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History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

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Title: History of Florence and of the Affairs of Italy

Author: Niccolò Machiavelli


        
Release date: March 31, 2006 [eBook #2464]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2464

Credits: Produced by John Bickers; Dagny; David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF FLORENCE AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY ***




Produced by John Bickers; Dagny; David Widger





HISTORY OF FLORENCE AND OF THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE DEATH OF LORENZO THE MAGNIFICENT

By Niccolo Machiavelli




With an Introduction by

HUGO ALBERT RENNERT, Ph.D. Professor of Romanic Languages and
Literature, University of Pennsylvania.


     PREPARER'S NOTE

     This text was typed up from a Universal Classics Library edition,
     published in 1901 by W. Walter Dunne, New York and London. The
     translator was not named. The book contains a "photogravure" of
     Niccolo Machiavelli from an engraving.




INTRODUCTION

Niccolo Machiavelli, the first great Italian historian, and one of
the most eminent political writers of any age or country, was born
at Florence, May 3, 1469. He was of an old though not wealthy Tuscan
family, his father, who was a jurist, dying when Niccolo was sixteen
years old. We know nothing of Machiavelli's youth and little about
his studies. He does not seem to have received the usual humanistic
education of his time, as he knew no Greek.[*] The first notice of
Machiavelli is in 1498 when we find him holding the office of Secretary
in the second Chancery of the Signoria, which office he retained till
the downfall of the Florentine Republic in 1512. His unusual ability was
soon recognized, and in 1500 he was sent on a mission to Louis XII.
of France, and afterward on an embassy to Cæsar Borgia, the lord of
Romagna, at Urbino. Machiavelli's report and description of this and
subsequent embassies to this prince, shows his undisguised admiration
for the courage and cunning of Cæsar, who was a master in the
application of the principles afterwards exposed in such a skillful and
uncompromising manner by Machiavelli in his _Prince_.

The limits of this introduction will not permit us to follow with any
detail the many important duties with which he was charged by his native
state, all of which he fulfilled with the utmost fidelity and with
consummate skill. When, after the battle of Ravenna in 1512 the holy
league determined upon the downfall of Pier Soderini, Gonfaloniere of
the Florentine Republic, and the restoration of the Medici, the efforts
of Machiavelli, who was an ardent republican, were in vain; the troops
he had helped to organize fled before the Spaniards and the Medici were
returned to power. Machiavelli attempted to conciliate his new masters,
but he was deprived of his office, and being accused in the following
year of participation in the conspiracy of Boccoli and Capponi, he was
imprisoned and tortured, though afterward set at liberty by Pope Leo
X. He now retired to a small estate near San Casciano, seven miles from
Florence. Here he devoted himself to political and historical studies,
and though apparently retired from public life, his letters show the
deep and passionate interest he took in the political vicissitudes
through which Italy was then passing, and in all of which the singleness
of purpose with which he continued to advance his native Florence, is
clearly manifested. It was during his retirement upon his little estate
at San Casciano that Machiavelli wrote _The Prince_, the most famous of
all his writings, and here also he had begun a much more extensive work,
his _Discourses on the Decades of Livy_, which continued to occupy him
for several years. These _Discourses_, which do not form a continuous
commentary on Livy, give Machiavelli an opportunity to express his own
views on the government of the state, a task for which his long and
varied political experience, and an assiduous study of the ancients
rendered him eminently qualified. The _Discourses_ and _The Prince_,
written at the same time, supplement each other and are really one work.
Indeed, the treatise, _The Art of War_, though not written till 1520
should be mentioned here because of its intimate connection with these
two treatises, it being, in fact, a further development of some of
the thoughts expressed in the _Discorsi_. _The Prince_, a short work,
divided into twenty-six books, is the best known of all Machiavelli's
writings. Herein he expresses in his own masterly way his views on the
founding of a new state, taking for his type and model Cæsar Borgia,
although the latter had failed in his schemes for the consolidation of
his power in the Romagna. The principles here laid down were the natural
outgrowth of the confused political conditions of his time. And as in
the _Principe_, as its name indicates, Machiavelli is concerned chiefly
with the government of a Prince, so the _Discorsi_ treat principally
of the Republic, and here Machiavelli's model republic was the Roman
commonwealth, the most successful and most enduring example of popular
government. Free Rome is the embodiment of his political idea of the
state. Much that Machiavelli says in this treatise is as true to-day and
holds as good as the day it was written. And to us there is much that
is of especial importance. To select a chapter almost at random, let us
take Book I., Chap. XV.: "Public affairs are easily managed in a city
where the body of the people is not corrupt; and where equality
exists, there no principality can be established; nor can a republic be
established where there is no equality."

No man has been more harshly judged than Machiavelli, especially in
the two centuries following his death. But he has since found many able
champions and the tide has turned. _The Prince_ has been termed a manual
for tyrants, the effect of which has been most pernicious. But were
Machiavelli's doctrines really new? Did he discover them? He merely had
the candor and courage to write down what everybody was thinking and
what everybody knew. He merely gives us the impressions he had received
from a long and intimate intercourse with princes and the affairs of
state. It was Lord Bacon, I believe, who said that Machiavelli tells us
what princes do, not what they ought to do. When Machiavelli takes Cæsar
Borgia as a model, he in nowise extols him as a hero, but merely as a
prince who was capable of attaining the end in view. The life of the
State was the primary object. It must be maintained. And Machiavelli has
laid down the principles, based upon his study and wide experience,
by which this may be accomplished. He wrote from the view-point of
the politician,--not of the moralist. What is good politics may be bad
morals, and in fact, by a strange fatality, where morals and politics
clash, the latter generally gets the upper hand. And will anyone contend
that the principles set forth by Machiavelli in his _Prince_ or his
_Discourses_ have entirely perished from the earth? Has diplomacy been
entirely stripped of fraud and duplicity? Let anyone read the famous
eighteenth chapter of _The Prince_: "In what Manner Princes should keep
their Faith," and he will be convinced that what was true nearly four
hundred years ago, is quite as true to-day.

Of the remaining works of Machiavelli the most important is the _History
of Florence_ written between 1521 and 1525, and dedicated to Clement
VII. The first book is merely a rapid review of the Middle Ages, the
history of Florence beginning with Book II. Machiavelli's method has
been censured for adhering at times too closely to the chroniclers like
Villani, Cambi, and Giovanni Cavalcanti, and at others rejecting their
testimony without apparent reason, while in its details the authority of
his _History_ is often questionable. It is the straightforward, logical
narrative, which always holds the interest of the reader that is the
greatest charm of the _History_. Of the other works of Machiavelli we
may mention here his comedies the _Mandragola_ and _Clizia_, and his
novel _Belfagor_.

After the downfall of the Republic and Machiavelli's release from prison
in 1513, fortune seems never again to have favoured him. It is true that
in 1520 Giuliano de' Medici commissioned him to write his _History of
Florence_, and he afterwards held a number of offices, yet these
latter were entirely beneath his merits. He had been married in 1502 to
Marietta Corsini, who bore him four sons and a daughter. He died on June
22, 1527, leaving his family in the greatest poverty, a sterling tribute
to his honesty, when one considers the many opportunities he doubtless
had to enrich himself. Machiavelli's life was not without blemish--few
lives are. We must bear in mind the atmosphere of craft, hypocrisy, and
poison in which he lived,--his was the age of Cæsar Borgia and of Popes
like the monster Alexander VI. and Julius II. Whatever his faults may
have been, Machiavelli was always an ardent patriot and an earnest
supporter of popular government. It is true that he was willing to
accept a prince, if one could be found courageous enough and prudent
enough to unite dismembered Italy, for in the unity of his native land
he saw the only hope of its salvation.

Machiavelli is buried in the church of Santa Croce at Florence, beside
the tomb of Michael Angelo. His monument bears this inscription:

"Tanto nomini nullum par eulogium."

And though this praise is doubtless exaggerated, he is a son of whom his
country may be justly proud.

Hugo Albert Rennert.

     [*] Villari, _Niccolo Machiavelli e i suoi tempi_, 2d ed.
     Milan, 1895-97, the best work on the subject. The most
     complete bibliography of Machiavelli up to 1858 is to be
     found in Mohl, _Gesch. u. Liter. der Staatswissenshaften_,
     Erlangen, 1855, III., 521-91. See also _La Vita e gli
     scritti di Niccolo Machiavelli nella loro Relazione col
     Machiavellismo_, by O. Tommasini, Turin, 1883 (unfinished).

     The best English translation of Machiavelli with which I am
     acquainted is: The Historical, Political, and Diplomatic
     writings of Niccolo Machiavelli, translated by Christian E.
     Detmold. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1882, 4 vols. 8vo.




THE FLORENTINE HISTORY OF NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI




BOOK I



CHAPTER I

Irruption of Northern people upon the Roman
territories--Visigoths--Barbarians called in by Stilicho--Vandals
in Africa--Franks and Burgundians give their names to France and
Burgundy--The Huns--Angles give the name to England--Attila, king of the
Huns, in Italy--Genseric takes Rome--The Lombards.

The people who inhabit the northern parts beyond the Rhine and the
Danube, living in a healthy and prolific region, frequently increase to
such vast multitudes that part of them are compelled to abandon their
native soil, and seek a habitation in other countries. The method
adopted, when one of these provinces had to be relieved of its
superabundant population, was to divide into three parts, each
containing an equal number of nobles and of people, of rich and of poor.
The third upon whom the lot fell, then went in search of new abodes,
leaving the remaining two-thirds in possession of their native country.

These migrating masses destroyed the Roman empire by the facilities for
settlement which the country offered when the emperors abandoned
Rome, the ancient seat of their dominion, and fixed their residence at
Constantinople; for by this step they exposed the western empire to
the rapine of both their ministers and their enemies, the remoteness of
their position preventing them either from seeing or providing for
its necessities. To suffer the overthrow of such an extensive empire,
established by the blood of so many brave and virtuous men, showed no
less folly in the princes themselves than infidelity in their ministers;
for not one irruption alone, but many, contributed to its ruin;
and these barbarians exhibited much ability and perseverance in
accomplishing their object.

The first of these northern nations that invaded the empire after the
Cimbrians, who were conquered by Caius Marius, was the Visigoths--which
name in our language signifies "Western Goths." These, after some
battles fought along its confines, long held their seat of dominion upon
the Danube, with consent of the emperors; and although, moved by various
causes, they often attacked the Roman provinces, were always kept in
subjection by the imperial forces. The emperor Theodosius conquered them
with great glory; and, being wholly reduced to his power, they no longer
selected a sovereign of their own, but, satisfied with the terms which
he granted them, lived and fought under his ensigns, and authority. On
the death of Theodosius, his sons Arcadius and Honorius, succeeded to
the empire, but not to the talents and fortune of their father; and
the times became changed with the princes. Theodosius had appointed a
governor to each of the three divisions of the empire, Ruffinus to the
eastern, to the western Stilicho, and Gildo to the African. Each of
these, after the death of Theodosius, determined not to be governors
merely, but to assume sovereign dominion over their respective
provinces. Gildo and Ruffinus were suppressed at their outset; but
Stilicho, concealing his design, ingratiated himself with the new
emperors, and at the same time so disturbed their government, as to
facilitate his occupation of it afterward. To make the Visigoths their
enemies, he advised that the accustomed stipend allowed to this people
should be withheld; and as he thought these enemies would not
be sufficient alone to disturb the empire, he contrived that the
Burgundians, Franks, Vandals, and Alans (a northern people in search of
new habitations), should assail the Roman provinces.

That they might be better able to avenge themselves for the injury
they had sustained, the Visigoths, on being deprived of their subsidy,
created Alaric their king; and having assailed the empire, succeeded,
after many reverses, in overrunning Italy, and finally in pillaging
Rome.

After this victory, Alaric died, and his successor, Astolphus, having
married Placidia, sister of the emperors, agreed with them to go to
the relief of Gaul and Spain, which provinces had been assailed by
the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and Franks, from the causes before
mentioned. Hence it followed, that the Vandals, who had occupied that
part of Spain called Betica (now Andalusia), being pressed by the
Visigoths, and unable to resist them, were invited by Boniface, who
governed Africa for the empire, to occupy that province; for, being in
rebellion, he was afraid his error would become known to the emperor.
For these reasons the Vandals gladly undertook the enterprise, and under
Genseric, their king, became lords of Africa.

At this time Theodosius, son of Arcadius, succeeded to the empire; and,
bestowing little attention on the affairs of the west, caused those who
had taken possession to think of securing their acquisitions. Thus the
Vandals ruled Africa; the Alans and Visigoths, Spain; while the Franks
and Burgundians not only took Gaul, but each gave their name to the part
they occupied; hence one is called France, the other Burgundy. The good
fortune of these brought fresh people to the destruction of the empire,
one of which, the Huns, occupied the province of Pannonia, situated upon
the nearer shore of the Danube, and which, from their name, is still
called Hungary. To these disorders it must be added, that the emperor,
seeing himself attacked on so many sides, to lessen the number of his
enemies, began to treat first with the Vandals, then with the Franks;
a course which diminished his own power, and increased that of the
barbarians. Nor was the island of Britain, which is now called England,
secure from them; for the Britons, being apprehensive of those who had
occupied Gaul, called the Angli, a people of Germany, to their aid; and
these under Vortigern their king, first defended, and then drove them
from the island, of which they took possession, and after themselves
named the country England. But the inhabitants, being robbed of their
home, became desperate by necessity and resolved to take possession of
some other country, although they had been unable to defend their own.
They therefore crossed the sea with their families, and settled in the
country nearest to the beach, which from themselves is called Brittany.
The Huns, who were said above to have occupied Pannonia, joining with
other nations, as the Zepidi, Eurili, Turingi, and Ostro, or eastern
Goths, moved in search of new countries, and not being able to enter
France, which was defended by the forces of the barbarians, came into
Italy under Attila their king. He, a short time previously, in order to
possess the entire monarchy, had murdered his brother Bleda; and having
thus become very powerful, Andaric, king of the Zepidi, and Velamir,
king of the Ostrogoths, became subject to him. Attila, having entered
Italy, laid siege to Aquileia, where he remained without any
obstacle for two years, wasting the country round, and dispersing the
inhabitants. This, as will be related in its place, caused the origin
of Venice. After the taking and ruin of Aquileia, he directed his course
towards Rome, from the destruction of which he abstained at the entreaty
of the pontiff, his respect for whom was so great that he left Italy and
retired into Austria, where he died. After the death of Attila, Velamir,
king of the Ostrogoths, and the heads of the other nations, took arms
against his sons Henry and Uric, slew the one and compelled the other,
with his Huns, to repass the Danube and return to their country; while
the Ostrogoths and the Zepidi established themselves in Pannonia, and
the Eruli and the Turingi upon the farther bank of the Danube.

Attila having left Italy, Valentinian, emperor of the west, thought of
restoring the country; and, that he might be more ready to defend
it against the barbarians, abandoned Rome, and removed the seat of
government to Ravenna. The misfortunes which befell the western empire
caused the emperor, who resided at Constantinople, on many occasions to
give up the possession of it to others, as a charge full of danger
and expense; and sometimes, without his permission, the Romans, seeing
themselves so abandoned, created an emperor for their defense, or
suffered some one to usurp the dominion. This occurred at the period
of which we now speak, when Maximus, a Roman, after the death of
Valentinian, seized the government, and compelled Eudocia, widow of the
late emperor, to take him for her husband; but she, being of imperial
blood, scorned the connection of a private citizen; and being anxious to
avenge herself for the insult, secretly persuaded Genseric, king of the
Vandals and master of Africa to come to Italy, representing to him the
advantage he would derive from the undertaking, and the facility with
which it might be accomplished. Tempted by the hope of booty, he came
immediately, and finding Rome abandoned, plundered the city during
fourteen days. He also ravaged many other places in Italy, and then,
loaded with wealth, withdrew to Africa. The Romans, having returned
to their city, and Maximus being dead, elected Avitus, a Roman, as his
successor. After this, several important events occurred both in Italy
and in the countries beyond; and after the deaths of many emperors
the empire of Constantinople devolved upon Zeno, and that of Rome upon
Orestes and Augustulus his son, who obtained the sovereignty by fraud.
While they were designing to hold by force what they had obtained by
treachery, the Eruli and the Turingi, who, after the death of Attila, as
before remarked, had established themselves upon the farther bank of
the Danube, united in a league and invaded Italy under Odoacer their
general. Into the districts which they left unoccupied, the Longobardi
or Lombards, also a northern people, entered, led by Godogo their king.
Odoacer conquered and slew Orestes near Pavia, but Augustulus escaped.
After this victory, that Rome might, with her change of power, also
change her title, Odoacer, instead of using the imperial name, caused
himself to be declared king of Rome. He was the first of those leaders
who at this period overran the world and thought of settling in Italy;
for the others, either from fear that they should not be able to hold
the country, knowing that it might easily be relieved by the eastern
emperors, or from some unknown cause, after plundering her, sought other
countries wherein to establish themselves.



CHAPTER II

State of the Roman empire under Zeno--Theodoric king of the
Ostrogoths--Character of Theodoric--Changes in the Roman empire--New
languages--New names--Theodoric dies--Belisarius in Italy--Totila takes
Rome--Narses destroys the Goths--New form of Government in Italy--Narses
invites the Lombards into Italy--The Lombards change the form of
government.

At this time the ancient Roman empire was governed by the following
princes: Zeno, reigning in Constantinople, commanded the whole of the
eastern empire; the Ostrogoths ruled Mesia and Pannonia; the Visigoths,
Suavi, and Alans, held Gascony and Spain; the Vandals, Africa; the
Franks and Burgundians, France; and the Eruli and Turingi, Italy. The
kingdom of the Ostrogoths had descended to Theodoric, nephew of Velamir,
who, being on terms of friendship with Zeno the eastern emperor, wrote
to him that his Ostrogoths thought it an injustice that they, being
superior in valor to the people thereabout, should be inferior to them
in dominion, and that it was impossible for him to restrain them within
the limits of Pannonia. So, seeing himself under the necessity of
allowing them to take arms and go in search of new abodes, he wished
first to acquaint Zeno with it, in order that he might provide for them,
by granting some country in which they might establish themselves, by
his good favor with greater propriety and convenience. Zeno, partly
from fear and partly from a desire to drive Odoacer out of Italy, gave
Theodoric permission to lead his people against him, and take possession
of the country. Leaving his friends the Zepidi in Pannonia, Theodoric
marched into Italy, slew Odoacer and his son, and, moved by the same
reasons which had induced Valentinian to do so, established his court at
Ravenna, and like Odoacer took the title of king of Italy.

Theodoric possessed great talents both for war and peace; in the former
he was always conqueror, and in the latter he conferred very great
benefits upon the cities and people under him. He distributed the
Ostrogoths over the country, each district under its leader, that he
might more conveniently command them in war, and govern them in peace.
He enlarged Ravenna, restored Rome, and, with the exception of military
discipline, conferred upon the Romans every honor. He kept within
their proper bounds, wholly by the influence of his character, all the
barbarian kings who occupied the empire; he built towns and fortresses
between the point of the Adriatic and the Alps, in order, with the
greater facility, to impede the passage of any new hordes of barbarians
who might design to assail Italy; and if, toward the latter end of his
life, so many virtues had not been sullied by acts of cruelty, caused
by various jealousies of his people, such as the death of Symmachus and
Boethius, men of great holiness, every point of his character would have
deserved the highest praise. By his virtue and goodness, not only
Rome and Italy, but every part of the western empire, freed from the
continual troubles which they had suffered from the frequent influx
of barbarians, acquired new vigor, and began to live in an orderly and
civilized manner. For surely if any times were truly miserable for
Italy and the provinces overrun by the barbarians, they were those which
occurred from Arcadius and Honorius to Theodoric. If we only consider
the evils which arise to a republic or a kingdom by a change of prince
or of government; not by foreign interference, but by civil discord (in
which we may see how even slight variations suffice to ruin the most
powerful kingdoms or states), we may then easily imagine how much Italy
and the other Roman provinces suffered, when they not only changed their
forms of government and their princes, but also their laws, customs,
modes of living, religion, language, and name. Any one of such changes,
by itself, without being united with others, might, with thinking of
it, to say nothing of the seeing and suffering, infuse terror into the
strongest minds.

From these causes proceeded the ruin as well as the origin and extension
of many cities. Among those which were ruined were Aquileia, Luni,
Chiusi, Popolonia, Fiesole, and many others. The new cities were Venice,
Sienna, Ferrara, Aquila, with many towns and castles which for brevity
we omit. Those which became extended were Florence, Genoa, Pisa,
Milan, Naples, and Bologna; to all of which may be added, the ruin and
restoration of Rome, and of many other cities not previously mentioned.

From this devastation and new population arose new languages, as we see
in the different dialects of France, Spain and Italy; which, partaking
of the native idiom of the new people and of the old Roman, formed a
new manner of discourse. Besides, not only were the names of provinces
changed, but also of lakes, rivers, seas, and men; for France, Spain,
and Italy are full of fresh names, wholly different from the
ancient; as, omitting many others, we see that the Po, the Garda, the
Archipelago, are names quite different from those which the ancients
used; while instead of Cæsar and Pompey we have Peter, Matthew, John,
etc.

Among so many variations, that of religion was not of little importance;
for, while combating the customs of the ancient faith with the miracles
of the new, very serious troubles and discords were created among men.
And if the Christians had been united in one faith, fewer disorders
would have followed; but the contentions among themselves, of the
churches of Rome, Greece, and Ravenna, joined to those of the heretic
sects with the Catholics, served in many ways to render the world
miserable. Africa is a proof of this; having suffered more horrors from
the Arian sect, whose doctrines were believed by the Vandals, than from
any avarice or natural cruelty of the people themselves. Living amid so
many persecutions, the countenances of men bore witness of the terrible
impressions upon their minds; for besides the evils they suffered from
the disordered state of the world, they scarcely could have recourse to
the help of God, in whom the unhappy hope for relief; for the greater
part of them, being uncertain what divinity they ought to address, died
miserably, without help and without hope.

Having been the first who put a stop to so many evils, Theodoric
deserves the highest praise: for during the thirty-eight years he
reigned in Italy, he brought the country to such a state of greatness
that her previous sufferings were no longer recognizable. But at his
death, the kingdom descending to Atalaric, son of Amalasontha, his
daughter, and the malice of fortune not being yet exhausted, the old
evils soon returned; for Atalaric died soon after his grandfather, and
the kingdom coming into the possession of his mother, she was betrayed
by Theodatus, whom she had called to assist her in the government. He
put her to death and made himself king; and having thus become odious
to the Ostrogoths, the emperor Justinian entertained the hope of driving
him out of Italy. Justinian appointed Belisarius to the command of this
expedition, as he had already conquered Africa, expelled the Vandals,
and reduced the country to the imperial rule.

Belisarius took possession of Sicily, and from thence passing into
Italy, occupied Naples and Rome. The Goths, seeing this, slew Theodatus
their king, whom they considered the cause of their misfortune, and
elected Vitiges in his stead, who, after some skirmishes, was besieged
and taken by Belisarius at Ravenna; but before he had time to secure
the advantages of his victory, Belisarius was recalled by Justinian, and
Joannes and Vitalis were appointed in his place. Their principles and
practices were so different from those of Belisarius, that the Goths
took courage and created Ildovadus, governor of Verona, their king.
After Ildovadus, who was slain, came Totila, who routed the imperial
forces, took Tuscany and Naples, and recovered nearly the whole of what
Belisarius had taken from them. On this account Justinian determined to
send him into Italy again; but, coming with only a small force, he lost
the reputation which his former victories had won for him, in less time
than he had taken to acquire it. Totila being at Ostia with his forces,
took Rome before his eyes; but being unable to hold or to leave the
city, he destroyed the greater part of it, drove out the citizens, and
took the senators away from him. Thinking little of Belisarius, he led
his people into Calabria, to attack the forces which had been sent from
Greece.

Belisarius, seeing the city abandoned, turned his mind to the
performance of an honourable work. Viewing the ruins of Rome, he
determined to rebuild her walls and recall her inhabitants with as
little delay as possible. But fortune was opposed to this laudable
enterprise; for Justinian, being at this time assailed by the Parthians,
recalled him; and his duty to his sovereign compelled him to abandon
Italy to Totila, who again took Rome, but did not treat her with
such severity as upon the former occasion; for at the entreaty of
St. Benedict, who in those days had great reputation for sanctity, he
endeavored to restore her. In the meantime, Justinian having arranged
matters with the Parthians, again thought of sending a force to the
relief of Italy; but the Sclavi, another northern people, having crossed
the Danube and attacked Illyria and Thrace, prevented him, so that
Totila held almost the whole country. Having conquered the Slavonians,
Justinian sent Narses, a eunuch, a man of great military talent, who,
having arrived in Italy, routed and slew Totila. The Goths who escaped
sought refuge in Pavia, where they created Teias their king. On the
other hand, Narses after the victory took Rome, and coming to an
engagement with Teias near Nocera, slew him and routed his army. By this
victory, the power of the Goths in Italy was quite annihilated, after
having existed for seventy years, from the coming of Theodoric to the
death of Teias.

No sooner was Italy delivered from the Goths than Justinian died, and
was succeeded by Justin, his son, who, at the instigation of Sophia, his
wife, recalled Narses, and sent Longinus in his stead. Like those who
preceded him, he made his abode at Ravenna, and besides this, gave a
new form to the government of Italy; for he did not appoint governors
of provinces, as the Goths had done, but in every city and town of
importance placed a ruler whom he called a duke. Neither in this
arrangement did he respect Rome more than the other cities; for having
set aside the consuls and senate, names which up to this time had been
preserved, he placed her under a duke, who was sent every year from
Ravenna, and called her the duchy of Rome; while to him who remained in
Ravenna, and governed the whole of Italy for the emperor, was given the
name of Exarch. This division of the country greatly facilitated the
ruin of Italy, and gave the Lombards an early occasion of occupying it.
Narses was greatly enraged with the emperor, for having recalled him
from the government of the province, which he had won with his own valor
and blood; while Sophia, not content with the injury done by withdrawing
him, treated him in the most offensive manner, saying she wished him
to come back that he might spin with the other eunuchs. Full of
indignation, Narses persuaded Alboin, king of the Lombards, who then
reigned in Pannonia, to invade and take possession of Italy.

The Lombards, as was said before, occupied those places upon the Danube
which had been vacated by the Eruli and Turingi, when Odoacer their king
led them into Italy; where, having been established for some time, their
dominions were held by Alboin, a man ferocious and bold, under whom they
crossed the Danube, and coming to an engagement with Cunimund, king of
the Zepidi, who held Pannonia, conquered and slew him. Alboin finding
Rosamond, daughter of Cunimund, among the captives, took her to wife,
and made himself sovereign of Pannonia; and, moved by his savage nature,
caused the skull of Cunimund to be formed into a cup, from which, in
memory of the victory, he drank. Being invited into Italy by Narses,
with whom he had been in friendship during the war with the Goths, he
left Pannonia to the Huns, who after the death of Attila had returned
to their country. Finding, on his arrival, the province divided into
so many parts, he presently occupied Pavia, Milan, Verona, Vicenza, the
whole of Tuscany, and the greater part of Flamminia, which is now called
Romagna. These great and rapid acquisitions made him think the conquest
of Italy already secured; he therefore gave a great feast at Verona, and
having become elevated with wine, ordered the skull of Cunimund to be
filled, and caused it to be presented to the queen Rosamond, who sat
opposite, saying loud enough for her to hear, that upon occasion of
such great joy she should drink with her father. These words were like
a dagger to the lady's bosom and she resolved to have revenge. Knowing
that Helmichis, a noble Lombard, was in love with one of her maids, she
arranged with the young woman, that Helmichis, without being acquainted
with the fact, should sleep with her instead of his mistress. Having
effected her design, Rosamond discovered herself to Helmichis, and gave
him the choice either of killing Alboin, and taking herself and the
kingdom as his reward, or of being put to death as the ravisher of the
queen. Helmichis consented to destroy Alboin; but after the murder,
finding they could not occupy the kingdom, and fearful that the Lombards
would put them to death for the love they bore to Alboin, they seized
the royal treasure, and fled with it to Longinus, at Ravenna, who
received them favorably.

During these troubles the emperor Justinus died, and was succeeded by
Tiberius, who, occupied in the wars with the Parthians, could not attend
to the affairs of Italy; and this seeming to Longinus to present an
opportunity, by means of Rosamond and her wealth, of becoming king of
the Lombards and of the whole of Italy, he communicated his design
to her, persuaded her to destroy Helmichis, and so take him for her
husband. To this end, having prepared poisoned wine, she with her own
hand presented it to Helmichis, who complained of thirst as he came
from the bath. Having drunk half of it, he suspected the truth, from
the unusual sensation it occasioned and compelled her to drink the
remainder; so that in a few hours both came to their end, and Longinus
was deprived of the hope of becoming king.

In the meantime the Lombards, having drawn themselves together in Pavia,
which was become the principal seat of their empire, made Clefis their
king. He rebuilt Imola, destroyed by Narses, and occupied Remini
and almost every place up to Rome; but he died in the course of his
victories. Clefis was cruel to such a degree, not only toward strangers,
but to his own Lombards, that these people, sickened of royal power, did
not create another king, but appointed among themselves thirty dukes to
govern the rest. This prevented the Lombards from occupying the whole
of Italy, or of extending their dominion further than Benevento; for, of
the cities of Rome, Ravenna, Cremona, Mantua, Padua, Monselice, Parma,
Bologna, Faenza, Forli, and Cesena, some defended themselves for a time,
and others never fell under their dominion; since, not having a king,
they became less prompt for war, and when they afterward appointed one,
they were, by living in freedom, become less obedient, and more apt to
quarrel among themselves; which from the first prevented a fortunate
issue of their military expeditions, and was the ultimate cause of their
being driven out of Italy. The affairs of the Lombards being in the
state just described, the Romans and Longinus came to an agreement with
them, that each should lay down their arms and enjoy what they already
possessed.



CHAPTER III

Beginning of the greatness of the pontiffs in Italy--Abuse of censures
and indulgences--The pope applies to Pepin, king of France, for
assistance--Donation of Pepin to the pontiff--Charlemagne--End of the
kingdom of the Lombards--The title of cardinal begins to be used--The
empire passes to the Germans--Berengarius, duke of Fruili, created
king of Italy--Pisa becomes great--Order and division of the states of
Italy--Electors of the emperor created.

In these times the popes began to acquire greater temporal authority
than they had previously possessed; although the immediate successors of
St. Peter were more reverenced for the holiness of their lives, and the
miracles which they performed; and their example so greatly extended the
Christian religion, that princes of other states embraced it, in order
to obviate the confusion which prevailed at that period. The emperor
having become a Christian and returned to Constantinople, it followed,
as was remarked at the commencement of the book, that the Roman empire
was the more easily ruined, and the church more rapidly increased her
authority. Nevertheless, the whole of Italy, being subject either to the
emperors or the kings till the coming of the Lombards, the popes never
acquired any greater authority than what reverence for their habits and
doctrine gave them. In other respects they obeyed the emperors or kings;
officiated for them in their affairs, as ministers or agents, and were
even sometimes put to death by them. He who caused them to become of
more importance in the affairs of Italy, was Theodoric, king of the
Goths, when he established the seat of his empire at Ravenna; for, Rome
being without a prince, the Romans found it necessary, for their safety,
to yield obedience to the pope; his authority, however, was not greatly
increased thereby, the only advantage being, that the church of Rome was
allowed to take precedence of that of Ravenna. But the Lombards having
taken possession, and Italy being divided into many parts, the pope had
an opportunity of greater exertion. Being as it were the head of Rome,
both the emperor of Constantinople and the Lombards respected him; so
that the Romans, by his means, entered into league with the Lombards,
and with Longinus, not as subjects, but as equals. Thus the popes,
at one time friends of the Greeks, and at another of the Lombards,
increased their own power; but upon the ruin of the eastern empire,
which occurred during the time of Heraclius, their influence was
reduced; for the Sclavi, of whom we spoke before, again assailed
Illyria, and having occupied the country, named it Sclavonia, after
themselves; and the other parts were attacked by the Persians, then by
the Saracens under Mohammed, and lastly by the Turks, who took Syria,
Africa, and Egypt. These causes induced the reigning pope, in his
distress, to seek new friends, and he applied to the king of France.
Nearly all the wars which the northern barbarians carried on in Italy,
it may be here remarked, were occasioned by the pontiffs; and the
hordes, with which the country was inundated, were generally called in
by them. The same mode of proceeding still continued, and kept Italy
weak and unsettled. And, therefore, in relating the events which have
taken place from those times to the present, the ruin of the empire will
be no longer illustrated, but only the increase of the pontificate and
of the other principalities which ruled Italy till the coming of Charles
VIII. It will be seen how the popes, first with censures, and afterward
with these and arms, mingled with indulgences, became both terrible and
venerable; and how, from having abused both, they ceased to possess
any influence, and were wholly dependent on the will of others for
assistance in their wars.

But to return to the order of our narration. Gregory III. occupied the
papacy, and the kingdom of the Lombards was held by Astolphus, who,
contrary to agreement, seized Ravenna, and made war upon the pope.
On this account, Gregory no longer relying upon the emperor of
Constantinople, since he, for the reasons above given, was unable to
assist him, and unwilling to trust the Lombards, for they had frequently
broken their faith, had recourse to Pepin II., who, from being lord of
Austria and Brabant, had become king of France; not so much by his
own valor as by that of Charles Martel, his father, and Pepin his
grandfather; for Charles Martel, being governor of the kingdom, effected
the memorable defeat of the Saracens near Tours, upon the Loire, in
which two hundred thousand of them are said to have been left dead upon
the field of battle. Hence, Pepin, by his father's reputation and his
own abilities, became afterward king of France. To him Pope Gregory, as
we have said, applied for assistance against the Lombards, which Pepin
promised to grant, but desired first to see him and be honored with his
presence. Gregory accordingly went to France, passing uninjured through
the country of his enemies, so great was the respect they had for
religion, and was treated honorably by Pepin, who sent an army into
Italy, and besieged the Lombards in Pavia. King Astolphus, compelled by
necessity, made proposals of peace to the French, who agreed to them at
the entreaty of the pope--for he did not desire the death of his enemy,
but that he should be converted and live. In this treaty, Astolphus
promised to give to the church all the places he had taken from her;
but the king's forces having returned to France, he did not fulfill the
agreement, and the pope again had recourse to Pepin, who sent another
army, conquered the Lombards, took Ravenna, and, contrary to the wishes
of the Greek emperor, gave it to the pope, with all the places that
belonged to the exarchate, and added to them Urbino and the Marca.
But Astolphus, while fulfilling the terms of his agreement, died, and
Desiderius, a Lombard, who was duke of Tuscany, took up arms to occupy
the kingdom, and demanded assistance of the pope, promising him
his friendship. The pope acceding to his request, the other princes
assented. Desiderius kept faith at first, and proceeded to resign the
districts to the pope, according to the agreement made with Pepin, so
that an exarch was no longer sent from Constantinople to Ravenna, but it
was governed according to the will of the pope. Pepin soon after died,
and was succeeded by his son Charles, the same who, on account of the
magnitude and success of his enterprises, was called Charlemagne, or
Charles the Great. Theodore I. now succeeded to the papacy, and discord
arising between him and Desiderius, the latter besieged him in Rome.
The pope requested assistance of Charles, who, having crossed the Alps,
besieged Desiderius in Pavai, where he took both him and his children,
and sent them prisoners to France. He then went to visit the pontiff at
Rome, where he declared, THAT THE POPE, BEING VICAR OF GOD, COULD NOT
BE JUDGED BY MEN. The pope and the people of Rome made him emperor; and
thus Rome began to have an emperor of the west. And whereas the popes
used to be established by the emperors, the latter now began to have
need of the popes at their elections; the empire continued to lose
its powers, while the church acquired them; and, by these means, she
constantly extended her authority over temporal princes.

The Lombards, having now been two hundred and thirty-two years in the
country, were strangers only in name, and Charles, wishing to reorganize
the states of Italy, consented that they should occupy the places in
which they had been brought up, and call the province after their own
name, Lombardy. That they might be led to respect the Roman name, he
ordered all that part of Italy adjoining to them, which had been under
the exarchate of Ravenna, to be called Romagna. Besides this, he created
his son Pepin, king of Italy, whose dominion extended to Benevento; all
the rest being possessed by the Greek emperor, with whom Charles was
in league. About this time Pascal I. occupied the pontificate, and
the priests of the churches of Rome, from being near to the pope, and
attending the elections of the pontiff, began to dignify their own power
with a title, by calling themselves cardinals, and arrogated so great
authority, that having excluded the people of Rome from the election
of pontiff, the appointment of a new pope was scarcely ever made except
from one of their own number: thus on the death of Pascal, the cardinal
of St. Sabina was created pope by the title of Eugenius II. Italy having
come into the hands of the French, a change of form and order took
place, the popes acquiring greater temporal power, and the new
authorities adopting the titles of count and marquis, as that of duke
had been introduced by Longinus, exarch of Ravenna. After the deaths of
some pontiffs, Osporco, a Roman, succeeded to the papacy; but on account
of his unseemly appellation, he took the name of Sergius, and this was
the origin of that change of names which the popes adopt upon their
election to the pontificate.

In the meantime, the Emperor Charles died and was succeeded by Lewis
(the Pious), after whose death so many disputes arose among his sons,
that at the time of his grandchildren, the house of France lost the
empire, which then came to the Germans; the first German emperor being
called Arnolfus. Nor did the Carlovingian family lose the empire only;
their discords also occasioned them the loss of Italy; for the Lombards,
gathering strength, offended the pope and the Romans, and Arnolfo, not
knowing where to seek relief, was compelled to create Berengarius, duke
of Fruili, king of Italy. These events induced the Huns, who occupied
Pannonia, to assail Italy; but, in an engagement with Berengarius, they
were compelled to return to Pannonia, which had from them been named
Hungary.

Romano was at this time emperor of Greece, having, while prefect of
the army, dethroned Constantine; and as Puglia and Calabria, which, as
before observed, were parts of the Greek empire, had revolted, he
gave permission to the Saracans to occupy them; and they having taken
possession of these provinces, besieged Rome. The Romans, Berengarius
being then engaged in defending himself against the Huns, appointed
Alberic, duke of Tuscany, their leader. By his valor Rome was saved from
the Saracens, who, withdrawing from the siege, erected a fortress upon
Mount Gargano, by means of which they governed Puglia and Calabria,
and harassed the whole country. Thus Italy was in those times very
grievously afflicted, being in constant warfare with the Huns in the
direction of the Alps, and, on the Neapolitan side, suffering from the
inroads of the Saracens. This state of things continued many years,
occupying the reigns of three Berengarii, who succeeded each other; and
during this time the pope and the church were greatly disturbed; the
impotence of the eastern, and the disunion which prevailed among the
western princes, leaving them without defense. The city of Genoa, with
all her territory upon the rivers, having been overrun by the Saracens,
an impulse was thus given to the rising greatness of Pisa, in which city
multitudes took refuge who had been driven out of their own country.
These events occurred in the year 931, when Otho, duke of Saxony, the
son of Henry and Matilda, a man of great prudence and reputation, being
made emperor, the pope Agapito, begged that he would come into Italy and
relieve him from the tyranny of the Berengarii.

The States of Italy were governed in this manner: Lombardy was under
Berengarius III. and Alfred his son; Tuscany and Romagna were governed
by a deputy of the western emperor; Puglia and Calabria were partly
under the Greek emperor, and partly under the Saracens; in Rome two
consuls were annually chosen from the nobility, who governed her
according to ancient custom; to these was added a prefect, who dispensed
justice among the people; and there was a council of twelve, who each
year appointed rectors for the places subject to them. The popes had
more or less authority in Rome and the rest of Italy, in proportion as
they were favorites of the emperor or of the most powerful states. The
Emperor Otho came into Italy, took the kingdom from the Berengarii, in
which they had reigned fifty-five years, and reinstated the pontiff in
his dignity. He had a son and a nephew, each named Otho, who, one after
the other, succeeded to the empire. In the reign of Otho III., Pope
Gregory V. was expelled by the Romans; whereupon the emperor came into
Italy and replaced him; and the pope, to revenge himself on the Romans,
took from them the right to create an emperor, and gave it to three
princes and three bishops of Germany; the princes of Brandenburg,
Palatine, and Saxony, and the bishops of Magonza, Treveri, and Colonia.
This occurred in the year 1002. After the death of Otho III. the
electors created Henry, duke of Bavaria, emperor, who at the end of
twelve years was crowned by Pope Stephen VIII. Henry and his wife
Simeonda were persons of very holy life, as is seen by the many temples
built and endowed by them, of which the church of St. Miniato, near
Florence, is one. Henry died in 1024, and was succeeded by Conrad of
Suabia; and the latter by Henry II., who came to Rome; and as there was
a schism in the church of three popes, he set them all aside, and caused
the election of Clement II., by whom he was crowned emperor.



CHAPTER IV

Nicholas II. commits the election of the pope to the cardinals--First
example of a prince deprived of his dominions by the pope--Guelphs and
Ghibellines--Establishment of the kingdom of Naples--Pope Urban II. goes
to France--The first crusade--New orders of knighthood--Saladin takes
from the Christians their possessions in the east--Death of the Countess
Matilda--Character of Frederick Barbarossa--Schism--Frederick creates
an anti-pope--Building of Alexandria in Puglia--Disgraceful conditions
imposed by the pope upon Henry, king of England--Reconciliation
of Frederick with the pope--The kingdom of Naples passes to the
Germans--Orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis.

Italy was at this time governed partly by the people, some districts
by their own princes, and others by the deputies of the emperor. The
highest in authority, and to whom the others referred, was called the
chancellor. Of the princes, the most powerful were Godfred and the
Countess Matilda his wife, who was daughter of Beatrice, the sister of
Henry II. She and her husband possessed Lucca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua,
and the whole of what is now called THE PATRIMONY OF THE CHURCH. The
ambition of the Roman people caused many wars between them and the
pontiffs, whose authority had previously been used to free them from
the emperors; but when they had taken the government of the city to
themselves, and regulated it according to their own pleasure, they at
once became at enmity with the popes, who received far more injuries
from them than from any Christian potentate. And while the popes caused
all the west to tremble with their censures, the people of Rome were
in open rebellion against them; nor had they or the popes any other
purpose, but to deprive each other of reputation and authority.

Nicholas II. now attained the papacy; and as Gregory V. had taken
from the Romans the right to create an emperor, he in the same manner
determined to deprive them of their share in the election of the pope;
and confined the creation to the cardinals alone. Nor did this satisfy
him; for, having agreed with the princes who governed Calabria and
Puglia, with methods which we shall presently relate, he compelled the
officers whom the Romans appointed to their different jurisdictions,
to render obedience to him; and some of them he even deprived of their
offices. After the death of Nicholas, there was a schism in the church;
the clergy of Lombardy refused obedience to Alexander II., created at
Rome, and elected Cadolo of Parma anti-pope; and Henry, who hated
the power of the pontiffs, gave Alexander to understand that he must
renounce the pontificate, and ordered the cardinals to go into Germany
to appoint a new pope. He was the first who felt the importance of
spiritual weapons; for the pope called a council at Rome, and deprived
Henry of both the empire and the kingdom. Some of the people of Italy
took the part of the pope, others of Henry; and hence arose the factions
of the Guelphs and the Ghibellines; that Italy, relieved from the
inundations of barbarians, might be distracted with intestine strife.
Henry, being excommunicated, was compelled by his people to come into
Italy, and fall barefooted upon his knees before the pope, and ask his
pardon. This occurred in the year 1082. Nevertheless, there shortly
afterward arose new discords between the pope and Henry; upon which the
pope again excommunicated him, and the emperor sent his son, also named
Henry, with an army to Rome, and he, with the assistance of the Romans,
who hated the pope, besieged him in the fortress. Robert Guiscard them
came from Puglia to his relief, but Henry had left before his arrival,
and returned to Germany. The Romans stood out alone, and the city was
sacked by Robert, and reduced to ruins. As from this Robert sprung the
establishment of the kingdom of Naples, it seems not superfluous to
relate particularly his actions and origin.

Disunion having arisen among the descendants of Charlemagne, occasion
was given to another northern people, called Normans, to assail France
and occupy that portion of the country which is now named Normandy. A
part of these people came into Italy at the time when the province was
infested with the Berengarii, the Saracans, and the Huns, and occupied
some places in Romagna, where, during the wars of that period, they
conducted themselves valiantly. Tancred, one of these Norman princes,
had many children; among the rest were William, surnamed Ferabac, and
Robert, called Guiscard. When the principality was governed by William,
the troubles of Italy were in some measure abated; but the Saracens
still held Sicily, and plundered the coasts of Italy daily. On this
account William arranged with the princes of Capua and Salerno, and
with Melorco, a Greek, who governed Puglia and Calabria for the
Greek emperor, to attack Sicily; and it was agreed that, if they
were victorious, each should have a fourth part of the booty and
the territory. They were fortunate in their enterprise, expelled the
Saracens, and took possession of the island; but, after the victory,
Melorco secretly caused forces to be brought from Greece, seized Sicily
in the name of the emperor, and appropriated the booty to himself and
his followers. William was much dissatisfied with this, but reserved
the exhibition of his displeasure for a suitable opportunity, and left
Sicily with the princes of Salerno and Capua. But when they had parted
from him to return to their homes, instead of proceeding to Romagna he
led his people towards Puglia, and took Melfi; and from thence, in a
short time, recovered from the Greek emperor almost the whole of Puglia
and Calabria, over which provinces, in the time of pope Nicholas II. his
brother Robert Guiscard was sovereign. Robert having had many disputes
with his nephews for the inheritance of these states, requested the
influence of the pope to settle them; which his holiness was very
willing to afford, being anxious to make a friend of Robert, to defend
himself against the emperor of Germany and the insolence of the Roman
people, which indeed shortly followed, when, at the instance of Gregory,
he drove Henry from Rome, and subdued the people. Robert was succeeded
by his sons Roger and William, to whose dominion not only was Naples
added, but all the places interjacent as far as Rome, and afterward
Sicily, of which Roger became sovereign; but, upon William going to
Constantinople, to marry the daughter of the emperor, his dominions
were wrested from him by his brother Roger. Inflated with so great an
acquisition, Roger first took the title of king of Italy, but afterward
contented himself with that of king of Puglia and Sicily. He was the
first who established and gave that name to this kingdom, which still
retains its ancient boundaries, although its sovereigns have been of
many families and countries. Upon the failure of the Normans, it came to
the Germans, after these to the French, then to the Aragonese, and it is
now held by the Flemish.

About this time Urban II. became pope and excited the hatred of the
Romans. As he did not think himself safe even in Italy, on account of
the disunion which prevailed, he directed his thoughts to a generous
enterprise. With his whole clergy he went into France, and at Anvers,
having drawn together a vast multitude of people, delivered an oration
against the infidels, which so excited the minds of his audience, that
they determined to undertake the conquest of Asia from the Saracens;
which enterprise, with all those of a similar nature, were afterward
called crusades, because the people who joined in them bore upon their
armor and apparel the figure of a cross. The leaders were Godfrey,
Eustace, and Baldwin of Bouillon, counts of Boulogne, and Peter, a
hermit celebrated for his prudence and sagacity. Many kings and people
joined them, and contributed money; and many private persons fought
under them at their own expense; so great was the influence of religion
in those days upon the minds of men, excited by the example of those
who were its principal ministers. The proudest successes attended the
beginning of this enterprise; for the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, and
part of Egypt, fell under the power of the Christians. To commemorate
these events the order of the Knights of Jerusalem was created, which
still continues, and holds the island of Rhodes--the only obstacle to
the power of the Mohammedans. The same events gave rise to the order
of the Knights Templars, which, after a short time, on account of
their shameless practices, was dissolved. Various fortunes attended
the crusaders in the course of their enterprises, and many nations
and individuals became celebrated accordingly. The kings of France
and England joined them, and, with the Venetians, Pisans, and Genoese,
acquired great reputation, till the time of Saladin, when, by whose
talents, and the disagreement of the Christians among themselves,
the crusaders were robbed of all that glory which they had at first
acquired; and, after ninety years, were driven from those places which
they had so honorably and happily recovered.

After the death of Urban, Pascal II. became pope, and the empire was
under the dominion of Henry IV. who came to Rome pretending friendship
for the pontiff but afterward put his holiness and all his clergy in
prison; nor did he release them till it was conceded that he should
dispose of the churches of Germany according to his own pleasure. About
this time, the Countess Matilda died, and made the church heir to all
her territories. After the deaths of Pascal and Henry IV. many popes and
emperors followed, till the papacy was occupied by Alexander III. and
the empire by Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa. The popes during this
period had met with many difficulties from the people of Rome and
the emperors; and in the time of Barbarossa they were much increased.
Frederick possessed military talent, but was so full of pride that he
would not submit to the pontiff. However, at his election to the empire
he came to Rome to be crowned, and returned peaceably to Germany, where
he did not long remain in the same mind, but came again into Italy to
subdue certain places in Lombardy, which did not obey him. It happened
at this time that the cardinal St. Clement, of a Roman family, separated
from Alexander, and was made pope by some of the cardinals. The Emperor
Frederick, being encamped at Cerma, Alexander complained to him of the
anti-pope, and received for answer, that they were both to go to him,
and, having heard each side, he would determine which was the true pope.
This reply displeased Alexander; and, as he saw the emperor was inclined
to favor the anti-pope, he excommunicated him, and then fled to Philip,
king of France. Frederick, in the meantime, carrying on the war in
Lombardy, destroyed Milan; which caused the union of Verona, Padua, and
Vicenza against him for their common defense. About the same period the
anti-pope died, and Frederick set up Guido of Cremona, in his stead.

The Romans, from the absence of the pope, and from the emperor being
in Lombardy, had reacquired some authority in Rome, and proceeded to
recover the obedience of those places which had been subject to them.
And as the people of Tusculum refused to submit to their authority, they
proceeded against them with their whole force; but these, being assisted
by Frederick, routed the Roman army with such dreadful slaughter,
that Rome was never after either so populous or so rich. Alexander now
returned to the city, thinking he could be safe there on account of
the enmity subsisting between the Romans and the emperor, and from the
enemies which the latter had in Lombardy. But Frederick, setting aside
every other consideration, led his forces and encamped before Rome; and
Alexander fled to William, king of Puglia, who had become hair of that
kingdom after the death of Roger. Frederick, however, withdrew from Rome
on account of the plague which then prevailed, and returned to Germany.
The cities of Lombardy in league against him, in order to command Pavia
and Tortona, which adhered to the imperial party, built a city, to be
their magazine in time of war, and named in Alexandria, in honor of the
pope and in contempt of Frederick.

Guido the anti-pope died, and Giovanni of Fermo was appointed in his
stead, who, being favored by the imperialists, lived at Montefiascone.
Pope Alexander being at Tusculum, whither he had been called by the
inhabitants, that with his authority he might defend them from the
Romans, ambassadors came to him from Henry, king of England, to signify
that he was not blamable for the death of Thomas à Becket, archbishop
of Canterbury, although public report had slandered him with it. On this
the pope sent two cardinals to England, to inquire into the truth of
the matter; and although they found no actual charge against the king,
still, on account of the infamy of the crime, and for not having honored
the archbishop so much as he deserved, the sentence against the king of
England was, that having called together the barons of his empire,
he should upon oath before them affirm his innocence; that he should
immediately send two hundred soldiers to Jerusalem, paid for one year;
that, before the end of three years, he should himself proceed thither
with as large an army as he could draw together; that his subjects
should have the power of appealing to Rome when they thought proper;
and that he should annul whatever acts had been passed in his kingdom
unfavorable to ecclesiastical rule. These terms were all accepted by
Henry; and thus a great king submitted to a sentence that in our day a
private person would have been ashamed of. But while the pope exercised
so great authority over distant princes, he could not compel obedience
from the Romans themselves, or obtain their consent that he should
remain in Rome, even though he promised to intermeddle only with
ecclesiastical affairs.

About this time Frederick returned to Italy, and while he was preparing
to carry on new wars against the pope, his prelates and barons declared
that they would abandon him unless he reconciled himself with the
church; so that he was obliged to go and submit to the pope at Venus,
where a pacification was effected, but in which the pope deprived the
emperor of all authority over Rome, and named William, king of Sicily
and Puglia, a coadjutor with him. Frederick, unable to exist without
war, joined the crusaders in Asia, that he might exercise that ambition
against Mohammed, which he could not gratify against the vicars of
Christ. And being near the river Cydnus, tempted by the clearness of
its waters, bathed therein, took cold, and died. Thus the river did a
greater favor to the Mohammedans than the pope's excommunications had
done to the Christians; for the latter only checked his pride, while the
former finished his career. Frederick being dead, the pope had now
only to suppress the contumacy of the Romans; and, after many disputes
concerning the creation of consuls, it was agreed that they should
elect them as they had been accustomed to do, but that these should not
undertake the office, till they had first sworn to be faithful to the
church. This agreement being made, Giovanni the anti-pope took refuge in
Mount Albano, where he shortly afterward died. William, king of Naples,
died about the same time, and the pope intended to occupy that kingdom
on the ground that the king had left only a natural son named Tancred.
But the barons would not consent, and wished that Tancred should be
king. Celestine III., the then pope, anxious to snatch the kingdom from
the hands of Tancred, contrived that Henry, son of Frederick should be
elected emperor, and promised him the kingdom on the condition that he
should restore to the church all the places that had belonged to her. To
facilitate this affair, he caused Gostanza, a daughter of William, who
had been placed in a monastery and was now old, to be brought from
her seclusion and become the wife of Henry. Thus the kingdom of Naples
passed from the Normans, who had been the founders of it, to the
Germans. As soon as the affairs of Germany were arranged, the Emperor
Henry came into Italy with Gostanza his wife, and a son about four years
of age named Frederick; and, as Tancred was now dead, leaving only
an infant named Roger, he took possession of the kingdom without much
difficulty. After some years, Henry died in Sicily, and was succeeded in
the kingdom by Frederick, and in the empire by Otho, duke of Saxony, who
was elected through the influence of Innocent III. But as soon as he had
taken the crown, contrary to the general expectation, he became an enemy
of the pope, occupied Romagna, and prepared to attack the kingdom. On
this account the pope excommunicated him; he was abandoned by every one,
and the electors appointed Frederick, king of Naples, emperor in his
stead. Frederick came to Rome for his coronation; but the pope, being
afraid of his power, would not crown him, and endeavored to withdraw him
from Italy as he had done Otho. Frederick returned to Germany in anger,
and, after many battles with Otho, at length conquered him. Meanwhile,
Innocent died, who, besides other excellent works, built the hospital of
the Holy Ghost at Rome. He was succeeded by Honorius III., in whose time
the religious orders of St. Dominic and St. Francis were founded, 1218.
Honorius crowned Frederick, to whom Giovanni, descended from Baldwin,
king of Jerusalem, who commanded the remainder of the Christian army in
Asia and still held that title, gave a daughter in marriage; and, with
her portion, conceded to him the title to that kingdom: hence it is that
every king of Naples is called king of Jerusalem.



CHAPTER V

The state of Italy--Beginning of the greatness of the house of
Este--Guelphs and Ghibellines--Death of the Emperor Frederick
II.--Manfred takes possession of the kingdom of Naples--Movements of the
Guelphs and Ghibellines in Lombardy--Charles of Anjou invested by the
pope with the kingdom of Naples and Sicily--Restless policy of
the popes--Ambitious views of pope Nicholas III.--Nephews of the
popes--Sicilian vespers--The Emperor Rodolph allows many cities to
purchase their independence--Institution of the jubilee--The popes at
Avignon.

At this time the states of Italy were governed in the following manner:
the Romans no longer elected consuls, but instead of them, and with the
same powers, they appointed one senator, and sometimes more. The league
which the cities of Lombardy had formed against Frederick Barbarossa
still continued, and comprehended Milan, Brescia, Mantua, and the
greater number of the cities of Romagna, together with Verona, Vicenza,
Padua, and Trevisa. Those which took part with the emperor, were
Cremona, Bergamo, Parma, Reggio, and Trento. The other cities and
fortresses of Lombardy, Romagna, and the march of Trevisa, favored,
according to their necessities, sometimes one party, sometimes the
other.

In the time of Otho III. there had come into Italy a man called Ezelin,
who, remaining in the country, had a son, and he too had a son named
Ezelin. This person, being rich and powerful, took part with Frederick,
who, as we have said, was at enmity with the pope; Frederick, at the
instigation and with the assistance of Ezelin, took Verona and Mantua,
destroyed Vicenza, occupied Padua, routed the army of the united cities,
and then directed his course towards Tuscany. Ezelin, in the meantime,
had subdued the whole of the Trevisian March, but could not prevail
against Ferrara, which was defended by Azone da Este and the forces
which the pope had in Lombardy; and, as the enemy were compelled to
withdraw, the pope gave Ferrara in fee to this Azone, from whom are
descended those who now govern that city. Frederick halted at Pisa,
desirous of making himself lord of Tuscany; but, while endeavoring to
discover what friends and foes he had in that province, he scattered so
many seeds of discord as occasioned the ruin of Italy; for the factions
of the Guelphs and Ghibellines multiplied,--those who supported the
church taking the name of Guelphs, while the followers of the emperor
were called Ghibellines, these names being first heard at Pistoia.
Frederick, marching from Pisa, assailed and wasted the territories
of the church in a variety of ways; so that the pope, having no other
remedy, unfurled against him the banner of the cross, as his predecessor
had done against the Saracens. Frederick, that he might be suddenly
abandoned by his people, as Frederick Barbarossa and others had been,
took into his pay a number of Saracens; and to bind them to him, and
establish in Italy a firm bulwark against the church, without fear of
papal maledictions, he gave them Nocera in the kingdom of Naples, that,
having a refuge of their own, they might be placed in greater security.
The pontificate was now occupied by Innocent IV., who, being in fear
of Frederick, went to Genoa, and thence to France, where he appointed a
council to be held at Lyons, where it was the intention of Frederick
to attend, but he was prevented by the rebellion of Parma: and, being
repulsed, he went into Tuscany, and from thence to Sicily, where he
died, leaving his son Conrad in Suabia; and in Puglia, Manfred, whom he
had created duke of Benevento, born of a concubine. Conrad came to take
possession of the kingdom, and having arrived at Naples, died, leaving
an infant son named Corradino, who was then in Germany. On this
account Manfred occupied the state, first as guardian of Corradino, but
afterward, causing a report to be circulated that Corradino had died,
made himself king, contrary to the wishes of both the pope and the
Neapolitans, who, however, were obliged to submit.

While these things were occurring in the kingdom of Naples, many
movements took place in Lombardy between the Guelphs and the
Ghibellines. The Guelphs were headed by a legate of the pope; and the
Ghibelline party by Ezelin, who possessed nearly the whole of Lombardy
beyond the Po; and, as in the course of the war Padua rebelled, he
put to death twelve thousand of its citizens. But before its close he
himself was slain, in the eightieth year of his age, and all the places
he had held became free. Manfred, king of Naples, continued those
enmities against the church which had been begun by his ancestors,
and kept the pope, Urban IV., in continual alarm; so that, in order to
subdue him, Urban summoned the crusaders, and went to Perugia to await
their arrival. Seeing them few and slow in their approach, he found
that more able assistance was necessary to conquer Manfred. He therefore
sought the favor of France; created Louis of Anjou, the king's brother,
sovereign of Naples and Sicily, and excited him to come into Italy to
take possession of that kingdom. But before Charles came to Rome the
pope died, and was succeeded by Clement IV., in whose time he arrived
at Ostia, with thirty galleys, and ordered that the rest of his forces
should come by land. During his abode at Rome, the citizens, in order
to attach him to them, made him their senator, and the pope invested him
with the kingdom, on condition that he should pay annually to the
church the sum of fifty thousand ducats; and it was decreed that, from
thenceforth, neither Charles nor any other person, who might be king of
Naples, should be emperor also. Charles marched against Manfred, routed
his army, and slew him near Benevento, and then became sovereign of
Sicily and Naples. Corradino, to whom, by his father's will, the state
belonged, having collected a great force in Germany, marched into Italy
against Charles, with whom he came to an engagement at Tagliacozzo, was
taken prisoner while endeavoring to escape, and being unknown, put to
death.

Italy remained in repose until the pontificate of Adrian V. Charles,
being at Rome and governing the city by virtue of his office of senator,
the pope, unable to endure his power, withdrew to Viterbo, and solicited
the Emperor Rodolph to come into Italy and assist him. Thus the popes,
sometimes in zeal for religion, at others moved by their own ambition,
were continually calling in new parties and exciting new disturbances.
As soon as they had made a prince powerful, they viewed him with
jealousy and sought his ruin; and never allowed another to rule the
country, which, from their own imbecility, they were themselves unable
to govern. Princes were in fear of them; for, fighting or running away,
the popes always obtained the advantage, unless it happened they were
entrapped by deceit, as occurred to Boniface VIII., and some others, who
under pretense of friendship, were ensnared by the emperors. Rodolph did
not come into Italy, being detained by the war in which he was engaged
with the king of Bohemia. At this time Adrian died, and Nicholas III.,
of the Orsini family, became pontiff. He was a bold, ambitious man; and
being resolved at any event to diminish the power of Charles, induced
the Emperor Rodolph to complain that he had a governor in Tuscany
favorable to the Guelphic faction, who after the death of Manfred had
been replaced by him. Charles yielded to the emperor and withdrew his
governor, and the pope sent one of his nephews, a cardinal, as governor
for the emperor, who, for the honor done him, restored Romagna to the
church, which had been taken from her by his predecessors, and the pope
made Bertoldo Orsino duke of Romagna. As Nicholas now thought himself
powerful enough to oppose Charles, he deprived him of the office of
senator, and made a decree that no one of royal race should ever be a
senator in Rome. It was his intention to deprive Charles of Sicily, and
to this end he entered into a secret negotiation with Peter, king of
Aragon, which took effect in the following papacy. He also had the
design of creating two kings out of his family, the one in Lombardy, the
other in Tuscany, whose power would defend the church from the Germans
who might design to come into Italy, and from the French, who were in
the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. But with these thoughts he died. He
was the first pope who openly exhibited his own ambition; and, under
pretense of making the church great, conferred honors and emolument upon
his own family. Previous to his time no mention is made of the nephews
or families of any pontiff, but future history is full of them; nor is
there now anything left for them to attempt, except the effort to make
the papacy hereditary. True it is, the princes of their creating have
not long sustained their honors; for the pontiffs, being generally of
very limited existence, did not get their plants properly established.

To Nicholas succeeded Martin IV., of French origin, and consequently
favorable to the party of Charles, who sent him assistance against
the rebellion of Romagna; and while they were encamped at Furli, Guido
Bonatto, an astrologer, contrived that at an appointed moment the people
should assail the forces of the king, and the plan succeeding, all the
French were taken and slain. About this period was also carried into
effect the plot of Pope Nicholas and Peter, king of Aragon, by which the
Sicilians murdered all the French that were in that island; and Peter
made himself sovereign of it, saying, that it belonged to him in the
right of his wife Gostanza, daughter of Manfred. But Charles, while
making warlike preparations for the recovery of Sicily, died, leaving
a son, Charles II., who was made prisoner in Sicily, and to recover his
liberty promised to return to his prison, if within three years he
did not obtain the pope's consent that the kings of Aragon should be
invested with the kingdom of Sicily.

The Emperor Rodolph, instead of coming into Italy, gave the empire the
advantage of having done so, by sending an ambassador, with authority
to make all those cities free which would redeem themselves with money.
Many purchased their freedom, and with liberty changed their mode of
living. Adolpho of Saxony succeeded to the empire; and to the papacy,
Pietro del Murrone, who took the name of Celestino; but, being a hermit
and full of sanctity, after six months renounced the pontificate, and
Boniface VIII. was elected.

After a time the French and Germans left Italy, and the country remained
wholly in the hands of the Italians; but Providence ordained that the
pope, when these enemies were withdrawn, should neither establish nor
enjoy his authority, and raised two very powerful families in Rome,
the Colonnesi and the Orsini, who with their arms, and the proximity
of their abode, kept the pontificate weak. Boniface then determined
to destroy the Colonnesi, and, besides excommunicating, endeavored to
direct the weapons of the church against them. This, although it did
them some injury, proved more disastrous to the pope; for those arms
which from attachment to the faith performed valiantly against its
enemies, as soon as they were directed against Christians for private
ambition, ceased to do the will of those who wished to wield them. And
thus the too eager desire to gratify themselves, caused the pontiffs by
degrees to lose their military power. Besides what is just related, the
pope deprived two cardinals of the Colonnesi family of their office; and
Sciarra, the head of the house, escaping unknown, was taken by corsairs
of Catalonia and put to the oar; but being afterward recognized
at Marseilles, he was sent to Philip, king of France, who had been
excommunicated and deprived of the kingdom. Philip, considering that
in a war against the pontiff he would either be a loser or run great
hazards, had recourse to deception, and simulating a wish to come to
terms, secretly sent Sciarra into Italy, who, having arrived at Anagnia,
where his holiness then resided, assembled a few friends, and in the
night took him prisoner. And although the people of Anagnia set him
at liberty shortly after, yet from grief at the injury he died mad.
Boniface was founder of the jubilee in 1300, and fixed that it should
be celebrated at each revolution of one hundred years. In those times
various troubles arose between the Guelph and Ghibelline factions; and
the emperors having abandoned Italy, many places became free, and many
were occupied by tyrants. Pope Benedict restored the scarlet hat to the
cardinals of the Colonnesi family, and reblessed Philip, king of France.
He was succeeded by Clement V., who, being a Frenchman, removed the
papal court to Avignon in 1305.



CHAPTER VI

The Emperor Henry comes into Italy--The Florentines take the part of
the pope--The Visconti originate the duchy of Milan--Artifice of Maffeo
Visconti against the family of de la Torre--Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti,
first duke of Milan--The Emperor Louis in Italy--John, king of
Bohemia, in Italy--League against the king of Bohemia and the pope's
legate--Origin of Venice--Liberty of the Venetians confirmed by Pepin
and the Greek emperor--Greatness of Venice--Decline of Venice--Discord
between the pope and the emperor--Giovanna, queen of Naples--Rienzi--The
jubilee reduced to fifty years--Succession of the duke of
Milan--Cardinal Egidio the pope's legate--War between the Genoese and
the Venetians.

At this time, Charles II. of Naples died, and was succeeded by his son
Robert. Henry of Luxemburg had been elected to the empire, and came to
Rome for his coronation, although the pope was not there. His coming
occasioned great excitement in Lombardy; for he sent all the banished
to their homes, whether they were Guelphs or Ghibellines; and in
consequence of this, one faction endeavoring to drive out the other, the
whole province was filled with war; nor could the emperor with all his
endeavors abate its fury. Leaving Lombardy by way of Genoa, he came
to Pisa, where he endeavored to take Tuscany from King Robert; but not
being successful, he went to Rome, where he remained only a few days,
being driven away by the Orsini with the consent of King Robert, and
returned to Pisa; and that he might more securely make war upon Tuscany,
and wrest the country from the hands of the king, he caused it to be
assailed by Frederick, monarch of Sicily. But when he was in hope of
occupying Tuscany and robbing the king of Naples of his dominions, he
died, and was succeeded by Louis of Bavaria. About the same period, John
XXII. attained the papacy, during whose time the emperor still continued
to persecute the Guelphs and the church, but they were defended by
Robert and the Florentines. Many wars took place in Lombardy between the
Visconti and the Guelphs, and in Tuscany between Castruccio of Lucca
and the Florentines. As the family of Visconti gave rise to the duchy of
Milan, one of the five principalities which afterward governed Italy, I
shall speak of them from a rather earlier date.

Milan, upon recovering from the ruin into which she had been thrown by
Frederick Barbarossa, in revenge for her injuries, joined the league
formed by the Lombard cities for their common defense; this restrained
him, and for awhile preserved alive the interests of the church in
Lombardy. In the course of the wars which followed, the family of La
Torre became very potent in that city, and their reputation increased
so long as the emperor possessed little authority in the province.
But Frederick II. coming into Italy, and the Ghibelline party, by the
influence of Ezelin having grown powerful, seeds of the same faction
sprang up in all the cities. In Milan were the Visconti, who expelled
the La Torres; these, however, did not remain out, for by agreement
between the emperor and the pope they were restored to their country.
For when the pope and his court removed to France, and the emperor,
Henry of Luxemburg, came into Italy, with the pretext of going to Rome
for his crown, he was received in Milan by Maffeo Visconti and Guido
della Torre, who were then the heads of these families. But Maffeo,
designing to make use of the emperor for the purpose of expelling Guido,
and thinking the enterprise not difficult, on account of the La Torre
being of the contrary faction to the imperial, took occasion, from the
remarks which the people made of the uncivil behavior of the Germans,
to go craftily about and excite the populace to arm themselves and throw
off the yoke of these barbarians. When a suitable moment arrived, he
caused a person in whom he confided to create a tumult, upon which the
people took arms against the Germans. But no sooner was the mischief
well on foot, than Maffeo, with his sons and their partisans, ran to
Henry, telling him that all the disturbance had been occasioned by the
La Torre family, who, not content to remain peaceably in Milan, had
taken the opportunity to plunder him, that they might ingratiate
themselves with the Guelphs of Italy and become princes in the city;
they then bade him be of good cheer, for they, with their party,
whenever he wished it, were ready to defend him with their lives. Henry,
believing all that Maffeo told him, joined his forces to those of the
Visconti, and attacking the La Torre, who were in various parts of the
city endeavoring to quell the tumult, slew all upon whom they could lay
hands, and having plundered the others of their property, sent them into
exile. By this artifice, Maffeo Visconti became a prince of Milan. Of
him remained Galeazzo and Azzo; and, after these, Luchino and Giovanni.
Giovanni became archbishop of Milan; and of Luchino, who died before
him, were left Bernabo and Galeazzo; Galeazzo, dying soon after, left
a son called the Count of Virtu, who after the death of the archbishop,
contrived the murder of his uncle, Bernabo, became prince of Milan,
and was the first who had the title of duke. The duke left Filippo and
Giovanmaria Angelo, the latter of whom being slain by the people of
Milan, the state fell to Filippo; but he having no male heir, Milan
passed from the family of Visconti to that of Sforza, in the manner to
be related hereafter.

But to return to the point from which we deviated. The Emperor Louis, to
add to the importance of his party and to receive the crown, came
into Italy; and being at Milan, as an excuse for taking money of the
Milanese, he pretended to make them free and to put the Visconti in
prison; but shortly afterwards he released them, and, having gone to
Rome, in order to disturb Italy with less difficulty, he made Piero
della Corvara anti-pope, by whose influence, and the power of the
Visconti, he designed to weaken the opposite faction in Tuscany and
Lombardy. But Castruccio died, and his death caused the failure of the
emperor's purpose; for Pisa and Lucca rebelled. The Pisans sent Piero
della Corvara a prisoner to the pope in France, and the emperor,
despairing of the affairs of Italy, returned to Germany. He had scarcely
left, before John king of Bohemia came into the country, at the request
of the Ghibellines of Brescia, and made himself lord of that city and of
Bergamo. And as his entry was with the consent of the pope, although
he feigned the contrary, the legate of Bologna favored him, thinking by
this means to prevent the return of the emperor. This caused a change in
the parties of Italy; for the Florentines and King Robert, finding the
legate was favorable to the enterprises of the Ghibellines, became foes
of all those to whom the legate and the king of Bohemia were friendly.
Without having regard for either faction, whether Guelph or Ghibelline,
many princes joined them, of whom, among others, were the Visconti, the
Della Scala, Filippo Gonzao of Mantua, the Carrara, and those of Este.
Upon this the pope excommunicated them all. The king, in fear of the
league, went to collect forces in his own country, and having returned
with a large army, still found his undertaking a difficult one; so,
seeing his error, he withdrew to Bohemia, to the great displeasure of
the legate, leaving only Reggio and Modena guarded, and Parma in the
care of Marsilio and Piero de' Rossi, who were the most powerful men in
the city. The king of Bohemia being gone, Bologna joined the league; and
the leaguers divided among themselves the four cities which remained of
the church faction. They agreed that Parma should pertain to the Della
Scalla; Reggio to the Gonzaga; Modena to the family of Este, and Lucca
to the Florentines. But in taking possession of these cities, many
disputes arose which were afterward in a great measure settled by the
Venetians. Some, perhaps, will think it a species of impropriety that
we have so long deferred speaking of the Venetians, theirs being a
republic, which, both on account of its power and internal regulations,
deserves to be celebrated above any principality of Italy. But that this
surprise may cease when the cause is known, I shall speak of their city
from a more remote period; that everyone may understand what were their
beginnings, and the causes which so long withheld them from interfering
in the affairs of Italy.

When Attila, king of the Huns, besieged Aquileia, the inhabitants, after
defending themselves a long time, began to despair of effecting their
safety, and fled for refuge to several uninhabited rocks, situated at
the point of the Adriatic Sea, now called the Gulf of Venice, carrying
with them whatever movable property they possessed. The people of Padua,
finding themselves in equal danger, and knowing that, having became
master of Aquileia, Attila would next attack themselves, also removed
with their most valuable property to a place on the same sea, called
Rivo Alto, to which they brought their women, children, and aged
persons, leaving the youth in Padua to assist in her defense. Besides
these, the people of Monselice, with the inhabitants of the surrounding
hills, driven by similar fears, fled to the same rocks. But after Attila
had taken Aquileia, and destroyed Padua, Monselice, Vicenza, and Verona,
the people of Padua and others who were powerful, continued to inhabit
the marshes about Rivo Alto; and, in like manner, all the people of the
province anciently called Venetia, driven by the same events, became
collected in these marshes. Thus, under the pressure of necessity,
they left an agreeable and fertile country to occupy one sterile and
unwholesome. However, in consequence of a great number of people being
drawn together into a comparatively small space, in a short time
they made those places not only habitable, but delightful; and having
established among themselves laws and useful regulations, enjoyed
themselves in security amid the devastations of Italy, and soon
increased both in reputation and strength. For, besides the inhabitants
already mentioned, many fled to these places from the cities of
Lombardy, principally to escape from the cruelties of Clefis king of the
Lombards, which greatly tended to increase the numbers of the new city;
and in the conventions which were made between Pepin, king of France,
and the emperor of Greece, when the former, at the entreaty of the pope,
came to drive the Lombards out of Italy, the duke of Benevento and the
Venetians did not render obedience to either the one or the other,
but alone enjoyed their liberty. As necessity had led them to dwell
on sterile rocks, they were compelled to seek the means of subsistence
elsewhere; and voyaging with their ships to every port of the ocean,
their city became a depository for the various products of the world,
and was itself filled with men of every nation.

For many years the Venetians sought no other dominion than that which
tended to facilitate their commercial enterprises, and thus acquired
many ports in Greece and Syria; and as the French had made frequent use
of their ships in voyages to Asia, the island of Candia was assigned to
them in recompense for these services. While they lived in this manner,
their name spread terror over the seas, and was held in veneration
throughout Italy. This was so completely the case, that they were
generally chosen to arbitrate in controversies between the states, as
occurred in the difference between the Colleagues, on account of the
cities they had divided among themselves; which being referred to the
Venetians, they awarded Brescia and Bergamo to the Visconti. But when,
in the course of time, urged by their eagerness for dominion, they had
made themselves masters of Padua, Vicenza, Trevisa, and afterward
of Verona, Bergamo, and Brescia, with many cities in Romagna and the
kingdom of Naples, other nations were impressed with such an opinion of
their power, that they were a terror, not only to the princes of Italy,
but to the ultramontane kings. These states entered into an alliance
against them, and in one day wrested from them the provinces they had
obtained with so much labor and expense; and although they have in
latter times reacquired some portions, still possessing neither power
nor reputation, like all the other Italian powers, they live at the
mercy of others.

Benedict XII. having attained the pontificate and finding Italy lost,
fearing, too, that the emperor would assume the sovereignty of
the country, determined to make friends of all who had usurped the
government of those cities which had been accustomed to obey the
emperor; that they might have occasion to dread the latter, and unite
with himself in the defense of Italy. To this end he issued a decree,
confirming to all the tyrants of Lombardy the places they had seized.
After making this concession the pope died, and was succeeded by
Clement VI. The emperor, seeing with what a liberal hand the pontiff had
bestowed the dominions of the empire, in order to be equally bountiful
with the property of others, gave to all who had assumed sovereignty
over the cities or territories of the church, the imperial authority
to retain possession of them. By this means Galeotto Malatesti and
his brothers became lords of Rimino, Pesaro, and Fano; Antonio da
Montefeltro, of the Marca and Urbino; Gentile da Varano, of Camerino;
Guido di Polenta, of Ravenna; Sinibaldo Ordelaffi, of Furli and Cesena;
Giovanni Manfredi, of Faenza; Lodovico Alidossi, of Imola; and besides
these, many others in divers places. Thus, of all the cities, towns, or
fortresses of the church, few remained without a prince; for she did not
recover herself till the time of Alexander VI., who, by the ruin of the
descendants of these princes, restored the authority of the church.

The emperor, when he made the concession before named, being at Tarento,
signified an intention of going into Italy. In consequence of this, many
battles were fought in Lombardy, and the Visconti became lords of Parma.
Robert king of Naples, now died, leaving only two grandchildren, the
issue of his sons Charles, who had died a considerable time before him.
He ordered that the elder of the two, whose name was Giovanna or Joan,
should be heiress of the kingdom, and take for her husband Andrea, son
of the king of Hungary, his grandson. Andrea had not lived with her
long, before she caused him to be murdered, and married another cousin,
Louis, prince of Tarento. But Louis, king of Hungary, and brother of
Andrea, in order to avenge his death, brought forces into Italy, and
drove Queen Joan and her husband out of the kingdom.

At this period a memorable circumstance took place at Rome. Niccolo di
Lorenzo, often called Rienzi or Cola di Rienzi, who held the office of
chancellor at Campidoglio, drove the senators from Rome and, under the
title of tribune, made himself the head of the Roman republic; restoring
it to its ancient form, and with so great reputation of justice and
virtue, that not only the places adjacent, but the whole of Italy sent
ambassadors to him. The ancient provinces, seeing Rome arise to new
life, again raised their heads, and some induced by hope, others by
fear, honored him as their sovereign. But Niccolo, notwithstanding
his great reputation, lost all energy in the very beginning of
his enterprise; and as if oppressed with the weight of so vast an
undertaking, without being driven away, secretly fled to Charles, king
of Bohemia, who, by the influence of the pope, and in contempt of Louis
of Bavaria, had been elected emperor. Charles, to ingratiate himself
with the pontiff, sent Niccolo to him, a prisoner. After some time, in
imitation of Rienzi, Francesco Baroncegli seized upon the tribunate of
Rome, and expelled the senators; and the pope, as the most effectual
means of repressing him, drew Niccolo from his prison, sent him to Rome,
and restored to him the office of tribune; so that he reoccupied
the state and put Francesco to death; but the Colonnesi becoming his
enemies, he too, after a short time, shared the same fate, and the
senators were again restored to their office. The king of Hungary,
having driven out Queen Joan, returned to his kingdom; but the pope,
who chose to have the queen in the neighborhood of Rome rather than the
king, effected her restoration to the sovereignty, on the condition that
her husband, contenting himself with the title of prince of Tarento,
should not be called king. Being the year 1350, the pope thought that
the jubilee, appointed by Boniface VIII. to take place at the conclusion
of each century, might be renewed at the end of each fifty years; and
having issued a decree for the establishment of it, the Romans, in
acknowledgment of the benefit, consented that he should send four
cardinals to reform the government of the city, and appoint senators
according to his own pleasure. The pope again declared Louis of Tarento,
king, and in gratitude for the benefit, Queen Joan gave Avignon, her
inheritance, to the church. About this time Luchino Visconti died, and
his brother the archbishop, remaining lord of Milan, carried on many
wars against Tuscany and his neighbors, and became very powerful.
Bernabo and Galeazzo, his nephews, succeeded him; but Galeazzo soon
after died, leaving Giovan Galeazzo, who shared the state with Bernabo.
Charles, king of Bohemia, was then emperor, and the pontificate was
occupied by Innocent VI., who sent Cardinal Egidio, a Spaniard, into
Italy. He restored the reputation of the church, not only in Rome and
Romagna, but throughout the whole of Italy; he recovered Bologna from
the archbishop of Milan, and compelled the Romans to accept a foreign
senator appointed annually by the pope. He made honorable terms with the
Visconti, and routed and took prisoner, John Agut, an Englishman, who
with four thousand English had fought on the side of the Ghibellines in
Tuscany. Urban V., hearing of so many victories, resolved to visit Italy
and Rome, whither also the emperor came; after remaining a few months,
he returned to the kingdom of Bohemia, and the pope to Avignon. On
the death of Urban, Gregory XI. was created pope; and, as the Cardinal
Egidio was dead, Italy again recommenced her ancient discords,
occasioned by the union of the other powers against the Visconti; and
the pope, having first sent a legate with six thousand Bretons, came in
person and established the papal court at Rome in 1376, after an absence
of seventy-one years in France. To Gregory XI., succeeded Urban VI., but
shortly afterwards Clement VI. was elected at Fondi by ten cardinals,
who declared the appointment of Urban irregular. At this time, the
Genoese threw off the yoke of the Visconti under whom they had lived
many years; and between them and the Venetians several important battles
were fought for the island of Tenedos. Although the Genoese were for a
time successful, and held Venice in a state of siege during many months,
the Venetians were at length victorious; and by the intervention of
the pope, peace was made in the year 1381. In these wars, artillery was
first used, having been recently invented by the Dutch.



CHAPTER VII

Schism in the church--Ambitious views of Giovanni Galeazzo Visconti--The
pope and the Romans come to an agreement--Boniface IX. introduces the
practice of Annates--Disturbance in Lombardy--The Venetians acquire
dominion on terra firma--Differences between the pope and the people of
Rome--Council of Pisa--Council of Constance--Filippo Visconti recovers
his dominion--Giovanna II. of Naples--Political condition of Italy.

A schism having thus arisen in the church, Queen Joan favored the
schismatic pope, upon which Urban caused Charles of Durazzo, descended
from the kings of Naples, to undertake the conquest of her dominions.
Having succeeded in his object, she fled to France, and he assumed the
sovereignty. The king of France, being exasperated, sent Louis of Anjou
into Italy to recover the kingdom for the queen, to expel Urban from
Rome, and establish the anti-pope. But in the midst of this enterprise
Louis died, and his people being routed returned to France. In this
conjuncture the pope went to Naples, where he put nine cardinals into
prison for having taken the part of France and the anti-pope. He then
became offended with the king, for having refused to make his nephew
prince of Capua; and pretending not to care about it, requested he
would grant him Nocera for his habitation, but, having fortified it,
he prepared to deprive the king of his dominions. Upon this the king
pitched his camp before the place, and the pope fled to Naples, where
he put to death the cardinals whom he had imprisoned. From thence
he proceeded to Rome, and, to acquire influence, created twenty-nine
cardinals. At this time Charles, king of Naples, went to Hungary,
where, having been made king, he was shortly afterward killed in battle,
leaving a wife and two children at Naples. About the same time Giovanni
Galeazzo Visconti murdered Bernabo his uncle and took the entire
sovereignty upon himself; and, not content with being duke of Milan and
sovereign of the whole of Lombardy, designed to make himself master of
Tuscany; but while he was intent upon occupying the province with the
ultimate view of making himself king of Italy, he died. Boniface IX.
succeeded Urban VI. The anti-pope, Clement VI., also died, and Benedict
XIII. was appointed his successor.

Many English, Germans, and Bretons served at this period in the armies
of Italy, commanded partly by those leaders who had from time to time
authority in the country, and partly by such as the pontiffs sent, when
they were at Avignon. With these warriors the princes of Italy long
carried on their wars, till the coming of Lodovico da Cento of Romagna,
who formed a body of Italian soldiery, called the Company of St. George,
whose valor and discipline soon caused the foreign troops to fall into
disrepute, and gave reputation to the native forces of the country, of
which the princes afterward availed themselves in their wars with each
other. The pope, Boniface IX., being at enmity with the Romans, went to
Scesi, where he remained till the jubilee of 1400, when the Romans, to
induce him to return to the city, consented to receive another foreign
senator of his appointing, and also allowed him to fortify the castle of
Saint Angelo: having returned upon these conditions, in order to enrich
the church, he ordained that everyone, upon vacating a benefice, should
pay a year's value of it to the Apostolic Chamber.

After the death of Giovanni Galeazzo, duke of Milan, although he left
two children, Giovanmaria and Filippo, the state was divided into many
parts, and in the troubles which ensued Giovanmaria was slain. Filippo
remained some time in the castle of Pavia, from which, through the
fidelity and virtue of the castellan, he escaped. Among others who
occupied cities possessed by his father, was Guglielmo della Scala, who,
being banished, fell into the hands of Francesco de Carrera, lord of
Padua, by whose means he recovered the state of Verona, in which he only
remained a short time, for he was poisoned, by order of Francesco, and
the city taken from him. These things occasioned the people of Vicenza,
who had lived in security under the protection of the Visconti, to dread
the greatness of the lord of Padua, and they placed themselves under the
Venetians, who, engaging in arms with him, first took Verona and then
Padua.

At this time Pope Boniface died, and was succeeded by Innocent VII. The
people of Rome supplicated him to restore to them their fortresses
and their liberty; but as he would not consent to their petition,
they called to their assistance Ladislaus, king of Naples. Becoming
reconciled to the people, the pope returned to Rome, and made his nephew
Lodovico count of La Marca. Innocent soon after died, and Gregory XII.
was created, upon the understanding to renounce the papacy whenever the
anti-pope would also renounce it. By the advice of the cardinals, in
order to attempt the reunion of the church, Benedict, the anti-pope,
came to Porto Venere, and Gregory to Lucca, where they made many
endeavors, but effected nothing. Upon this, the cardinals of both the
popes abandoned them, Benedict going to Spain, and Gregory to Rimini.
On the other hand, the cardinals, with the favor of Balthazar Cossa,
cardinal and legate of Bologna, appointed a council at Pisa, where they
created Alexander V., who immediately excommunicated King Ladislaus,
and invested Louis of Anjou with the kingdom; this prince, with the
Florentines, Genoese, and Venetians, attacked Ladislaus and drove him
from Rome. In the head of the war Alexander died, and Balthazar Cossa
succeeded him, with the title of John XXIII. Leaving Bologna, where he
was elected, he went to Rome, and found there Louis of Anjou, who
had brought the army from Provence, and coming to an engagement with
Ladislaus, routed him. But by the mismanagement of the leaders, they
were unable to prosecute the victory, so that the king in a short time
gathered strength and retook Rome. Louis fled to Provence, the pope
to Bologna; where, considering how he might diminish the power of
Ladislaus, he caused Sigismund, king of Hungary, to be elected emperor,
and advised him to come to Italy. Having a personal interview at Mantua,
they agreed to call a general council, in which the church should be
united; and having effected this, the pope thought he should be fully
enabled to oppose the forces of his enemies.

At this time there were three popes, Gregory, Benedict, and Giovanni,
which kept the church weak and in disrepute. The city of Constance, in
Germany, was appointed for the holding of the council, contrary to
the expectation of Pope John. And although the death of Ladislaus had
removed the cause which induced the pope to call the council, still,
having promised to attend, he could not refuse to go there. In a few
months after his arrival at Constance he discovered his error, but it
was too late; endeavoring to escape, he was taken, put into prison, and
compelled to renounce the papacy. Gregory, one of the anti-popes, sent
his renunciation; Benedict, the other, refusing to do the same, was
condemned as a heretic; but, being abandoned by his cardinals, he
complied, and the council elected Oddo, of the Colonnesi family, pope,
by the title of Martin V. Thus the church was united under one head,
after having been divided by many pontiffs.

Filippo Visconti was, as we have said, in the fortress of Pavia. But
Fazino Cane, who in the affairs of Lombardy had become lord of Vercelli,
Alessandria, Novara, and Tortona, and had amassed great riches, finding
his end approach, and having no children, left his wife Beatrice heiress
of his estates, and arranged with his friends that a marriage should be
effected between her and Filippo. By this union Filippo became powerful,
and reacquired Milan and the whole of Lombardy. By way of being grateful
for these numerous favors, as princes commonly are, he accused Beatrice
of adultery and caused her to be put to death. Finding himself now
possessed of greater power, he began to think of warring with Tuscany
and of prosecuting the designs of Giovanni Galeazzo, his father.

Ladislaus, king of Naples, at his death, left to his sister Giovanna the
kingdom and a large army, under the command of the principal leaders of
Italy, among the first of whom was Sforza of Cotignuola, reputed by the
soldiery of that period to be a very valiant man. The queen, to shun the
disgrace of having kept about her person a certain Pandolfello, whom she
had brought up, took for her husband Giacopo della Marca, a Frenchman of
the royal line, on the condition that he should be content to be called
Prince of Tarento, and leave to her the title and government of the
kingdom. But the soldiery, upon his arrival in Naples, proclaimed him
king; so that between the husband and the wife wars ensued; and although
they contended with varying success, the queen at length obtained the
superiority, and became an enemy of the pope. Upon this, in order
to reduce her to necessity, and that she might be compelled to throw
herself into his lap, Sforza suddenly withdrew from her service without
giving her any pervious notice of his intention to do so. She thus found
herself at once unarmed, and not having any other source, sought the
assistance of Alfonzo, king of Aragon and Sicily, adopted him as her
son, and engaged Braccio of Montone as her captain, who was of equal
reputation in arms with Sforza, and inimical to the pope, on account of
his having taken possession of Perugia and some other places belonging
to the church. After this, peace was made between the queen and the
pontiff; but King Alfonzo, expecting she would treat him as she had her
husband, endeavored secretly to make himself master of the strongholds;
but, possessing acute observation, she was beforehand with him, and
fortified herself in the castle of Naples. Suspicions increasing between
them, they had recourse to arms, and the queen, with the assistance
of Sforza, who again resumed her service, drove Alfonzo out of Naples,
deprived him of his succession, and adopted Louis of Anjou in his stead.
Hence arose new contests between Braccio, who took the part of Alfonzo,
and Sforza, who defended the cause of the queen. In the course of the
war, Sforza was drowned in endeavoring to pass the river Pescara; the
queen was thus again unarmed, and would have been driven out of the
kingdom, but for the assistance of Filippo Visconti, the duke of Milan,
who compelled Alfonzo to return to Aragon. Braccio, undaunted at the
departure of Alfonzo, continued the enterprise against the queen, and
besieged L'Aquilla; but the pope, thinking the greatness of Braccio
injurious to the church, received into his pay Francesco, the son of
Sforza, who went in pursuit of Braccio to L'Aquilla, where he routed
and slew him. Of Braccio remained Oddo, his son, from whom the pope took
Perugia, and left him the state of Montone alone; but he was shortly
afterward slain in Romagna, in the service of the Florentines; so that
of those who had fought under Braccio, Niccolo Piccinino remained of
greatest reputation.

Having continued our general narration nearly to the period which we at
first proposed to reach, what remains is of little importance, except
the war which the Florentines and Venetians carried on against
Filippo duke of Milan, of which an account will be given when we speak
particularly of Florence. I shall, therefore, continue it no further,
briefly explaining the condition of Italy in respect of her princes and
her arms, at the period to which we have now come. Joan II. held Naples,
La Marca, the Patrimony and Romagna; some of these places obeyed the
church, while others were held by vicars or tyrants, as Ferrara, Modena,
and Reggio, by those of the House of Este; Faenza by the Manfredi;
Imola by the Alidossi; Furli by the Ordelaffi; Rimini and Psaro by the
Malatesti; and Camerino by those of Varano. Part of Lombardy was subject
to the Duke Filippo, part to the Venetians; for all those who had held
single states were set aside, except the House of Gonzaga, which ruled
in Mantua. The greater part of Tuscany was subject to the Florentines.
Lucca and Sienna alone were governed by their own laws; Lucca was under
the Guinigi; Sienna was free. The Genoese, being sometimes free,
at others, subject to the kings of France or the Visconti, lived
unrespected, and may be enumerated among the minor powers.

None of the principal states were armed with their own proper forces.
Duke Filippo kept himself shut up in his apartments, and would not
allow himself to be seen; his wars were managed by commissaries. The
Venetians, when they directed their attention to terra firma, threw off
those arms which had made them terrible upon the seas, and falling into
the customs of Italy, submitted their forces to the direction of others.
The practice of arms being unsuitable to priests or women, the pope and
Queen Joan of Naples were compelled by necessity to submit to the same
system which others practiced from defect of judgment. The Florentines
also adopted the same custom, for having, by their frequent divisions,
destroyed the nobility, and their republic being wholly in the hands of
men brought up to trade, they followed the usages and example of others.

Thus the arms of Italy were either in the hands of the lesser princes,
or of men who possessed no state; for the minor princes did not adopt
the practice of arms from any desire of glory, but for the acquisition
of either property or safety. The others (those who possessed no state)
being bred to arms from their infancy, were acquainted with no other
art, and pursued war for emolument, or to confer honor upon themselves.
The most noticed among the latter were Carmignola, Francesco Sforza,
Niccolo Piccinino the pupil of Braccio, Agnolo della Pergola, Lorenzo
di Micheletto Attenduli, il Tartaglia, Giacopaccio, Cecolini da Perugia,
Niccolo da Tolentino, Guido Torello, Antonia dal Ponte ad Era, and many
others. With these, were those lords of whom I have before spoken, to
which may be added the barons of Rome, the Colonnesi and the Orsini,
with other lords and gentlemen of the kingdoms of Naples and Lombardy,
who, being constantly in arms, had such an understanding among
themselves, and so contrived to accommodate things to their own
convenience, that of those who were at war, most commonly both
sides were losers; and they had made the practice of arms so totally
ridiculous, that the most ordinary leader, possessed of true valor,
would have covered these men with disgrace, whom, with so little
prudence, Italy honored.

With these idle princes and such contemptible arms, my history must,
therefore, be filled; to which, before I descend, it will be necessary,
as was at first proposed, to speak of the origin of Florence, that it
may be clearly understood what was the state of the city in those times,
and by what means, through the labours of a thousand years, she became
so imbecile.




BOOK II



CHAPTER I

The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of
it--Increased population tends to make countries more healthy--Origin
of Florence--Aggrandizement of Florence--Origin of the name of
Florence--Destruction of Florence by Totila--The Florentines
take Fiesole--The first division in Florence, and the cause of
it--Buondelmonti--Buondelmonti slain--Guelphs and Ghibellines in
Florence--Guelphic families--Ghibelline families--The two factions come
to terms.

Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and
principalities of antiquity that have now gone into disuse, was that by
means of which towns and cities were from time to time established; and
there is nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of
a well-regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon a
province, as the settlement of new places, where men are drawn together
for mutual accommodation and defense. This may easily be done, by
sending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries.
Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals render
a conquered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province
properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort,
the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, and
defend themselves with greater assurance. This custom, by the unwise
practice of princes and republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruin
and weakness of territories has followed; for this ordination is that
by which alone empires are made secure, and countries become populated.
Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a prince
establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress and a
guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither can
a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of its
inhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not equally
healthy, and hence some will abound to overflowing, while others are
void; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in which
they increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few the
country would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, and
the other a dense and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repair
this disorder, it is necessary that industry should effect it, for
unhealthy localities become wholesome when a numerous population is
brought into them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the
air is purified with fires--remedies which nature cannot provide. The
city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in
a marshy and unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by the
number of industrious individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, on
account of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants,
till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers
unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, and
thus render her populous and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not
adopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty; districts
once uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quickly
are not relieved. Hence it is that many places of the world, and
particularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have become
deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence of
princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of republics
which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient
times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those
already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had
its beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.

It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the
city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in
order that her markets might be more frequented, and afford greater
accommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place
in which to told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the
foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have
occasioned the first erections that were made in those places, and
to have induced merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for the
reception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantial
buildings. And afterward, when the Romans, having conquered the
Carthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these
buildings would greatly increase; for men never endure inconveniences
unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fear
of war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult of
access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to
more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the security
to which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused the
inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much
as to form a town, this was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this
occurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of Cæsar,
and Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Cæsar, and the parties
who undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, and
afterward by the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged the death
of Cæsar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to
Fiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed their habitations in
the plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase, the place
became so filled with dwellings, that it might with propriety be
enumerated among the cities of Italy.

There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word
Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principal
persons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, but
Fluentia, and suppose the word derived from _fluente_, or flowing of the
Arno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who
says, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." This, however,
may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini,
not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word
Fluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus,
who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and
Florentini; for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed like
the other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of
ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters
of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow their country; and it is
not at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same
time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was always
Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the
Roman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the times of the
first emperors.

When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians, Florence was
destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of two
hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, till
the year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy;
and, during this period, first the descendants of Charles, then the
Berengarii, and lastly the German emperors, governed her, as in our
general treatise we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those
ages, increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory,
on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject.
Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemn
day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must have
been performed either with the consent of the emperors, or during the
interim from the death of one to the creation of his successor, when
all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs acquired
greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in its
wane, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for
the prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country
was divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines
kept themselves united until the year 1215, rendering obedience to the
ruling power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, as
the diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in
proportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in
the sects of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause
of her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante and
many other writers; I shall, however, briefly notice it.

Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti and
the Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati
family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty,
for whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young
gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but
either from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplished
at any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that
the cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. This
grieved the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter's
beauty, to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the
marriage; and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her
house alone, she descended, and as he was passing she said to him, "I
am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my
daughter for you;" and, pushing the door open, presented her to his
view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl, which was very
uncommon, and considering the nobility of her blood, and her portion not
being inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed
with such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the
promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of the
evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said, "Since
you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to
refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose;" and without any delay
married her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the
Uberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and having
assembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concluded
that the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that the
only vengeance proportionate to the enormity of the offence would be to
put Buondelmonti to death. And although some took into consideration the
evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talk
of many things effect nothing, using that trite and common adage, _Cosa
fatta capo ha_. Thereupon, they appointed to the execution of the murder
Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti,
who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed themselves in a house of
the Amidei, situate between the old bridge and St. Stephen's, and as
Buondelmonti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a
matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by
them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars.
This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing the cause of
the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these families
possessed men and means of defense, they contended with each other for
many years, without one being able to destroy the other.

Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II.,
who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the
church; and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored
the Uberti and their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the
Buondelmonti; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time
been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will not
be superfluous, I shall record the names of the families which took part
with each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs were
the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci,
Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri,
Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati,
Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci,
Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati,
Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline
faction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati,
Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri,
Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci,
Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini,
Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side above
enumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the
people, so that the whole city was corrupted with this division. The
Guelphs being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where
part of their castles and strongholds were situated, and where they
strengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of their
enemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, and
those who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that it
would be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping her
divided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forget
their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside their
jealousies and receive them with cordiality.



CHAPTER II

New form of government in Florence--Military establishments--The
greatness of Florence--Movements of the Ghibellines--Ghibellines
driven out of the city--Guelphs routed by the forces of the king of
Naples--Florence in the power of the king of Naples--Project of
the Ghibellines to destroy Florence opposed by Farinata degli
Uberti--Adventures of the Guelphs of Florence--The pope gives his
standard to the Guelphs--Fears of the Ghibellines and their preparations
for the defense of their power--Establishment of trades' companies, and
their authority--Count Guido Novello expelled--He goes to Prato--The
Guelphs restored to the city--The Ghibellines quit Florence--The
Florentines reform the government in favor of the Guelphs--The pope
endeavors to restore the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence--Pope
Nicholas III. endeavors to abate the power of Charles king of Naples.

Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for the
ordination of a free government, and that it would be desirable to
provide their means of defense before the new emperor should acquire
strength. They therefore divided the city into six parts, and elected
twelve citizens, two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were
called Anziani, and were elected annually. To remove the cause of those
enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial decisions, they
provided two judges from some other state,--one called captain of the
people, the other podesta, or provost,--whose duty it was to decide in
cases, whether civil or criminal, which occurred among the people. And
as order cannot be preserved without a sufficient force for the defense
of it, they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in the
country, upon the rolls of which the names of all the youth were armed;
and it was ordered that everyone should appear armed, under his banner,
whenever summoned, whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani.
They had ensigns according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmen
being under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those who carried a
target, under another; and every year, upon the day of Pentecost,
ensigns were given with great pomp to the new men, and new leaders
were appointed for the whole establishment. To give importance to their
armies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhausted
in the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might again
make head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by two
oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white and red.
When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought into the
New Market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people. To give
solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell called Martinella, which
was rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in order
that the enemy might have time to provide for his defense; so great was
the virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of mind
were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent act
to assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thought
disgraceful, and productive only of a fallacious advantage. This bell
was also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and
relief of guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of war.

With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines established
their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authority
Florence in a short time acquired. She became not only the head of
Tuscany, but was enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and would
have attained greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been
afflicted with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained
under the this government ten years, during which time they compelled
the people of Pistoria, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league with
them; and returning with the army from Sienna, they took Volterra,
destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants to Florence. All these
enterprises were effected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were much
more powerful than the Ghibellines, for the latter were hated by the
people as well on account of their haughty bearing while in power,
during the time of Frederick, as because the church party was in more
favor than that of the emperor; for with the aid of the church they
hoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the emperor, they were
apprehensive of losing it.

The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested of
authority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessing
the government; and they thought the favorable moment come, when they
found that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of
Naples, and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore, secretly
communicated with him, to resume the management of the state, but
could not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of the
Anziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them; but
instead of obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in their
houses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with the
assistance of the Guelphs, compelled them to quit the city, and,
with the whole Ghibelline party, withdraw to Sienna. They then asked
assistance of Manfred king of Naples, and by the able conduct of
Farinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were routed by the king's forces
upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those who escaped,
thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought refuge at
Lucca.

Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputation
in arms, to command his forces. He after the victory, went with the
Ghibellines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king's
authority, annulling the magistracies and every other institution that
retained any appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with little
prudence, excited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity
against the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was increased
to the highest pitch. The necessities of the kingdom compelling the
Count Giordano to return to Naples, he left at Florence as regal vicar
the Count Guido Novallo, lord of Casentino, who called a council of
Ghibellines at Empoli. There it was concluded, with only one dissenting
voice, that in order to preserve their power in Tuscany, it would be
necessary to destroy Florence, as the only means of compelling the
Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the church. To this
so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city, there was not a
citizen who offered any opposition, except Farinata degli Uberti, who
openly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many dangers and
difficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country; that he still
wished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the
blessing which fortune now presented, even though by using it, he were
to become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise, as he had
been of the Guelphs; and that no one need be afraid the city would
occasion the ruin of their country, for he hoped that the valor which
had expelled the Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata
was a man of undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in military
affairs: being the head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimation
with Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and induced
the rest to think of some other means of preserving their power.

The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, for affording
refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could allow them
to remain no longer; so leaving Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence
they were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that
city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latter
were assigned to them; so that having increased in honors and riches,
and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the
kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer him
their services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave
them a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after
borne by the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charles
having taken the kingdom from Manfred, and slain him, to which success
the Guelphs of Florence had contributed, their party became more
powerful, and that of the Ghibellines proportionately weaker. In
consequence of this, those who with Count Novello governed the city,
thought it would be advisable to attach to themselves, with some
concession, the people whom they had previously aggravated with every
species of injury; but these remedies which, if applied before the
necessity came would have been beneficial, being offered when they were
no longer considered favors, not only failed of producing any beneficial
results to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking, however, to
win them to their interests, they restored some of the honors of which
they had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens from the higher
rank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights or gentlemen,
brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the city
was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of the
people according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed a
magistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed under
him. They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every man
was expected to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts
were at first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor arts were
afterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present,
twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also effected other changes for the
common good.

Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for the support of
the soldiery; but during the discussion found so much difficulty, that
he did not dare to use force to obtain it; and thinking he had now lost
the government, called together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they
determined to wrest from the people those powers which they had with so
little prudence conceded. When they thought they had sufficient force,
the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, which
so alarmed them that they retired to their houses, when suddenly the
banners of the Arts were unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them.
These, learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's,
moved toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their
leader. The count, on the other hand, being informed where the people
were assembled, proceeded in that direction; nor did the people shun the
fight, for, meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of the
Tornaquinci, they put the count to flight, with the loss of many of his
followers. Terrified with this result, he was afraid his enemies would
attack him in the night, and that his own party, finding themselves
beaten, would murder him. This impression took such hold of his mind
that, without attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety rather
in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the rectors,
went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding himself in a place
of safety, his fears fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it,
and on the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned
with his people to Florence, to enter the city by force which he had
abandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed; for the people,
who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility; so
that with grief and shame he went to the Casentino, and the Ghibellines
withdrew to their villas.

The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the good
of the republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all the
citizens as well Guelph as Ghibelline, who yet remained without. The
Guelphs returned, after having been expelled six years; the recent
offences of the Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored to
their country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by the
people and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget their exile,
and the former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were in
power; the result was, that the minds of neither party became settled.

While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed that
Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany, for
the conquest of Naples; this gave the Ghibellines hope of recovering
power, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for their
security, requested assistance from Charles for their defense, in
case of the passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles
rendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that they
fled the city, without being driven out, two days before the arrival of
the troops.

The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorganized the
government of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supreme
power, were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not called
Anziani or "ancients," but Buono Uomini or "good men." They also formed
a council of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides
these, from each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the
Credenza and the twelve Buono Uomini, were called the General Council.
They also appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens,
elected from the people and the nobility, to which all those things
were finally referred that had undergone the consideration of the other
councils, and which distributed the offices of the republic. Having
formed this government, they strengthened the Guelphic party by
appointing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a variety
of other measures, that they might be enabled to defend themselves
against the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three parts,
one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani, and
the third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries
they had received. The pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in the
Guelphic interest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province.
While the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved their
influence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the pope died, and
after a dispute, which continued two years, Gregory X. was elected,
being then in Syria, where he had long lived; but not having witnessed
the working of parties, he did not estimate them in the manner his
predecessors had done, and passing through Florence on his way to
France, he thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the
city, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive the
Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider the terms of their
recall. They effected an agreement, but the Ghibellines without were so
terrified that they did not venture to return. The pope laid the whole
blame upon the city, and being enraged excommunicated her, in which
state of contumacy she remained as long as the pontiff lived; but was
reblessed by his successor Innocent V.

The pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III. of the Orsini
family. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of the
popes to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, even
when its growth had been occasioned by the favors of the church; and as
they always endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were
the result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase the
influence of one previously weak; his becoming great caused him also to
be feared, and his being feared made them seek the means of destroying
him. This mode of thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom of
Naples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as
the latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated by
these motives, Nicholas III. contrived that, with the influence of the
emperor, the government of Tuscany should be taken from Charles, and
Latino his legate was therefore sent into the province in the name of
the empire.



CHAPTER III

Changes in Florence--The Ghibellines recalled--New form of government in
Florence--The Signory created--Victory over the Aretins--The Gonfalonier
of Justice created--Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier--Giano della
Bella--New reform by his advice--Giano della Bella becomes a voluntary
exile--Dissensions between the people and the nobility--The tumults
composed--Reform of Government--Public buildings--The prosperous state
of the city.

Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition; for the great
Guelphic families had become insolent, and set aside the authority
of the magistrates; so that murders and other atrocities were daily
committed, and the perpetrators escaped unpunished, under the protection
of one or other of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order
to restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had been
expelled, and thus gave the legate an opportunity of uniting the city.
The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve governors, fourteen
were appointed, seven for each party, who held their office one year,
and were to be chosen by the pope. The Florentines lived under this
government two years, till the pontificate of Martin, who restored to
Charles all the authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so
that parties were again active in Tuscany; for the Florentines took arms
against the emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghibellines of power,
and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government. This
was in the year 1282, and the companies of the Arts, since magistrates
had been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so great
influence, that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of
fourteen citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to hold
the government of the republic two months, and chosen from either the
people or the nobility. After the expiration of the first magistracy
they were augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixth
of the city, and this number was preserved till the year 1342, when the
city was divided into quarters, and the Priors became eight, although
upon some occasions during the interim they were twelve.

This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin of
the nobility; for the people by various causes excluded them from all
participation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. The
nobles at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made no
opposition; and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in the
state, they lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given,
in which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers
were appointed; it having been previously the custom of councils and
magistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were only called
Priors, but to increase their distinction the word signori, or lords,
was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines remained for some time in
domestic quiet, during which they made war with the Aretins for having
expelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them at
Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and population, it was
found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which was enlarged to
the extent it at present remains, although its diameter was previously
only the space between the old bridge and the church of St. Lorenzo.

Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph and
Ghibelline factions to become almost extinct; and the only party feeling
which seemed occasionally to glow, was that which naturally exists in
all cities between the higher classes and the people; for the latter,
wishing to live in conformity with the laws, and the former to be
themselves the rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to
abide in perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while their
fear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not discover itself, but
no sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, and not a day passed
without some of the populace being injured, while the laws were
insufficient to procure redress, for every noble with his relations
and friends defended himself against the forces of the Priors and
the Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the Arts' companies
ordered that every Signory at the time of entering upon the duties of
office should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people,
and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into twenty
companies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon or banner
and his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the laws
whenever called upon, either by the Signors themselves or the Capitano.
The first elected to this high office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man
unfurled his gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on
account of a member of that family having slain one of the Florentine
people in France. The violent animosities among the nobility enabled
the companies of the Arts to establish this law with facility; and the
former no sooner saw the provision which had been made against them than
they felt the acrimonious spirit with which it was enforced. At first
it impressed them with greater terror, but they soon after returned to
their accustomed insolence, for one or more of their body always
making part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding the
Gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office.
Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the injury he had
received, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thus
in a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before,
and the tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever; for
the decisions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentences
were not carried into execution.

In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Giano della
Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged the
heads of the Arts to reform the constitution of the city; and by his
advice it was ordered that the Gonfalonier should reside with the
Priors, and have four thousand men at his command. They deprived
the nobility of the right to sit in the Signory. They condemned the
associates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and ordered
that public report should be taken as evidence. By these laws, which
were called the ordinations of justice, the people acquired great
influence, and Giano della Bella not a small share of trouble; for he
was thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their power,
while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought he
possessed too great authority. This became very evident upon the first
occasion that presented itself.

It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in a
riot, in which several of the nobility had taken a part, and among the
rest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the death
was attributed. He was, therefore, taken by the captain of the people,
and whether he was really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was
afraid of condemning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased
the people so much, that, seizing their arms, they ran to the house of
Giano della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution of those
laws which he had himself made. Giano, who wished Corso to be punished,
did not insist upon their laying down their arms, as many were of
opinion he ought to have done, but advised them to go to the
Signory, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it into
consideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted
by the Capitano and abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going
to the Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made
themselves masters, and plundered it.

This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin of
Giano laid the entire blame upon him; and as in the succeeding Signory
there was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as the
originator of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people took
arms, and, proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against the
Signory and his enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burst
of popular favor to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for
he feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the former;
so, in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to injure him, or
his friends to offend the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver his
countrymen from the fear they had of him, and, leaving the city which
at his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude of the
great, become a voluntary exile.

After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began to entertain
hopes of recovering their authority; and judging their misfortune to
have arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to the
Signory, which they thought was favorable to them, to beg they would be
pleased to moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soon
as their demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited;
for they were afraid the Signors would submit to them; and so, between
the desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were
resorted to. The nobility were drawn together in three places: near the
church of St. John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi,
under three leaders, Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini.
The people assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before the
palace of the Signory, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo;
and, as they suspected the integrity of the Signory, they added six
citizens to their number to take part in the management of affairs.

While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, as
well of the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests of
respectable character, mingled among them for the purpose of effecting
a pacification, reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and the
laws which were made against them, had been occasioned by their haughty
conduct, and the mischievous tendency of their proceedings; that
resorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illiberal
measures and disunion, would tend to the destruction of their country
and increase the difficulties of their own position; that they should
bear in mind that the people, both in riches, numbers, and hatred, were
far stronger than they; and that their nobility, on account of which
they assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win battles, and
would be found, when they came to arms, to be but an empty name, and
insufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, they
reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have the
last blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation,
for he who is without hope is also without fear; that they ought not
to forget that in the wars the nobility had always done honor to the
country, and therefore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them
with so much bitterness; and that although the nobility could bear with
patience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they could not endure that,
by the existing laws, it should be in the power of everyone to drive
them from their country; and, therefore, it would be well to qualify
these laws, and, in furtherance of so good a result, be better to lay
down their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of a battle;
for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety of
opinion was found among the people; many wished to decide the question
by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done some
time, and that it would be better to do so then than delay till
the enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought a
mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be glad
to comply, but that the pride of the nobility was so great they would
not submit unless they were compelled. To many others, who were more
peaceable and better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the
laws a little than to come to battle; and their opinion prevailing, it
was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be received
unless supported with sufficient testimony.

Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion,
and each fortified itself with men and places of strength. The people
reorganized the government, and lessened the number of its officers, to
which measure they were induced by finding that the Signors appointed
from the families, of which the following were the heads, had been
favorable to the nobility, viz.: the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti,
Peruzzi, and Cerretani. Having settled the government, for the greater
magnificence and security of the Signory, they laid the foundation of
their palace; and to make space for the piazza, removed the houses that
had belonged to the Uberti; they also at the same period commenced the
public prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years; nor did
our city ever enjoy a greater state of prosperity than in those times:
filled with men of great wealth and reputation; possessing within her
walls 30,000 men capable of bearing arms, and in the country 70,000,
while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owed
obedience to Florence. And although there might be some indignation and
jealousy between the nobility and the people, they did not produce any
evil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace. And if this
peace had not been disturbed by internal enmities there would have been
no cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to fear
either from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasons
kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states of
Italy with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powers
could not effect, was brought about by those within.



CHAPTER IV

The Cerchi and the Donati--Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions
in Pistoia--They come to Florence--Open enmity of the Donati and the
Cerchi--Their first conflict--The Cerchi head the Bianca faction--The
Donati take part with the Nera--The pope's legate at Florence increases
the confusion with an interdict--New affray between the Cerchi and the
Donati--The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the advice
of Dante Alighieri--Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence--The
Florentines suspect him--Corso Donati and the rest of the Nera party
return to Florence--Veri Cerchi flies--The pope's legate again in
Florence--The city again interdicted--New disturbances--The Bianchi
banished--Dante banished--Corso Donati excites fresh troubles--The
pope's legate endeavors to restore the emigrants but does not
succeed--Great fire in Florence.

The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the number
and influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguished
families in Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country,
there had arisen between them some slight displeasure, which, however,
had not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have
produced any serious effect if the malignant humors had not been
increased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia was the
Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son of
Bertacca, both of this family, playing together, and coming to words,
Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased Gulielmo; and,
designing by a suitable apology to remove all cause of further
animosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of the
youth whom he had wounded and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; but
this act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, and
having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignity
to his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's hand
upon a block used for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, "Go to
thy father, and tell him that sword wounds are cured with iron and not
with words."

The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Gulielmo that
he ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bertacca prepared
for his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city of
Pistoia, became divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended from
a Cancelliere who had had two wives, of whom one was called Bianca
(white), one party was named by those who were descended from her
BIANCA; and the other, by way of greater distinction, was called NERA
(black). Much and long-continued strife took place between the two,
attended with the death of many men and the destruction of much
property; and not being able to effect a union among themselves, but
weary of the evil, and anxious either to bring it to an end, or, by
engaging others in their quarrel, increase it, they came to Florence,
where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the Donati, were
favored by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account the
Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against the
Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect inferior to
Corso.

This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased the
old animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, and it was already
so manifest, that the Priors and all well-disposed men were in hourly
apprehension of its breaking out, and causing a division of the whole
city. They therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he would
interpose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide the
remedy which they found themselves unable to furnish. The pope sent
for Veri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Veri
exhibited great astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them,
and that as pacification presupposes war, he did not know, there being
no war between them, how peacemaking could be necessary. Veri having
returned from Rome without anything being effected, the rage of the
parties increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed
sufficient to make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened.

It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is the
custom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughout
the city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, upon
horseback, were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look
at a party of ladies who were dancing; thither also came some of the
Cerchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and,
not knowing that the Donati were before them, pushed their horses and
jostled them; thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drew
their swords, nor were the Cerchi at all backward to do the same, and
not till after the interchange of many wounds, they separated. This
disturbance was the beginning of great evils; for the whole city became
divided, the people as well as the nobility, and the parties took the
names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were at the head of the
Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a part of the
Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Nerli,
and of the Manelli; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti,
Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. To these
were joined many families of the people, and all the Ghibellines then
in Florence, so that their great numbers gave them almost the entire
government of the city.

The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Nera party, to
which also adhered those members of the above-named families who did not
take part with the Bianchi; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi,
the Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti,
Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself to
the city alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that the
Captains of the Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphic
party or the well-being of the republic, were very much afraid that this
new division would occasion the destruction of the city, and give new
life to the Ghibelline faction. They, therefore, sent again to Pope
Boniface, desiring that, unless he wished that city which had always
been the shield of the church should either be ruined or become
Ghibelline, he would consider some means for her relief. The
pontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate, Cardinal Matteo
d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the most
powerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdicted
the city, and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailed
than had done previously to his coming.

The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at a
funeral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi attended, they first
came to words and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merely
tumult resulted at the moment. However, having each retired to their
houses, the Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valor
of Corso, they were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city
was in arms. The laws and the Signory were set at nought by the rage
of the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were full of
apprehension. The Donati and their followers, being the least powerful,
were in the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they called
together Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the other leaders of the
Neri, and resolved to apply to the pope to appoint some personage of
royal blood, that he might reform Florence; thinking by this means to
overcome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known to
the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy against
the liberties of the republic. Both parties being in arms, the Signory,
one of whom at that time was the poet Dante, took courage, and from his
advice and prudence, caused the people to rise for the preservation of
order, and being joined by many from the country, they compelled the
leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso,
with many of the Neri. And as an evidence of the impartiality of their
motives, they also banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon
afterward, under pretense of some justifiable cause, returned.

Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favorable to their party,
went to Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previously
forwarded a statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of
the king of France, was then at the papal court, having been called
into Italy by the king of Naples, to go over into Sicily. The pope,
therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consented
to send Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going to
Sicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the Bianchi,
who then governed, were very apprehensive, still, as the head of the
Guelphs, and appointed by the pope, they did not dare to oppose him, and
in order to secure his friendship, they gave him authority to dispose of
the city as he thought proper.

Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which step
gave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them of
their liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in order
to be ready, if Charles should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the
leaders of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having,
while at the head of the republic, conducted themselves with unbecoming
pride; and this induced Corso and the banished of the Neri party to
return to Florence, knowing well that Charles and the Captains of
the Parts were favorable to them. And while the citizens, for fear of
Charles, kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, and
followed by many others, entered Florence without the least impediment.
And although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he refused to do
so, saying that he wished the people of Florence, against whom he came,
should punish him. However, the contrary happened, for he was welcomed,
not punished by them; and it behooved Veri to save himself by flight.

Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San Pietro
Maggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a great
number of friends and people desirous of change, he set at liberty
all who had been imprisoned for offenses, whether against the state
or against individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdraw
privately to their own houses, elected a new one from the people of the
Neri party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The
Cerchi, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles opposed
to them, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. And
although at first they would not listen to the advice of the pope, they
were now compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that instead
of uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion than before.
The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his legate, who made peace
between the Cerchi and the Donati, and strengthened it with marriages
and new betrothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate in
the employments of the government, to which the Neri who were then at
the head of it would not consent, he withdrew, with no more satisfaction
nor less enraged than on the former occasion, and left the city
interdicted for disobedience.

Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented; the Neri
from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending the loss of their
power, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor or
authority; and to these natural causes of animosity new injuries
were added. Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his
estates, and being arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked by
Simone, son of Corso Donati. The contest was obstinate, and one each
side had a sorrowful conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone was
so severely wounded that he died on the following night.

This event again disturbed the entire city; and although the Neri were
most to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head of
affairs; and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi
with Piero Ferrante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles,
was discovered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the
government. The matter became known from letters addressed to him by the
Cerchi, although some were of opinion that they were not genuine, but
written and pretended to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamy
which their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole of
the Cerchi were, however, banished,--with their followers of the Bianchi
party, of whom was Dante the poet,--their property confiscated, and
their houses pulled down. They sought refuge, with a great number of
Ghibellines who had joined them, in many places, seeking fresh fortunes
in new undertakings. Charles, having effected the purpose of his coming,
left the city, and returned to the pope to pursue his enterprise against
Sicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he had
been at Florence; so that with disgrace and the loss of many of his
followers, he withdrew to France.

After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone was
restless, thinking he did not possess that sort of authority in the city
which was due to his rank; for the government being in the hands of the
people, he saw the offices of the republic administered by many inferior
to himself. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under
the pretense of an honorable design, to justify his own dishonorable
purposes, and accused many citizens who had the management of the public
money, of applying it to their private uses, and recommended that they
should be brought to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by
many who had the same views as himself; and many in ignorance joined
them, thinking Corso actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other
hand, the accused citizens, enjoying the popular favor, defended
themselves, and this difference arose to such a height, that, after
civil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso and
Lottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and some of the
people; on the other side were the Signory, with the greater part of
the people; so that skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. The
Signory, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese,
and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their
assistance the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people
retained the government and their liberty, without attempting by any
other means to punish the movers of the disorder.

The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent his legate,
Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both for
his quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much of
the people's confidence, that authority was given him to establish such
a government as he should think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin,
he determined to recall the banished; but designing first to gain the
affections of the lower orders, he renewed the ancient companies of
the people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of the
nobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavored
to recall the banished, and, after attempting in many ways, none of
which succeeded, he fell so completely under the suspicion of the
government, that he was compelled to quit the city, and returned to the
pope in great wrath, leaving Florence full of confusion and suffering
under an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed with one division
alone, but by many; first the enmity between the people and the
nobility, then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, of
the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were, therefore, in arms, for
many were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate, and wished for
the return of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on foot
were the Medici and the Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovered
themselves in favor of the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place in
many parts of the city.

In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke out at the
garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati; it thence extended to
those of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed them, with those of the Macci,
Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New
Market; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it to
the ground; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses of the
Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and with these so many others
that the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion
of many that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the
disturbances. Others affirm that it was begun willfully by Neri Abati,
prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a dissolute character, fond of mischief,
who, seeing the people occupied with the combat, took the opportunity
of committing a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed,
could offer no remedy. And to insure his success, he set fire to the
house of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity of doing
it. This was in the year 1304, Florence being afflicted both with fire
and the sword. Corso Donati alone remained unarmed in so many tumults;
for he thought he would more easily become the arbitrator between the
contending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined to
accommodation. They laid down their arms, however, rather from satiety
of evil than from any desire of union; and the only consequence was,
that the banished were not recalled, and the party which favored them
remained inferior.



CHAPTER V

The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do
so--The companies of the people restored--Restless conduct of
Corso Donati--The ruin of Corso Donati--Corso Donati accused
and condemned--Riot at the house of Corso--Death of Corso--His
character--Fruitless attempt of the Emperor Henry against the
Florentines--The emigrants are restored to the city--The citizens place
themselves under the king of Naples for five years--War with Uguccione
della Faggiuola--The Florentines routed--Florence withdraws herself
from subjection to King Robert, and expels the Count Novello--Lando
d'Agobbio--His tyranny--His departure.

The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbance
which had occurred, persuaded the pope that if he wished to unite the
Florentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizens
appear before him, and having thus removed the principal causes of
disunion, he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this
advice, and the citizens, among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed the
summons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles that
now, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the time for them
to return. They, therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, and
entering by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to the
piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark, that those who, a short
time previously, when they came unarmed and begged to be restored to
their country, had fought for their return, now, when they saw them in
arms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to oppose them (so much
more was the common good esteemed than private friendship), and being
joined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to return to the
places whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by having
left part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrival
of Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three hundred
horse; for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give them the
victory; and it often happens, in similar enterprises, that delay robs
us of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of
the power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared.

The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her old
divisions; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority,
the people took from them the Stinche, a castle situated in the Val
di Greve, and anciently belonging to the family. And as those who were
taken in it were the first who were put into the new prisons, the latter
were, and still continue, named after it,--the Stinche. The leaders of
the republic also re-established the companies of the people, and gave
them the ensigns that were first used by the companies of the Arts; the
heads of which were called Gonfaloniers of the companies and colleagues
of the Signory; and ordered, that when any disturbance arose they should
assist the Signory with arms, and in peace with counsel. To the two
ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who, with the
Gonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of the nobility.

In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returned
from Rome; and all would have been well if his restless mind had not
occasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contrary
opinion to the most powerful men in the city; and whatever he saw the
people inclined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect,
in order to attach them to himself; so that he was a leader in all
differences, at the head of every new scheme, and whoever wished to
obtain anything extraordinary had recourse to him. This conduct caused
him to be hated by many of the highest distinction; and their hatred
increased to such a degree that the Neri faction to which he belonged,
became completely divided; for Corso, to attain his ends, had availed
himself of private force and authority, and of the enemies of the state.
But so great was the influence attached to his person, that everyone
feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular favor
(which by this means may easily be done), a report was set on foot that
he intended to make himself prince of the city; and to the design his
conduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of living
quite exceeded all civil bounds; and the opinion gained further
strength, upon his taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione della
Faggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of the
most powerful men in Tuscany.

When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries, and
they took arms against him; for the same reason the people ceased
to defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of his
enemies, the leaders of whom were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi,
Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers, and the
greater part of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory,
by whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of the
people, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of Uguccione, to usurp
the government. He was then summoned, and for disobedience, declared
a rebel; nor did two hours pass over between the accusation and the
sentence. The judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies of
the people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, although
seeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, aware of the sentence
against him, the power of the Signory, and the multitude of his enemies,
remained undaunted, and fortified his houses, in the hope of defending
them till Uguccione, for whom he had sent, should come to his Relief.
His residences, and the streets approaching them, were barricaded and
taken possession of by his partisans, who defended them so bravely that
the enemy, although in great numbers, could not force them, and the
battle became one of the hottest, with wounds and death on all sides.
But the people, finding they could not drive them from their ground,
took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved passages
obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes, no
longer retaining any hope of assistance from Uguccione, and without a
chance of victory, thought only of effecting his personal safety, and
with Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends,
fought a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and effected
their escape from the city by the Gate of the Cross. They were, however,
pursued by vast numbers, and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge of
Affrico by Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and made
prisoner by a party of Catalan horse, in the service of the Signory, at
Rovezzano. But when approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seen
and torn to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall
from horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted him cut his
throat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi, and buried without
any ceremony due to his rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom his
country and the Neri faction were indebted for much both of good and
evil; and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left behind
him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves to be enumerated
among the most distinguished men our city has produced. True it is, that
his restless conduct made both his country and his party forgetful of
their obligation to him. The same cause also produced his miserable
end, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country.
Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Remoli
that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he could
not render him any assistance, in order to avoid bringing evil upon
himself without occasion, he returned home.

After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, the
disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it was
reported that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him all
the Florentine emigrants, to whom he had promised restoration to their
country. The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessen
the number of their enemies, it would be well to recall, of their own
will, all who had been expelled, excepting such as the law had expressly
forbidden to return. Of the number not admitted, were the greater part
of the Ghibellines, and some of those of the Bianchi faction, among whom
were Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano della
Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert, king of Naples, and not
being able to obtain it of him as friends, they gave their city to him
for five years, that he might defend them as his own people. The emperor
entered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome,
where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then, having determined to subdue
the Florentines, he approached their city by the way of Perugia and
Arezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about
a mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days without effecting
anything. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa,
where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of Sicily,
to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his people
accordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, and carrying
dismay into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, he
died.

Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by means of the
Ghibelline party become lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with the
assistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighbouring
places. In order to effect their relief the Florentines requested
King Robert would allow his brother Piero to take the command of their
armies. On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power;
and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles in the
Val d'Arno and the Val di Nievole; and having besieged Monte Cataini,
the Florentines found it would be necessary to send to its relief, that
they might not see him burn and destroy their whole territory. Having
drawn together a large army, they entered the Val di Nievole where they
came up with Uguccione, and were routed after a severe battle in which
Piero the king's brother and 2,000 men were slain; but the body of
the Prince was never found. Neither was the victory a joyful one to
Uguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the leaders of his army,
fell in the strife.

The Florentines after this defeat fortified their territory, and King
Robert sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count d'Andria,
usually called Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it is
natural to the Florentines to find every state tedious, the city,
notwithstanding the war with Uguccione, became divided into friends and
enemies of the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain others
of the people who had attained greater influence in the government than
the rest, were leaders of the party against the king. By these means
messengers were sent to France, and afterward into Germany, to solicit
leaders and forces that they might drive out the count, whom the king
had appointed governor; but they failed of obtaining any. Nevertheless
they did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of one whom
they might worship, after an unavailing search in France and Germany,
they discovered him at Agobbio, and having expelled the Count Novello,
caused Lando d'Agobbio to be brought into the city as Bargello (sheriff),
and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens. This man was
cruel and rapacious; and going through the country accompanied with an
armed force, he put many to death at the mere instigation of those who
had endowed him with authority. His insolence rose to such a height,
that he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the money of
the state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, so powerful
had he become by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappy
city! which neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of her
enemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her own advantage; so
that she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness, harassed
without by Uguccione, and plundered within by Lando d'Agobbio.

The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers,
were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and all
Guelphs; but their adversaries being in power they could not discover
their minds without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however,
determined to deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they
secretly wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar
in Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The king complied; and the
opposite party, although the Signory were opposed to the king, on
account of the good quality of the count, did not dare to resist him.
Still his authority was not great, because the Signory and Gonfaloniers
of the companies were in favor of Lando and his party.

During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passed
through Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of King
Robert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of the
king, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the
tyranny of Lando and his partisans; so that through her influence and
the exertions of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, and
before her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority and send back
to Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government,
the sovereignty of the city was continued to the king for another three
years, and as there were then in office seven Signors of the party
of Lando, six more were appointed of the king's friends, and some
magistracies were composed of thirteen Signors; but not long afterward
the number was reduced to seven according to ancient custom.



CHAPTER VI

War with Castruccio--Castruccio marches against Prato and retires
without making any attempt--The emigrants not being allowed to return,
endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed--Change in
the mode of electing the great officers of state--The Squittini
established--The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed
by Castruccio at Altopascio--Treacherous designs of Raymond--The
Florentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria,
who appoints the duke of Athens for his vicar--The duke of Calabria
comes to Florence--The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy--The
excitement he produces--Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of
Calabria--Reform of government.

About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and of
Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord of
them, who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his
enterprises, in a short time became the head of the Ghibellines in
Tuscany. On this account the discords among the Florentines were
laid aside for some years, at first to abate the increasing power
of Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defense
against him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy to
their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they called
Buonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing of
any importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the
sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government
into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies,
and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many efforts
against the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of which
the Florentines having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses,
and proceeded thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and
one thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of
Castruccio's friends and augment their own, the Signory declared that
every rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prato
would be restored to his country; they thus increased their army with an
addition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly brought
to Prato, alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune
of battle, he retired toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances arose in the
Florentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom
wished to pursue the foe and destroy him; the former were for returning
home, saying they had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety
of Florence on its account, which they did not regret under the
circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the propriety
of further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and much
to lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to the
Signory, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great; and
as the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew together, and
used such threatening language against the nobility that they, being
apprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being adopted
too late, and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to withdraw in
safety to Lucca.

This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against
the great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made to
the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to be
beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into
the city before the rest of the forces; but their design did not take
effect, for their purpose being foreseen, they were repulsed by those
who had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreaty
what they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men as
ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise given, and
of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the reward which had been
held out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation on
account of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill the promise
for which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion
in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude on
account of their only partial success against Castruccio, that they
could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to
the city; for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding,
endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their
prayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the
city, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. But
the affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that
those without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. So
completely subdued were those within, that none dared to take arms; and
thus the undertaking was abandoned, without any advantage having
been obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it was
determined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing them
to the city; but, although everyone knew who were the delinquents,
none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore,
resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should write
the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writing
secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo,
Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judges
being more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeeds
deserved, each escaped by paying a fine.

The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to the
gates, showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies of
the people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should have
three or four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon
bearers) were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a
part might operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, after
any disturbance, some old laws are annulled and others renewed, so
on this occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint the
Signory for a time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues,
feeling themselves possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority
to fix upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next forty
months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and drawing them
every two months. But, before the expiration of the forty months, many
citizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited among
the rest, and a new emborsation was made. From this beginning arose the
custom of emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take office
in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whose
offices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previously
the councils of the retiring magistrates had elected those who were to
succeed them. These emborsations were afterward called Squittini, or
pollings,--and it was thought they would prevent much trouble to the
city, and remove the cause of those tumults which every three, or at
most five, years, took place upon the creation of magistrates, from the
number of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better
expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects which
lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation.

In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so
powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, before
he should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack him
and withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they
mustered an army amounting to 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, and with this
body encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the place
and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in the
first part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the
country waste in their progress; but from the little prudence and less
integrity of their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small
progress; for he, having observed them upon former occasions very
prodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king,
at others in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality,
thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily
happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequently
to mention these matters, and required to have that authority in the
city which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show that
otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. As
the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed
Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants
of Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very st

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