as
no other Nation can truely by any Chronicles they can finde, make
prescription of time for themselues, before the time of this Prince Madoc.
(M19) Besides all this, for further proofe of her highnesse title sithence
the arriuall of this noble Briton into those parts (that is to say) in the
time of the Queenes grandfather of worthy memory, King Henry the seuenth,
Letters patents were by his Maiestie granted to Iohn Cabota an Italian, to
Lewis, Sebastian and Sancius, his three sonnes, to discouer remote,
barbarous and heathen Countreys, which discouery was afterwardes executed
to the vse of the Crowne of England, in the sayde Kings time, by Sebastian
and Sancius his sonnes, who were borne here in England: in true testimony
whereof there is a faire hauen in Newfoundland, knowen, and called vntill
this day by the name of Sancius hauen, which proueth that they first
discouered vpon that coast from the height of 63 vnto the cape of Florida,
as appeareth in the Decades.

And this may stand for another title to her Maiesty: but any of the
foresayd titles is as much or more then any other Christian Prince can
pretend to the Indies, before such time as they had actuall possession
thereof, obtained by the discouery of Christopher Columbus, and the
conquest of Vasques Nunnes de Balboa, Hernando Cortes, Francisco Pizarro,
and others. And therefore I thinke it needlesse to write any more touching
the lawfulnesse of her Maiesties title.



The fourth chapter sheweth how that the trade, traffike, and planting in
those countreys is likely to proue very profitable to the whole realme in
generall.


Now to shew how the same is likely to prooue very profitable and
beneficiall generally to the whole realme: it is very certaine, that the
greatest iewell of this realme, and the chiefest strength and force of the
same, for defence or offence in marshal matter and maner, is the multitude
of ships, masters and mariners, ready to assist the most stately and
royall nauy of her Maiesty, which by reason of this voyage shall haue both
increase and maintenance. (M20) And it is well knowen that in sundry
places of this realme ships haue beene built and set forth of late dayes,
for the trade of fishing onely: yet notwithstanding the fish which is
taken and brought into England by the English nauy of fishermen, will no
suffice for the expense of this realme foure moneths, if there were none
els brought of strangers. And the chiefest cause why our English men doe
not goe so farre Westerly as the especiall fishing places doe lie, both
for plenty and greatnesse of fish, is for that they haue no succour and
knowen safe harbour in those parts. But if our nation were once planted
there, or neere thereabouts; whereas they now fish but for two moneths in
the yeere, they might then fish as long as pleased themselues, or rather
at their comming finde such plenty of fish ready taken, salted, and dried,
as might be sufficient to fraught them home without long delay (God
granting that salt may be found there) whereof Dauid Ingram (who trauelled
in those countreys as aforesayd) sayth that there is great plenty: and
withall the climate doth giue great hope, that though there were none
naturally growing, yet it might as well be made there by art, as it is
both at Rochel and Bayon, or elsewhere. Which being brought to passe,
shall increase the number of our shippes and mariners, were it but in
respect of fishing onely: but much more in regard of the sundry
merchandizes and commodities which are there found, and had in great
abundance.

Moreouer, it is well knowen that all Sauages, aswell those that dwell in
the South, as those that dwell in the North, so soone as they shall begin
but a little to taste of ciuility, will take maruelous delight in any
garment, be it neuer so simple; as a shirt, a blew, yellow, red, or greene
cotton cassocke, a cap, or such like, and will take incredible paines for
such a trifle.

For I my selfe haue heard this report made sundry times by diuers of our
countreymen, who haue dwelt in the Southerly parts of the West Indies,
some twelue yeeres together, and some of lesse time; that the people in
those parts are easily reduced to ciuility both in maners and garments.
Which being so, what vent for our English clothes will thereby ensue, and
how great benefit to all such persons and artificers, whose names are
quoted in the margent,(3) I do leaue to the iudgement of such as are
discreet and questionlesse; hereby it will also come to passe, that all
such townes and villages as both haue beene, and now are vtterly decayed
and ruinated (the poore people thereof being not set on worke, by reason
of the transportation of raw wooll of late dayes more excessiuely then in
times past) shal by this meanes be restored to their pristinate wealth and
estate: all which doe likewise tend to the inlargement of our nauy, and
maintenance of our nauigation.

To what end need I endeuour my selfe by arguments to proue that by this
voyage our nauie and nauigation shalbe inlarged, when as there needeth
none other reason then the manifest and late example of the neere
neighbours to this realme, the kings of Spaine and Portugall, who since
the first discouery of the Indies, haue not onely mightily inlarged their
dominions, greatly inriched themselues and their subiects: but haue also
by iust account trebled the number of their shippes, masters and mariners,
a matter of no small moment and importance?

(M21) Besides this, it will prooue a generall benefit vnto our countrey,
that through this occasion, not onely a great number of men which do now
liue idlely at home, and are burthenous, chargeable, and vnprofitable to
this realme, shall hereby be set on worke, but also children of twelue or
fourteene yeeres of age, or vnder, may bee kept from idlenesse, in making
of a thousand kindes of trifling things, which wil be good merchandize for
that countrey. (M22) And moreouer, our idle women (which the Realme may
well spare) shall also be imployed on plucking, drying, and sorting of
feathers, in pulling, beating, and working of hempe, and in gathering of
cotton, and diuers things right necessary for dying. All which things are
to be found in those countreys most plentifully. And the men may imploy
themselues in dragging for pearle, woorking for mines, and in matters of
husbandry, and likewise in hunting the whale for Trane, and making casks
to put the same in: besides in fishing for cod, salmon, and herring,
drying, salting and barrelling the same, and felling of trees, hewing and
sawing of them, and such like worke, meete for those persons that are no
men of Art or Science.

Many other things may bee found to the great reliefe and good employments
of no small number of the naturall Subiects of this Realme, which doe now
liue here idlely to the common annoy of the whole state. (M23) Neither may
I here omit the great hope and likelyhood of a passage beyond the Grand
Bay into the South Seas, confirmed by sundry authors to be found leading
to Cataia, the Molluccas and Spiceries, whereby may ensue as generall a
benefite to the Realme, or greater then yet hath bene spoken of, without
either such charges, or other inconueniences, as by the tedious tract of
time and perill, which the ordinary passage to those parts at this day
doeth minister.

And to conclude this argument withall, it is well knowen to all men of
sound iudgement, that this voyage is of greater importance, and will be
found more beneficiall to our countrey, then all other voyages at this day
in vse and trade amongst vs.



The fift chapter sheweth, that the trading and planting in those countreis
is likely to proue to the particular profit of all aduenturers.


I must, now according to my promise shew foorth some probable reasons that
the aduenturers in this iourney are to take particular profit by the same.
It is therefore conuenient that I doe diuide the aduenturers into two
sorts: the noblemen and gentlemen by themselues, and the Merchants by
themselues. For, as I doe heare, it is meant that there shall be one
societie of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, and another societie of the
merchants. And yet not so diuided, but that eche society may freely and
frankely trade and traffique one with the other.

And first to bend my speech to the noblemen and gentlemen, who doe chiefly
seeke a temperate climate, wholesome ayre, fertile soile, and a strong
place by nature whereupon they may fortifie, and there either plant
themselues, or such other persons as they shall thinke good to send to bee
lords of that place and countrey: to them I say, that all these things are
verie easie to be found within the degrees of 30 and 60 aforesaid, either
by South or North, both in the Continent, and in Islands thereunto
adioyning at their choise: but the degree certaine of the eleuation of the
pole, and the very climate where these places of force and fertility are
to be found, I omit to make publike, for such regard as the wiser sort can
easily coniecture: the rather because I doe certainly vnderstand, that
some of those which haue the managing of this matter, knowe it as well or
better then I my selfe, and do meane to reueale the same, when cause shall
require, to such persons whom it shall concerne, and to no other: so that
they may seat and settle themselues in such climate as shall best agree
with their owne nature, disposition, and good liking: and in the whole
tract of that land, by the description of as many as haue bene there,
great plentie of minerall matter of all sorts, and in very many places,
both stones of price, pearle and christall, and great store of beasts,
birds and fowles both for pleasure and necessary for vse of man are to be
found.

(M24) And for such as take delight in hunting, there are Stagges, Wilde
bores, Foxes, Hares, Cunnies, Badgers, Otters, and diuers other such like
for pleasure. Also for such as haue delight in hauking, there are haukes
of sundry kinds, and great store of game, both for land and riuer, as
Fezants, Partridges, Cranes, Heronshawes, Ducks, Mallards, and such like.
(M25) There is also a kinde of beast much bigger then an Oxe, whose hide
is more then eighteene foote long, of which sort a countreyman of ours,
one Walker a sea man, who was vpon that coast, did for a trueth report in
the presence of diuers honourable and worshipfull persons, that he and his
company did finde in one cottage aboue two hundred and fortie hides, which
they brought away and solde in France for fortie shillings an hide: and
with this agreeth Dauid Ingram, and describeth that beast at large,
supposing it to be a certaine kinde of Buffe; (M26) there are likewise
beasts and fowles of diuers kinds, which I omit for breuities sake, great
store of fish both in the salt water and in the fresh, plentie of grapes
as bigge as a mans thumbe, and the most delicate wine of the Palme tree,
of which wine there be diuers of good credit in this realme that haue
tasted: and there is also a kind of graine called Maiz, Potato rootes, and
sundry other fruits naturally growing there: so that after such time as
they are once settled, they shall neede to take no great care for
victuall.

And now for the better contentation and satisfaction of such worshipfull,
honest minded, and well disposed Merchants, as haue a desire to the
furtherance of euery good and commendable action, I will first say vnto
them, as I haue done before to the Noblemen and Gentlemen, that within the
degrees abouesayde, is doubtlesse to bee found the most wholesome and best
temperature of ayre, fertilitie of soyle, and euery other commoditie or
merchandize, for the which, with no small perill we doe trauell into
Barbary, Spaine, Portugall, France, Italie, Moscouie and Eastland. All
which may be either presently had, or at the least wise in very short time
procured from thence with lesse danger then now we haue them. And yet to
the ende my argument shall not altogether stand vpon likelihoods and
presumptions, I say that such persons as haue discouered and trauelled
those partes, doe testifie that they haue found in those countreys all
these things following, namely:

Of beasts for furres: Marterns, Beauers, Foxes, blacke and white,
Leopards.

Of wormes: Silke wormes great and large.

Of Birds: Hawkes, Bitters, Curlewes, Herons, Partridges, Cranes, Mallards,
Wilde geese, Stocke dooues, Margaus, Blacke birds, Parrots, Pengwins.

Of Fishes: Codde, Salmon, Seales, Herrings.

Of Trees: Palme trees yeelding sweet wines, Cedars, Firres, Sasafras,
Oake, Elme, Popler, and sundry other strange Trees to vs vnknowen.

Of fruites: Grapes very large, Muskemellons, Limons, Dates great,
Orrenges, Figges, Prunes, Raisins great and small, Pepper, Almonds,
Citrons.

Of Mettals: Golde, Siluer, Copper, Lead, Tinne.

Of Stones: Turkeis, Rubies, Pearls great and faire, Marble of diuers
kindes, Iasper, Christall.

Sundry other commodities of all sorts: Rosen, Pitch, Tarre, Turpentine,
Frankincense, Honny, Waxe, Rubarbe, Oyle Oliue, Traine oyle, Muske codde,
Salt, Tallow, Hides, Hempe, Flaxe, Cochenello and dies of diuers sorts,
Feathers of sundrie sorts, as for pleasure and filling of Featherbeds.

And seeing that for small costs, the trueth of these may be vnderstood
(whereof this intended supply will giue vs more certaine assurance) I doe
finde no cause to the contrary, but that all well minded persons should be
willing to aduenture some competent portion for the furtherance of so good
an enterprise.

Now for the triall hereof, considering that in the articles of the
societie of the aduenturers in this voyage, there is prouision made, that
no aduenturer shall be bound to any further charge then his first
aduenture: and yet notwithstanding keepe still to himselfe his children,
his apprentises and seruants, his and their freedome for trade and
traffique, which is a priuiledge that aduenturers in other voyages haue
not: and in the said articles it is likewise prouided, that none other
then such as haue aduentured in the first voyage, or shal become
aduenturers in this supply, at any time hereafter are to be admitted in
the said society, but as redemptionaries, which will be very chargeable:
therefore generally I say vnto all such according to the olde prouerbe,
Nothing venture, nothing haue. For if it do so fall out, according to the
great hope and expectation had, (as by Gods grace it will) the gaine which
now they reap by traffique into other farre countries, shal by this trade
returne with lesse charge, greater gaine, and more safety: Lesse charge, I
say, by reason of the ample and large deepe riuers at the very banke,
whereof there are many, whereby both easily and quietly they may transport
from the innermost parts of the main land, all kind of merchandize, yea in
vessels of great burden, and that three times, or twise in the yere at the
least. (M27) But let vs omit all presumptions how vehement soeuer, and
dwel vpon the certainty of such commodities as were discouered by S.
Humfrey Gilbert, and his assistants in Newfound land in August last. For
there may be very easily made Pitch, Tarre, Rosen, Sope ashes in great
plenty, yea, as it is thought, inough to serue the whole realme of euery
of these kindes: And of Traine oyle such quantity, as if I should set
downe the value that they doe esteeme it at, which haue bene there, it
would seeme incredible.

It is hereby intended, that these commodities in this abundant maner, are
not to be gathered from thence, without planting and setling there. And as
for other things of more value, and that of more sorts and kindes then one
or two (which were likewise discouered there) I doe holde them for some
respects, more meete for a time to be concealed then vttered.

Of the fishing I doe speake nothing, because it is generally knowen: and
it is not to be forgotten, what trifles they be that the Sauages doe
require in exchange of these commodities: yea, for pearle, golde, siluer,
and precious stones. All which are matters in trade and traffique of great
moment. But admit that it should so fall out, that the aboue specified
commodities shall not happily be found out within this first yeere: Yet it
is very cleere that such and so many may be found out as shall minister
iust occasion to thinke all cost and labour well bestowed. For it is very
certaine, that there is one seat fit for fortification, of great safety,
wherein those commodities following, especially are to be had, that is to
say, Grapes for wine, Whales for oyle, Hempe for cordage, and other
necccessary things, and fish of farre greater sise and plenty, then that
of Newfound land, and of all these so great store, as may suffice to serue
our whole realme.

Besides all this, if credit may be giuen to the inhabitants of the same
soile, a certaine riuer doth thereunto adioyne, which leadeth to a place
abounding with rich substance: I doe not hereby meane the passage to the
Molluccaes, whereof before I made mention.

And it is not to be omitted, how that about two yeeres past, certaine
merchants of S. Malo in France, did hyre a ship out of the Island of
Iersey to the ende that they would keepe that trade secret from their
Countreymen, and they would admit no mariner, other then the ship boy
belonging to the said ship, to goe with them, which shippe was about 70.
tunne. I doe know the shippe and the boy very well, and am familiarly
acquainted with the owner, which voyage prooued very beneficiall.

To conclude, this which is already sayd, may suffice any man of reasonable
disposition to serue for a taste, vntill such time as it shall please
almighty God through our owne industrie to send vs better tydings. In the
meane season, if any man well affected to this iourney, shall stand in
doubt of any matter of importance touching the same, he may satisfie
himselfe with the iudgement and liking of such of good calling and
credite, as are principall dealers herein. For it is not neccessary in
this treatise, publikely to set forth the whole secrets of the voyage.



The sixth Chapter sheweth that, the traffique and planting in those
countries, shall be vnto the Sauages themselues very beneficiall and
gainefull.


Now to the end it may appeare that this voyage is not vndertaken
altogether for the peculiar commodity of our selues and our countrey (as
generally other trades and iournies be) it shall fall out in proofe, that
the Sauages shall hereby haue iust cause to blesse the houre when this
enterprise was vndertaken.

First and chiefly, in respect of the most happy and gladsome tidings of
the most glorious Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, whereby they may be
brought from falshood to trueth, from darknesse to light, from the hie way
of death to the path of life, from superstitious idolatrie to sincere
Christianity, from the deuill to Christ, from hell to heauen. And if in
respect of all the commodities they can yeelde vs (were they many moe)
that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity, they were
more then fully recompenced.

But hereunto it may bee obiected, that the Gospel must bee freely
preached, for such was the example of the Apostles: vnto whom although the
authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors, Kings and Princes,
aswel before Christs time as since, might sufficiently satisfie: yet for
further answere, we may say (M28) with S. Paul, If wee haue sowen vnto you
heauenly things, doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall
things? And withall, The workman is worthy of his hire. These heauenly
tidings which those labourers our countreymen (as messengers of Gods great
goodnesse and mercy) will voluntarily present vnto them, doe farre exceed
their earthly riches. Moreouer, if the other inferiour worldly and
temporall things which they shall receiue from vs, be weighed in equall
ballance, I assure my selfe, that by equal iudgement of any indifferent
person, the benefits which they then receiue, shall farre surmount those
which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had (as they
haue not) the knowledge to put their land to some vse: yet being brought
from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge, and made then to
vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and
employed, as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans
life, then the whole now doeth: What iust cause of complaint may they
haue? And in my private opinion, I do verily thinke that God did create
land, to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things
necessary for mans life.

But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the
Christians: for, ouer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse
their grounds, they shal be reduced from vnseemly customes to honest
maners, from disordered riotous routs and (M29) companyes to a well
gouerned common wealth, and withall, shalbe taught mechanicall
occupations, arts, and liberall sciences: and which standeth them most
vpon, they shalbe defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and
bloodsucking neighbors the Canibals, whereby infinite number of their
liues shalbe preserued. And lastly, by this meanes many of their poore
innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the
sacrificer, a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and
man, now and ever heretofore vsed amongst them. Many other things could I
heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue
already more then halfe tired the reader.



The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there, is not a matter of
such charge or difficultie, as many would make it seeme to be.


Now therefore for proofe, that the planting in these parts is a thing that
may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse, contrary to
the allegation of many malicious persons, who wil neither be actors in any
good action themselues, nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting
forward thereof: and that worse is, they will take vpon them to make
molehilles seeme mountaines, and flies elephants, to the end they may
discourage others, that be very well or indifferently affected to the
matter, being like vnto Esops dogge, which neither would eate Hay
himselfe, nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feede thereon:

I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance
of this enterprise, as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure: for first
by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse, of long time to
hold his merciful hand ouer this realme, in preseruing the people of the
same, both from slaughter by the sword, and great death by plague,
pestilence, or otherwise, there are at this day great numbers (God he
knoweth) which liue in such penurie and want, as they could be contented
to hazard their liues, and to serue one yeere for meat, drinke and
apparell only, without wages, in hope thereby to amend their estates:
which is a matter in such like iourneyes, of no small charge to the
prince. Moreouer, things in the like iourneyes of greatest price and cost
as victuall (whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey
without money) and powder, great artillery, or corselets are not needefull
in so plentifull and chargeable maner, as the shew of such a iourney may
present: for a small quantitie of all these, to furnish the Fort only,
will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in
those parts, which may be thought well worthy a greater charge. Also the
peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall
before all other nations, will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked
people.

Another helpe we haue also, which in such like cases is a matter of
marueilous cost, and will be in in this iourney procured very easily (that
is to say) to transport yeerely as well our people, as all other
necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants,
that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound-land, being not farre distant
from the countrey meant to be inhabited, who commonly goe with emptie
vessels in effect, sauing some litle fraight with salt. And thus it
appeareth that the souldier, wages, and the transportation may be defrayed
for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise
haue giuen out. Againe, this intended voyage for conquest, hath in like
maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath, as it were, with
his holy hand blessed the same before all others. For after once we are
departed the coast of England, wee may passe straight way thither, without
danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies, or doubtfull
friends: for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither, which seldome
faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May, a benefite which
the mariners make great account of, for it is a pleasure that they haue in
a few or none of other iourneyes. Also the passage is short, for we may
goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most, hauing but an
indifferent winde, and returne continually in twentie or foure and twentie
dayes at the most. And in the same our iourney, by reason it is in the
Ocean, and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes,
we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy: neither shall
our ships, people, or goods there, be subiect to arrest or molestation of
any Pagan potentate, Turkish tyrant, yea, or Christian prince, which
heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our
ships and merchandizes, whereby great numbers of our countrymen haue bene
vtterly vndone, diuers put to ransome, yea, and some lost their liues: a
thing so fresh in memorie as it neede no proofe, and is well worthy of
consideration.

Besides, in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line,(4) whereby
commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted, and mens health very
much impayred, neither doe we passe the frozen seas, which yeelde sundry
extreame dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere,
to serue our turnes. And lastly, there neede no delayes by the way for
taking in of fresh water and fewell, (a thing vsually done in long
iournies) because, as I sayd aboue, the voyage is not long, and the fresh
waters taken in there, our men here in England at their returne home haue
found so wholesome and sweete, that they haue made choise to drinke it
before our beere and ale.

Behold heere, good countreymen, the manifold benefits and commodities and
pleasures heretofore vnknowen, by Gods especiall blessing not onely
reueiled vnto vs, but also as it were infused into our bosomes, who though
hitherto like dormice haue slumbred in ignorance thereof, being like the
cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet: yet if now therefore
at the last we would awake, and with willing mindes (setting friuolous
imaginations aside) become industrious instruments to our selues,
questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our
heauenly father, but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes
that may be wished or desired.

And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey
of the Sauages, being a naked kinde of people, voyde of the knowledge of
the discipline of warre, seeing that a noble man, being but a subiect in
this realme (in the time of our king Henry the second) by name Strangbow,
then earle of Chepstow in South Wales, by himselfe and his allies and
assistants, at their owne proper charges haue passed ouer into Ireland,
and there made conquest of the now countrey, and then kingdome of
Lynester, at which time it was very populous and strong, which History our
owne chronicles do witnesse: And why should we be dismayed more then were
the Spanyards, who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer,
possesse, and enioy so large a tract of the earth, in the West Indies, as
is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne, not onely in the
maine firme land of America, which is 47. degrees in latitude from South
to North, and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least, that the
king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession, besides many goodly and
rich Islands, as Hispaniola, now called S. Domingo, Cuba, Iamaica, and
diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure, not speaking
any whit at all, how large the said land is from East to West, which in
some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East
to West, betweene the one Sea and the other.

(M30) Or why should our noble nation be dismaid, more then was Vasques
Nunnes de Valboa, a priuate gentleman of Spaine, who with the number of
70. Spaniards at Tichiri, gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king
Chemaccus, hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men, and the
said Vasques Nunnes not long after, with his small number, did put to
flight king Chiapes his whole armie.

(M31) Likewise Hernando Cortes, being also but a priuate gentleman of
Spaine, after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzamil, and
entring into the firme of America, had many most victorious and triumphant
conquests, as that at Cyntla, where being accompanied with lesse then 500.
Spanish footmen, thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only, he
ouerthrew 40000. Indians. The same Cortes with his sayd number of
Spanyards, tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezuma in his most chiefe
and famous citie of Mexico, which at that instant had in it aboue the
number of 50000. Indians at the least, and in short time after obtained
not onely the quiet possession of the said citie, but also of his whole
Empire.

(M32) And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru, which the king of Spaine
hath now in actuall possession, Francisco Pysarro, with the onely ayd of
Diego de Almagro, and Hernando Luche, being all three but priuate
gentlemen, was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and
conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru, which through the ayd of
the almighty, he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca,
(which is a large place of ground, enclosed with walles) in which place he
tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner, midst the number of
60000. Indians his subiects, which were euer before that day accounted to
bee a warlike kind of people, which his great victorie it pleased God to
grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his
company aboue the number of 210. Spaniards, whereof there were not past
threescore horsemen in all: after the taking of which prince Atabalipa, he
offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome, to fill a great large hall full of
gold and siluer, and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed, euen
as high as a man might reach with his arme. And the sayd prince caused the
same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height, which ransome
Pyzarro granted to accept. And after when as this mighty prince had sent
to his vassals and subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of
the hall, as aforesaid, as namely to the cities or townes of Quito,
Paciacama and Cusco, as also to the Calao of Lima, in which towne, as
their owne writers doe affirme, they found a large and faire house, all
slated and couered with gold: and when as the said hall was not yet a
quarter ful, a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards, in which it was
commonly giuen out, that the said prince had politikely offered this great
ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power, whereby the
Spanyards should be taken, slaine and ouerthrowen: wherevpon they grew to
this resolution, to put the sayd prince to death, and to make partition of
the golde and siluer already brought in, which they presently put in
execution. And comming to make perfect Inuentorie of the same, as well for
the Emperour then king of Spaine, his fift part, as otherwise, there was
found to be already brought in into the sayd hall, the number of 132425.
pound weight of siluer, and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos, which
was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together, of
which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde
365625. pezos, and for his fift part of, siluer 26485. pound waight, and
to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold, and 67. pound waight of
siluer. Euery souldier had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of
siluer. Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and
siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling, according
to the rate agreed vpon amongst them.

Francis Pizarro as their generall, according to his decree and calling
proportionally, had more then any of the rest, ouer and besides the massie
table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Letter, which waighed 25000.
pezos of gold: neuer were there before that day souldiers so rich in so
small a time, and with so little danger And in this iourney for want of
yron, they did shoe their horses, some with gold, and some with siluer.
This is to be seene in the generall historie of the West Indies, where as
the doings of Pizarro, and the conquest of Peru is more at large set
forth.

To this may I adde the great discoueries and conquests which the princes
of Portugall haue made round about the West, the South, and the East parts
of Africa, and also at Callicut and in the East Indies, and in America, at
Brasile and elsewhere in sundry Islands, in fortifying, peopling and
planting all along the sayd coastes and Islands, euer as they discouered:
which being lightly weyed and considered, doth minister iust cause of
yncouragement to our Countreymen, not to account it so hard and difficult
a thing for the subiects of this noble realme of England, to discouer,
people, plant and possesse the like goodly lands and rich countreys not
farre from vs, but neere adioyning land offring themselues vnto vs (as is
aforesayd) which haue neuer yet heretofore bene in the actuall possession
of any other Christian prince, then the princes of this Realme. All which
(as I thinke) should not a little animate and encourage vs to looke out
and aduenture abroad, vnderstanding what large Countreys and Islands the
Portugals with their small number haue within these few yeeres discouered,
peopled and planted, some part whereof I haue thought it not amisse,
briefly in particular to name both the Townes, Countreys, and Islands, so
neere as I could vpon the sudden call them to remembrance: for the rest I
doe referre the Reader to the histories, where more at large the same is
to be seene. First, they did winne and conquere from the princes of
Barbary the Island of Geisera and towne of Arzila, not past an 140. mile
distant from their Metropolitane and chiefe citie of Fesse: and after that
they wonne also from the said princes the townes of Tanger, Ceuta,
Mazigan, Azamor, and Azaffi, all alongst the Sea coasts. And in the yeere
of our Lord, 1455. Alouis de Cadomosta(5) a Gentleman Venetian, was hee
that first discouered for their vse Cape Verd, with the Islands adioyning,
of which he then peopled and planted those of Bonauista and Sant Iago
discouering also the riuer Senega, otherwise called Niger, and Cape Roxo
and Sierra Leone, and in few yeeres after they did discouer the coast of
Guinea, and there peopled and built the castle of Mina: then discouered
they further to the countreys of Melegettes, Benin, and Congo, with the
Islands of Principe, da Nabon, S. Matthewe, and S. Thomas vnder the
Equinoctiall line, which they peopled, and built in the said Island of S.
Thomas the hauen towne or port of Pauosan. After that, about the yeere of
our Lord, 1494. one Bartholomew Dias was sent forth, who was the first man
that discouered and doubled that great and large Cape called de Bon
Esperanze, and passing the currents that run vpon the said coast, on the
Southeast part of Africa, betweene the said maine land and the Island of
S. Laurence, otherwise called of the ancients, Madagascar, he discouered
to the harbor named the Riuer of the Infant. (M33) After that since the
yeere of our Lord God, 1497. and before the ful accomplishment of the
yeere of Christ, 1510. through the trauailes and discoueries of Vasques de
Gama,(6) Peter Aluares, Thomas Lopes, Andrew Corsale, Iohn de Empoli,
Peter Sintia, Sancho de Toar, and that noble and worthy gentleman Alonzo
de Albuquerque,(7) they did discouer, people, and plant at Ceffala, being
vpon the East side of Africa, in the twenty degrees of latitude of the
South Pole, and direct West from the Island of S. Laurence (at which port
of Ceffala, diuers doe affirme that king Salomon did fetch his gold) as
also vpon the said East side of Africa, they did afterward discouer
people, and plant at Mozambique, Quiola, Monbaza, and Melinde, two degrees
of Southerly latitude, and so vp to the Streight of Babell-Mandell at the
entring of the red sea, all vpon the East coast of Africa, from whence
they put off at the Cape Guarda Fu, and passed the great gulfe of Arabia
and the Indian Sea East to Sinus Persicus, and the Island of Ormus, and so
passing the large and great riuer Indus, where he hath his fall into the
maine Ocean, in 23. degrees and an halfe, vnder the tropike of Cancer, of
Septentrional latitude, they made their course againe directly towardes
the South, and began to discouer, people, and plant vpon the West side of
the hither India at Goa, Mangolar, Cananor, Calecut and Cochin, and the
Island of Zeilam.(8)

And here I thinke good to remember to you, that after their planting vpon
this coast, their forces grewe so great that they were able to compel all
the Moores, the subiectes of the mightie Emperour of the Turkes to pay
tribute vnto them, euer as they passed the gulfe of Arabia, from the port
of Mecca in Arabia Foelix, where Mahomet lieth buried, or any of the other
portes of the sayd land, euer as they passed to and from the hauens of
Cochin, Calecut, and Cananor, and by their martiall maner of discipline
practised in those partes, the great and mightie prince the Sophie
Emperour of the Persians, and professed enemie to the Turke, came to the
knowledge and vse of the Caliuer shot, and to interlace and ioyne footemen
with his horsemen, sithence which time the Persians haue growen to that
strength and force, that they haue giuen many mighty and great ouerthrowes
to the Turke, to the great quiet of all Christendome.

(M34) And from the Island of Zeilam aforesayd they all discouered more
East in passing the gulfe of Bengala, and so passed the notable and famous
riuer of Ganges, where hee hath his fall into the maine Ocean, vnder the
tropike of Cancer, and to the Cape of Malaca, and vnto the great and large
Islands of Sumatra, Iaua maior, Iaua minor, Mindanao, Palobane, Celebes,
Gilolo, Tidore, Mathin, Borneo, Machian, Terenate, and all other the
Islands of Molucques and Spiceries, and so East alongst the coasts of
Cathaia, to the portes of China, Zaiton and Quinsay, and to the Island of
Zipango and Iapan, situate in the East, in 37. degrees of Septentrionall
latitude and in 195. of longitude. These are their noble and worthie
discoueries. Here also is not to bee forgotten, that in the yeere of our
Lord. 1501, that famous and worthy gentleman Americus Vespucius did
discouer, people, and plant to their vse the holdes and forts which they
haue in Brasill, of whom (he but being a priuate gentleman) the whole
countrey or firme land of the West Indies, is commonly called and knowen
by the name of America.

I doe greatly doubt least I seeme ouer tedious in the recitall of the
particular discoueries and Conquests of the East and West Indies, wherein
I was the more bold to vrge the patience of the Reader, to the end it
might most manifestly and at large appeare, to all such as are not
acquainted with the histories, how the king of Portugall, whose Countrey
for popularity and number of people, is scarce comparable to some three
shires of England, and the king of Spaine likewise, whose natural Countrey
doth not greatly abound with people, both which princes by means of their
discoueries within lesse then 90. yeeres past, haue as it appeareth both
mightily and marueilously enlarged their territories and dominions through
their owne industrie by the assistance of the omnipotent, whose aid we
shall not need to doubt, seeing the cause and quarrell which we take in
hand tendeth to his honour and glory, by the enlargement of the Christian
faith.

To conclude, since by Christian dutie we stand bound chiefly to further
all such acts as do tend to the encreasing the true flock of Christ by
reducing into the right way those lost sheepe which are yet astray: And
that we shall therein follow the example of our right vertuous
predecessors of renowned memorie, and leaue vnto our posteritie a diuine
memoriall of so godly an enterprise: Let vs I say for the considerations
alledged, enter into iudgement with our selues, whether this action may
belong to vs or no, the rather for that this voyage through the mighty
assistance of the omnipotent God, shall take our desired effect (whereof
there is no iust cause of doubt.) Then shal her Maiesties dominions be
enlarged, her highnesse ancient titles iustly confirmed, all odious
idlenesse from this our Realme vtterly banished, diuers decayed townes
repaired, and many poor and needy persons relieued, and estates of such as
now liue in want shail be embettered, the ignorant and barbarous idolaters
taught to know Christ, the innocent defended from their bloodie tyrannical
neighbours, the diabolicall custome of sacrificing humane creatures
abolished.

All which (no man doubteth) are things gratefull in the sight of our
Sauiour Christ, and tending to the honour and glory of the Trinitie. Bee
of good cheere therefore, for he that cannot erre hath sayd: That before
the ende of the world, his word shall bee preached to all nations. Which
good work I trust is reserued for our nation to accomplish in these parts:
Wherefore my deere countreymen, be not dismayed: for the power of God is
nothing diminished, nor the loue that he hath to the preaching and
planting of the Gospel any whit abated. Shall wee then doubt he will be
lesse ready most mightily and miraculously to assist our nation in this
quarell, which is chiefly and principally vndertaken for the enlargement
of the Christian faith abroad, and the banishment of idlenes at home, then
he was to Columbus, Vasques, Nunnes, Hernando Cortes, and Francis Pizarro
in the West: and Vasques de Gama, Peter Aluares, et Alonso de Albuquerque
in the East: Let vs therefore with cheerefull minds and couragious hearts,
giue the attempt, and leaue the sequell to Almightie God: for if he be on
our part, what forceth it who bee against vs: Thus leauing the correction
and reformation vnto the gentle Reader, whatsoeuer is in this treatise too
much or too little, otherwise vnperfect, I take leaue and so end.




II. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to M. Richard Hakluyt then of
Christchurch in Oxford, incouraging him in the study of Cosmographie, and
of furthering new discoueries, &c.


I vnderstand aswel by a letter I long since receiued from the Maior of
Bristoll, as by conference with Sir Iohn Pekham, that you haue endeuoured,
and giuen much light for the discouery of the Westerne partes yet
vnknowen: as your studie in those things is very commendable, so I thanke
you much for the same; wishing you do continue, your trauell in these and
like matters, which are like to turne not only to your owne good in
priuate, but to the publike benefice of this Realme. And so I bid you
farewell. From the Court the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.




III. A letter of Sir Francis Walsingham to Master Thomas Aldworth
merchant, and at that time Maior of the Citie of Bristoll, concerning
their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie.


After my heartie commendations, I haue for certaine causes deferred the
answere of your letter of Nouember last till now, which I hope commeth all
in good time. Your good inclination to the Westerne discouerie I cannot
but much commend. And for that sir Humfrey Gilbert, as you haue heard long
since, hath bene preparing into those parts being readie to imbarke within
these 10. dayes, who needeth some further supply of shipping then yet he
hath, I am of opinion that you shall do well if the ship or 2. barkes you
write of, be put in a readinesse to goe alongst with with him, or so soone
after as you may. I hope this trauell wil prooue profitable to the
Aduenturers and generally beneficiall to the whole realme: herein I pray
you conferre with these bearers M. Richard Hackluyt, and M. Thomas
Steuenton, to whome I referre you: And so bid you heertily farewell.
Richmond the 11. of March. 1582.

Your louing Friend,
FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.




IV. A letter written from M. Thomas Aldworth merchant and Maior of the
Citie of Bristoll, to the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham
principall Secretary to her Maiestie, concerning a Westerne voyage
intended for the discouery of the coast of America, lying to the Southwest
of Cape Briton.


Right honourable, vpon the receit of your letters directed vnto me and
deliuered by the bearers hereof M. Richard Hakluyt and M. Steuenton,
bearing the date the 11. of March, I presently conferred with my friends
in priuate, whom I know most affectionate to this most godly enterprise,
especially with M. William Salterne deputie of our company of merchants:
whereupon my selfe being as then sicke, with as conuenient speede as he
could, hee caused an assembly of the merchants to be gathered: where after
dutifull mention of your honourable disposition for the benefite of this
citie, he by my appointment caused your letters being directed vnto me
priuately, to be read in publike, and after some good light giuen by M.
Hakluyt vnto them that were ignorant of the Countrey and enterprise, and
were desirous to be resolued the motion grew generally so well to be
liked, that there was eftsoones set downe by mens owne hands then present,
and apparently knowen by their own speach, and very willing offer, the
summe of 1000. markes and vpward: which summe if it should not suffice, we
doubt not but otherwise to furnish out for this Westerne discouery, a ship
of threescore, and a barke of 40. tunne, to bee left in the countrey vnder
the direction and gouernment of your sonne in law M. Carlile, of whom we
haue heard much good, if it shall stand with your honors good liking and
his acceptation. In one of which barks we are also willing to haue M.
Steuenton your honours messenger, and one well knowen to vs as captaine.
And here in humble maner, desiring your honour to vouchsafe vs of your
further direction by a generall letter to my selfe, my brethren, and the
rest of the merchants of this city, at your honors best and most
conuenient leisure, because we meane not to deferre the finall proceeding
in this voyage, any further then to the end of April next comming, I
cease, beseeching God long to blesse and prosper your honourable estate.
Bristol. March 27. 1583.




V. A briefe and summary discourse vpon the intended voyage to the
hithermost parts of America: written by Captaine Carlile in April, 1583.
for the better inducement to satisfie such Merchants of the Moscouian
companie and others, as in disbursing their money towards the furniture of
the present charge, doe demand forthwith a present returne of gaine,
albeit their said particular disbursements are required but in very
slender summes, the highest being 25. li. the second at 12. li. 10. s. and
the lowest at 6. pound fiue shilling.


When the Goldsmith desireth to finde the certaine goodnesse of a piece of
golde, which is newly offered vnto him, he presently bringeth the same to
the touchstone, where by comparing the shewe or touch of this new piece
with the touch or shew of that which he knoweth of old, he forthwith is
able to iudge what the value is of that, which is newly offered vnto him.
After the example whereof I haue thought it good to make some briefe
repetition of the particular estate of many other forren voyages and
trades already frequented and knowen vnto vs, whereby we may be the better
able to conceiue and iudge what certaine likelihood of good there is to be
expected in the voyage, which is presently recommended vnto your knowledge
and resolution.

And first to lay downe that of Moscouia, whose beginning is yet in the
remembrance of many: It is well knowen, that what by the charges of the
first discouery, and by the great gifts bestowed on the Emperour and his
Nobilitie, togither with the leud dealing of some of their seruants, who
thought themselues safe enough from orderly punishment, it cost the
company aboue fourescore thousand pounds, before it could be brought to
any profitable reckoning. And now that after so long a patience and so
great a burthen of expences, the same began to frame to some good course
and commoditie: It falleth to very ticklish termes, and to as slender
likelihood of any further goodnesse, as any other trade that may be named.

For first the estate of those Countreys and the Emperours dealings, are
things more fickle then are by euery body vnderstood.

Next, the Dutchmen are there so crept in as they daily augment their trade
thither, which may well confirme that vncertainty of the Emperours
disposition to keepe promise with our nation.

Thirdly, the qualitie of the voyage, such as may not be performed but once
the yeere.

Fourthly, the charges of all Ambassadours betweene that Prince and her
Maiesty, are alwayes borne by the merchants stocke.

And lastly, the danger of the king of Denmarke, who besides that presently
he is like to enforce a tribute on vs, hath likewise an aduantage vpon the
ships in their voyage, either homewards or outwards whensoeuer he listeth
to take the opportunitie.

The badde dealings of the Easterlings are sufficiently knowen to be such
towards our merchants of that trade, as they doe not onely offer them many
iniuries ouerlong to bee written, but doe seeke all the meanes they can,
to depriue them wholy of their occupying that way: and to the same purpose
haue of late cleane debarred them their accustomed and ancient priuiledges
in all their great townes.

The traffique into Turkie, besides that by some it is thought a hard point
to haue so much familiaritie with the professed and obstinate enemie of
Christ: It is likewise a voyage which can not be made but at the deuotion,
and as it were in the danger of many states, who for sundry respects are
apt to quarell with vs vpon sudden occasions, and the presents to be giuen
away in Turkie this yeere, cost little lesse then two thousand pounds.

As for the trades into all the parts of Italie, it may easily be
considered by euery one of iudgement, that the same stand in the like
termes touching the passages, as that of Turkie, and that many times our
shippes being taken in the way by the Gallies of Alger, our poore Mariners
after the losse of their goods and trauell, are set at such excessiue
ransoms before they can bee freed of their slauerie, as for the most part
they are no way able to discharge. As for example, at this instant there
are some prisoners, poore ordinarie Mariners, for whose releasing there
must be payed two hundred Duckets the man, for some three hundred, yea,
foure or fiue hundred Duckets the man for some of them. And how enuiously
the Venetians doe already oppose themselues against our frequenting into
their parts, may appeare by the late customs which they haue imposed as
well vpon our English merchandize which we bring them, as also vpon such
their merchandize which we fetch from them.

The trade into Barbarie groweth likewise to worse termes then before
times, and when it was at the best, our merchants haue bene in danger of
all their goods they had there, whensoever it happened the king to die.
For vntill a new were chosen, the libertie of all disordered persons is
such, as they spoile and wrong whom they list, without any redresse at
all.

(M35) Touching Spaine and Portugall, with whom wee haue very great trade,
and much the greater, by meanes of their venting a good part of our wares
in their Indies, as also of the prouision they haue from the same,
wherewith are made many of our returnes from them againe: It falleth out
that twise the yeere ordinarily we send our Fleetes into those parts: So
that whensoeuer the king of Spaine listeth to take the opportunitie, hee
may at these seasons depriue vs not onely of a great number of our very
good ships, but also of our honestest and ablest sort of Mariners that are
to bee found in our whole Realme againe, which is a matter of no small
consequence: for it is to bee noted, that when hee shall take a quarrell
in hand, though it be but his owne particularly, yet hath he the meanes to
put in hazard as well those our shippes which are in his owne Countreys of
Spaine and Portugall, as also all others which shall bee bound to any the
partes of all Italie or of Turkie either. And further whosoeuer hee bee
that is but meanely affected in Religion, as of necessitie becommeth euery
ordinarie man and good Christian to be, cannot but be agrieued in his
heart to consider, that his children and seruants whom hee desireth to
haue well brought vp, are in these trades of Spaine and Portugall, and all
Italie, forced to denie their owne profession, and to acquaint themselues
with that which the Parents and Masters doe vtterly deny and refuse, yea
which many of them doe in their owne hearts abhorre as a detestable and
most wicked doctrine.

But who shall looke into the qualitie of this voyage, being directed to
the latitude of fortie degrees or thereaboutes, of that hithermost part of
America, shal find it hath as many points of good moment belonging vnto
it, as may almost be wished for.

(M36) 1 As first it is to be vnderstood, that it is not any long course,
for it may be perfourmed too and fro in foure moneths after the first
discouerie thereof.

2 Secondly, that one wind sufficeth to make the passage, whereas most of
your other voyages of like length, are subiect to 3. or 4. winds.

3 Thirdly, that it is to be perfourmed at all times of the yeere.

4 Fourthly, that the passage is vpon the high sea, wherby you are not
bound to the knowledge of dangers, on any other coast, more then of that
Countrey, and of ours here at home.

5 Fiftly, that those parts of England and Ireland, which lie aptest for
the proceeding outward or homeward vpon this voyage. are very well stored
of goodly harbours.

6 Sixtly, that it is to bee accounted of no danger at all as touching the
power of any foreine prince or state, when it is compared with any the
best of all other voyages before recited.

7 And to the godly minded, it hath this comfortable commoditie, that in
this trade their Factours, bee they their seruants or children, shall haue
no instruction or confessions of Idolatrous Religion enforced vpon them,
but contrarily shall be at their free libertie of conscience, and shall
find the same Religion exercised, which is most agreeable vnto their
Parents and Masters.

As for the merchandising, which is the matter especially looked for,
albeit that for the present we are not certainely able to promise any such
like quantitie, as is now at the best time of the Moscouian trade brought
from thence: So likewise is there not demanded any such proportion of
daily expences, as was at the first, and as yet is consumed in that of
Moscouia and other.

(M37) But when this of America shall haue bene haunted and practised
thirtie yeeres to an ende as the other hath bene, I doubt not by Gods
grace, that for the tenne shippes that are now commonly employed once the
yeere into Moscouia, there shall in this voyage twise tenne be imployed
well, twise the yeere at the least. And if for the present there doe fall
out nothing els to bee found then the bare Fishing, yet doubt I not after
the first yeeres planting but by that matter only to serue halfe a dozen
of your best sorts of ships, although my supply of people doe not follow
me so substantially, as in all reason may be well looked for.

(M38) But when it is asked what may be hoped from thence after some
yeeres, it is first to be considered, that this situation in fourtie
degrees, shall bee very apt to gather the commodities either of those
parts which stand to the Southward of it, as also of those which are to
the Northward.

In the Northerlie may be expected not onely an especiall good fishing for
Salmon, Codde, and Whales, but also any other such commodities, as the
Easterne Countreys doe yeeld vs now: as Pitch, Tarre, Hempe, and thereof
cordage, Masts, Losshe hides, rich Furres, and other such like without
being in any son beholding to a king of Denmarke, or other prince or state
that shall be in such sort able to command our shippes at their pleasure,
as those doe at this day, by meanes of their strait passages and strong
shipping.

As for those partes which lie West and to the Southwardes, it may well bee
hoped they will yeeld Wines with a small helpe, since the grapes doe growe
there of themselues alreadie very faire and in great abundance. Oliues
being once planted, will yeelde the like Oyle as Spaine, Prouince and
Italie. The Countrey people being made to know, that for Waxe and honie,
we will giue them such trifling things as they desired of vs, and shewing
them once the means how to prouide the same, the labour thereof being so
light, no doubt but in short time they will earnestly care to haue the
same in good quantitie for vs. (M39) Besides, what great likelihoode there
is of good meanes to make Salt, which may serue for the fishing of those
partes, may well appeare vnto them, who can iudge the qualitie of such
places as are required to make the same in.

Thus much for the beginning, because they may bee had with an easie kinde
of trauell: but when it may haue pleased God to establish our people there
any such time as they may haue planted amongst them in sundry partes of
the Countrey, and that by gentle and familiar treating them, they bee made
to see what is better for them then they doe as yet vnderstand of, and
that in so many sorts of occasions as were infinite to be set downe: It is
to bee assuredly hoped, that they will daily by little and little forsake
their barbarous and sauage liuing, and growe to such order and ciuilitie
with vs, as there may be well expected from thence no lesse quantitie and
diuersitie of merchandize then is now had out of Dutchland, Italie, France
or Spaine. And as the bordering neighbours are commonly the aptest to fall
out with vs, so these parts being somewhat remote, are the liker to take,
or giue lesse occasion of disquiet. But when it is considered that they
are our own kindred, and esteemed our own countrey nation which haue the
government, meaning by those who shall be there planted, who can looke for
any other then the dealing of most louing and most assured friends?

There are further to be considered these two poynts of good importance,
concerning the matter of trade. The one is, that by the good prospering of
this action, there must of necessitie fall but a very liberall vtterance
of our English Clothes into a maine Country, described to bee bigger then
all Europe, the larger part whereof bending to the Northward, shall haue
wonderfull great vse of her sayde English Clothes, after they shall come
once to knowe the commoditie thereof. The like will bee also of many other
things, ouer many to bee reckoned, which are made here by our Artificers
and labouring people, and of necessitie must bee prouided from hence.

The other is, if there be any possible meanes to finde a sea passage or
other fresh water course, which may serue in some reasonable and
conuenient sort, to transport our Merchandize into the East Indian Sea,
through any of these Northerly partes of America, it shall be soonest and
most assuredly perfourmed by these who shall inhabite and first grow into
familiaritie with the Inland people.

What minerall matter may fall out to bee found, is a thing left in
suspence, vntill some better knowledge, because there be many men, who
hauing long since expected some profits herein, vpon the great promises
that haue bene made them, and being as yet in no point satisfied, doe
therevpon conceiue that they be but wordes purposely cast out for the
inducing of men to bee the more ready and willing to furnish their money
towards the charge of the first discouerie.

But nowe to answere some others who begin with an other objection, saying:
That it is not for the Marchants purse to continue the charges of
transporting and planting: and that once these hundred men which are nowe
to bee planted will cost foure thousand pound: It is then to bee thought,
that the charge of a farre greater number, will bee also a farre greater
summe of money.

Whereunto I answere, that in all attempts vnknowen, especially such a one
as this is, wherewith wee are presently in hand, the first charges are
commonly aduentured in more desperate kinde, then those that followe vpon
some better knowledge: and therewith it falleth out, that whereas one
aduentureth in the first enterprise, an hundred for that one will of
themselues bee willing and desirous to aduenture in the next, if there bee
neuer so little more appearance, that the intended matter is by some
knowledge of our owne, found true in some poynts of our first presumption.

The examples are many, and may easily bee remembred by those who be
Merchants, euen in their ordinarie and dayly trades, as well as in
extraordinarie attempts, which of late yeeres haue fallen into those
termes of some likelyhood, as is aforesayde.(9) So then no doubt, but when
certaine reports shall bee brought by them who directly came from thence,
that such a Countrey and people they haue themselues seene, as is by vs
spoken of, but that then there will come forwarde a greater number of
those, who haue nowe neither heard any thing of the matter, as also of
others, who presently make such friuolous scruple, and will not otherwise
be satisfied, then by the report of Saint Thomas. I speake not this by the
Marchants whom for their fredoms of trade I would not haue pressed to any
further charge then this first preparation, but rather as such as haue
great affection to hazard the changing of their estates, and would be well
content to goe in the voyage if they might onely be assured that there is
such a Countrey, and that their money should not be wasted to nothing in
the preparations.

The right examination of this point must bee the contrary sequell of the
common Prouerbe that is vsed, Nothing venture, nothing haue: so on the
other side by venturing, many great good profites are found out, to the
wonderfull benefite of Common weale, and to those especially in priuate,
who take on them the hazard of their life and trauell, or substance in the
first attempts: and therefore I would wish that they, who (God be thanked)
are well able to spare that which is required of each one towardes the
vndertaking of this aduenture, be well content and willing to imploy the
same, since the sequell in good and substantiall reasons doth promise, not
onely a great commoditie in particular to the Marchant, who shall here at
home exercise the trade of Marchandise: but also to an infinite number of
other, who presently liue in poore estate, and may by taking the
opportunitie of this discouerie, alter the same to a far better degree.
Wherefore to make some conclusion vpon this point of the Marchants
misdoubt, who suspecteth lest this first disbursement without returne of
present gaine, should not be all his charge, but that afterwards he might
yet further be vrged to continue the like again, as hath happened in the
discouery of the Moscouian trade: It may suffice to consider, that this is
not an action which concerneth onely the Marchants particularly, but a
great deale more the generall sort of people throughout all England: And
that when such relation shall be returned, as that it may bee found a
matter worthy the following, the whole generalitie will not refuse to
contribute towards the furtherance thereof, rather then it should sinke,
for want of any reasonable supply.

But as it is a very little time, since I haue beene throughly resolued to
trie my fortune in the matter, so it is more then time the preparation
were in hand already, and therefore no fit time now to make any number of
ignorant men to vnderstand with reason the circumstance that belongeth to
a matter of so great consideration and importance.

To those who haue any forward mindes in well doing to the generalitie of
mankind, I say thus much more, that Christian charitie doth as greatly
perswade the furtherance of this action, as any other that may be layed
before vs, in as much as thereby wee shall not onely doe a most excellent
worke, in respect of reducing the sauage people to Christianitie and
ciuilitie, but also in respect of our poore sorte of people, which are
very many amongst vs, liuing altogether vnprofitable, and often times to
the great disquiet of the better sort. For who knoweth not, how by the
long peace, happie health, and blessed plentifulnesse, wherewith God hath
endued this Realme, that the people is so mightily encreased, as a great
number being brought vp, during their youth in their parents houses,
without any instruction how to get their liuings after their parents
decease, are driuen to some necessitie, whereby very often for want of
better education they fall into such disorders, and so the good sort of
people, as I sayde before, are by them ordinarily troubled, and themselues
led on to one shamefull ende or other, whereas if there might bee found
some such kinde of imployment as this would be, no doubt but a greater
part of them would be withheld from falling into such vile deedes: and
insteade thereof, prooue greatly seruiceable in those affaires, where they
might be so imployed.

(M40) This I speake of mine owne experience, hauing seene diuers come ouer
to the warres of the lowe Countreys during my residence in the same, who
here had bene very euill and idle liuers, and by some little continuance
with vs, haue growen to be very industrious in their facultie, which I can
assure you, was a more painefull maner of liuing then in this action is
like to fall out, and withall to a purpose of farre lesse value, in
respect of their particular recompence, then with an assured kind of good
hope is looked for in this.

Thus you see in euery point that may bee wished for in a good action and
voyage, there is matter and reason enough to satisfie the well disposed.
But nowe to growe somewhat neerer the quicke, and to shewe you some
greater appearance, then hath bene yet spoken of touching the trade which
is the onely subiect wherewith I doe meane to intermeddle at this time,
because my addresse hereby is chiefly to men of such like facultie: you
may vnderstande by that which followeth, the circumstance of a little
discourse, which doeth concerne these matters, very directly.

In the yeere 1534. Iames Carthier, of S. Malo made his first discouerie of
those partes of America, which lie to the Westwardes, and as it were on
the backside of Newfoundland. In which voyage his principall intention was
to seeke out the passage, which hee presumes might haue bene found out
into the East Indian Sea, otherwise called the passage to Cathaya, but
this yeere he went no higher then the Island of the Assumption in the
great bay of S. Laurence, and so returned backe into France.

The next yeere following hee went with greater prouision into the Grand
bay againe, where he keping the Northerly shoare, ran vp the great Riuer
that comes downe from Canada and other places, vntill at last with his
small pinnesses, (hauing left his great shipping by the way) be arriued at
Hochelaga towne, being three hundreth leagues within the entrance of the
Grand bay. In which trauaile he had spent so much of the yeere, that it
was nowe the moneth of October, and therefore thought it conuenient for
the better enforming himselfe at large in this discouerie, to winter it
out in those partes, which he did at a place called by himselfe Holy
Crosse. This winter fell out to bee a very long and hard winter, as many
times the like happeneth with vs in these partes, and the sauage people,
who for the most part make but a slender kinde of prouision, euen as it
were from hande to mouth, fell into some scarcitie of victuals; yet did
they not refuse to serue the Frenchmen, with any thing they had all the
winter long, albeit at somewhat higher prices towardes the ende when the
neede was most, as with our selues the like happeneth at such times.

But when the French had their wants serued all the yeere and that as yet
they sawe not any appearance of their intended matter, which was the
discouerie of the passage, and yet imagining by the signes, wherewith the
willing people endeuoured to declare their knowledge in that poynt, that
some good matter might bee had from them, if they might haue beene well
vnderstoode, they resolued with themselues to take some of the
sufficientest men of that countrey home into France, and there to keepe
them so long, as that hauing once atchieued the French tongue, they might
declare more substantially their minde, and knowledge in the sayde
passage, concluding this to be the meane of least charge, of least
trauaile, and of least hazard.

And when they came to bethinke themselues, who might bee meetest for it,
they determined to take the King, as the person who might bee best
infourmed of such partes as were somewhat remote from his owne Countrey,
as also that for the respect of him, the people would bee alwayes readie,
and content to doe them any further seruice, when it should happen them to
returne thither againe about the discouerie.

Thus the poore king of the Countrey, with two or three others of his
chiefe companions comming aboorde the French shippes, being required
thither to a banquet, was traiterously caryed away into France, where hee
liued foure yeeres, and then dyed a Christian there, as Theuet the French
Kings Cosmographer doeth make mention. (M41) This outrage and iniurious
dealing did put the whole Countrey people into such dislike with the
French, as neuer since they would admit any conuersation or familiaritie
with them, vntill of late yeeres, the olde matter beginning to grow out of
minde, and being the rather drawen on by gifts of many trifling things,
which were of great value with them, they are as (I sayde) within these
two or three yeeres content againe to admit a traffique, which two yeeres
since was begunne with a small barke of thirtie tunnes, whose returne was
found so profitable, as the next yeere following, being the last yeere, by
those Marchants, who meant to haue kept the trade secret vnto themselves,
from any others of their owne Countrey men, there was hired a shippe of
fourescore tunnes out of the Isle of Iersey, but not any one Mariner of
that place, sauing a shipboy. This shippe made her returne in such sorte,
as that this yeere they haue multiplyed three shippes, to wit, one of nine
score tunnes, another of an hundreth tunnes, and a third of fourescore
tunnes: which report is giuen by very substantiall and honest men of
Plimmouth, who sawe the sayd shippes in readinesse to depart on their
voyage, and were aboord of some of them.

Here is at this instant in the towne a man of Guernsey, Lewis de Vike, who
reporteth to haue credibly heard, that by this last yeeres voyage the
Frenchmen got foureteene or fifteene hundreth for euery one hundreth: But
how soeuer it be, it carrieth good likelyhood of some notable profite, in
asmuch as they doe so greatly, and thus suddenly encrease the burthen and
number of their ships this present yeere.

(M42) Nowe if in so little as two yeeres time this voyage of the Northerne
partes bee growen to such good passe as hath beene declared vnto you: it
is worth the thinking on to consider what may be hoped for from the
Southerne part, which in all reason may promise a great deale more. And
so, as one who was neuer touched with any indirect meaning, I presume to
wish and perswade you to some better taking of this matter to heart, as a
thing which I do verely thinke will turne to your greater and more assured
commodity, then you receiue by any other voyage, as yet frequented of so
short and safe a course as this hath: dealing herein no otherwise with you
for your seuerall small summes, then I doe with myselfe, both for more of
mine owne, then is required of any one of you: besides the hazard and
trauaile of my person, and the totall imployment of my poore credit, which
(I thanke God) hath hitherto passed cleare and vnspotted in matters of
greater importance and difficultie, then is like to fall out in this
matter betweene you and me.




VI. Articles set downe by the Committies appointed in the behalfe of the
Companie of Moscouian Marchants, to conferre with M. Carlile, vpon his
intended discouerie and attempt into the hithermost parts of America.


The names of the Committies.

      Master Alderman Hart.
      Master Alderman Spencer.
      Master Hoddesden.
      Master William Burrough.
      Master Slany.
      Master Towerson.
      Master Staper.
      Master Iohn Castelin.
      Master Leake.

First the Committies are well perswaded, that the Countrey whereunto this
action is intended, is very fruitfull, inhabited with sauage people of a
milde and tractable disposition. And that of all other places which are
vnfrequented at this day, it is the onely most fit and most commodious for
vs to intermeddle withall.

The conuenientest manner of attempting this enterprise is thought to bee
thus: That there should be one hundreth men conueyed thither to remaine
there one whole yeere: who with friendly intreatie of the people, may
enter into better knowledge of the particular estate of the Countrey, and
thereby gather what commoditie may be hereafter, or presently looked for.

(M43) The charge to transport these hundreth men, to victuall them, and to
furnish them of munition and other needefull things, will not be lesse
then foure thousand poundes: whereof hath bene very readily offered by the
Citie of Bristoll one thousand poundes, the residue being three thousande
poundes, remaineth to bee furnished by this Citie of London, or any others
who will aduenture their money in this first preparation.

The Committies thinke it conuenient that a Priuilege should be procured by
Master Carlile from her Maiesty, by vertue whereof these conditions and
Articles following may be effectually prouided for.

First, that they who shall disbursse their money for the first preparation
shall be named Aduenturers, and shall haue the one halfe of all such
landes, territories, townes, mines of gold and siluer, and other metals
whatsoeuer, as shall bee found, gotten, obtained, as conquered by this
discouery: yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of all such gold and
siluer, as shall happen to be had out of any mines that so shall be found.

That those parties which doe employ themselues personally in the present
discouerie, shall be named Enterprisers, and shall haue the other halfe,
of all the Lands, Territories, Townes, Mines of Gold and Siluer and other
mettals, yeelding to her Maiestie the fift part of the Gold and Siluer as
the Aduenturers do: The same to bee distributed by the Generall, with the
consent of the greatest part of twelue discreet persons to bee chosen out
of the whole number of the Enterprisers.

Also, that all trade of Merchandise which shall be vsed to and from those
partes, which by this discouerie shall bee found out, shall apperteine
onely to the Aduenturers which first shall disbursse their money for this
discouery, which prohibition to all other her Maiesties subiects, and
other Marchants to deale in the sayd parts, without the consent of the
first Aduenturers, vpon losse of shippe and goods, and punishment of their
persons, that so shall aduenture in trade of merchandise: or otherwise by
imprisonment at the Companies pleasure.

That no person shall hereafter aduenture in this discouerie as Aduenturers
for the profits mentioned in the first Articles, but such onely as doe
disbursse their money in the first preparation: and they shall not
aduenture hereafter any greater summe, then ratably according to their
proportion of this their first aduenture.

Also, the profite which by this discouerie shall be attained vnto, either
by lande which may bee conquered, or otherwise gotten: as also such
profite which by this discouerie shall bee obtained by mines, or otherwise
gotten, that eche one shall haue his part rate and rate, like, according
to the proportion of their first aduenture, and not otherwise.

The Aduenturers in this first preparation shall at their owne free will
and libertie, choose whether they will supply hereafter any further charge
or not: if there doe fall out any such occasion to require the same. And
yet withall shall for euer holde to them the freedome of the trade which
shall growe in any of these partes: notwithstanding their sayd refusall to
beare any further charge.

That in the Patent which is to bee obteined, be graunted, that all her
Maiesties subiects may transport themselues thither that shall be
contented to goe. And that the Patentee or his assignes may shippe thither
from time to time, so many and such persons, men, women, and children, as
they shall thinke meete. And the same persons to inhabite or remaine there
at their pleasure, any lawe to the contrary notwithstanding, with expresse
prohibition, as is mentioned in the third article, against all others,
which shall go thither without the licence of the patentee or his assignes
first obteined.

That it shall not be lawful for any of her Maiesties subiects, or any
other to inhabite or traffique within one hundred leagues any way of the
place, where the Generall haue setled his chiefest being or residence.




VII. A relation of the first voyage and discouerie of the Isle Ramea, made
for Monsieur de La Court Pre Ravillon and Grand Pre, with the ship called
the Bonauenture, to kill and make Traine oyle of the beasts called the
Morses with great teeth, which we haue perfourmed by Gods helpe this yeere
1591.


(M44) For the performance of our said voyage, we departed from S. Malo
with the fleete that went for Canada, and kept companie with the ships
called The Soudil and the Charles halfe the way, and then lost them, a
violent wind arising at Northwest, which separated vs.

After which we had faire wether, and came to the coast of Cape Rase, and
had no further knowledge thereof, because the winde was at the Southwest
but a scarce gale: and we came to the sounding Southwest of the Isles of
S. Peter about 10. leagues, where we found 20. fathoms water, and we
sayled Northwest one quarter of the North, and came within 12. leagues of
Cape de Rey.

The next day being the 6. of May 1591. we were come to Cape de Rey, and
saw a ship Southwest of vs, and stayed there that night.

The next day being the seuenth of the sayd moneth, we came to the Isles of
Aponas, where we put foorth our boat, because we had not past 8. leagues
to our hauen, which we kenned very clearly, although the coasts lay very
low: and because the night approched, and the wind grew very high, we
sought not to seeke our port, because it is very hard to find it when the
wind is lofty, because of the shoalds that are about it. And we thought to
keepe our course vntill the next morning between the Isle of Biton and the
Isle of Aponas. But there arose so great a tempest at the Southwest, that
without the helpe of God we had bene in great danger among these Isles.
And we trauersed vp and downe eleuen dayes, making our prayers vnto God to
ende the tempest and to send vs faire weather, that we might obteine our
hauen: which of his goodnesse he gaue vs. The last of May we ranged the
Isle Ramea on the Northnorthwest side, vnto the contrary part of the land,
where it trendeth to the Southsoutheast: and seeing no land on the West
side, wee ranged the sayd land to the East one quarter to the North at the
least 15. leagues, and being from the shore some eight leagues, we found
15 fathoms water, and passed betweene the Isle of Duoron and the Isle of
Ramea, where goeth a chanel of 3. leagues bredth; in the midest whereof
you shall haue 7. 8. and 9. fathoms water. And the lowe poynt of the Isle
Ramea, and the Isle Duoron lie Northnortheast, and Southsouthwest. And
take heede you come not neere the low point of the Isle Ramea by a great
league, for I haue sounded it at 3. fathoms water. The Isle is marked. And
the harbour of the Isle Ramea lyeth Northeast and Southwest, one quarter
to the East and West. And if you would enter the sayd harbour, keepe you a
league off the shoare: for often times there is great danger.

(M45) And that you may know the sayd hauen, to the Eastnortheast of the
sayde Isle there are high lands appearing to them that are without on all
sides like a number of Islands, but in very deede they are all firme land:
and if you come on the South and Southwest side, you shall see a hill
diuided into 3. parts, which I called The three hillockes, which is right
within the hauen. (M46) And for another better marke of the sayd harbour,
you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice, distant from the sayd
hauen 6. leagues at the least: and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie
Northeast and Southwest, a quarter to the North and South. And on the sayd
Isle there is good pebble (M47) stone to drie fish vpon: But to the West
thereof there is a very faire countrey: and there is a banke of sande,
which runneth the length of a cable, hauing not past one fathom water vpon
it. From the sayd Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West,
and you shall see as it were a great forrest running eastward: and the
Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt, and is great and red toward the
Sea. And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island,
but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part: and there is good
shingle to drie fish on. (M48) And you must coast the shore with boates
and not with ships, by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast. For I
haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two
fathoms water, neere a league and an halfe from shore, and I iudged by
reason of the highnesse of the land, that there had bene aboue thirtie
fathoms water, which was nothing so: and I haue sounded comming neere the
shore, in more or lesse depth. (M49) The coast stretcheth three leagues to
the West from Lisle Blanche or the white Isle, vnto the entrance of a
riuer, where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses
or Sea oxen, accounting small and great, where at full sea you may come on
shoare with boates, and within are two or three fathoms water. From thence
the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West 1/4 to the Northwest vnto the
Isle Hupp, which is twentie leagues in circuit, and is like the edge of a
knife: vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse: there are Morses vpon it,
but they bee hard to be taken. From thence the coast trendeth to the
Northwest and Northnorthwest: which is all that I haue seene, to wit, the
two sides and one ende of the Isle. And if I had had as good lucke as my
Masters, when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe, I would haue
aduentured to haue sayled South-southeast, to haue discouered the Easterne
shoare of the sayd Isle.

(M50) In your returne to the East, as you come from the hauen of Cape du
Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds. And three good leagues
from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of
ground: where there is an hauen toward the Southeast: and as you enter
into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side; a dented Cape all of redde
land. (M51) And you cannot enter into the sayd hauen but with the flood,
because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the
sayd hauen. The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest; but when the
wind is very great, it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood. But
ordinarily it floweth fiue foote and an halfe. (M52) The markes to enter
into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your
comming in on the starreboord; and the poynt of the hauen toward the West
hath a thick Island, which you shall see on the other side, and it hath a
little round Buttresse, which lyeth on the East side of the Island. There
are also two other buttresses more easie to be seene then hidden: these
are not to the East but to the West, and they haue markes on them. Here
you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this
barre. And the sounding is stone and rough ground. (M53) At your entring
in, when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the
Cape, then you are vpon the barre: and bee not afrayd to passe vp the
chanell. And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre, when you haue
brought an Island euen, which lyeth to the westward without, with the
thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West, you shall bee
past the barre: and the chanell runneth due North. (M54) And for your
anchoring in the sayd hauen, see that you carefully seeke the middest of
the sayd Thicke land, which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen: for
you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand, where the passage is but
narrow. And you must anker surely: for there goeth a great tyde: for the
Sea runneth there as swiftly. There is good ground and ankorage here: and
you shall ride in three fathom water. And within the sayde hauen there is
nothing to hurt you, for you are free from all winds. (M55) And if by
chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen, you may seeke an
entrance, which is right ouer against the small Island named before, which
is called The Isle of Cormorants; and you may enter in there as at the
other hauen at a full sea: And you must passe vpon the West side, and you
shall finde on the Barre at a full sea fourteene foote water, and great
depth when you are entred in: for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that
place: and the entrie thereof lyeth Southeast and Northwest.

Right ouer against you on the other side, you may passe with boates at a
full sea. And all these entrances make all but one hauen, which is good
within. I say this, because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one
and the other passage. And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in
the middest. It is but two bankes of sande, whereof one is like to that of
S. Malo, which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the
Isle: But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut
and separated with streames and riuers.

To anker in the sayd harbour, you must not ride farther then fiue or sixe
cables length from the sayd hauen.




VIII. A letter sent to the right Honourable Sir William Cecil Lord
Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England &c. From M. Thomas Iames of
Bristoll, concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea, dated the 14 of
September. 1591.


Right Honourable, my humble duetie to your good Lordship done, I thought
good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by
two smal shippes of Saint Malo; the one 8 daies past being prised neare
Silley by a ship of which I am part owner, called the Pleasure, sent by
this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard, for her Maiesties seruice. Which
prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd shippes, with
upwards of fortie tunnes of Traine. The Island lyeth in 47. degrees, some
fiftie leagues from the grand Bay, neere Newfoundland: and is about
twentie leagues about, and some part of the Island is flat Sands and
shoulde: and the fish commeth on banke (to do their kinde) in April May
and Iune, by numbers of thousands, which fish is very big: and hath two
great teeth: and the skinne of them is like Buffes leather: and they will
not away from their yong ones. The yong ones are as good meat as Veale.
And with the bellies of fiue of the saide fishes they make a hogshead of
Traine, which Traine is very sweet, which if it will make sope, the king
of Spaine may burne some of his Oliue trees. Humbly praying your Lordship
to pardon herein my boldnes, betaking your Honour to the keeping of the
Almightie. From Bristoll this 14 of September. 1591. Your Honours most
humbly at commandement. THOMAS IAMES.




IX. A briefe note of the Morsse and the vse thereof.


In the first voyage of Iaques Carthier, wherein he discouered the Gulfe of
S. Laurence and the said Isle of Ramea, in the yeere 1534. as you may
reade in pag. 250 of this present volume,(10) he met with these beasts, as
he witnesseth in these words. About the said Island are very great beasts
as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in their mouthes like vnto
Elephants teeth, and liue also in the sea. Wee sawe one of them sleeping
vpon the banke of the water, and thinking to take it, we went to it with
our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe into the sea.
Touching these beasts which Iaques Carthier saith to be as big as Oxen,
and to haue teeth in their mouthes like Elephants teeth: True it is that
they are called in Latine Boues Marini, or Vaccæ Marinæ, and in the
Russian tongue Morsses, the hides whereof I haue seene as big as any Oxe
hide, and being dressed I haue yet a piece of one thicker then any two Oxe
or Buls hides in England. The Leather dressers take them to be excellent
good to make light targets against the arrowes of the Sauages; and I hold
them farre better then the light leather targets which the Moores vse in
Barbarie against arrowes and lances, whereof I haue seene diuers in her
Maiesties stately Armorie in the towre of London. The teeth of the sayd
fishes, whereof I haue seene a dry flat full at once, are a foote and some
times more in length: and haue bene sold in England to the combe and knife
makers, at 8 groats and 3 shillings the pound weight, whereas the best
Iuory is solde for halfe the money: the graine of the bone is somewhat
more yellow then the Iuorie. One M. Alexander Woodson of Bristoll my old
friend, an excellent Mathematician and skilful Phisition, shewed me one of
these beasts teeth which were brought from the Isle of Ramea in the first
prize, which was half a yard long or very little lesse: and assured mee
that he had made tryall of it in ministering medicine to his patients, and
had found it as soueraigne against poyson as any Vnicornes horne.(11)




X. The voyage of the ship called the Marigold of M. Hill of Redrife vnto
Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and an halfe, 1593.
Written by Richard Fisher Master Hilles man of Redriffe.


(M56) The ship called the Marigold of 70 tunnes in burthen furnished with
20 men, wherof 10 were mariners, the Masters name being Richard Strong of
Apsham, the Masters mate Peter Langworth of Apsham, with 3 coopers, 2
butchers to flea the Morsses or sea Oxen (whereof diuers haue teeth aboue
a cubit long and skinnes farre thicker then any buls hide) with other
necessary people, departed out of Falmouth the 1 of Iune 1593 in consort
of another ship of M. Drakes of Apsham, which vpon some occasion was not
ready so soone as shee should haue bene by two moneths. (M57) The place
for which these two ships were bound was an Island within the streightes
of Saint Peter on the backe side of Newfoundland to the Southwest in the
latitude of fortie seuen degrees, called by the Britons of Saint Malo the
Isle of Ramea, but by the Sauages and naturals of the Continent next
adioyning Menquit: On which Isle are so great abundance of the huge and
mightie Sea Oxen with great teeth in the moneths of April, May and Iune,
that there haue bene fifteene hundreth killed there by one small barke, in
the yeere 1591. The two English shipps aforesayde, lost companie before
they came to Newfoundland: and neuer came after together in all their
voyage.

The ship of M. George Drake fell first with New-foundland, and afterward
very directly came to the Isle Ramea, though too late in the yeere to make
her voyage: where shee found a shippe of Saint Malo three parts fraighted
with these fishes: the men whereof enquiring whence our shippe was and who
was the Master thereof, being answered that shee was belonging to Master
George Drake of Apsham, fearing to bee taken as good prize being of a
Leaguer towne, and at that time out of league with England, fled so
hastily that present night that they left three and twentie men and three
Shallops behinde them, all which our men seazed vpon and brought away as
good prises home.

Here our men tooke certaine Sea-Oxen, but nothing such numbers as they
might haue had, if they had come in due season, which they had neglected.
The shippe called the Marigolde fell with Cape Saint Francis in
Newfoundland the eleuenth of Iulie, and from thence wee went into the Bay
Rogneuse, and afterward doubled Cape Razo, and sayling toward the straight
of Saint Peter (which is the entrance betweene Newfoundland and Cape
Briton,) being vnacquainted with the place, beate vp and downe a very long
time, and yet missed it, and at length ouer shot it, and fell with Cape
Briton.

(M58) Here diuerse of our men went on land vpon the very Cape, where, at
their arriuall they found the spittes of Oke of the Sauages which had
roasted meate a litle before. And as they viewed the countrey they sawe
diuers beastes and foules, as blacke Foxes, Deere, Otters, great Foules
with redde legges, Pengwyns, and certaine others. But hauing found no
people here at this our first landing wee went againe on shipboorde, and
sayled farther foure leagues to the West of Cape Briton, where wee sawe
many Seales. (M59) And here hauing neede of fresh water we went againe on
shore. And passing somewhat more into the land, wee founde certaine round
pondes artificially made by the Sauages to keepe fish in, with certaine
weares in them made to take fish. To these pondes wee repayred to fill our
caske with water. (M60) Wee had not bene long here, but there came one
Sauage with blacke long hayre hanging about his shoulders who called vnto
vs, weauing his handes downewardes towardes his bellie, vsing these
wordes, Calitogh Calitogh: as wee drewe towardes him one of our mens
musket vnawares shot off: wherevpon hee fell downe, and rising vp suddenly
againe hee cryed thrise with a loude voyce Chiogh, Chiogh, Chiogh. (M61)
Thereupon nine or tenne of his fellowes running right vp ouer the bushes
with great agilitie and swiftnesse came towardes vs with white staues in
their handes like halfe pikes, and their dogges of colour blacke not so
bigge as a grey-hounde followed them at the heeles; but wee retired vnto
our boate without any hurt at all receiued. Howbeit one of them brake an
hogshead which wee had filled with fresh water, with a great branche of a
tree which lay on the ground. Vpon which occasion we bestowed halfe a
dozen muskets shotte vpon them, which they avoyded by falling flatte to
the earth, and afterwarde retired themselues to the woodes. One of the
Sauages, which seemed to bee their Captaine, ware a long mantle of beastes
skinnes hanging on one of his shoulders. The rest were all naked except
their priuities, which were couered with a skinne tyed behinde. After they
had escaped our shotte they made a great fire on the shore, belike to giue
their fellowes warning of vs.

The kindes of trees that wee noted to bee here, were goodly Okes, Firre
trees of a great height, a kinde of tree called of vs Quickbeame, and
Cherie trees, and diuerse other kindes to vs vnknowne, because wee stayed
not long with diligence to obserue them: and there is great shewe of
rosen, pitch, and tarre. Wee found in both the places where wee went on
land abundance of Raspeses, Strawberies, Hurtes, and herbes of good smell,
and diuers good for the skuruie, and grasse very ranke and of great
length. (M62) Wee sawe fiue or sixe boates sayling to the Southwestwardes
of Cape Briton, which wee iudged to bee Christians, which had some trade
that way. Wee sawe also, while wee were on shore, the manner of their
hanging vp their fish and flesh with withes to dry in the ayre: they also
lay them vpon raftes and hurdles and make a smoake vnder them, or a softe
fire, and so drie them as the Sauages vse to doe in Virginia.

(M63) While wee lay foure leagues South of Cape Briton wee sounded and had
sixtie fathomes black ozie ground. And sayling thence Westwarde nine or
ten leagues off the shore, we had twenty foure fathomes redde sande, and
small whitish stones. (M64) Wee continued our course so farre to the
Southwest, that wee brought ourselues into the latitude of fourtie foure
degrees and an half, hauing sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues to the
Southwest of Cape Briton. We found the current betweene this Cape Briton
and Cape Rey to set out toward the Eastsoutheast. (M65) In our course to
the West of Cape Briton we saw exceeding great store of seales, and
abundance of Porposes, whereof we killed eleuen. We sawe Whales also of
all sortes aswel small as great: and here our men tooke many Iberded
Coddes with one teate vnderneath, which are like to the Northeast Cods,
and better then those of Newfoundland.

(M66) From our arriuall at the hauen of Saint Francis in Newfoundland,
(which was as is aforesayde the eleuenth of Iuly) we continued beating vp
and downe on the coast of Arambec to the West and Southwest of Cape Briton
vntil the twentie eight of September, fully by the space of eleuen weekes:
and then by the perswasion of our Master and certaine others wee shaped
our course homeward by the Isles of the Açores, and came first to Coruo
and Flores, where beating vp and downe, and missing of expected pray, we
sayled by Tercera, and from thence to Saint Michael, where we sought to
boorde a Portugall shippe, which we found too well appointed for vs to
bring along with vs, and so being forced to leaue them behinde and hauing
wasted all our victuals, wee were constrained against our willes to hasten
home vnto our narrowe Seas: but it was the two and twentieth of December
before wee could get into the Downes: where for lacke of winde wee kept
our Christmas with dry breade onely for dropping of our clothes. (M67) One
thing very strange hapened in this voyage: to witte, that a mightie great
Whale followed our shippe by the space of many dayes as we passed by Cape
Razo, which by no meanes wee coulde chase from our ship, untill one of our
men fell ouerboord and was drowned, after which time shee immediatly
forsooke vs, and neuer afterward appeared vnto vs.(12)




XI. A briefe note concerning the voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to
Isle of Ramea in the aforesayd yere 1593.


In the beginning of the former relation written by Richard Fisher seruant
to the worshipfull Master Hill of Redriffe is, as you reade, a briefe
reporte of their loosing of their consort the shippe of Master George
Drake of Apsham: which though shee came directly to the Isle of Ramea, yet
because shee was not ready so soone by two moneths as she ought to haue
bene, she was not onely the hinderance of her consort the Marigolde, and
lost the season of the yere for the making of her voyage of killing the
Morses or Sea Oxen, which are to be taken in Aprill, May, and Iune: but
also suffered the fit places and harboroughs in the Isle which are but
two, as farre as I can learne, to be forestalled and taken vp by the
Britons of Saint Malo and the Baskes of Saint Iohn de Luz, by comming a
day after the Fayre, as wee say. Which lingering improuidence of our men
hath bene the ouerthrowe of many a worthy enterprize and of the
vndertakers of the same.

The relation of this voyage at large I was promised by the Authour
himselfe: but the same not comming to my handes in tyme I am constrained
to leaue it out. The want whereof, for the better vnderstanding of the
state of the sayde Island, the frequenting of that gainefull trade by the
aforesayd nations of the Britons and Baskes, may in part be supplyed by
the voyage of Master Charles Leigh to the sayde Island of Ramea: which
also comming much too late thither, as Master George Drake had done, was
wholly preuented and shutte out to his and his friendes no small detriment
and mischiefe, and to the discouraging of others hereafter in the sayde
gainefull and profitable trade.

Neuerthelesse albeit hitherto the successe hath not answered our
expectation through our owne default, as is abouesaid, yet I was very
willing to set downe in briefe and homely stile some mention of these
three voyages of our owne men. The first of M. George Drake, the second of
M. Siluester Wyet, the third of M. Charles Leigh, because they are the
first, for ought that hitherto is come to my knowledge, of our own Nation,
that haue conducted English ships so farre within this gulfe of S.
Laurence, and haue brought vs true relation of the manifold gaine which
the French, Britaynes, Baskes, and Biskaines do yerely returne from the
sayd partes; while wee this long time haue stood still and haue bene idle
lookers on, making courtesie who should giue the first aduenture, or once
being giuen, who should continue or prosecute the same.




XII. The voyage of the Grace of Bristoll of M. Rice Iones, a Barke of
thirty-fiue Tunnes, vp into the Bay of Saint Laurence to the Northwest of
Newfoundland, as farre as the Ile of Assumption or Natiscotec, for the
barbes or fynnes of Whales and traine Oyle, made by Siluester Wyet,
Shipmaster of Bristoll.


Wee departed with the aforesaid Barke manned with twelue men for the place
aforesaid from Bristoll the 4 of Aprill 1594 and fell with Cape d’Espere
on the coast of Newefoundland the nineteenth of May in the heighth of 47.
We went thence for Cape Raz, being distant from thence 18 or 19 leagues,
the very same day.

The 20 day we were thwart of Cape Raz.

Then we set our course Northwest for Cape S. Marie, which is distant from
Cape Raz 19 leagues, and is on the Eastside of the great bay of Placentia
almost at the entrie thereof.

(M68) From thence we shaped our course for the Islands of S. Pedro passing
by the broken Islands of the Martyers, our course to the Isles of S. Pedro
was West and by North. In these Isles of S. Pedro there is a faire
harbour, which we went into with our barke, and found there 2 ships of
Sibiburo fishing for Cod: where we stayed 2 dayes, and tooke in balest for
our ship. There are as faire and tall firre trees growing therein, as in
any other part of Newfoundland. Then wee departed thence, and as we came
out of the harbours mouth we laid the ship vpon the lee, and in 2 houres
space we tooke with our hookes 3 or 4 hundred great Cods for our prouision
of our ship. Then we departed from the Isle of S. Pedro to enter into the
gulffe of S. Laurence betweene Cape Briton and the said Isle, and set our
course West North West, and fel with Cape de Rey which wee found to be
distant from the Isles of S. Pedro 42 leagues. From Cape de Rey to Cape de
Angullie we set our course Northnorthwest being distant thence 12 or 13
leagues. From the Cape de Angullie into the Bay of S. George we ran
Northeast and by East some 18 or 19 leagues.

In this bay of Saint George, we found the wrackes of 2 great Biskaine
ships, which had bene cast away three yeeres before: where we had some
seuen or eight hundred Whale finnes, and some yron bolts and chaines of
their mayne shrouds and fore shroudes: al their traine was beaten out with
the weather but the caske remained still. Some part of the commodities
were spoiled by tumbling downe of the clifts of the hils, which couered
part of the caske, and the greater part of those Whale finnes, which we
vnderstood to be there by foure Spaniards which escaped, and were brought
to S. Iohn de Luz. Here we found the houses of the Sauages, made of firre
trees bound together in the top and set round like a Doue-house, and
couered with the barkes of firre trees, wee found also some part of their
victuals, which were Deeres flesh roasted vpon wooden spits at the fire,
and a dish made of a ryne of a tree, sowed together with the sinowes of
the Deere, wherein was oile of the Deere. There were also foules called
Cormorants, which they had pluckt and made ready to haue dressed, and
there we found a wooden spoone of their making. And we discerned the
tracks of the feete of some fortie or fiftie men, women and children.

When we had dispatched our businesse in this bay of S. George and stayed
there ten dayes, wee departed for the Northern point of the said Bay,
which is nine or ten leagues broade. Then being enformed, that the Whales
which are deadly wounded in the grand Bay, and yet escape the fisher for a
time, are woont vsually to shoot themselues on shore on the Isle of
Assumption, or Natiscotec, which lieth in the very mouth of the great
riuer that runneth vp to Canada, we shaped our course ouer to that long
Isle of Natiscotec, and wee found the distance of the way to the Estermost
ende thereof to be about fourty foure leagues: and it standeth in the
latitude of 49. (M69) Here wee arriued about the middest of Iune at the
East end, and rode in eighteene fadome water, in faire white sand and very
good ankerage, and for tryall heaued a lyne ouerboorde and found
wonderfull faire and great Cod fish: we went also seuen of vs on shore and
found there exceeding fayre great woods of tall firre trees, and heard and
sawe store of land and sea foules, and sawe the footing of diuers beastes
in the sand when we were on shore. From the Easter end we went to the
Norther side of the Island, which we perceiued to be but narrow in respect
of the length thereof. And after wee had searched two dayes and a night
for the Whales which were wounded which we hoped to haue found there, and
missed of our purpose, we returned backe to the Southwarde, and were
within one league of the Island of Penguin, which lyeth South from the
Eastermost part of Natiscoter some twelue leagues. From the Isle of
Penguin wee shaped our course for Cape de Rey and had sight of the Island
of Cape Briton: then returned wee by the Isles of Saint Pedro, and so came
into the Bay of Placentia, and arriued in the Easterside thereof some ten
leagues vp within the Bay among the fishermen of Saint Iohn de Luz and of
Sibiburo and of Biskay, which were to the number of threescore and odde
sayles, whereof eight shippes onely were Spaniardes, of whom we were very
well vsed and they wished heartily for peace betweene them and vs. There
the men of Saint Iohn and Sibiburo men bestowed two pinnesses on vs to
make vp our voyage with fish. Then wee departed ouer to the other side of
the Bay, where we arriued in an harbour which is called Pesmarck, and
there made our stage and fished so long, that in the ende the Sauages
came, and in the night, when our men were at rest, cut both our pinnesse
and get them againe. Then for feare of a shrewder turne of the Sauages, we
departed for Cape Saint Marie, and hauing passed Cape Kaz, we passed
Northwarde foureteene leagues and arriued in Farrillon, and finding there
two and twentie sayles of Englishmen, wee made vp our fishing voyage to
the full in that harborough the twentieth foure of August to our good
content: and departing thence we arriued first in Combe and staied there a
seuen night, and afterward in Hungrod in the riuer of Bristoll by the
grace of God the 24 of September. 1594.




XIII. The voyage of M. Charles Leigh, and diuers others to Cape Briton and
the Isle of Ramea.


The Hopewell of London of the burthen of 120 tunnes, whereof was M.
William Crafton, and the Chancewel of London of the burthen of 70 tunnes,
whereof was M. Steuen Bennet, bound vnto the riuer of Canada, set to sea
at the sole and proper charge of Charles Leigh and Abraham Van Herwick of
London merchants (the saide Charles Leigh himselfe, and Steuen Van Herwick
brother to the sayd Abraham, going themselues in the said ships as chiefe
commanders of the voyage) departed from Graues-end on Fryday morning the 8
of April 1597. And after some hindrances, arriuing at Falmouth in Cornewal
the 28 of the said moneth put to sea againe. And with prosperous windes
the 18 of May we were vpon the Banke of Newfoundland. The 19 we lost the
Chancewel. The 20 we had sight of land and entred within the bay of
Assumption, where our men contrary to my knowledge fought with a French
ship: and afterward in the same bay wee met with our consort. Whereupon we
presently put to sea againe: and the next day we arriued at Caplen bay,
where we remained by extremitie of foule weather, and to mend a pinnes of
7 or 8 tunnes (which was giuen vs at Farrillon by M. Wil. Sayer of
Dartmouth the Admiral of that place) vntill the last of May. On which day
departing from thence in the afternoone we put in to Rogneuse to seeke
Shallops but could find none. The first of Iune we set saile from
Rogneuse, and the second we put roome to a bay vnder the Northside of Cape
Raz being inforced in by an extreme storme. The 4 we set saile, and this
day we saw a great Island of yce. The 5 at night we lost the Chancewell in
a fog at the mouth of the bay of Placentia. The 11 at Sunne setting we had
sight of Cape Briton. (M70) And the 12 by reason of contrary windes we
cast anker vnder the Northeast ende of the Isle of Menego to the North of
Cape Briton in 16 fathome reasonable ground. In that place we caught great
store of Cods, which were larger and better fish then any in Newfoundland.
The 13 wee weyed anker againe, and being becalmed about a league from the
shore we fell to fishing where the Cods did bite at least 20 fathomes
aboue ground, and almost as fast as we could hale them into the ship.
(M71) The 14 we came to the two Islands of Birds, some 23 leagues from
Monego: where there were such abundance of Birds, as is almost incredible
to report. (M72) And vpon the lesse of these Islands of Birds, we saw
great store of Morsses or sea Oxen, which were a sleepe vpon the rockes:
but when we approched nere vnto them with our boate they cast themselues
into the sea and pursued vs with such furie as that we were glad to flee
from them. The 16 we arriued at Brians Island, which lyeth 5 leagues West
from the Island of Birds. About this Island ther is as great aboundance of
cods as in any place can be found. In litle more then an houre we caught
with 4 hookes 250 of them. Here we caught also a great Turbut which was an
elle long and a yard broad: which was so great that the hooke could not
hold her into the ship: but when she was aboue water she bent the hooke
and escaped. (M73) In this Island we found exceeding good ground both for
corne and meadow, and great store of wood, but of smal groweth. Springes
of fresh water we found none in all the Island, but some standing pooles
of raine water. The same day at night we weighed anker againe. The 17 we
had stormy weather. The 18 we came to the Isle of Ramea, where we
appointed to meet with our consort. And approching neere vnto the
harborough of Halabolina we cast anker in 3 fadomes water and sent our
great boate into the harborough, with the masters mate and some dozen more
of the company: who when they came in, found 4 ships. Namely 2 of Saint
Malo in Britaigne, and two of Sibiburo adioyning to Saint Iohn de Luz
being the French Kings subiects, whom they supposed to haue bene of
Spaine, and so affirmed vnto vs. Whereupon wee went presently into
harborough, finding but eleuen foote and an halfe of water vpon the barre
and a mightie great current in, when wee had cast anker we sent presently
to speake with the masters of all the ships: but those only of Saint Malo
came aboord, whom wee entertained very friendly, and demaunded of whence
the other two shippes were. They sayde as they thought of Saint Iohn de
Luz or Sibiburo. Then we presently sent our boate for the Masters of both
the sayd shippes, to request them to come aboord, and to bring with them
there Charters parties and other euidences, to the ende we might knowe of
whence they were. At which message one of the sayde Masters came aboord,
with the Pilote and Masters mate of the other shippe: whom when we had
examined, they sayd that they were of Sibiburo, and the French Kings
subiects. We requested them for our better securitie in the harborough
peaceably to deliuer up their powder and munition: promising them that if
we found them to be the French Kings subiects it shoulde be kept in
safetie for them without diminishing. But they woulde not consent
thereunto: whereunto we replyed, that vnlesse they would consent thereunto
we would hold them to be our enemies. They not consenting, we sent the
boate well manned to fetch their powder and munition from aboorde their
ship; but straightly commanded our men not to touch anything else in the
ship vpon their further perill: which they promised to performe. When they
came aboorde the said ships which were mored together, they were resisted
by force of armes, but quickly they got the victorie: which done, they
fell presently to pillaging of the Baskes, contrary to their promise:
whereupon we sent another to forbidde them: but when he came to them, none
was more ready of pillage then he. Whereupon I went my selfe, and tooke
away from our men whatsoever they had pillaged, and gaue it againe to the
owners: onely I sent aboord our owne ship their powder and munition to be
kept in safetie vntil we knew farther what they were. When I had done, I
gaue the Baskes possession of their shippe againe, and tolde them they
should not loose the valewe of one peny if they were the French Kings
subjects. Then I caryed away all our men, and also tooke with me two or
three of the chiefest of them, and when I came aboord went to examining of
them, and by circumstances found one of the ships to belong to France:
whereupon I tolde the master of the said ship, that I was throughly
satisfied that he was of France and so dismissed him in peace. Of the
other ship we had great presumption that she was of Spaine, but had no
certaine proofe thereof, wherefore wee dismissed them likewise in peace.
After I had thus dismissed them, our ships company fell into a mutiny, and
more then half of them resolued to cary one of those ships away. But they
were preuented of their euill purpose by ayde which the saide ships
receiued from their countreymen in the other harborough: (M74) For the
next morning, which was the twentieth of Iune, very early there were
gathered together out of all the ships in both harboroughs, at the least
300 Frenchmen and Britons, who had planted vpon the shore three pieces of
Ordinance against vs, and had prepared them selues in al readinesse to
fight with vs, which so soone as as we had discried them gaue the onset
vpon vs with at least an hundred small shot out of the woods. There were
also in a readines to assault vs about three hundred Sauages. (M75) But
after we had skirmished a while with them, we procured a parley by one of
the men of Saint Malo, whose ship rowed hard by vs: In which parley they
required some of our men to come on shore vnto them: wherevpon wee
requested M. Ralph Hill and the Boatswaines mate to go on shore to them:
whom when they had they detained as prisoners; and then required the
powder and munition, which we had of the Baskes in possession; which we
surrendered vnto them in safetie as our intent alwayes was, which done,
there (M76) came aboord vnto vs one Captaine Charles, who was captaine of
the great ship of Saint Malo, which rode in the other harborough: who
challenged our great boate which we had at Farillon to be his. And while
we were in talke with him about the two Baskes which at first we thought
to be Spaniards, wee had almost bene betraied. For the said Captaine
Charles with halfe a dozen more of his company kept themselues aboord of
our ship and held vs in a talke, while thirtie or fortie others should
haue entred our ship vnawares from one of the ships of S. Malo, which
professed to be our friend, and vnto whom we shewed all courtesie. But we
perceiuing their treacherous intent, threatned to set fire on the said
ship, which was then thwart our hawse, from which they would haue entred.
By which resolution of ours God did discourage them from effecting their
mischieuous purposes. Now the said captaine Charles when he saw himself
preuented of his wicked intents, took his boat presently to go on shore,
and promised that all things should be ended in peace betweene vs, and
that he would send vs our two men againe. But when he was on shore he
presently sent for our great boat which he claimed to be his, and withall
commanded vs out of the harborough, but he sent not our men as he
promised, we being now the weaker side did not only deliuer his boat but
also determined to be gon and then requested them to help vs with our
anker which was on shore; but they would not. Then we desired them to cut
the bent of the cable vpon the anker on shore (for we durst not send our
boat lest they should haue kept from vs both our boat and men) which they
promised to do for vs, as also to send our men; but when they were on
shore, they would do neither. We therefore seeing their falshood in euery
thing, durst no longer tary for feare of farther treachery; wherefore we
concluded to cut our cable in the hawse: which we did, and so departed the
harborow about 9 of the clock, leauing two of our men with our cable and
anker, and 20 fathoms of a new hawser behind vs. And as we were going
away, they made great shewes of friendship, and dranke vnto vs from the
shore; but more for feare then loue, and requested vs to come on shore for
our men, whom then they deliuered. (M77) The same morning in passing ouer
the barre before the harborowes mouth, and by that time that we had all
our men aboord, our ship came on ground vpon the sands; where we lay some
8 houres: during which time, at low water we trimmed our ship without
boord, and by the great prouidence of God found our leake which then we
stopped. About sixe of the clocke at night we got our ship on float
againe, and that night ankered within part of the barre, which then
because of the wind we could not passe. (M78) But it pleased God to send
vs faire weather all that night, and the next day by noone we had gotten
our ship cleane ouer the bar. The 21 day after we got ouer the barre the
wind arose at east and eastsoutheast, we blew right into the bay: which if
it had come before we were cleere of the bar, we had both ship and men
perished in the sands. (M79) The same day, because the wind kept vs within
the bay, we went to the Isle Blanch, where the ships of the other harborow
had their stages: but it was at least two leagues from their ships: where
we hoped by friendship to procure a shallope and assurance of our cable
and anker againe. But when we had approched nere the shore with our ship,
and weaued them with a white flag, they in sted of comming vnto vs, sent
their message by a bullet out of a piece of great ordinance, which they
had placed on shore of purpose against vs; so that they would neither
speake with vs, nor permit vs to come nere them. Thus we departed, and
would haue put to sea that night: but there was much wind at East, which
kept vs within the bay, and inforced vs to come to an anker vnder Isle
Blanch. The next morning being the 22. we put to sea, and about 12 of the
clocke the same day, the wind being at Northeast and foule weather, the
master sayd he could not ply vp to Grande Coste, because of the leeshore,
and the wind against vs, and therefore asked what we should do. (M80) I
asked then how farre we had to the river of cape Briton: he sayd a little
way. Then sayd I, If it be not farre, we were best to go thither to trade
with the Sauages while the wind is contrary, and to take in water and
balist, which we wanted. To which the master sayd, that if I would he
would cary vs thither. I thinking it to be the best course, sayd I was
content, so farre forth as that from thence we tooke the first faire wind
for Grande Coste. Hereupon the master willed him at the helme to keepe his
course southeast and southeast and by south. Presently after I asked him
how many leagues we had to the sayd riuer, and from the sayd riuer to
Grande Coste. He then sayd that we had 40. leagues to the riuer, and from
the riuer to Grande Coste 120 leagues. Hereupon I said I would not consent
to go so far out of our way, but willed him to keep his directest course
for Grande Coste; which he did. Within one halfe houre afterwards the 23
day the gunner and company of the ship presented me and the master with a
request in writing to returne for England or to goe for the Islands of
Açores for a man of war, for they would not proceed on their voyage to
Grande Coste; and therefore do what I could they turned the the helme
homewards. (M81) The 14 of Iune we sent our boat on shore in a great bay
vpon the Isle of Cape Briton for water. The 25 we arriued on the West side
of the Isle of Menego, where we left some caske on shore in a sandy bay,
but could not tary for foule weather. The 26 we cast anker in another bay
vpon the maine of Cape Briton. (M82) The 27 about tenne of the clocke in
the morning we met with eight men of the Chancewell our consort in a
shallope; who told vs that their ship was cast away vpon the maine of Cape
Briton, within a great bay eighteene leagues within the Cape, and vpon a
rocke within a mile of the shore, vpon the 23 of this moneth about one of
the clocke in the afternoon: and that they had cleered their ship from the
rocke: but being bilged and full of water, they presently did run her vp
into a sandy bay, where she was no sooner come on ground, but presently
after there came aboord many shallops with store of French men, who robbed
and spoiled all they could lay hands on, pillaging the poore men euen to
their very shirts, and vsing them in sauage maner: whereas they should
rather as Christians haue aided them in that distresse. Which newes when
we heard, we blessed God, who by his diuine prouidence and vnspeakeable
mercy had not onely preserued all the men, but brought vs thither so
miraculously to ayd and comfort them. (M83) So presently we put into the
road where the Chancewell lay; where was also one ship of Sibiburo, whose
men that holpe to pillage the Chancewell were runne away into the woods.
But the master thereof which had dealt very honestly with our men stayed
in his ship, and came aboord of vs whom we vsed well, not taking any thing
from him that was his, but onely such things as we could finde of our
owne. And when we had dispatched our businesse, we gaue him one good
cable, one olde cable and an anker, one shallop with mast, sailes, and
other furniture, and other things which belonged to the ship. In
recompence whereof he gaue vs two hogsheads of sider, one barrel of peaze,
and 25 score of fish. The 29 betimes in the morning we departed from that
road toward a great Biskaine some 7 leagues off of 300 tun, whose men
dealt most doggedly with the Chancewels company. The same night we ankered
at the mouth of the harborow, where the Biskain was. The 30 betimes in the
morning we put into the harborow; and approching nere their stage, we saw
it vncouered, and so suspected the ship to be gone: whereupon we sent our
pinnesse on shore with a dozen men, who when they came, found great store
of fish on shore, but all the men were fled: neither could they perceiue
whether the ship should be gone, but as they thought to sea. This day
about twelue of the clocke we tooke a Sauages boat which our men pursued:
but all the Sauages ran away into the woods, and our men brought their
boat on boord. The same day in the afternoone we brought our ship to an
anker in the harborow: and the same day we tooke three hogsheads and an
halfe of traine, and some 300 of greene fish. (M84) Also in the euening
three of the Sauages, whose boat we had, came vnto vs for their boat; to
whom we gaue coats and kniues, and restored them their boate againe. The
next day being the first of Iuly, the rest of the Sauages came vnto vs,
among whom was their king, whose name was Itarey, and their queene, to
whom also we gaue coats and kniues, and other trifles. (M85) These Sauages
called the harborow Cibo. In this place are the greatest multitude of
lobsters that euer we heard of: for we caught at one hawle with a little
draw net aboue 140. The fourth of Iuly in the morning we departed from
Cibo. And the fift we cast anker in a reasonable good harborow called New
Port vnder an Island some eight leagues from Cibo, and within three
leagues from the English port. At this place in pursuing certaine shallops
of a ship of Rochel, one of them came aboord, who told vs, that the
Biskainer whom we sought, was in the English port with two Biskainers
more, and two ships of Rochel. Thereupon wee sent one of our men in the
Rochellers shallop to parle with the admiral and others our friends in the
English port, requesting them ayd for the recouery of our things, which
the other ship called the Santa Maria of S. Vincent (whereof was Master
Iohannes de Harte, and Pilot Adame de Lauandote) had robbed from the
Chancewell. To which they answered, that if we would come in vnto them in
peace, they would assist vs what they might. This answere we had the sixt
day: and the seuenth in the fornoone we arriued in the English port, and
cast anker aloofe from the other ships: which done, I went aboord the
Admirall, to desire the performance of his promise: who sent for Iohannes
de Harte, who was contented to restore most of our things againe:
whereupon I went aboord his ship to haue them restored. This day and the
eighth I spent in procuring such things as they had robbed; but yet in the
end we wanted a great part thereof. Then we were briefe with them, and
willed them either to restore vs the rest of our things which they had, or
els we would both inforce them to doe it, and also haue satisfaction for
our victuals and merchandises which by their meanes were lost in the
Chancewell. The ninth in the morning wee prepared our ship to goe neere
vnto them. Whereupon their Admirall sent his boat aboord, and desired to
speake with mee: then I went aboord vnto him, and desired to haue our
things with peace and quietnesse, proffering to make him and the Masters
of the two ships of Rochel our vmpires, and what they should aduise I
would stand vnto. Heereupon he went aboord the other ship to make peace;
but they would heare no reason, neither yet condescend to restore any
thing els which they had of ours. Then I desired that as I came in peace
vnto them, they would so set me aboord my ship againe: which they denied
to doe, but most vniustly detained me and Stephen van Herwicke who was
with me. A while after our shallop came with foure men to know how I did,
and to fetch me aboord: but so soone as she came to the Admirals ships
side, his men entred, and tooke her away, detaining our men also as
prisoners with vs. Then presently all the three Biskainers made toward our
ship, which was not carelesse to get the winde of them all: and hauing by
the mercy of God obtained the same, shee then stayed for them: but when
they saw they had lost their aduantage, they presently turned their
course, making as great haste in againe as they did out before. Afterwards
I attempted twise to goe aboord, but was still enforced backe by the two
other Biskainers, who sought our liues: so that in the end the Master of
the Admirall was inforced to man his great boat to waft vs: and yet
notwithstanding they bent a piece of great ordinance at vs: for we were to
passe by them vnto our ship: but we rescued our shallop vnder our Masters
great boat; and by that meanes passed in safety. The next morning being
the tenth of the moneth, we purposed if the winde had serued our turne, to
haue made them to repent their euill dealing, and to restore vs our owne
againe, or els to haue suncke their ships if we could. (M86) But the winde
serued not our turne for that purpose; but caried vs to sea: so that the
same morning wee tooke our course toward the bay of S. Laurence in
Newfoundland: where wee hoped to finde a Spanish ship, which as we had
intelligence, did fish at that place. (M87) The thirteenth day we had
sight of S. Peters Islands. And the foureteenth day being foggy and misty
weather, while we made towards the land, we sent our shallop before the
shippe to discouer dangers: but in the fogge, through the mens negligence
which were in her, she lost vs: yet we kept on our course, thinking that
although we could not see them, yet they might see our ship: and comming
into sixteene fathoms water we cast anker, supposing our selues to be
neere the shore: and in the euening it pleased God to giue vs for the
space of one quarter of an houre clere weather, by which we found our
selues to be imbayed, and also had sight of our shallop, which was at the
point of a land about one league from vs. The same night we went further
into the same bay, where we had very good riding. The fifteenth we went on
shore, and in that place found footing of deere, and before we returned we
killed one. (M88) The eighteenth we departed toward S. Laurence: the same
euening we had sight of S. Laurence, and sent off our boat in the night
with our Master and sixteene men to surprise the Spanyard, which lay in
Litle S. Laurence: who presently vpon the entrance of our men surrendered
vp their ship and goods. The nineteenth in the morning before day, the
Master of our ship with two more, and three Spanyards, tooke a boat and
came foorth to meet our shippe, but being foggy, he cast anker by the
mouth of the harborow, thinking in faire weather to put out to our ship,
which through the current and foggy weather was put fiue or sixe leagues
to leeward: and while they were at anker in the boat they were surprised
again by certaine Basks of S. Iohn de Luz who were in Great S. Laurence
hard by. These Basks with their forces (hauing receiued intelligence by
one of the Spanyards, who sleeping on shore, escaped vnto them ouerland)
on the sudden surprised the sayd boat with our Master and others: and then
presently made vnto the ship; but our men aboord defended them off. (M89)
In the end they threatned that vnlesse they would yeeld, they would kill
M. Crafton and our other men before their eyes. So at last vpon M.
Craftons intreaty and our mens, to saue their liues, they yeelded vp the
ship againe, vpon condition, that they should not iniure any of our men,
but should let them all with their weapons peaceably depart: yet when our
men had yeelded, they brake their couenant, profering them great violence,
threatning to kill them, disarming them, stripping their clothes from
their backs, and vsing them more like dogs then men. After they had thus
robbed our men of their prize and weapons, they presently towed the shippe
with their boats out of that harborow into Great S. Laurence, where their
owne shippes did ride, and within lesse then an houre after they had
caried our prize away, our shippe arriued in the bay: where after we had
bene a while at anker, our shallop came aboord vnto vs, with most part of
our sixteene men, who tolde vs the whole story before recited, as also
that captaine Laurence had caried away our Master, and Stephen van
Herwicke prisoners, and turned the rest of our men on shore in the woods,
without either meat, drinke, or almost any apparell. The 20 all our men
came aboord, except the two prisoners: and the same day we tooke with our
boats three of the Spanyards shallops, with fiue hogsheads of traine oile
in ech of them, and in one boat foure Spanyards; but the men of the other
two shallops fled on shore. The same day also we tooke the Master of one
of the ships which was in the harborow with three other of his men, whom
we detained prisoners to ransome M. Crafton and Stephen van Henrick: The
22 captaine Laurence sent them aboord, and we also released all our
prisoners, except one Spanyard, who was boatswaine of the Spanish ship,
whom we kept with vs: and the same day we set from thence. (M90) The 24 we
had aduice of our Spanyard of certain Leagers which were in the harborow
of cape S. Mary. Whereupon the same night, being within fiue or six
leagues of the harborow, I sent off our two shallops with thirty men to
discouer the harborow, and to surprise the enemy. The 25 in the morning we
approched the harborow with our ship, and in the mouth thereof we espied
three shallops, two whereof were ours, and the third of a ship of Rochel,
which they had surprised with foure men in her: who told them that there
were but two ships in the harborow, whereof one was of Rochel, and the
other of Bell isle. And as we were discoursing with the Rochellers, we had
sight of the ships: whereupon we sent our boat aboord the Rocheller to
certifie him that we were his friends, and to request him not to hinder
our fight with the enemy. This message being sent, we made all the haste
we could vnto the ship of Belle isle, which first began with vs with three
great shot, one whereof hit our maintopsaile, but both the other missed
vs. And we also sent one vnto them: then being approched nere vnto them
ten or twelue of vs went in a shallop to enter them, and we caried also a
warpe with vs to make fast vnto their ship, whereby our ship might the
better come vp to ayd vs. And when we boorded them in our boat, they
betooke themselues to their close fights, playing chiefly vpon vs with
shot and pikes out at two ports, between which we entred very dangerously,
escaping neere dangers both by shot and pike. Some of our men were
wounded, but no great harme was done. And mine owne piece in entring, was
shot out of my hand into the sea: which shot also burst one side of the
ladder, by which I entred. We had not long bene aboord, but through the
helpe of God we caused them to yeeld vnto our mercy. (M91) There were of
them in the ship aboue forty men, most whereof we sent aboord our shippe,
there to be kept in holde, with order to our chyrurgion to dresse the
wounded men, one of which was wounded vnto death. That done, we had then
time to view our prize, which we found of great defence, and a notable
strong ship, almost two hundred tun in burden, very well appointed, and in
all things fitted for a man of warre. They had also foureteene or fifteene
men more, which were then absent from the ship; otherwise we should haue
had the hoter fight. The same day we got our sailes to the yard, and our
top masts on end, and rigged the shippe what we could. The 26 day we got
some oile aboord, and there we taried vntill the second of August, fitting
our selues for the sea, and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs.
During our abode there we diuided our men, and appointed to ech ship their
company, my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the
prize; wherein when we were shipped, and the company, there arose great
enmity against vs by the other shippe, which afterward was quieted. The
second day of August, hauing taken in water and wood, we put to sea from
that harborow in company of the Hopewell, with purpose to go directly to
Parlican, which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland, where we
expected another prize. But when we came to sea we found our sailes so
olde, our ropes so rotten, and our prouision of bread and drinke so short,
as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England:
whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August, and sent them
aboord the Hopewell, to certifie them the cause of our resolution for
England: wherat they were generally offended, thinking and saying, that we
in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them. To conclude, they sent
vs word that they would keepe vs company for England. But I had giuen
William Crafton commission before to go for the Island of the Açores, and
there to spend his victuals for a man of warre. The next day being the
fift of August, hauing a faire winde, we put off from the coast of
Newfoundland, and kept our course directly for England, the Hopewell
keeping vs company vntill midday, whenas hauing lost vs in a fogge, she
shot off two pieces of ordinance, and we answered her with three:
afterwards we spake not with her, supposing that she went for the Islands.
The 27 of August, drawing neere the coast of England, we sounded and found
ground at seuenty fadoms. Some of the mariners, thinking we were in
Bristow channell, and other in Silly channell: so that through variety of
iudgements, and euil marinership we were faine to dance the hay foure
dayes together, sometimes running to the Northeast, sometimes to the
Southeast, then againe to the East and Eastnortheast. Thus did we spend
faire winds, and lose our time vntill the last of August. And then it
pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of
Bristoll; from whence we shaped our course: and after diuers dangers, the
third of September we met with the Tramontane of the Queene off Dartmouth;
to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of. The
fift of September I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight, and within
few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London,
where she was made prize as belonging to the enemies of this land.

Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we
trauelled.

The Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists. The ground of it
is very rocky: and vpon it there is great store of firre trees, and in
some places red; and about the shore it hath great abundance of cod fish.
We were on land in it in foure seuerall places: 1 At Caplin bay and
Farrillon: 2 At Cape Rase: 3 At the harborow of Lano, which lieth foure
leagues to the West of Cape Laurence: 4 At S. Marie port.

The Island of Monego for the soile is much like Newfoundland, but the fish
about it, as also throwout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton, is much
larger and better than that of the Newfoundland. This Island is scant two
leagues long, and very narrow. In the midst of it, a great way within the
wood is a great poole. Here we were thrise on shore: once at the East
side, and twise at the West.

The three Islands of birds are sandy red, but with the multitude of birds
vpon them they looke white. The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in
a paued street. The greatest of the Islands is about a mile in compasse.
The second is little less. The third is a very little one, like a small
rocke. At the second of these there lay on the shore in the Sunshine about
thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses: which when our boat came nere them,
presently made into the sea, and swam after the boat.

Brions Island wee found to be very good, and sandy ground. It hath in it
store of firre trees. It is somewhat more than a league long, and about
three leagues in compasse. Here we were on land once, and went from the
one side of it to the other.

The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island, hauing
also abundance of firre trees. It seemeth to be in length about twelue or
thirteene leagues at least. We were there in harborow, but not on shore,
which we much desired, and hoped to haue bene: but the conflict which we
had there with the Basks and Britons, mentioned before, preuented vs.

The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of
it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd, but somewhat lesse. We were
not on shore vpon it, but rode before it at anker.

The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland, but
rather better. Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower
then the hils: as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland. The
Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land, as the
West. We went on shore vpon it in fiue places: 1 At the bay where the
Chancewell was cast away: 2 At Cibo: 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo
and the New port: 4 At the New port: And 5 at Port Ingles, or the English
port.

Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island, Isle Blanche,
and of Ramea, they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood, great
store of wild corne like barley, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberies,
white roses, and store of wilde peason. Also about the sayd Islands the
sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts. And the sayd Islands
also seeme to proffer, through the labour of man, plenty of all kinde of
our graine, of roots, of hempe, and other necessary commodities.

Charles Leigh.




XIV. The first relation of Iaques Carthier of S. Malo, of the new land
called New France, newly discovered in the yere of our Lord 1534.



How M. Iaques Carthier departed from the Port of S. Malo, with two ships,
and came to Newfoundland, and how he entred into the Port of Buona Vista.


After that Sir Charles of Mouy knight lord of Meylleraye, and Viceadmirall
of France had caused the Captaines, Masters, and Mariners of the shippes
to be sworne to behaue themselues truely and faithfully in the seruice of
the most Christian King of France, vnder the charge of the sayd Carthier,
vpon the twentieth day of Aprill 1534, we departed from the Port of S.
Malo with two ships of threescore tun apiece burden, and 61 well appointed
men in each one: and with such prosperous weather we sailed onwards, that
vpon the tenth day of May we came to Newfoundland, where we entred into
the Cape of Buona Vista, which is in latitude 48 degrees and a halfe, and
in longitude ——.(13) But because of the great store of the ice that was
alongst the sayd land, we were constrayned to enter into an hauen called
S. Katherins Hauen, distant from the other Port about fiue leagues toward
Southsoutheast: there did we stay tenne days looking for faire weather;
and in the meanwhile we mended and dressed our boats.



How we came to the Island of Birds, and of the great quantity of birds
that there be.


Vpon the 21 of May the wind being in the West, we hoisted saile, and
sailed toward North and by East from the cape of Buona Vista vntil we came
to the Island of Birds, which was enuironed about with a banke of ice, but
broken and crackt: notwithstanding the sayd banke, our two boats went
thither to take in some birds, whereof there is such plenty, that vnlesse
a man did see them, he would thinke it an incredible thing: for albeit the
Island (which containeth about a league in circuit) be so full of them,
that they seeme to haue been brought thither, and sowed for the nonce, yet
are there an hundred folde as many houering about as within; some of which
are as big as iayes, blacke and white, with beaks like vnto crowes: they
lie alwayes upon the sea; they cannot flie very high, because their wings
are so little, and no bigger then halfe ones hand, yet do they flie as
swiftly as any birds of the aire leuell to the water; they are also
exceeding fat: we named them Aporath. In lesse then halfe an houre we
filled two boats full of them, as if they had bene with stones: so that
besides them which we did eat fresh, euery ship did powder and salt fiue
or sixe barrels full of them.



Of two sorts of birds, the one called Godetz, the other Margaulx; and how
we came to Carpunt.


Besides these, there is another kinde of birds which houer in the aire,
and ouer the sea, lesser than the others; and these doe all gather
themselves together in the Island, and put themselues vnder the wings of
birds that are greater: these we named Godetz. There are also of another
sort, but bigger, and white, which bite euen as dogs: those we named
Margaulx. And albeit the sayd island be 14 leagues from the maine land,
notwithstanding beares come swimming thither to eat of the sayd (M92)
birds: and our men found one there as great as any cow, and as white as
any swan, who in their presence leapt into the sea: and vpon Whitsunmunday
(following our voyage toward the land) we met her by the way, swimming
toward land as swiftly as we could saile. So soone as we saw her, we
pursued her with our boats, and by maine strength tooke her, whose flesh
was as good to be eaten as the flesh of a calf of two yeres olde. (M93)
The Wednesday following, being the 27 of the moneth, we came to the
entrance of the bay of the Castles; but because the weather was ill and
the great store of ice we found, we were constrained to enter into an
harborow about the sayd entrance called Carpunt, where, because we would
not come out of it, we stayed til the ninth of Iune, what time we
departed, hoping with the helpe of God to saile further then the said
Carpunt, which is latitude 51 degrees.



The description of Newfoundland, from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad.


The land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, which is the point of the entrance
of the bay that trendeth from head to head toward Northnortheast, and
Southsouthwest. All this part of land is parted into Islands one so near
the other, that there are but small riuers betweene them: thorow the which
you may passe with little boats, and therefore there are certaine good
harborows, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad. In one of these
Islands that is the highest of them all, being the top of it you may
plainly see the two low Islands that are nere to Cape Razo, from whence to
the port of Carpunt they count it fiue and twenty leagues; and there are
two entrances thereat, one on the East, the other on the South side of the
Island. But you must take heed of the side and point of the East, because
that euery where there is nothing els but shelues, and the water is very
shallow: you must go about the Island toward the West the length of halfe
a cable or thereabout, and then to goe toward the South to the sayd
Carpunt. Also you are to take heed of three shelues that are in the
chanell vnder the water: and toward the Island on the East side in the
chanell, the water is of three or four fadome deepe, and cleere ground.
The other trendeth toward Eastnortheast, and on the West you may go on
shore.



Of the Island which is now called S. Katherins Island.


Going from the point Degrad, and entring into the sayd bay toward the West
and by North: there is some doubt of two Islands that are on the right
side, one of the which is distant from the sayd point three leagues, and
the other seuen, either more or lesse then the first, being a low and
plaine land, and it seemeth to be part of the maine land. I named it Saint
Katherines Island; in which, toward the Northeast there is very dry soile;
but about a quarter of a league from it, very ill ground so that you must
go a little about. The sayd Island and the Port of Castles trend toward
North northeast, and South southwest, and they are about 15. leagues
asunder. (M94) From the said port of Castles to the port of Gutte, which
is in the northerne part of the said Bay, that trendeth toward East
northeast, and West southwest, there are 12. leagues and an halfe: and
about two leagues from the port of Balances, that is to say, the third
part athwart the saide Bay the depth being sounded it is about 38.
fadomes: and from the said port of Balances to the white Sands towards
West southwest there is 15. leagues, but you must take heed of a shelfe
that lyeth about 3. leagues outward from the said white Sands on the
Southwest side aboue water like a boat.



Of the place called Blanc Sablon or the white Sand: of the Iland of Brest,
and of the Iland of Birds, of the sorts and quantitie of birds that there
are found: and of the Port called the Islettes.


White Sand is a Road in the which there is no place guarded from the
South, nor southeast. (M95) But toward South southwest from the saide road
there are two Ilands, one of the which is called Brest Iland, and the
other the Iland of Birds, in which there is great store of Godetz, and
crowes with red beakes and red feete: they make their nestes in holes
vnder the ground euen as Conies. A point of land being passed about a
league from white Sand, there is a Port and passage found called the
Islettes, a better place then white Sand: and there is great fishing. From
the said Port of the Islettes vnto another called Brest, the circuit is
about ten leagues. This Port is in latitude 51. degrees and 55. minutes,
and longitude ——.(14) From the Islettes to that place there are many other
Ilands: and the saide Port of Brest is also amongst those Ilands. Moreouer
the Ilands do compasse more then 3. leagues from the said Brest, being
low, and ouer them are the other lands aboue mentioned seene.



How we with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, and sayling onward
toward the West we passed amidst the Islettes, which were so many in
number, that it was not possible to tell them: and how we named them the
Islettes.


Vpon the 10. of June wee with our ships entred into the Port of Brest, to
furnish our selues with water and wood, and to make vs ready to passe the
said Bay. Vpon S. Barnabas day Seruice being heard, we with our boats went
beyond the said Port toward the west, to see what harboroughes were there:
wee passed through the midst of the Islettes, which were so many in number
that it was not possible they might be tolde, for they continued about 10.
leagues beyond the said Port. We to rest our selues stayed in one of them
a night, and there we found great store of ducke egges, and other birds
that there do make their nests, we named them all The Islettes.



Of the Port called S. Antonies Port, S. Seruans Port, Iames Cartiers Port:
of the riuer called S. Iames: of the customes and apparell of the
inhabitants in the Iland of White Sand.


The next day we passed the said Ilands, and beyond them all we found a
good hauen, which we named S. Antonies Hauen, and one or two leagues
beyond wee found a little riuer towarde the southwest coast, that is
betweene two other Ilands, and is a good harborough. There we set vp a
Crosse, and named it S. Seruans Port: and on the Southwest side of the
said Port and riuer, about one league there is a small Iland as round as
an Ouen, enuironed about with many other litle Ilands that giue notice to
the said Ports. Further about two leagues there is another greater riuer,
in (M96) which we tooke a good store of salmon, that we named S. Iames his
Riuer. Being in the said riuer, we saw a ship of Rochel that the night
before had passed the Port of Brest, where they thought to haue gone a
fishing: but the Mariners knew not where they were. We with our boats
approched neere vnto it, and did direct it to another Port one league more
toward the West than the said riuer of S. Iames, which I take to be one of
the best in all the world, and therefore wee named it Iames Carthiers
Sound. If the soile were as good as the harboroughes are, it were a great
commoditie: but it is not to be called The new Land, but rather stones and
wilde cragges, and a place fit for wilde beastes, for in all the North
Iland I did not see a Cart-load of good earth: yet went I on shoare in
many places, and in the Iland of White Sand, there is nothing else but
mosse and small thornes scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be
short, I beleeue that this was the land that God allotted to Caine. There
are men of an indifferent good stature and bignesse, but wilde and vnruly:
they weare their haire tied on the top like a wreath of hay, and put a
wooden pinne within it, or any other such thing instead of a naile, and
with them they binde certaine birdes feathers. They are clothed with
beastes skinnes as well the men as women, but that the women go somewhat
straiter and closer in their garments than the men do, with their wastes
girded: they paint themselues with certaine Roan colours: (M97) their
boates are made of the barke of birch trees, with the which they fish and
take great store of Seales, and as farre as we could vnderstand since our
comming thither, that is not their habitation, but they come from the
maine land out of hotter countreys, to catch the saide seales and other
necessaries for their liuing.



Of certaine Capes, that is to say, The double Cape, The pointed Cape, Cape
Royal, and the Cape of Milke: of the mountaines of Granges: of the Ilands
of Doue houses: and of the great fishing of Cods.


Vpon the 13. of that moneth we came to our ships againe with our boats on
purpose to saile forwards because the weather was faire, and vpon Sunday
we caused Seruice to be saide; then on Munday being the 15. of the moneth
we departed from Brest, and sailed toward the South to take a view of the
lands that there wee had seene, that seemed vnto vs to bee two Ilands: but
when we were amidst the Bay, we knew it to be firme land, where was a
great double Cape one aboue the other, and therefore wee named it The
double Cape. In the entrance of the Bay wee sounded, and found it to be an
hundred fadome round about vs. From Brest to The double Cape there is
about 20 leagues, and about fiue or sixe leagues beyond we sounded againe
and found 40 fadome water. The said land lieth Northeast and Southwest.
The next day being the 16 of the moneth we sailed along the said coast
toward the Southwest, and by South about 35 leagues from the double Cape,
where we found very steepe and wilde hilles, among the which were seene
certaine smal cabbans, which we in the countrey call Granges, and
therefore we named them The hilles of the Granges. The other lands and
mountaines are all craggie, cleft and cut, and betwixt them and the Sea,
there are other Ilands, but low. The day before through the darke mists
and fogges of the weather, we could not haue sight of any land, but in the
euening we spied an entrance into the land, by a riuer among the said
Hilles of Granges, and a Cape lying toward the Southwest about 3 leagues
from vs. The said Cape is on the top of it blunt-pointed, and also toward
the Sea it endeth in a point, wherefore wee named it The pointed Cape, on
the North side of which there is a plaine Iland. And because we would haue
notice of the said entrance, to see if there were any good hauens, we
strooke saile for that night. The next day being the 17 of the moneth we
had stormie weather from Northeast, wherefore we tooke our way toward the
Southwest, vntill Thursday morning, and we went about 37 leagues, till wee
came athwart a Bay full of round Ilands like doue houses, and therefore
wee named them The doue houses. And from the Bay of S. Iulian, from the
which to a Cape that lieth South and by West, which wee called Cape Roial,
there are 7. leagues, and toward the West southwest side of the saide
Cape, there is another that beneath is all craggie, and aboue round. On
the North side of which about halfe a league there lieth a low Iland: that
Cape we named The Cape of milke. Betweene these two Capes there are
certaine low Ilands, aboue which there are also certaine others that shew
that there be some riuers. About two leagues from Cape royall wee sounded
and found 20 fadome water, and there is the greatest fishing of Cods that
possible may be: for staying for our company, in lesse then an houre we
tooke aboue an hundreth of them.



Of certaine Ilands that lie betweene Cape Royall, and The Cape of milke.


The next day being the 18 of the moneth, the winde with such rage turned
against vs, that we were constrained to go backe towards Cape Royal,
thinking there to finde some harborough, and with our boates went to
discouer betweene the Cape Royal, and the Cape of Milke, and found that
aboue the low Ilands there is a great and very deepe gulfe, within which
are certaine Ilands. The said gulfe on the Southside is shut vp. The
foresaid low grounds are on one of the sides of the entrance, and Cape
Royal is on the other. The saide low grounds doe stretch themselues more
then halfe a league within the Sea. It is a plaine countrey, but an ill
soile: and in the middest of the entrance thereof, there is an Iland. The
saide gulfe in latitude is fourtie eight degrees and an halfe, and in
longitude ——.(15) That night we found no harborough, and therefore we
lanched out into the Sea, leauing the Cape toward the West.



Of the Iland called S. Iohn.


From the said day vntill the 24 of the moneth being S. Iohns day we had
both stormie weather and winde against vs, with such darknesse and mistes,
that vntill S. Iohns day, we could haue no sight of any land, and then we
had sight of a Cape of land, that from Cape Royal lieth Southwest about 35
leagues, but that day was so foggie and mistie, that we could not come
neere land, and because it was S. Iohns day, we named it Cape S. Iohn.



Of certaine Ilands called the Ilands of Margaulx, and of the kinds of beas
and birds that there are found. Of the Iland of Brion, and Cape Dolphin.


The next day being the 25. of the moneth, the weather was also stormie,
darke, and windy, but yet we sailed a part of the day toward West North
west, and in the euening wee out our selues athwart vntill the second
quarter: when as we departed, then did we by our compasse know that we
were Northwest and by West about seuen leagues and an halfe from the Cape
of S. Iohn, and as wee were about to hoise saile, the winde turned into
the Northwest, wherefore we went Southeast, about 15. leagues, and came to
three Ilands, two of which are as steepe and vpright as any wall, so that
it was not possible to climbe them: and betweene them there is a little
rocke. These Ilands were as full of birds, as any field or medow is of
grasse, which there do make their nestes: and in the greatest of them,
there was a great and infinite number of those that wee call Margaulx,
that are white, and bigger then any geese, which were seuered in one part.
In the other were onely Godetz, but toward the shoare there were of those
Godetz, and great Apponatz, like to those of that Iland that we aboue haue
mentioned: we went downe to the lowest part of the least Iland, where we
killed aboue a thousand of those Godetz, and Apponatz. (M98) We put into
our boates so many of them as we pleased, for in lesse then one houre we
might haue filled thirtie such boats of them: we named them The Ilands of
Margaulx. About fiue leagues from the said Ilands on the West, there is
another Iland that is about two leagues in length, and so much in breadth:
there did we stay all night to take in water and wood. That Iland is
enuironed round about with sand, and hath a very good road about it three
or foure fadome deepe. Those Ilands haue the best soile that euer we saw,
for that one of their fields is more worth then all the New land. We found
it all full of goodly trees, medowes, fields full of wild corne and peason
bloomed, as thicke, as ranke, and as faire as any can be seene in
Britaine, so that they seemed to haue bene plowed and sowed. There was
also a great store of gooseberies, strawberies, damaske roses, parseley,
with other very sweete and pleasant hearbes. (M99) About the said Iland
are very great beastes as great as oxen, which haue two great teeth in
their mouths like vnto Elephants teeth, and liue also in the Sea. We saw
one of them sleeping vpon the banke of the water: wee thinking to take it,
went to it with our boates, but so soone as he heard vs, he cast himselfe
into the Sea. We also saw beares and wolues: we named it Brions Iland.
About it toward Southeast, and Northwest, there are great lakes. As farre
as I could gather and comprehend, I thinke that there be some passage
betweene New found land, and Brions land. If so it were, it would be a
great shortening, aswel of the time as of the way, if any perfection could
be found in it. About foure leagues from that Iland toward West-South-west
is the firme land, which seemeth to be as an Iland compassed about with
litle Ilands of sands. There is a goodly Cape which we named Cape Dolphin,
for there is the beginning of good grounds. On the 27. of Iune we
compassed the said lands about that lie West Southwest: and a farre off
they seeme to be little hilles of sand, for they are but low landes: wee
could neither goe to them, nor land on them, because the winde was against
vs. That day we went 15. leagues.



Of the Iland called Alezai, and of the cape of S. Peter.


The next day we went along the said land about 10. leagues, till we came
to a Cape of redde land, that is all craggie, within the which there is a
bracke looking toward the North. It is a very low countrey. There is also
betweene the Sea and a certaine poole, a plaine field: and from that Cape
of land and the poole vnto another Cape, there are about 14 leagues. The
land is fashioned as it were halfe a circle, all compassed about with sand
like a ditch, ouer which as farre as ones eye can stretch, there is
nothing but marrish grounds and standing pooles. And before you come to
the first Cape very neere the maine land there are two little Ilands.
About fiue leagues from the second Cape toward the Southwest, there is
another Iland very high and pointed, which we named Alezai. The first Cape
we named S. Peters Cape, because vpon that day we came thither.



Of the Cape called Cape Orleans: of the Riuer of boates: of Wilde mens
Cape: and of the qualitie and temperature of the countrey.


From Brions Iland to this place there is good anckorage of sand, and
hauing sounded toward Southwest euen to the shoare about fiue leagues, wee
found twentie and fiue fadome water, and within one league twelue fadome,
and very neere the shoare six fadome, rather more then lesse, and also
good anckorage. But because wee would bee the better acquainted with this
stonie and rockie ground, wee strooke our sailes lowe and athwart. The
next day being the last of the moneth saue one, the winde blewe South and
by East. Wee sailed Westward vntill Tuesday morning at Sunne rising, being
the last of the moneth, without any sight or knowledge of any lande except
in the euening toward Sunne set, that wee discouered a lande which seemed
to be two Ilands, that were beyond vs West southwest, about nine or tenne
leagues. All the next day till the next morning at sunne rising wee sailed
Westward about fourtie leagues, and by the way we perceiued that the land
we had seene like Ilands, was firme land, lying South southeast, and North
northwest, to a very good Cape of land called Cape Orleans. (M100) Al the
said land is low and plaine, and the fairest that may possibly be seene,
full of goodly medowes and trees. True it is that we could finde no
harborough there, because it is all full of shelues and sands. We with our
boats went on shore in many places, and among the rest wee entred into a
goodly riuer, but very shallow, which we named The riuer of boats, because
that there wee saw boates full of wild men that were crossing the riuer.
We had no other notice of the said wild men: for the wind came from the
sea, and so beat vs against the shore, that wee were constrained to retire
our selues with our boates toward our ships. Till the next day morning at
Sunne rising, being the first of Iuly we sailed Northeast, in which time
there rose great mistes and stormes, and therefore wee strucke our sailes
till two of the clocke in the afternoone, that the weather became cleare,
and there we had sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about seuen leagues
from vs, lying North and by East, and that we called Wilde mens Cape. On
the Northside of this Cape about halfe a league, there is a very dangerous
shelfe, and banke of stones. Whilst wee were at this Cape, we sawe a man
running after our boates that were going along the coast, who made signes
vnto vs that we should returne toward the said Cape againe. We seeing such
signes, began to turne toward him, but he seeing vs come, began to flee:
so soone as we were come on shoare, we set a knife before him and a
woollen girdle on a little staffe, and then came to our ships again. That
day we trended the said land about 9. or 10. leagues, hoping to finde some
good harborough, but it was not possible: for as I haue said already, it
is a very low land, and enuironed round about with great shelues.
Neuerthelesse we went that (M101) day on shore in foure places to see the
goodly and sweete smelling trees that were there: we found them to be
Cedars, ewetrees, Pines, white elmes, ashes, willowes, with many other
sorts of trees to vs vnknowen, but without any fruit. The grounds where no
wood is, are very faire, and all full of peason, white and red
gooseberies, strawberies, blackeberies, and wilde corne, euen like vnto
Rie, which seemed to have bene sowen and plowed. This countrey is of
better temperature then any other that can be seene, and very hote. There
are many thrushes, stockdoues, and other birds: to be short, there wanteth
nothing but good harboroughs.



Of the Bay called S. Lunario, and other notable Bayes and Capes of land,
and of the qualitie, and goodnesse of those grounds.


The next day being the second of Iuly we discouered and had sight of land
on the Northerne side toward vs, that did joyne vnto the land abouesaid,
al compassed about, and we knew that it had about ——(16) in depth, and as
much athwart, and we named it S. Lunarios Bay, and with our boats we went
to the Cape toward the North, and found the shore so shallow, that for the
space of a league fro

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