Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume IV, Georgia Narratives, Part 2
by United States. Work Projects Administration · English · Gutenberg #22166 · 505,331 chars · public domain (US)
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume IV, Georgia Narratives, Part 2
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.
Title: Slave Narratives: A Folk History of Slavery in the United States from Interviews with Former Slaves, Volume IV, Georgia Narratives, Part 2
Author: United States. Work Projects Administration
Release date: July 28, 2007 [eBook #22166]
Most recently updated: January 2, 2021
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22166
Credits: Produced by Janet Blenkinship and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by the
Library of Congress, Manuscript Division)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVE NARRATIVES: A FOLK HISTORY OF SLAVERY IN THE UNITED STATES FROM INTERVIEWS WITH FORMER SLAVES, VOLUME IV, GEORGIA NARRATIVES, PART 2 ***
Produced by Janet Blenkinship and the Online Distributed
Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by the
Library of Congress, Manuscript Division)
SLAVE NARRATIVES
_A Folk History of Slavery in the United States From Interviews with
Former Slaves_
TYPEWRITTEN RECORDS PREPARED BY THE FEDERAL WRITERS' PROJECT 1936-1938
ASSEMBLED BY THE LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PROJECT WORK PROJECTS
ADMINISTRATION FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA SPONSORED BY THE LIBRARY OF
CONGRESS
_Illustrated with Photographs_
WASHINGTON 1941
VOLUME IV GEORGIA NARRATIVES PART 2
Prepared by the Federal Writers' Project of the Works Progress
Administration for the State of Georgia
INFORMANTS
Garey, Elisha Doc 1
Garrett, Leah 11
Gladdy, Mary 17
Gray, Sarah 28
Green, Alice 31, 38
Green, Isaiah (Isaac) 48, 57
Green, Margaret 60
Green, Minnie 64
Gresham, Wheeler 66
Griffin, Heard 72
Gullins, David Goodman 78
Hammond, Milton 91
Harmon, Jane Smith Hill 97
Harris, Dosia 103
Harris, Henderson 115
Harris, Shang 117
Hawkins, Tom 126
Heard, Bill 136
Heard, Emmaline 147, 154, 160
Heard, Mildred 165
Heard, Robert 170
Henderson, Benjamin 173
Henry, Jefferson Franklin 178
Henry, Robert 194
Hill, John 200
Hood, Laura 208
Hudson, Carrie 211
Hudson, Charlie 220
Huff, Annie 233
Huff, Bryant 238
Huff, Easter 244
Hunter, Lina 252
Hurley, Emma 273
Hutcheson, Alice 281
Jackson, Amanda 289
Jackson, Camilla 294
Jackson, Easter 299
Jackson, Snovey 303
Jake, Uncle 310
Jewel, Mahala 315
Johnson, Benjamin 322
Johnson, Georgia 327
Johnson, Manuel 337
Johnson, Susie 343
Jones, Estella 345
Jones, Fannie 351
Jones, Rastus 356
+------------------------------------------------------------------------+
|[TR:] = Transcriber Note |
| |
|[HW:] = Handwritten Note |
| |
|Every effort was made to faithfully reflect the distinctive character of|
|this document. Some obvious typographic errors have been corrected. The |
|above notes are placed inline, to cover all other unusual comments. |
+------------------------------------------------------------------------+
PLANTATION LIFE as viewed by ex-slave
ELISHA DOC GAREY
258 Lyndon Avenue
Athens, Georgia
Written by: Sadie B. Hornsby
Athens --
Edited by: Sarah H. Hall
Athens --
and
John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Project
Res. 6 & 7
Augusta, Ga.
Asked for the story of his early life and his recollections of slavery,
Elisha replied: "Yes Ma'am, 'deed I'll tell you all I knows 'bout dem
days." His next words startled the interviewer. "I knowed you was comin'
to write dis jedgment," he said. "I seed your hand writin' and long
'fore you got here I seed you jus' as plain as you is now. I told dese
folks what I lives wid, a white 'oman was comin' to do a heap of
writin'.
"I was born on de upper edge of Hart County, near Shoal Crick. Sarah
Anne Garey was my Ma and I was one of dem shady babies. Dere was plenty
of dat kind in dem times. My own sister was Rachel, and I had a half
sister named Sallie what was white as anybody. John, Lindsay, David, and
Joseph was my four brothers.
"What did us chillun do? Us wukked lak hosses. Didn't nobody eat dar
'less dey wukked. I'se been wukkin' ever since I come in dis world.
"Us lived in log huts. Evvy hut had a entry in de middle, and a mud
chimbly at each end. Us slep' in beds what was 'tached to de side of de
hut, and dey was boxed up lak wagon bodies to hold de corn shucks and de
babies in. Home-made rugs was put on top of de shucks for sheets, and de
kivver was de same thing.
"I still 'members my grandma Rachel. De traders fotched her here f'um
Virginny, and she never did learn to talk plain. Grandma Sallie Gaines
was too old for field wuk, so she looked atter de slave babies whilst
deir Ma's was wukkin' in de field. Grandpa Jack Gaines was de
shoemaker.
"Most of de time I was up at de big house waitin' on our white folks,
huntin' eggs, pickin' up chips, makin' fires, and little jobs lak dat.
De onliest way I could find to make any money in dem days was to sell
part'idges what I cotched in traps to dem Yankees what was allus passin'
'round. Dey paid me ten cents apiece for part'idges and I might have
saved more of my money if I hadn't loved dat store boughten pep'mint
candy so good.
"What I et? Anything I could git. Peas, green corn, 'tatoes, cornbread,
meat and lye hominy was what dey give us more dan anything else. Bakin'
was done in big old ovens what helt three pones of bread and in skillets
what helt two. Big pots for bilin' was swung over de coals in de
fireplace. Dey was hung on hooks fastened to de chimbly or on cranes
what could be swung off de fire when dey wanted to dish up de victuals.
Hit warn't nothin' for us to ketch five or six 'possums in one night's
huntin'. De best way to tote 'possums is to split a stick and run deir
tails thoo' de crack--den fling de stick crost your shoulders and tote
de 'possums 'long safe and sound. Dat way dey can't bite you. Dey's bad
'bout gnawin' out of sacks. When us went giggin' at night, us most allus
fotched back a heap of fishes and frogs. Dere was allus plenty of fishes
and rabbits. Our good old hound dog was jus' 'bout as good at trailin'
rabbits in de daytime as he was at treein' 'possums at night. I was
young and spry, and it didn't seem to make no diff'unce what I et dem
days. Big gyardens was scattered over de place whar-some-ever Marster
happened to pick out a good gyarden spot. Dem gyardens all b'longed to
our Marster, but he fed us all us wanted out of 'em.
"All dat us chillun wore in summer was jus' one little shirt. It was a
long time 'fore us knowed dere was folks anywhar dat put more dan one
piece of clothes on chillun in summer. Grandpa Jack made de red shoes us
wore widout no socks in winter. Our other winter clothes was cotton
shirts and pants, and coats what had a little wool in 'em. Summer times
us went bar headed, but Unker Ned made bullrush hats for us to wear in
winter. Dere warn't no diff'unt clothes for Sunday. Us toted our shoes
'long in our hands goin' to church. Us put 'em on jus' 'fore us got dar
and tuk 'em off again soon as us got out of sight of de meetin' house on
de way back home.
"Marse Joe Glover was a good man and he never whupped his Niggers much.
His wife, our Miss Julia, was all right too--dat she was. Deir three
chilluns was Miss Sue, Miss Puss, and Marster Will. Marse Joe done all
his own overseein'. He used to tuck his long white beard inside his
shirt and button it up.
"Dat was a fine lookin' turn-out of Marse Joe's--dat rock-a-way car'iage
wid bead fringe all 'round de canopy, a pair of spankin' black hosses
hitched to it, and my brother, David, settin' so proud lak up on de high
seat dey put on de top for de driver.
"Dere warn't no slave, man or 'oman, livin' on dat plantation what
knowed how many acres was in it. I 'spects dere was many as 500 slaves
in all. Marster 'pinted a cullud boy to git de slaves up 'fore day, and
dey wukked f'um sunup to sundown.
"Jails? Yes Ma'am, dere was sev'ral little houses dat helt 'bout two or
three folks what dey called jails. White folks used to git locked up in
'em but I never did see no Niggers in one of dem little jailhouses. I
never seed no Niggers sold, but I did see 'em in wagons gwine to
Mississippi to be sold. I never seed no slave in chains.
"Some few slaves could read and write, and dem what could read was most
allus called on by de others for preachin'. Charlie McCollie was de fust
cullud preacher I ever seed. White folks 'lowed slaves to make brush
arbors for churches on de plantations, and Nigger boys and gals done
some tall courtin' at dem brush arbors. Dat was de onliest place whar
you could git to see de gals you lakked de best. Dey used to start off
services singin', 'Come Ye Dat Loves De Lawd.' Warn't no pools in de
churches to baptize folks in den, so dey tuk 'em down to de crick. Fust
a deacon went in and measured de water wid a stick to find a safe and
suitable place--den dey was ready for de preacher and de canidates.
Evvybody else stood on de banks of de crick and jined in de singin'.
Some of dem songs was: 'Lead Me to de Water for to be Baptized,' 'Oh,
How I love Jesus,' and 'Oh, Happy Day dat Fixed my Choice.'
"I hates to even think 'bout funerals now, old as I is. 'Course I'se
ready to go, but I'se a thinkin' 'bout dem what ain't. Funerals dem days
was pretty much lak dey is now. Evvybody in de country would be dar. All
de coffins for slaves was home-made. Dey was painted black wid smut off
of de wash pot mixed wid grease and water. De onliest funeral song I
'members f'um dem days is:
'Oh, livin' man
Come view de ground
Whar you must shortly lay.'
"How in de name of de Lawd could slaves run away to de North wid dem
Nigger dogs on deir heels? I never knowed nary one to run away.
Patterollers never runned me none, but dey did git atter some of de
other slaves a whole lot. Marse Joe Allus had one pet slave what he sont
news by.
"When slaves come in f'um de fields at night, dey was glad to jus' go to
bed and rest deir bones. Dey stopped off f'um field wuk at dinner time
Saddays. Sadday nights us had stomp down good times pickin' de banjo,
blowin' on quills, drinkin' liquor, and dancin'. I was sho' one fast
Nigger den. Sunday was meetin' day for grown folks and gals. Boys
th'owed rocks and hunted birds' nests dat day.
"Chris'mas mornin's us chillun was up 'fore squirrels, lookin' up de
chimbly for Santa Claus. Dere was plenty to eat den--syrup, cake, and
evvything.
"New Year's Day de slaves all went back to wuk wid most of 'em clearin'
new ground dat day. Dere was allus plenty to do. De only other holidays
us had was when us was rained out or if sleet and snow drove us out of
de fields. Evvybody had a good time den a frolickin'. When us was
trackin' rabbits in de snow, it was heaps of fun.
"Marse Joe had piles and piles of corn lined up in a ring for de corn
shuckin's. De gen'ral pitched de songs and de Niggers would follow,
keepin' time a-singin' and shuckin' corn. Atter all de corn was shucked,
dey was give a big feast wid lots of whiskey to drink and de slaves was
'lowed to dance and frolic 'til mornin'.
"If a neighbor got behind in geth'rin' his cotton, Marse Joe sont his
slaves to help pick it out by moonlight. Times lak dem days, us ain't
never gwine see no more.
"I ain't never seed no sich time in my life as dey had when Marse Will
Glover married Miss Moorehead. She had on a white satin dress wid a veil
over her face, and I 'clare to goodness I never seed sich a pretty white
lady. Next day atter de weddin' day, Marse Will had de infare at his
house and I knows I ain't never been whar so much good to eat was sot
out in one place as dey had dat day. Dey even had dried cow, lak what
dey calls chipped beef now. Dat was somepin' brand new in de way of
eatin's den. I et so much I was skeered I warn't gwine to be able to go
'long back to Marse Joe's plantation wid de rest of 'em.
"Old Marster put evvy foot forward to take care of his slaves when dey
tuk sick, 'cause dey was his own property. Dey poured asafiddy
(asafetida) and pinetop tea down us, and made us take tea of some sort
or another for 'most all of de ailments dere was dem days. Slaves wore a
nickel or a copper on strings 'round deir necks to keep off sickness.
Some few of 'em wore a dime; but dimes was hard to git.
"One game us chillun played was 'doodle.' Us would find us a doodle hole
and start callin' de doodle bug to come out. You might talk and talk but
if you didn't promise him a jug of 'lasses he wouldn't come up to save
your life. One of de songs us sung playin' chilluns games was sorter lak
dis:
"Whose been here
Since I been gone?
A pretty little gal
Wid a blue dress on."
"Joy was on de way when us heared 'bout freedom, if us did have to
whisper. Marse Joe had done been kilt in de war by a bomb. Mist'ess, she
jus' cried and cried. She didn't want us to leave her, so us stayed on
wid her a long time, den us went off to Mississippi to wuk on de
railroad.
"Dem Yankees stole evvything in sight when dey come along atter de
surrender. Dey was bad 'bout takin' our good hosses and corn, what was
$16 a bushel den. Dey even stole our beehives and tuk 'em off wropt up
in quilts.
"My freedom was brought 'bout by a fight dat was fit 'twixt two men, and
I didn't fight nary a lick myself. Mr. Jefferson Davis thought he was
gwine beat, but Mr. Lincoln he done de winnin'. When Mr. Abraham Lincoln
come to dis passage in de Bible: 'My son, therefore shall ye be free
indeed,' he went to wuk to sot us free. He was a great man--Mr. Lincoln
was. Booker Washin'ton come 'long later. He was a great man too.
"De fust school I went to was de Miller O. Field place. Cam King, de
teacher, was a Injun and evvywhar he went he tuk his flute 'long wid
him.
"Me and my fust wife, Essie Lou Sutton, had a grand weddin', but de
white folks tuk her off wid 'em, and I got me a second wife. She was
Julia Goulder of Putman County. Us didn't have no big doin's at my
second marriage. Our onliest two chillun died whilst dey was still
babies."
Asked about charms, ghosts and other superstitions, he patted himself on
the chest, and boasted: "De charm is in here. I just dare any witches
and ghosties to git atter me. I can see ghosties any time I want to.
"Want me to tell you what happened to me in Gainesville, Georgia? I was
out in de woods choppin' cordwood and I felt somepin' flap at me 'bout
my foots. Atter while I looked down, and dere was one of dem deadly
snakes, a highland moccasin. I was so weak I prayed to de Lawd to gimme
power to kill dat snake, but he didn't. De snake jus' disappeared. I
thought it was de Lawd's doin', but I warn't sho'. Den I tuk up my axe
and moved over to a sandy place whar I jus' knowed dere warn't no
snakes. I started to raise my axe to cut de wood and somepin' told me to
look down. I did, and dere was de same snake right twixt my foots again.
Den and dere I kilt him, and de Sperrit passed th'oo me sayin': 'You is
meaner dan dat snake; you kilt him and he hadn't even bit you.' I knowed
for sho' den dat de Lawd was speakin'.
"I was preachin' in Gainesville, whar I lived den, on de Sunday 'fore de
tornado in April 1936. Whilst I was in dat pulpit de Sperrit spoke to me
and said: 'Dis town is gwine to be 'stroyed tomorrow; 'pare your folks.'
I told my congregation what de Sperrit done told me, and dem Niggers
thought I was crazy. Bright and early next mornin' I went down to de
depot to see de most of my folks go off on de train to Atlanta on a
picnic. Dey begged me to go along wid 'em, but I said: 'No, I'se gwine
to stay right here. And 'fore I got back home dat tornado broke loose. I
was knocked down flat and broke to pieces. Dat storm was de cause of me
bein' hitched up in dis here harness what makes me look lak de devil's
hoss.
"Tuther night I was a-singin' dis tune: 'Mother how Long 'fore I'se
Gwine?' A 'oman riz up and said: 'You done raised de daid.' Den I
laughed and 'lowed: 'I knows you is a Sperrit. I'se one too.' At dat she
faded out of sight.
"I think folks had ought to be 'ligious 'cause dat is God's plan, and so
I jined de church atter Christ done presented Hisself to me. I'se fixin'
now to demand my Sperrit in de Lawd.
"Yes Ma'am, Miss, I knowed you was a-comin'. I had done seed you,
writin' wid dat pencil on dat paper, in de Sperrit."
RICHMOND COUNTY EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW
LEAH GARRETT
Written by: Louise Oliphant
Federal Writers' Project
Augusta, Georgia
Edited By: John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Project
Residencies 6 & 7
Augusta, Georgia
Leah Garrett, an old Negress with snow-white hair leaned back in her
rocker and recalled customs and manners of slavery days. Mistreatment at
the hands of her master is outstanding in her memory.
"I know so many things 'bout slavery time 'til I never will be able to
tell 'em all," she declared. "In dem days, preachers wuz just as bad and
mean as anybody else. Dere wuz a man who folks called a good preacher,
but he wuz one of de meanest mens I ever seed. When I wuz in slavery
under him he done so many bad things 'til God soon kilt him. His wife or
chillun could git mad wid you, and if dey told him anything he always
beat you. Most times he beat his slaves when dey hadn't done nothin' a
t'all. One Sunday mornin' his wife told him deir cook wouldn't never fix
nothin' she told her to fix. Time she said it he jumped up from de
table, went in de kitchen, and made de cook go under de porch whar he
always whupped his slaves. She begged and prayed but he didn't pay no
'tention to dat. He put her up in what us called de swing, and beat her
'til she couldn't holler. De pore thing already had heart trouble; dat's
why he put her in de kitchen, but he left her swingin' dar and went to
church, preached, and called hisself servin' God. When he got back home
she wuz dead. Whenever your marster had you swingin' up, nobody
wouldn't take you down. Sometimes a man would help his wife, but most
times he wuz beat afterwards.
"Another marster I had kept a hogshead to whup you on. Dis hogshead had
two or three hoops 'round it. He buckled you face down on de hogshead
and whupped you 'til you bled. Everybody always stripped you in dem days
to whup you, 'cause dey didn't keer who seed you naked. Some folks'
chillun took sticks and jobbed (jabbed) you all while you wuz bein'
beat. Sometimes dese chillun would beat you all 'cross your head, and
dey Mas and Pas didn't know what stop wuz.
"Another way marster had to whup us wuz in a stock dat he had in de
stables. Dis wuz whar he whupped you when he wuz real mad. He had logs
fixed together wid holes for your feet, hands, and head. He had a way to
open dese logs and fasten you in. Den he had his coachman give you so
many lashes, and he would let you stay in de stock for so many days and
nights. Dat's why he had it in de stable so it wouldn't rain on you.
Everyday you got dat same number of lashes. You never come out able to
sit down.
"I had a cousin wid two chillun. De oldest one had to nuss one of
marster's grandchildren. De front steps wuz real high, and one day dis
pore chile fell down dese steps wid de baby. His wife and daughter
hollered and went on turrible, and when our marster come home dey wuz
still hollerin' just lak de baby wuz dead or dyin'. When dey told him
'bout it, he picked up a board and hit dis pore little chile 'cross de
head and kilt her right dar. Den he told his slaves to take her and
throw her in de river. Her ma begged and prayed, but he didn't pay her
no 'tention; he made 'em throw de chile in.
"One of de slaves married a young gal, and dey put her in de "Big House"
to wuk. One day Mistess jumped on her 'bout something and de gal hit her
back. Mistess said she wuz goin' to have Marster put her in de stock and
beat her when he come home. When de gal went to de field and told her
husband 'bout it, he told her whar to go and stay 'til he got dar. Dat
night he took his supper to her. He carried her to a cave and hauled
pine straw and put in dar for her to sleep on. He fixed dat cave up just
lak a house for her, put a stove in dar and run de pipe out through de
ground into a swamp. Everybody always wondered how he fixed dat pipe,
course dey didn't cook on it 'til night when nobody could see de smoke.
He ceiled de house wid pine logs, made beds and tables out of pine
poles, and dey lived in dis cave seven years. Durin' dis time, dey had
three chillun. Nobody wuz wid her when dese chillun wuz born but her
husband. He waited on her wid each chile. De chillun didn't wear no
clothes 'cept a piece tied 'round deir waists. Dey wuz just as hairy as
wild people, and dey wuz wild. When dey come out of dat cave dey would
run everytime dey seed a pusson.
"De seven years she lived in de cave, diffunt folks helped keep 'em in
food. Her husband would take it to a certain place and she would go and
git it. People had passed over dis cave ever so many times, but nobody
knowed dese folks wuz livin' dar. Our Marster didn't know whar she wuz,
and it wuz freedom 'fore she come out of dat cave for good.
"Us lived in a long house dat had a flat top and little rooms made like
mule stalls, just big enough for you to git in and sleep. Dey warn't no
floors in dese rooms and neither no beds. Us made beds out of dry grass,
but us had cover 'cause de real old people, who couldn't do nothin'
else, made plenty of it. Nobody warn't 'lowed to have fires, and if dey
wuz caught wid any dat meant a beatin'. Some would burn charcoal and
take de coals to deir rooms to help warm 'em. Every pusson had a tin
pan, tin cup, and a spoon. Everybody couldn't eat at one time, us had
'bout four different sets. Nobody had a stove to cook on, everybody
cooked on fire places and used skillets and pots. To boil us hung pots
on racks over de fire and baked bread and meats in de skillets.
"Marster had a big room right side his house whar his vittals wuz
cooked. Den de cook had to carry 'em upstairs in a tray to be served.
When de somethin' t'eat wuz carried to de dinin' room it wuz put on a
table and served from dis table. De food warn't put on de eatin' table.
"De slaves went to church wid dey marsters. De preachers always preached
to de white folks first, den dey would preach to de slaves. Dey never
said nothin' but you must be good, don't steal, don't talk back at your
marsters, don't run away, don't do dis, and don't do dat. Dey let de
colored preachers preach but dey give 'em almanacs to preach out of. Dey
didn't 'low us to sing such songs as 'We Shall Be Free' and 'O For a
Thousand Tongues to Sing'. Dey always had somebody to follow de slaves
to church when de colored preacher was preachin' to hear what wuz said
and done. Dey wuz 'fraid us would try to say something 'gainst 'em."
MARY GLADDY,
EX-SLAVE
Place of birth: On the Holt plantation, in Muscogee
County, near Columbus, Georgia.
Date of birth: About 1853.
Present residence: In rear of 806-1/2 - 6th Avenue, Columbus,
Georgia.
Interviewed: July 30, 1936.
Her story: "I was a small girl when the Civil War broke out, but I
remember it distinctly. I also remember the whisperings among the
slaves--their talking of the possibility of freedom.
"My father was a very large, powerful man. During his master's absence,
in '63 or '64, a colored foreman on the Hines Holt place once undertook
to whip him; but my father wouldn't allow him to do it. This foreman
then went off and got five big buck Negroes to help him whip father, but
all six of them couldn't 'out-man' my daddy! Then this foreman shot my
daddy with a shot-gun, inflicting wounds from which he never fully
recovered.
"In '65, another Negro foreman whipped one of my little brothers. This
foreman was named Warren. His whipping my brother made me mad and when,
a few days later, I saw some men on horseback whom I took to be Yankees,
I ran to them and told them about Warren--a common Negro slave--whipping
my brother. And they said, 'well, we will see Warren about that.' But
Warren heard them and took to his heels! Yes, sir, he flew from home,
and he didn't come back for a week! Yes, sir, I sholy scared that Negro
nearly to death!
"My father's father was a very black, little, full-blooded, African
Negro who could speak only broken English. He had a son named Adam, a
brother of my father, living at Lochapoka, Ala. In 1867, after freedom,
this granpa of mine, who was then living in Macon, Georgia, got mad with
his wife, picked up his feather bed and toted it all the way from Macon
to Lochapoka! Said he was done with grandma and was going to live with
Adam. A few weeks later, however, he came back through Columbus, still
toting his feather bed, returning to grandma in Macon. I reckon he
changed his mind. I don't believe he was over five feet high and we
could hardly understand his talk.
"Since freedom, I have lived in Mississippi and other places, but most
of my life has been spent right in and around Columbus. I have had one
husband and no children. I became a widow about 35 years ago, and I have
since remained one because I find that I can serve God better when I am
not bothered with a Negro man."
Mary Gladdy claims to have never attended school or been privately
taught in her life. And she can't write or even form the letters of the
alphabet, but she gave her interviewer a very convincing demonstration
of her ability to read. When asked how she mastered the art of reading,
she replied: "The Lord revealed it to me."
For more than thirty years, the Lord has been revealing his work, and
many other things, to Mary Gladdy. For more than twenty years, she has
been experiencing "visitations of the spirit". These do not occur with
any degree of regularity, but they do always occur in "the dead hours of
the night" after she has retired, and impel her to rise and write in an
unknown hand. These strange writings of her's now cover eight pages of
letter paper and bear a marked resemblance to crude shorthand notes.
Off-hand, she can "cipher" (interpret or translate) about half of these
strange writings; the other half, however, she can make neither heads
nor tails of except when the spirit is upon her. When the spirit eases
off, she again becomes totally ignorant of the significance of that
mysterious half of her spirit-directed writings.
"Aunt" Mary appears to be very well posted on a number of subjects. She
is unusually familiar with the Bible, and quotes scripture freely and
correctly. She also uses beautiful language, totally void of slang and
Negro jargon, "big" words and labored expressions.
She is a seventh Day Adventist; is not a psychic, but is a rather
mysterious personage. She lives alone, and ekes out a living by taking
in washing. She is of the opinion that "we are now living in the last
days"; that, as she interprets the "signs", the "end of time" is drawing
close. Her conversion to Christianity was the result of a hair-raising
experience with a ghost--about forty years ago, and she has never--from
that day to this--fallen from grace for as "long as a minute".
To know "Aunt" Mary is to be impressed with her utter sincerity and, to
like her. She is very proud of one of her grandmothers, Edie Dennis,
who lived to be 110 years old, and concerning whom a reprint from the
Atlanta Constitution of November 10, 1900, is appended. Her story of
Chuck, and the words of two spirituals and one slave canticle which
"Aunt" Mary sang for her interviewer, are also appended.
AUNT EDIE DENNIS HAS
REACHED GOOD OLD AGE
--SPECIAL--
(FROM ATLANTA CONSTITUTION,
NOVEMBER 10, 1900.)
Quite a remarkable case of longevity is had in the person of Edie
Dennis, a colored woman of Columbus, who has reached the unusual
age of 109 years of age and is still in a state of fair health.
Aunt Edie lives with two of her daughters at No. 1612 Third Avenue,
in this city. She has lived in three centuries, is a great-great
grandmother and has children, grandchildren, great-grandchildren
and great-great-grandchildren, aggregating in all over a hundred
persons. She lives with one of her "young" daughters, sixty-six.
Edie Dennis is no doubt one of the oldest persons living in the
United States. Cases are occasionally reported where 105 years is
reached, but 109 years is an age very seldom attained. A wonderful
feature of this case is that this old woman is the younger sister
of another person now living. Aunt Edie has a brother living at
Americus, Georgia, who is 111 years old.
Notwithstanding her great age, Aunt Edie is in fairly good health.
She is naturally feeble and her movements are limited. Even in her
little home, from which she never stirs. Although she is feeble,
her faculties seem clear and undimmed and she talked interestingly
and intelligently to a Constitution reporter who called upon her
recently.
Aunt Edie was born in 1791, just eight years before the death of
George Washington occurred. She was a mother when the war of 1812
took place. The establishment of Columbus as a city was an event of
her mature womanhood. The Indian War of the thirties she recalls
very distinctly. She was getting old when the Mexican War took
place. She was an old woman when the great conflict between the
states raged. She was seventy-five years of age when she became
free.
It is quite needless to say that Aunt Edie was a slave all her life
up to the year 1866. She was born in Hancock County, Georgia,
between Milledgeville and Sparta. She was the property of Thomas
Schlatter. She came to Columbus just after the town had been laid
off, when she was a comparatively young woman. She became the
property of the family of Judge Hines Holt, the distinguished
Columbus lawyer. She says that when she first came here there was
only a small collection of houses. Where her present home was
located was then nothing but swamp land. The present location of
the court house was covered with a dense woods. No event in those
early years impressed itself more vividly upon Aunt Edie's mind
than the Indian War, in the thirties. She was at the home of one of
the Indians when she first heard of the uprising against the
whites, and she frankly says that she was frightened almost to
death when she listened to the cold-blooded plots to exterminate
the white people. Not much attention was paid to her on account of
her being a Negro. Those were very thrilling times and Aunt Edie
confesses that she was exceedingly glad when the troubles with the
red men were over. Another happening of the thirties which Aunt
Edie recalls quite distinctly is the falling of the stars. She says
quaintly that there was more religion that year in Georgia than
there ever was before or has been since. The wonderful manner in
which the stars shot across the heavens by the thousands, when
every sign seemed to point to the destruction of the earth, left a
lasting impression upon her brain.
Aunt Edie says that she was kindly treated by her masters. She says
that they took interest in the spiritual welfare of their slaves
and that they were called in for prayer meeting regularly. Aunt
Edie was such an old woman when she was freed that the new
condition meant very little change in life for her, as she had
about stopped work, with the exception of light tasks about the
house.
There seems to be no doubt that Aunt Edie is 109 years old. She
talks intelligently about things that occurred 100 years ago. All
her children, grandchildren, etc., asserts that her age is exactly
as stated. Indeed, they have been the custodians of her age, so to
speak, for nearly half a century. It was a matter of great interest
to her family when she passed the 100 mark.
Aunt Edie is religious and she delights in discussing scriptural
matters. She has practical notions, however, and while she is
morally sure she will go to a better world when she dies, she
remarks, "That we know something about this world, but nothing
about the next."
Perhaps this is one reason why Aunt Edie has stayed here 109 years.
* * * * *
NOTE: Mary Gladdy (806-1/2 - Sixth Avenue, Columbus, Georgia). A
grand-daughter of Edie Dennis, states that her grandmother died in
1901, aged 110.
THE STORY OF CHUCK, AS
TOLD BY MARY GLADDY.
Chuck was a very intelligent and industrious slave, but so religious
that he annoyed his master by doing so much praying, chanting, and
singing.
So, while in a spiteful mood one day, this master sold the Negro to an
infidel. And this infidel, having no respect for religion whatsoever,
beat Chuck unmercifully in an effort to stop him from indulging in his
devotions. But, the more and the harder the infidel owner whipped Chuck,
the more devout and demonstrative the slave became.
Finally, one day, the infidel was stricken ill unto death; the wicked
man felt that his end was near and he was afraid to die. Moreover, his
conscience rebuked him for his cruel treatment of this slave. The family
doctor had given the infidel up: the man apparently had but a few hours
to live. Then, about 8 o'clock at night, the dying man asked his wife to
go down in the slave quarter and ask Chuck if he would come to his
bedside and pray for him.
The white lady went, as requested, and found Chuck on his knees, engaged
in prayer.
"Chuck", she called, "your master is dying and has sent me to beg you to
come and pray for him."
"Why, Maddom", replied Chuck, "I has been praying fer Marster
tonight--already, and I'll gladly go with you."
Chuck then went to his Master's bed side and prayed for him all night,
and the Lord heard Chuck's prayers, and the white man recovered, was
converted, joined the church, and became an evangelist. He also freed
Chuck and made an evangelist of him. Then the two got in a buggy and,
for years, traveled together all over the country, preaching the gospel
and saving souls.
NOTE: Mary Gladdy believes this to be a true story, though she knew
neither the principals involved, nor where nor when they lived and
labored. She says that the story has been "handed down", and she once
saw it printed in, and thus confirmed by, a Negro publication--long
after she had originally heard it.
KEEP THE FIRE BURNING WHILE YOUR SOUL'S FIRED UP.
Fire, fire, O, keep the fire burning while your soul's fired up.
O, keep the fire burning while your soul's fired up;
Never mind what satan says while your soul's fired up.
You ain't going to learn how to watch and pray,
Less you keep the fire burning while your soul's fired up.
Old Satan is a liar and a cunjorer, too;
If you don't mind, he'll cunjor you;
Keep the fire burning while your =soul's fired up=.
Never mind what satan says while, your soul's fired up.
Sung for interviewer by:
Mary Gladdy, Ex-slave,
806-1/2 - Sixth Avenue,
Columbus, Georgia.
December 17, 1936.
THE GOSPEL TRAIN
Never seen the like since I've been born,
The people keep a-coming, and the train's done gone;
Too late, too late, the train's done gone,
Too late, sinner, too late, the train's done gone;
Never seen the like since I've been born,
The people keep a-coming, and the train's done gone;
Too late, too late, the train's done gone.
Went down into the valley to watch and pray,
My soul got happy and I stayed all day;
Too late, too late, the train's done gone;
Too late, sinner, too late, the train's done gone;
Never seen the like since I've been born,
The people keep a-coming and the train's done gone.
Too late, too late, the train's done gone.
Sung for interviewer by:
Mary Gladdy, ex-slave,
806-1/2 - 6th Avenue,
Columbus, Georgia,
December 17, 1936
OLD SLAVE CANTICLE.
My sister, I feels 'im, my sister I feels 'im;
All night long I've been feelin 'im;
Jest befoe day, I feels 'im, jest befoe day I feels 'im;
The sperit, I feels 'im, the sperit I feels 'im!
My brother, I feels 'im, my brother, I feels 'im;
All night long I've been feelin 'im,
Jest befoe day, I feels 'im, jest befoe day, I feel 'im;
The sperit, I feels 'im!
According to Mary Gladdy, ex-slave, 806-1/2 - 6th Avenue, Columbus,
Georgia, it was customary among slaves during the Civil War period to
secretly gather in their cabins two or three nights each week and hold
prayer and experience meetings. A large, iron pot was always placed
against the cabin door--sideways, to keep the sound of their voices from
"escaping" or being heard from the outside. Then, the slaves would sing,
pray, and relate experiences all night long. Their great, soul-hungering
desire was freedom--not that they loved the Yankees or hated their
masters, but merely longed to be free and hated the institution of
slavery.
Practically always, every Negro attendant of these meetings felt the
spirit of the Lord "touch him (or her) just before day". Then, all would
arise, shake hands around, and begin to chant the canticle above quoted.
This was also a signal for adjournment, and, after chanting 15 or 20
minutes, all would shake hands again and go home--confident in their
hearts that freedom was in the offing for them.
A SHORT TALK
WITH SARAH GRAY--
EX-SLAVE
A paper submitted
by Minnie B. Ross
Revision of original copy
and typing by
J. C. Russell
1/25/37
Talk with ex-slave
SARAH GRAY
M. B. Ross
Sarah Gray is an aged ex-slave, whose years have not only bent her body
but seem to have clouded her memory. Only a few facts relating to
slavery could, therefore, be learned from her. The events she related,
however, seemed to give her as much pleasure as a child playing with a
favorite toy.
The only recollection Sarah has of her mother is seeing her as she lay
in her coffin, as she was very young when her mother died. She remembers
asking her sisters why they didn't give her mother any breakfast.
Sarah's master was Mr. Jim Nesbit, who was the owner of a small
plantation in Gwinnett County. The exact number of slaves on the
plantation were not known, but there were enough to carry on the work of
plowing, hoeing and chopping the cotton and other crops. Women as well
as men were expected to turn out the required amount of work, whether it
was picking cotton, cutting logs, splitting rails for fences or working
in the house.
Sarah was a house slave, performing the duties of a maid. She was often
taken on trips with the mistress, and treated more as one of the Nesbit
family than as a slave. She remarked, "I even ate the same kind of food
as the master's family."
The Nesbits, according to Sarah, followed the customary practice of the
other slave owners in the matter of the punishment of slaves. She says,
however, that while there were stories of some very cruel masters, in
her opinion the slave owners of those days were not as cruel as some
people today. She said occasionally slave owners appointed some of the
slaves as overseers, and very often these slave-overseers were very
cruel.
When the war began, the Nesbits and other plantation owners grouped
together, packed their wagons full of supplies, took all of their
slaves, and started on a journey as refugees. They had not gone very far
when a band of Yankee soldiers overtook them, destroyed the wagons, took
seventy of the men prisoners and marched off taking all of the horses,
saying they were on their way to Richmond and when they returned there
would be no more masters and slaves, as the slaves would be freed. Some
of the slaves followed the Yankees, but most of them remained with their
masters' families.
They were not told of their freedom immediately on the termination of
the war, but learned it a little later. As compensation, Mr. Nesbit
promised them money for education. She declares, however, that this
promise was never fulfilled.
Sarah Gray's recollections of slavery, for the most part, seem to be
pleasant. She sums it up in the statement, "In spite of the hardships we
had to go through at times, we had a lot to be thankful for. There were
frolics, and we were given plenty of good food to eat, especially after
a wedding."
The aged ex-slave now lives with a few distant relatives. She is well
cared for by a family for whom she worked as a nurse for 35 years, and
she declares that she is happy in her old age, feeling that her life has
been usefully spent.
PLANTATION LIFE as viewed by Ex-Slave
ALICE GREEN
Athens
Georgia
Written by: Corry Fowler,
Athens --
Edited by: Sarah H. Hall
Athens
and
John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Project
Residencies 6 & 7
Alice Green's supposed address led the interviewer to a cabin with a
padlocked front door. A small Negro girl who was playing in the
adjoining yard admitted, after some coaxing, that she knew where Alice
could be found. Pointing down the street, she said: "See dat house wid
de sheet hangin' out in front. Dat's whar Aunt Alice lives now." A few
moments later a rap on the door of the house designated was answered by
a small, slender Negress.
"Yes Mam, I'm Alice Green," was her solemn response to the inquiry. She
pondered the question of an interview for a moment and then, with
unsmiling dignity, bade the visitor come in and be seated. Only one room
of the dilapidated two-room shack was usable for shelter and this room
was so dark that lamplight was necessary at 10:00 o'clock in the
morning. Her smoking oil lamp was minus its chimney.
A Negro child about two or three years old was Alice's sole companion.
"I takes keer of little Sallie Mae whilst her Mammy wuks at a boardin'
house," she explained. "She's lots of company for me.
"Charles and Milly Green was my daddy and mammy. Daddy's overseer was a
man named Green, and dey said he was a powerful mean sort of man. I
never did know whar it was dey lived when Daddy was borned. Mammy's
marster was a lawyer dat dey called Slickhead Mitchell, and he had a
plantation at Helicon Springs. Mammy was a house gal and she said dey
treated her right good. Now Daddy, he done field work. You know what
field work is, hoein', plowin', and things lak dat. When you was a slave
you had to do anything and evvything your marster told you to. You was
jus' 'bliged to obey your marster no matter what he said for you to do.
If you didn't, it was mighty bad for you. My two oldest sisters was
Fannie and Rena. Den come my brothers, Isaac and Bob, and my two
youngest sisters, Luna and Violet. Dere was seven of us in all.
"Slaves lived in rough little log huts daubed wid mud and de chimblys
was made out of sticks and red mud. Mammy said dat atter de slaves had
done got through wid deir day's work and finished eatin' supper, dey all
had to git busy workin' wid cotton. Some carded bats, some spinned and
some weaved cloth. I knows you is done seen dis here checkidy cotton
homespun--dat's what dey weaved for our dresses. Dem dresses was made
tight and long, and dey made 'em right on de body so as not to waste
none of de cloth. All slaves had was homespun clothes and old heavy
brogan shoes.
"You'll be s'prised at what Mammy told me 'bout how she got her larnin'.
She said she kept a school book hid in her bosom all de time and when de
white chillun got home from school she would ax 'em lots of questions
all 'bout what dey had done larned dat day and, 'cause she was so proud
of evvy little scrap of book larnin' she could pick up, de white chillun
larned her how to read and write too. All de larnin' she ever had she
got from de white chillun at de big house, and she was so smart at
gittin' 'em to larn her dat atter de war was over she got to be a school
teacher. Long 'fore dat time, one of dem white chillun got married and
tuk Mammy wid her to her new home at Butler, Georgia.
"Now my daddy, he was a plum sight sho' 'nough. He said dat when
evvythin' got still and quiet at night he would slip off and hunt him up
some 'omans. Patterollers used to git atter him wid nigger hounds and
once when dey cotch him he said dey beat him so bad you couldn't lay
your hand on him nowhar dat it warn't sore. Dey beat so many holes in
him he couldn't even wear his shirt. Most of de time he was lucky enough
to outrun 'em and if he could jus' git to his marster's place fust dey
couldn't lay hands on him. Yes Mam, he was plenty bad 'bout runnin' away
and gittin' into devilment.
"Daddy used to talk lots 'bout dem big cornshuckin's. He said dat when
dey got started he would jump up on a big old pile of corn and holler
loud as he could whilst he was a snatchin' dem shucks off as fast as
greased lightin'.
"When Mammy was converted she jined the white folks church and was
baptized by a white preacher 'cause in dem days slaves all went to de
same churches wid deir marster's famblies. Dere warn't no separate
churches for Negroes and white people den.
"I warn't no bigger dan dis here little Sallie Mae what stays wid me
when de War ended and dey freed de slaves. A long time atter it was all
over, Mammy told me 'bout dat day. She said she was in de kitchen up at
de big house a-cookin' and me and my sisters was out in de yard in de
sandbed a-playin' wid de little white chillun when dem yankee sojers
come. Old Miss, she said to Mammy: 'Milly, look yonder what's a-comin'.
I ain't gwine to have nothin' left, not even a nickels worth, 'cause
dere comes dem yankees.' Dey rid on in de yard, dem sojers what wore dem
blue jackets, and dey jus' swarmed all over our place. Dey even went in
our smokehouse and evvywhar and took whatever dey wanted. Dey said
slaves was all freed from bondage and told us to jus' take anything and
evvything us wanted from de big house and all 'round de plantation whar
us lived. Dem thievin' sojers even picked up one of de babies and
started off wid it, and den Old Miss did scream and cry for sho'. Atter
dey had done left, Old Miss called all of us together and said she
didn't want none of us to leave her and so us stayed wid her a whole
year atter freedom had done come.
"Not many slaves had a chance to git property of deir own for a long
time 'cause dey didn't have no money to buy it wid. Dem few what had
land of deir own wouldn't have had it if deir white folks hadn't give it
to 'em or holp 'em to git it. My uncle, Carter Brown, had a plenty
'cause his white folks holped him to git a home and 'bout evvything else
he wanted. Dem Morton Negroes got ahead faster dan most any of de others
'round here but dey couldn't have done it if deir white folks hadn't
holped 'em so much.
"Soon as I got big enough, I started cookin' for well-off white folks.
Fact is, I ain't never cooked for no white folks dat didn't have jus'
plenty of money. Some of de white folks what has done et my cookin' is
de Mitchells, Upsons, Ruckers, Bridges, and Chief Seagraves' fambly. I
was cookin' for Chief Buesse's mammy when he was jus' a little old
shirttail boy. Honey, I allus did lak to be workin' and I have done my
share of it, but since I got so old I ain't able to do much no more. My
white folks is mighty good to me though.
"Now Honey, you may think it's kind of funny but I ain't never been much
of a hand to run 'round wid colored folks. My mammy and my white folks
dey raised me right and larned me good manners and I'm powerful proud of
my raisin'. I feels lak now dat white folks understands me better and
'preciates me more."
Why, jus' listen to dis! When Mr. Weaver Bridges told me his mother had
done died, he axed me did I want to go to the funeral and he said he was
goin' to take me to de church and graveyard too, and sho' 'nough dey did
come and git me and carry me 'long. I was glad dey had so many pretty
flowers at Mrs. Bridges' funeral 'cause I loved her so much. She was a
mighty sweet, good, kind 'oman.
"All my folks is dead now 'cept me and my chillun, Archie, Lila, and
Lizzie. All three of 'em is done married now. Archie, he's got a house
full of chillun. He works up yonder at de Georgian Hotel. I loves to
stay in a little hut off to myself 'cause I can tell good as anybody
when my chillun and in-laws begins to look cross-eyed at me so I jus'
stays out of deir way.
"I'm still able to go to church and back by myself pretty reg'lar. 'Bout
four years ago I jined Hill's Baptist Church. Lak to a got lost didn't
I? If I had stayed out a little longer it would have been too late, and
I sho' don't want to be lost."
PLANTATION LIFE
Interview with:
ALICE GREEN
156 Willow Street
Athens, Georgia
Written by: Sadie B. Hornsby
Athens --
Edited by: Sarah H. Hall
Athens --
Leila Harris
Augusta --
and
John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Project
Residencies 6 & 7.
ALICE GREEN
Ex-Slave--Age 76
Alice Green's address led to a tumble down shack set in a small yard
which was enclosed by a sagging poultry wire fence. The gate, off its
hinges, was propped across the entrance.
The call, "Alice!" brought the prompt response, "Here I is. Jus' push de
gate down and come on in." When a little rat terrier ran barking out of
the house to challenge the visitor, Alice hobbled to the door. "Come
back here and be-have yourself" she addressed the dog, and turning to
the interviewer, she said: "Lady, dat dog won't bite nothin' but
somepin' t'eat--when he kin git it." Don't pay him no 'tention. Won't
you come in and have a seat?"
Alice has a light brown complexion and bright blue eyes. She wore a
soiled print dress, and a dingy stocking cap partly concealed her white
hair. Boards were laid across the seat of what had been a cane-bottomed
chair, in which she sat and rocked.
Asked if she would talk of her early life the old Negress replied: "Good
Lord! Honey, I done forgot all I ever knowed 'bout dem days. I was born
in Clarke County. Milly and Charley Green was my mammy and pappy and dey
b'longed to Marse Daniel Miller. Mammy, she was born and raised in
Clarke County but my pappy, he come from southwest Georgia. I done
forgot de town whar he was brung up. Dere was seven of us chillun: me
and Viola, Lula, Fannie, Rene, Bob, and Isaac. Chillun what warn't big
'nough to wuk in de fields or in de house stayed 'round de yard and
played in de sand piles wid de white chillun.
"Slaves lived in mud-daubed log huts what had chimblies made out of
sticks and mud. Lordy Honey! Dem beds was made wid big high posties and
strung wid cords for springs. Folks never had no wire bedsprings dem
days. Our mattresses was wheat straw put in ticks made out of coarse
cloth what was wove on de loom right dar on de plantation.
"I don't know nothin' 'bout what my grandmammies done in slav'ry time. I
never seed but one of 'em, and don't 'member much 'bout her. I was jus'
so knotty headed I never tuk in what went on 'cause I never 'spected to
be axed to tell 'bout dem days.
"Money! Oh-h-h, no Ma'am! I never seed no money 'til I was a great big
gal. My white folks was rich and fed us good. Dey raised lots of hogs
and give us plenty of bread and meat wid milk and butter and all sorts
of vegetables. Marster had one big garden and dere warn't nobody had
more good vegetables den he fed to his slaves. De cookin' was done in
open fireplaces and most all de victuals was biled or fried. Us had all
de 'possums, squirrels, rabbits, and fish us wanted cause our marster
let de mens go huntin' and fishin' lots.
"Us jus' wore common clothes. Winter time dey give us dresses made out
of thick homespun cloth. De skirts was gathered on to tight fittin'
waisties. Us wore brass toed brogan shoes in winter, but in summer
Niggers went bar'foots. Us jus' wore what us could ketch in summer. By
dat time our winter dresses had done wore thin and us used 'em right on
through de hot weather.
"Marse Daniel Miller, he was some kinder good to Mammy, and Miss Susan
was good to us too. Now Honey, somehow I jus' cain't 'member deir
chilluns names no more. And I played in de sand piles all day long wid
'em too.
"Oh-h-h! Dat was a great big old plantation, and when all dem Niggers
got out in de fields wid horses and wagons, it looked lak a picnic
ground; only dem Niggers was in dat field to wuk and dey sho' did have
to wuk.
"Marster had a carriage driver to drive him and Ole Miss 'round and to
take de chillun to school. De overseer, he got de Niggers up 'fore day
and dey had done et deir breakfast, 'tended to de stock, and was in de
field by sunup and he wuked 'em 'til sundown. De mens didn't do no wuk
atter dey got through tendin' to de stock at night, but Mammy and lots
of de other 'omans sot up and spun and wove 'til 'leven or twelve
o'clock lots of nights.
"My pappy was a man what b'lieved in havin' his fun and he would run off
to see de gals widout no pass. Once when he slipped off dat way de
patterollers sicked dem nigger hounds on him and when dey cotched him
dey most beat him to death; he couldn't lay on his back for a long time.
"If dey had jails, I didn't know nothin' 'bout 'em. De patterollers wid
deir nigger hounds made slaves b'have deirselfs widout puttin' 'em in no
jails. I never seed no Niggers sold, but Mammy said her and her whole
fambly was sold on de block to de highes' bidder and dat was when Ole
Marster got us.
"Mammy, she was de cook up at de big house, and when de white chillun
come back from school in de atternoon she would ax 'em to show her how
to read a little book what she carried 'round in her bosom all de time,
and to tell her de other things dey had larn't in school dat day. Dey
larned her how to read and write, and atter de War was over Mammy
teached school and was a granny 'oman (midwife) too.
"Dey made us go to church on Sundays at de white folks church 'cause
dere warn't no church for slaves on de plantation. Us went to Sunday
School too. Mammy jined de white folks church and was baptized by de
white preacher. He larnt us to read de Bible, but on some of de
plantations slaves warn't 'lowed to larn how to read and write. I didn't
have no favorite preacher nor song neither, but Mammy had one song what
she sung lots. It was 'bout 'Hark from de Tombs a Doleful Sound.' I
never seed nobody die and I never went to no buryin' durin' slav'ry
time, so I cain't tell nothin' 'bout things lak dat.
"Lordy Honey! How could dem Niggers run off to de North when dem
patterollers and deir hounds was waitin' to run 'em down and beat 'em
up? Now some of de slaves on other places might have found some way to
pass news 'round but not on Ole Marster's place. You sho' had to have a
pass 'fore you could leave dat plantation and he warn't goin' to give
you no pass jus' for foolishment. I never heared tell of no uprisin's
twixt white folks and Niggers but dey fussed a-plenty. Now days when
folks gits mad, dey jus' hauls off and kills one another.
"Atter slaves got through deir wuk at night, dey was so tired dey jus'
went right off to bed and to sleep. Dey didn't have to wuk on Sadday
atter dinner, and dat night dey would pull candy, dance, and frolic 'til
late in de night. Dey had big times at cornshuckin's and log rollin's.
My pappy, he was a go-gitter; he used to stand up on de corn and whoop
and holler, and when he got a drink of whiskey in him he went hog wild.
Dere was allus big eatin's when de corn was all shucked.
"Christmas warn't much diffunt from other times. Us chillun had a heap
of fun a-lookin' for Santa Claus. De old folks danced, quilted, and
pulled candy durin' de Christmastime. Come New Year's Day, dey all had
to go back to wuk.
"What for you wants to know what I played when I was a little gal? Dat
was a powerful long time ago. Us played in de sand piles, jumped rope,
played hide and seek and Old Mother Hubbard."
At this time a little girl, who lives with Alice, asked for a piece of
bread. She got up and fed the child, then said: "Come in dis here room.
I wants to show you whar I burned my bed last night tryin' to kill de
chinches: dey most eats me up evvy night." In the bedroom an oil lamp
was burning. The bed and mattress showed signs of fire. The mattress
tick was split from head to foot and cotton spilling out on the floor.
"Dat's whar I sleep," declared Alice. The atmosphere of the bedroom was
heavy with nauseous odors and the interviewer hastened to return to the
front of the house desiring to get out of range of the chinch-ridden
bed. Before there was time to resume conversation the terrier grabbed
the bread from the child's hand and in retaliation the child bit the dog
on the jaw and attempted to retrieve the bread. Alice snatched off her
stocking cap and beat at the dog with it. "Git out of here, Biddy. I
done told you and told you 'bout eatin' dat chile's somepin t'eat. I
don't know why Miz. Woods gimme dis here dog no how, 'cause she knows I
can't feed it and it's jus' plum starvin'. Go on out, I say.
"Lordy! Lady, dar's one of dem chinches from my bed a-crawlin' over your
pretty white dress. Ketch him quick, 'fore he bites you." Soon the
excitement was over and Alice resumed her story.
"Dey tuk mighty good care of slaves when dey got sick. Dey had to,
'cause slaves was propity and to let a slave die was to lose money. Ole
Miss, she looked atter de 'omans and Ole Marster, he had de doctor for
de mens. I done forgot most of what dey made us take. I know dey made us
wear assfiddy (asafetida) sacks 'round our necks, and eat gumgoo wax.
Dey rubbed our heads wid camphor what was mixed wid whiskey. Old folks
used to conjure folks when dey got mad at 'em. Dey went in de woods and
got certain kinds of roots and biled 'em wid spider webs, and give 'em
de tea to drink.
"One day us chillun was playin' in de sand pile and us looked up and
seed a passel of yankees comin'. Dere was so many of 'em it was lak a
flock of bluebirds. 'Fore dey left some folks thought dey was more lak
blue devils. My mammy was in de kitchen and Ole Miss said: 'Look out of
dat window, Milly; de yankees is comin' for sho' and dey's goin' to free
you and take you and your chillun 'way from me. Don't leave me! Please
don't leave me, Milly!' Dem yankees swarmed into de yard. Dey opened de
smokehouse, chicken yard, corncrib, and evvything on de place. Dey tuk
what dey wanted and told us de rest was ours to do what us pleased wid.
Dey said us was free and dat what was on de plantation b'longed to us,
den dey went on off and us never seed 'em no more.
"When de War was over Ole Miss cried and cried and begged us not to
leave her, but us did. Us went to wuk for a man on halves. I had to wuk
in de field 'til I was a big gal, den I went to wuk for rich white
folks. I ain't never wuked for no pore white folks in my whole life.
"It was a long time 'fore Niggers could buy land for deirselfs 'cause
dey had to make de money to buy it wid. I couldn't rightly say when
schools was set up for de Niggers. It was all such a long time ago, and
I never tuk it in nohow.
"I don't recollect when I married George Huff or what I wore dat day.
Didn't live wid him long nohow. I warn't goin' to live wid no man what
sot 'round and watched me wuk. Mammy had done larnt me how to wuk, and I
didn't know nothin' else but to go ahead and wuk for a livin'. I don't
know whar George is. He might be dead for all I know; if he ain't, he
ought to be. I got three chillun. Two of 'em is gals, Lizzie and Lila,
and one is a boy. My oldest gal, she lives in Atlanta." She ignored the
question as to where her other daughter lives. "My son wuks at de
Georgian Hotel. But understand now, dem ain't George Huff's chillun.
Deir pappy was my sweetheart what got into trouble and runned away. I
ain't gwine to tell his name.
"Honey, I jus' tell you de truth; de reason why I jined de church was
'cause I was a wild gal, and dere warn't nothin' too mean for me to do
for a long time. Mammy and my sisters kept on beggin' me to change my
way of livin', but I didn't 'til four years ago. I got sick and thought
I was goin' to die, and den I begged de good Lord to forgive me and
promised Him if He would let me git well 'nough to git out of dat bed, I
would change and do good de rest of my life. When I was able to git up,
I jined de church. I didn't mean to burn in hell lak de preachers said I
would. I thinks evvybody ought to jine de church and live right.
"Oh-h-h! Lady, I sho' do thank you for dis here dime. I'm gwine to buy
me some meat wid it. I ain't had none dis week. My white folks is mighty
good to me, but Niggers don't pay me no mind.
"Has you axed me all you wants to? I sho' is glad 'cause I ain't had
nothin' t'eat yit." She pulled down her stocking to tie the coin in its
top and revealed an expanse of sores from ankle to knee. A string was
tied above each knee. "A white lady told me dem strings soaked in
kerosene would drive out de misery from my laigs," Alice explained.
"Goodbye Honey, and God bless you."
AN OPINION OF SLAVERY
BY ISAIAH GREEN--EX SLAVE
Submitted by Minnie B. Ross
Typed by
J.C. Russell
1-25-37
An opinion of Slavery
By
Isaiah Green--Ex-Slave
AN EX-SLAVES OPINION OF SLAVERY
Isaiah Green, an ex-slave, still has a clear, agile mind and an
intelligent manner. With his reddish brown complexion, straight hair,
and high cheek bones, he reminds you of an old Indian Chief, and he
verifies the impression by telling you that his grandfather was a full
blooded Indian.
Isaiah Green was born in 1856 at Greensboro, Ga. Cleary Mallory Willis
and Bob Henderson were his parents, but he did not grow up knowing the
love and care of a father, for his father was sold from his mother when
he was only two years. Years later, his mother lost track of his father
and married again. There were eleven children and Isaiah was next to the
youngest.
His master was Colonel Dick Willis, who with his wife "Miss Sally"
managed a plantation of 3,000 acres of land and 150 slaves. Col. Willis
had seven children, all by a previous marriage. Throughout the State he
was known for his wealth and culture. His plantation extended up and
down the Oconee River.
His slave quarters were made up of rows of 2-room log cabins with a
different family occupying each room. The fireplaces were built three
and four feet in length purposely for cooking. The furniture, consisting
of a bed, table, and chair, was made from pine wood and kept clean by
scouring with sand. New mattresses and pillows were made each spring
from wheat straw.
Old Uncle Peter, one of the Willis slaves, was a skilled carpenter and
would go about building homes for other plantation owners. Sometimes he
was gone as long as four or five months.
Every two weeks, rations of meal, molasses and bacon were given each
slave family in sufficient quantity. The slaves prepared their own
meals, but were not allowed to leave the fields until noon. A nursing
mother, however, could leave between times.
Large families were the aim and pride of a slave owner, and he quickly
learned which of the slave women were breeders and which were not. A
slave trader could always sell a breeding woman for twice the usual
amount. A greedy owner got rid of those who didn't breed. First,
however, he would wait until he had accumulated a number of
undesirables, including the aged and unruly.
There was an old slave trader in Louisiana by the name of Riley who
always bought this type of slave, and re-sold them. When ready to sell,
a slave owner notified him by telegram. When Riley arrived, the slaves
were lined up, undressed and closely inspected. Too many scars on the
body meant a "bad slave" and no one would be anxious to purchase him.
Green related the story of his grand mother Betsy Willis. "My
grandmother was half white, since the master of the plantation on which
she lived was her father." He wished to sell her, and when she was
placed on the block he made the following statement: "I wish to sell a
slave who is also my daughter. Before anyone can purchase her, he must
agree not to treat her as a slave but as a free person. She is a good
midwife and can be of great service to you." Col. Dick Willis was there,
and in front of everyone signed the papers.
The Willis plantation was very large and required many workers. There
were 75 plow hands alone, excluding those who were required to do the
hoeing. Women as well as men worked in the fields. Isaiah Green declares
that his mother could plow as well as any man. He also says that his
work was very easy in the spring. He dropped peas into the soft earth
between the cornstalks, and planted them with his heel. Cotton, wheat,
corn, and all kinds of vegetables made up the crops. A special group of
women did the carding and spinning, and made the cloth on two looms. All
garments were made from this homespun cloth. Dyes from roots and berries
were used to produce the various colors. Red elm berries and a certain
tree bark made one kind of dye.
Besides acting as midwife, Green's grandmother Betsy Willis, was also a
skilled seamstress and able to show the other women different points in
the art of sewing. Shoes were given to the slaves as often as they were
needed. Green's step-father was afflicted and could not help with the
work in the field. Since he was a skilled shoe maker his job was to make
shoes in the winter. In summer, however, he was required to sit in the
large garden ringing a bell to scare away the birds.
Col. Willis was a very kind man, who would not tolerate cruel treatment
to any of his slaves by overseers. If a slave reported that he had been
whipped for no reason and showed scars on his body as proof, the
overseer was discharged. On the Willis Plantation were 2 colored men
known as "Nigger Drivers." One particularly, known as "Uncle Jarrett,"
was very mean and enjoyed exceeding the authority given by the master.
Green remarked, "I was the master's pet. He never allowed anyone to whip
me and he didn't whip me himself. He was 7-ft. 9 in. tall and often as I
walked with him, he would ask, "Isaiah, do you love your old master?' Of
course I would answer, yes, for I did love him."
Col. Willis did not allow the "patterrollers" to interfere with any of
his slaves. He never gave them passes, and if any were caught out
without one the "patterrollers" were afraid to whip them.
Mr. John Branch was considered one of the meanest slave owners in Green
County, and the Negroes on his plantation were always running away.
Another slave owner known for his cruelty was Colonel Calloway, who had
a slave named Jesse who ran away and stayed 7 years. He dug a cave in
the ground and made fairly comfortable living quarters. Other slaves who
no longer could stand Col. Calloway's cruelty, would join him. Jesse
visited his wife, Lettie, two and three times a week at night. Col.
Calloway could never verify this, but became suspicious when Jesse's
wife gave birth to two children who were the exact duplicate of Jesse.
When he openly accused her of knowing Jesse's whereabouts, she denied
the charges, pretending she had not seen him since the day he left.
When the war ended, Jesse came to his old master and told him he had
been living right on the plantation for the past 7 years. Col. Calloway
was astonished; he showed no anger toward Jesse, however, but loaned him
a horse and wagon to move his goods from the cave to his home.
There were some owners who made their slaves steal goods from other
plantations and hide it on theirs. They were punished by their master,
however, if they were caught.
Frolics were held on the Willis plantation as often as desired. It was
customary to invite slaves from adjoining plantations, but if they
attended without securing a pass from their master, the "patterrollers"
could not bother them so long as they were on the Willis plantation. On
the way home, however, they were often caught and beaten.
In those days there were many Negro musicians who were always ready to
furnish music from their banjo and fiddle for the frolics. If a white
family was entertaining, and needed a musician but didn't own one, they
would hire a slave from another plantation to play for them.
Col. Willis always allowed his slaves to keep whatever money they
earned. There were two stills on the Willis plantation, but the slaves
were never allowed to drink whiskey at their frolics. Sometimes they
managed to "take a little" without the master knowing it.
On Sunday afternoons, slaves were required to attend white churches for
religious services, and over and over again the one sermon drummed into
their heads was, "Servants obey your mistress and master; you live for
them. Now go home and obey, and your master will treat you right." If a
slave wished to join the church, he was baptized by a white minister.
The consent of both slave owners was necessary to unite a couple in
matrimony. No other ceremony was required. If either master wished to
sell the slave who married, he would name the price and if it was
agreeable to the other, the deal was settled so that one owner became
master of both. The larger and stronger the man, the more valuable he
was considered.
Slaves did not lack medical treatment and were given the best of
attention by the owner's family doctor. Sometimes slaves would pretend
illness to escape work in the field. A quick examination, however,
revealed the truth. Home remedies such as turpentine, castor oil, etc.,
were always kept on hand for minor ailments.
Green remembers hearing talk of the war before he actually saw signs of
it. It was not long before the Yankees visited Greensboro, Ga., and the
Willis plantation. On one occasion, they took all the best horses and
mules and left theirs which were broken down and worn from travel. They
also searched for money and other valuables. During this period a mail
wagon broke down in the creek and water soon covered it. When the water
fell, Negroes from the Willis plantation found sacks of money and hid
it. One unscrupulous Negro betrayed the others; rather than give back
the money, many ran away from the vicinity. Isaiah's Uncle managed to
keep his money but the Ku Klux Klan learned that he was one of the
group. One night they kidnaped and carried him to the woods where they
pinned him to the ground, set the dry leaves on fire, and left him. In
the group he recognized his master's son Jimmie. As fate would have it
the leaves burned in places and went out. By twisting a little he
managed to get loose, but found that his feet were badly burned. Later,
when he confronted the master with the facts, Col. Willis offered to pay
him if he would not mention the fact that his son Jimmie was mixed up in
it, and he sent the man to a hospital to have his burns treated. In the
end, all of his toes had to be amputated.
Another time, the Yankees visited the Willis plantation and offered
Green a stick of candy if he would tell them where the master hid his
whiskey. Isaiah ignorantly gave the information. The leader of the
troops then blew his trumpet and his men came from every direction. He
gave orders that they search for an underground cellar. Very soon they
found the well-stocked hiding place. The troops drank as much as they
wanted and invited the slaves to help themselves. Later, when Col.
Willis arrived and the mistress, who was furious, told him, she said,
"If it hadn't been for that little villain, the Yankees would never have
found your whiskey." The master understood, however, that Isaiah hadn't
known what he was doing, and refused to punish him.
The Yankees came to the Willis plantation to notify the Negroes of their
freedom. One thing they said stands out in Green's memory. "If your
mistress calls you 'John,' call her 'Sally.' You are as free as she is
and she can't whip you any more. If you remain, sign a paper so that you
will receive pay for your work." Mrs. Willis looked on with tears in her
eyes and shook her head sadly. The next day the master notified each
slave family that they could remain on his plantation if they desired
and he would give each $75.00 at Christmas. Looking at Isaiah's
step-father, he told him that since he was afflicted he would pay him
only $50.00, but this amount was refused. Wishing to keep the man, Col.
Willis finally offered him as much as he promised the ablebodied men.
Some slave owners did not let their slaves know of their freedom, and
kept them in ignorance as long as six months; some even longer.
Green's family remained on the Willis plantation until they were forced
to move, due to their ex-master's extravagance. As Isaiah remarked, "He
ran through with 3,000 acres of land and died on rented land in Morgan
County."
Directly after the war, Col. Willis was nominated for the office of
legislator of Georgia. Realizing that the vote of the ex-slaves would
probably mean election for him, he rode through his plantation trying to
get them to vote for him. He was not successful, however, and some
families were asked to move off his plantation, especially those whom
he didn't particularly like.
Years later, Green's family moved to Atlanta. Isaiah is now living in
the shelter provided by the Dept. of Public Welfare. He appears to be
fairly contented.
[HW: Isaac (Isaiah) Green]
Edwin Driskell
THE EXPERIENCES OF AN EX-SLAVE
Following is the account of slavery as told by Mr. Isaac Green, who
spent a part of his childhood as a slave.
"I wus born in Greene County, Georgia, eighty-one years ago. My marster
wus named Colonel Willis. He wus a rich man an' he had a whole lots o'
slaves--'bout seventy-five or more. Besides my mother an' me I had nine
sisters. I wus de younges' chile. I didn't know 'bout my father 'till
after surrender, 'cause ol' marster sold him 'way fum my mother when I
wus two years old.
"When I wus big enuff I had to go to de fiel' wid de res' o' de chillun
an' drap corn an' peas. We'd take our heels an' dent a place in de
groun' an' in every dent we had to drap two peas. Sometimes we'd make a
mistake an' drap three seeds instead o' two an' if we did dis too often
it meant de strap fum de overseer. On our plantation we had a colored
an' a white overseer.
"My ol' marster never did whup me an' he didn't 'low none o' de
overseers to whup me either. He always say: 'Dat's my nigger--I sol' his
father when I coulda saved him--he wus de bes' man I had on de
plantation.' De rest o' de slaves uster git whuppins sometimes fer not
workin' like dey should. When dey didn't work or some other little thing
like dat dey would git twenty-five or fifty lashes but de marster would
tell de overseer: 'Don't you cut my nigger's hide or scar him.' You see
if a slave wus scarred he wouldn't bring as much as one with a smooth
hide in case de marster wanted to sell 'im, 'cause de buyers would see
de scars an' say dat he wus a bad nigger.
"Sometimes de women uster git whuppins fer fightin'. Ol' marster uster
tell my mother all de time dat he wus goin' to give her one-hundred
lashes if she didn't stop fightin', but he never did do it though. My
grandmother never did git whupped. Colonel Black, her first marster,
wus her father an' when he went broke he had to sell her. When he went
broke he put her on de block--in dem days dey put slaves on de block to
sell 'em jes' like dey do horses an' mules now--he say to de gentlemen
gathered 'roun: 'Dis is my nigger an' my chile; she is a midwife an' a
extraordinary weaver an' whoever buys her has got to promise to treat
her like a white chile.' My marster bought her an' he treated her like
she wus white, too. He never did try to hit her an' he wouldn't let
nobody else hit her.
"We always had a plenty to eat an' if we didn't we'd go out in
somebody's pasture an' kill a hog or sheep an' clean him by a branch an'
den hide de meat in de woods or in de loft of de house. Some of de white
folks would learn you how to steal fum other folks. Sometimes ol'
marster would say to one o' us: 'Blast you--you better go out an' hunt
me a hog tonight an' put it in my smokehouse---dey can search you
niggers' houses but dey can't search mine.'
"Once a week de marster give us three pounds of pork, a half gallon o'
syrup, an' a peck o' meal. You had to have a garden connected wid yo'
house fer yo' vegetables. De marster would let you go out in de woods
an' cut you as large a space as you wanted. If you failed to plant, it
wus jes' yo' bad luck. If you wanted to you could sell de corn or de
tobacco or anything else dat you raised to de marster an' he would pay
you. 'Course he wusn't goin' to pay you too much fer it.
"All de slaves had to work---my mother wus a plow han'. All de aged men
an' women had to tend to de hogs an' de cows an' do de weavin' an' de
sewin'. Sometimes ol' marster would let us have a frolic an' we could
dance all night if we wanted to as long as we wus ready to go to de
fiel' when de overseer blowed de bugle 'fo day nex' mornin'. De fiel'
han's had to git up early enuff to fix dey breakfas' befo' dey went to
de fiel'. We chillun took dinner to 'em at twelve o'clock. We used
baskets to take de dinner in, an' large pails to take de milk in. Dey
had to fix supper fer dey selves when dey lef' de fiel' at dark.
"All de clothes we wore wuz made on de plantation. De women had to card,
spin an' weave de thread an' den when de cloth wuz made it wuz dyed wid
berries. My step-father wuz de shoemaker on de plantation an' we always
had good shoes. He beat ol' marster out o' 'bout fifteen years work.
When he didn't feel like workin' he would play like he wuz sick an' ol'
marster would git de doctor for him. When anybody got sick dey always
had de doctor to tend to him."
Regarding houses, Mr. Green says: "We lived in log houses dat had wood
floors. Dere wuz one window an' a large fireplace where de cookin' wuz
done in de ashes. De chinks in de walls wuz daubed wid mud to keep de
weather out. De beds wuz made by hand an' de mattresses wuz big tickin's
stuffed wid straw."
Continuing he says: "Yo' actual treatment depended on de kind o' marster
you had. A heap o' folks done a heap better in slavery dan dey do now.
Everybody on our plantation wuz glad when de Yankee soldiers tol' us we
wuz free."
EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW:
MARGARET GREEN
1430 Jones Street
Augusta, Georgia.
(Richmond County)
BY: Mrs. Margaret Johnson
Editor
Federal Writers' Project,
Augusta, Georgia.
EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW
Margaret Green,
1430 Jones Street,
Augusta, Georgia
(Richmond County)
Margaret Green, 1430 Jones Street was born in 1855 on the plantation of
Mr. Cooke McKie in Edgefield County, South Carolina.
Margaret's house was spotlessly clean, her furniture of the golden oak
type was polished, and the table cover and sideboard scarfs were
beautifully laundered. Margaret is a small, trim little figure dressed
in a grey print dress with a full gathered skirt and a clean, starched
apron with strings tied in a big bow. She has twinkling eyes, a kindly
smile and a pleasant manner.
"Yes, mam, I remembers slavery times very well. I wuz a little girl but
I could go back home and show you right where I wuz when the sojers come
through our place with their grey clothes and bright brass buttons. They
looked mighty fine on their hosses ridin' round. I could show you right
where those sojers had the camp".
Margaret described "the quarters" and told of the life. "Each fam'ly had
a garden patch, and could raise cotton. Only Marse Cooke raised cotton;
what we raised we et".
"Margaret were the slaves on your master's plantation mistreated?"
"What you say? Mistreat? Oh! you mean whipped! Yes, man, sometime Marse
Cooke whip us when we need it, but he never hurt nobody. He just give
'em a lick or two make 'em mind they business. Marse Cooke was a good
man, and he never let a overseer lay a finger on one of his niggers!"
"Margaret were you ever whipped?"
Margaret laughed; with her eyes twinkling merrily she replied, "Marse
Cooke say he wuz gonna whip me 'cause I was so mischievious. He was on
his horse. I broke and run, and Marse ain't give me that whippin' till
yet!"
"Yes, mam, I hearn stories o' ghos'es and hants, but I never did b'lieve
in none of 'em. I uster love to play and to get out of all the work I
could. The old folk on the plantashun uster tell us younguns if we
didn't hurry back from the spring with the water buckets, the hants and
buggoos would catch us. I ain't never hurry till yet, and I never see a
hant. I wished I could, 'caus' I don't b'lieve I would be scart."
"Margaret, did you learn to read?"
"Oh! no mam, that wus sumpin' we wuzn't 'lowed to do; nobody could have
lessons. But we went to Church to the Publican Baptist Church. Yes, mam,
I'se sho' dat wuz the name--the Publican Baptist Church--ain't I been
there all my life 'till I been grown and married? We uster go mornin'
and evenin', and the white people sat on one side and the slaves on the
other."
Margaret said her mother was a seamstress and also a cook. Three other
seamstresses worked on the plantation. There was a spinning wheel and a
loom, and all the cotton cloth for clothing was woven and then made into
clothes for all the slaves. There were three shoe makers on the place
who made shoes for the slaves, and did all the saddle and harness
repair.
Margaret was asked who attended the slaves when they were sick.
"Marse Cooke's son was a doctor", she replied, and he 'tended anybody
who was bad sick. Granny Phoebe was the midwife at our plantashun and
she birthed all the babies. She was old when I was a little gal, and she
lived to be 105. Marse Cooke never let any of his slaves do heavy work
'till dey wuz 18 years old." Margaret's father went to the war with
"Marse Cooke" as his body servant, and her mother went also, to cook for
him!
"To tell you the truth, man," said the old woman, "I 'member more 'bout
that war back yonder than I member 'bout the war we had a few years
ago."
Minnie Green
Interviewed
Alberta Minor
Re-search Worker
Minnie is not an ex-slave, for she was "jes walkin'" when the war was
over. Her parents were given their freedom in May but stayed on with
Judge Green until fall, after the wheat cutting. The family moved to a
two story house "out Meriwether Road" but didn't get along so well.
Minnie was hungry lots and came to town to get scraps of food. When she
was a "good big girl" she came to town one day with her hair full of
cukle-burrs, dressed in her mother's basque looking for food, when she
saw a man standing in front of a store eating an orange. She wanted that
peeling. No one kept their cows and pigs up and when the man threw the
peeling on the ground a sow grabbed it. Minnie chased the pig right down
Hill Street, was hollering and making plenty of noise, when a lady,
"Mis' Mary Beeks", came out and asked her "what's the matter?" "Right
then and there I hired myself out to Miss Mary, and she raised me."
Minnie played with white children, went to the "white folks" Church, and
did not "associate with niggers" until she was grown. Every summer they
went to the Camp Grounds for two weeks. They took the children, Minnie
for nurse, a stove, a cow and everything they needed for that time.
She was nearly grown before she went to a colored church and "baptisin'"
and it frightened her to see a person immersed, and come up "shoutin'".
Minnie thought they was "fightin' the Preacher" so she didn't go back
anymore.
Minnie firmly believes if a woman comes in your house first on New Years
Day, it will bring you bad luck, and she has walked as far as 10 miles
to get a man in her house first. If she meets a cross eyed person, she
crosses her fingers and spits on them to break the bad spell. "Hooten'
owls" are sure the sign of death and she always burns her hair combins
because if you just throw them away and the birds get them to put in
their nests, you'll have a "wanderin' mind."
Minnie is 72 years old, very active physically and mentally, lives among
the Negroes now but greatly misses her "white folks."
Minnie Green
503 East Chappell Street
Griffin, Georgia
August 31, 1936.
WHEELER GRESHAM of WILKES COUNTY
GEORGIA
by
Minnie Branham Stonestreet
Washington-Wilkes
Georgia
Dec. 14, 1936.
Wheeler Gresham, 82 years old, tall, very erect, has white hair and
beard, a quiet dignified manner, and faded old eyes that seem ever to be
gazing back on those happy days he told about "when we war' in slavery."
He is uneducated, having gone to school only one week in his life--gave
up "tryin' to larn out er books."
Wheeler claims the distinction of having had three masters and loving
them all equally well; he belonged to one and lived with the other two.
It all happened in this wise:
His mother, Barbara Booker, belonged to "Marse Simmie and Marse Jabie
Booker"--("Marse Simmie wuz the one what named me") his father, Franklin
Gresham belonged to "Marse George Gresham." The Bookers and Greshams
lived on adjoining plantations and were the best of friends and
neighbors. They would not sell a slave no matter what happened, so when
Barbara and Franklin wanted to marry they had the consent of their
owners and settled down on the Booker plantation where Barbara continued
her work and Franklin spending all his spare time with her, although he
belonged to the Greshams and kept up his work for them. He had a pass to
go and come as he pleased.
Wheeler tells of his life on the plantations for his time was spent
between the two where he played with the other little slaves and with
the white boys near his age. He enjoyed most playing marbles, hunting
and fishing with the little Gresham boys. He never has had a punishment
of any kind in all his whole long life, and said with much pride--"An' I
ain't never been in no court scrape neither. No'm, my Marsters didn't
'low nobody ter 'buke dey han's. Ef a overseer got rough an' wanted to
beat a nigger, he had to go right den and dar." He added: "Dem overseer
fellows wuz rough anyhow, dey warn't our sort of folks. An' de owners
what wuz mean to dey niggers wuz looked down on by 'spectable white
folks lak dem what I belonged to."
"All us little niggers on the Booker plantation et in de white folks'
kitchen, a big old kitchen out in de yard. De grown slaves cooked and et
in dey cabins, but our Mistess wouldn't trust 'em to feed de little
ones. My Gramma wuz de cook an' we had plenty of good victuals, we'd all
set er round an' eat all we wanted three times er day."
Wheeler said that the Doctor who lived near by was always called in when
the negroes were sick and they had the best of care; their owners saw to
that. Of course there were simple home remedies like mullein tea for
colds, Jerusalem Oak seed crushed up and mixed with syrup, given to them
in the Springtime, and always that terrible "garlic warter" they so
despised to take.
When death came the slave was buried on the plantation in the negro
burial ground, a white preacher conducting the last rites. When a negro
couple wanted to marry the consent of the owners was ceremony enough and
they set up a home as man and wife and lived on "'thout all dis 'vocin'
lak dey has terday."
Christmas was a big time with three or four days holiday on the
plantations. Santa Claus found his way to the Quarters and left the
little negroes stick candy and "reisens", and "dar wuz er plenty of
pound cake fer everybody." Fourth of July was a big holiday and all the
little boys white and black went a-fishing together that day.
Sundays were kept holy--no work was done on the Sabbath. On "meetin'
days" everybody attended the neighborhood Church, white and black
worshiped together, the darkies in the gallery built for them. On all
other Sundays they went to Church, and everybody sat in one big Bible
Class. Wheeler said his Mistess called up all the little negroes on the
plantation on Sunday afternoons and taught them the catechism and told
them Bible stories.
There was plenty of fun for the darkies in the Gresham and Booker
community. They had dances, cornshuckings, picnics and all kinds of old
time affairs. These were attended by slaves for some distance around,
but they had to have passes or "de patter rollers would sho' git 'em. Us
little niggers wuz feared to go 'bout much 'kase we heered so much
erbout de patter rollers." Wheeler enjoyed the cornshuckings more than
anything else, or rather he talked more freely about them. He said that
the corn was piled high in the barn and the men and boys, after a big
supper of "fresh meat and all kinds of good things, and plenty of sho'
nough pound cake"--(that pound cake he can't seem to forget)--would
gather around and to the tune of an old fiddle in the hands of a
plantation musician, they would sing and shuck corn until the whole pile
was finished. Many races were entered into and the winners proclaimed
amid much shouting and laughter. This merriment and work lasted into the
night.
Wheeler was quick to say that the happiest time of his life was those
days of slavery and the first years immediately after. He was happy, had
all that anyone needed, was well taken care of in every way. He spoke of
their family as being a happy one, of how they worked hard all day, and
at night were gathered around their cabin fire where the little folks
played, and his mother spun away on her "task of yarn". His Mistess made
all his clothes, "good warm ones, too." All the little negroes played
together and there "wuz a old colored lady" that looked after them "an'
kept 'em straight."
There was little talk of the war, in fact some of the slaves didn't know
what "de white folks wuz er fightin' 'bout." Wheeler's two Booker
masters, "Marse Simmie and Marse Jabie, went to de war, Marse Jabie wuz
kilt dar." Very little difference was noticed in the plantation life--of
course times were harder and there was a sadness around, but work went
on as usual. When the war was over and the slaves called up and told
they were free: "Sum wuz glad an' sum wuz sorry, dey all wuz at a
wonder--at de row's en', didn't know whar ter go. De most of 'em stayed
on lak we wuz, workin' fer our white folks. Dat's what my Pa an' Ma
done, dey stayed on fer sometime after de war." Wheeler tells about a
few Yankees coming through the country after the war: "Us niggers wuz
all 'feared of 'em an' we run frum 'em, but dey didn't do nothin' to
nobody. I dunno what dey cum er 'round down here fer."
Wheeler said he "nuver paid signs no mind--nuver paid no 'tention to all
dem 'stitions an' sich lak." He didn't have any superstitions to tell
only he did hear "ef a screech owl fly 'cross yo' do' hits er sign of a
death in dat house, an' ef a whippowill calls at de' do' hit's er sign
of death. Dat's what folks say, I don't know nothin' 'bout hit."
"I'm glad I knowed slavery, I had er better livin' in dem days dan I
eber had since. No talk 'bout money in dem days--no mam, an' ef a doctor
wuz needed he wuz right dar. I'se livin' ter day 'kase I got sich a good
start, an' den too, I'se livin' on de days of my Pa and Ma. Dey wuz good
folks an' lived ter be old. An' den too, I'se allus lived on a farm,
ain't nuver knowed no t'other kind of life, an' dat's de healthiest and
freest way ter live."
And, maybe, this gray old son of the soil is right--who knows?
FIRST COPY
OF
ARTICLE ENTITLED:
"AN INTERVIEW WITH HEARD GRIFFIN," EX-SLAVE.
by
Minnie B. Ross
Typed by
A. M. Whitley
1-29-37
HEARD GRIFFIN--EX-SLAVE
In order to catch Mr. Heard Griffin, the writer prepared herself for an
early morning interview. His daughter previously informed her that it
would be the only possible chance of seeing him. Why? because even at
the age of 86 years he is still restless; and is forever in the streets.
He can walk much faster than a young person; but memory and hearing are
a little dimmed by age. By careful and tactful questioning, [HW: and by
giving him] ample time for thinking the writer was able to learn a few
facts of slavery which are as follows:
Mr. Griffin was born May 19, 1850 in Waldon County, Monroe, Georgia. His
mother Sarah Griffin birthed 11 children; but he did not clearly
remember his father as their master sold him when he was a very small
boy. Here he remarked. "They would take small babies from their mothers'
arms and sell them."
Their master and mistress Mike and Lucinda Griffin owned about 200 acres
of land and a large number of slaves. On this plantation was grown corn,
cotton, wheat, etc. Long before day light, the master would come to the
slave quarters and call each person one by one, "Get up. Get up." Very
soon every one was up and fully dressed ready to begin the day's work.
First, however, they drank one or two glasses of milk and a piece of
corn bread, which was considered breakfast. Whether this amount of food
was sufficient for a morning's meal didn't matter to their master. They
simply had to make it last them until dinner. Smiling Mr. Griffin
remarked, "It wouldn't be long before you would hear the "geeing and
hawing" coming from the fields, the squealing of pigs and the barking of
dogs--all sounds mingling together."
Every one had a certain amount of work to complete before the day ended;
and each person worked in feverish haste to get it done and avoid the
whipping which they knew was in store for them, should they fail. During
the day Mr. Griffin's mother worked in the field, hoeing and plowing. At
night she, as well as other women, had to spin thread into cloth until
bed time. Each woman had to complete four cuts or be punished the next
morning. "If it began raining while we worked in the fields, the
overseer would tell everyone to put up their horses and to shelling corn
in the cribs," remarked Mr. Griffin.
"Mike Griffin was the meanest man I've ever known," he continued. "He
would sit down with nothing else to do, think of some man, send for him
and for no reason at all, give him a good beating. He kept a long
cowhide, which was almost an inch thick and with this he would almost
beat folks to death. First you had to remove your clothing so that
whipping would not wear them out. One day he beat a woman named Hannah
so badly that she died the same night. Before daybreak he had carried
the baby off and buried it. We never knew the burial place." Overseers
too, were very mean, particularly those on the Griffin plantation. They
followed the example of the man who hired them and as a result this
plantation was known far and wide for its cruelty, fear and terror. [HW
original text "cruelty, fear and terror" is stricken out.] Many slaves
would have attempted to run away but for fear of the pack of blood
hounds kept for the purpose of tracking run away slaves.
"Patter-rollers" were busy, too, looking up slaves and whipping them for
the flimsiest of excuses. Slaves often outran them to the woods and
managed to return to their plantations unobserved. If a pass had a
certain hour marked in it, for the slave's return, and he failed to
return at the designated houses, this was an offense for which they were
punished by the "patter-rollers." "Yes," remarked Mr. Griffin, "We were
not even allowed to quarrel among ourselves. Our master would quickly
tell us, 'I am the one to fight, not you.'" When a slave visited his
relatives on another plantation the master would send along one or two
of his children to make sure they did not attempt to run away.
Discarded bed clothing was given to slave families on the Griffin
Plantation and often it was necessary to keep a big log fire in the
winter, in order to sleep comfortably. Clothing for individual needs
consisted of one pair of brogan shoes a year and homemade cotton
garments, shirts, pants, dresses, etc. Every person went bare footed in
the summer and saved their one pair of shoes for the winter.
Food consisting of meal, bacon meat, and syrup was given the slave
families once a week. Occasionally "short" a second quality of flour was
given them for their Sunday meals. The Griffins were not liberal in
feeding their slaves, but would not object to their raising a little
corn, and a few vegetables. They had to work their gardens at night,
however, by the light of burning fat wood. Real coffee was on unheard-of
luxury among slaves: so scorched or corn meal served the purpose just as
well. On Christmas the master called each slave and gave him a dram of
whiskey. No other food or fruit was given. [HW: strikes this sentence
out]
Tin pans served as plates for the families. Spoons, knives, and forks
were unheard of: "Many a day I have eaten mashed bread and milk from a
trough and thought it was good," remarked Mr. Griffin.
Occasionally on other plantations slaves were allowed to earn money by
selling vegetables, chickens, etc. On the Griffin Plantation they could
only sell home made "gingercakes" for which a five-cent piece of paper
money was received in return. There were three pieces of paper money
used in those days: the five-cent, ten-cent, and fifteen-cent pieces.
Although the slaves did not have separate churches, they were expected
to attend the white churches and occupy the benches placed in the back,
purposely for them. After the coachman drove the white family to church
he unhitched the horses from the carriage and carried them to the
pasture where they remained until the services were over.
Marriages were very easily performed on the Griffin Plantation: After
securing the consent of both owners the rest of the ceremony consisted
only in having the couple jump the broom. In the event, the bride and
groom lived on separate plantations the groom was given a pass to visit
her on week ends, beginning Saturday afternoon and ending Sunday
evening.
"Our master was too mean to let us have frolics," remarked Mr. Griffin;
"we never knew anything, but work. Of course when we got sick we were
given the best medical care possible. People didn't die, they always got
well." Home remedies made from various roots were used for minor
illnesses.
"When the Civil War broke out our master loaded his horses with his most
valuable possessions and refugeed forty miles from his home," remarked
Mr. Griffin. "On one occasion the Yanks came to our plantation and stole
three of our best horses. I never saw a battle fought but often watched
the Confederate soldiers drilling. We continued to work long after
freedom was declared, not knowing that we were free. One day our
master's son-in-law called us together and told us we were free. Most of
us didn't know what to do but we were glad to get off of that
plantation and away from old man Griffin." With a broad smile he
continued: "Well that is all I can tell you Miss, but come back to see
me again."
With the above remark Mr. Heard Griffin and I closed our interview. He
reminded me, however, that he had been married five times and was the
father of fifteen children, four of whom are still living. His daughter
cares for him and tries to make his old age as happy and comfortable as
she can without the aid of relief.
[HW: David Goodman Gullins]
SUBJECT REMINISCENCES OF SLAVERY DAYS
DISTRICT NO. 1 W.P.A.
EDITOR AND RESEARCH RUTH A. CHITTY
SUPERVISOR J. E. JAFFEE
October 16, 1936.
REMINISCENCES OF SLAVERY DAYS
It was a beautiful brisk morning in October when I turned into main
street to call on one of the most unique and interesting characters that
we have among our colored citizens.
Upon arriving at the house where Uncle Dave lives, I made my way through
a side gate and the first thing that greeted me in his back yard was a
sign, "No Truspassing." I called to a tenant who rents his home to
inquire where I might find Uncle Dave. We looked about the premises, and
called him, but no response. I was just about to leave in despair, when
the colored girl said "maybe he can be found inside," whereupon we
called him forth.
He greeted me with a deep peal of laughter, saying "now you done caught
me sho, Mistiss!" I told him the story of my mission, and, after making
various excuses he finally, with a studied reluctance, consented to talk
to me a while. He called the colored girl and asked her to bring a chair
into the yard, which he placed near his favorite out-door lounging
place, and invited me to sit down. Then, with a hearty laugh he said,
"now Miss, just what is it you want me to tell you?"
"I want you to tell me all about yourself back in slavery days and
since, Uncle Dave."
"Miss, if I tell you all I know, then you will know as much about me as
I know." Again he burst into laughter, and constrained by a high sense
of propriety, but with perfect ease, he began to relate to me in a
manner and style all his own, some of the facts connected with his
life.
"Miss, my name is David Goodman Gullins. I was born in 1854 on the 27th
day of December, in Putnam County, about 3-1/2 miles from Eatonton, on
the Greensboro Road. I was born in slavery, my father and mother being
owned by Mr. J. W. Mappin. Marse Mappin was not a large slave holder,
since he only had about thirty-five slaves, but he was what we call a
'coming man'. I do not remember how much land he owned, but nothing like
some of the very wealthy land and slave owners. My owner was a
comparatively young man, say middle aged, weighing about 190 pounds,
with a fairly good education and withall a first rate man. My earliest
recollection of him was his perfectly bald head. It looked like a peeled
onion. He married a widow, Mrs. Elizabeth Lawson, who had two sons; one
who was Judge Thomas G. Lawson of the Ocmulgee Circuit, and Zurst
Lawson, who was killed in the war. My owners were very good to their
slaves.
"My father's name was John Mappin. He of course went by the name of the
owner. My mother's name was Catharine. She was bought from an owner by
the name of Milline by my master, and she became Catharine Mappin. I
know nothing of their lives, their childhood, their struggles,
hardships, etc., and where they came from. There were eleven boys and
one girl in our family, I being the third oldest boy born. Three
brothers born after me died in infancy. My mother raised only five of
her sons to manhood, and my sister is still living in Eatonton, Ga. She
is Gracie Roby. I have one brother still living, W. R. Gullins, a
minister. He is somewhere in North Carolina. When this brother was born,
Mistress had a lot of company, and all the ladies wanted to name the
new baby for their best friends. So the baby was named Willie Richard
Edgar Mappin for the best friends of the young ladies. He later dropped
the name Edgar and goes by the name of Willie Richard Gullins.
"Uncle David you say your owners name was Mappin, why is your name
Gullins?"
"Well, Miss, I'll have to digress a little to give you the history of
the name. Every effect has a cause you know, and after I got old enough
to reason things out, I wondered too why my name was Gullins, so I did
some investigating and the story goes like this.
"When I was a very small boy back before the war, a circus came to town.
I remember the clown, whose name was Gullins. My father, John Mappin,
was so much like the clown in his ways and sayings, that afterwards
everyone started calling him Gullins. This soon became a sort of
nickname. Some years after when slaves were freed, they were all
registered, most of them taking the family name of their owners. When
time came for my father to register, the Registrar says, "John, what
name are you going to register under, Mappin or Gullins? Everyone calls
you Gullins, and they will always call you Gullins. My father, after
thinking for a moment said, "just put down Gullins." By this time I was
beginning to think that Uncle Dave was pretty much of a clown himself.
"Now Uncle Dave tell me your early impressions of your mother and
father."
"Miss, my mother was one of the best women God ever made. Back in
slavery time I recall the trundle bed that we children slept on. In the
day it was pushed under the big bed, and at night it was pulled out for
us to sleep on. All through cold, bitter winter nights, I remember my
mother getting up often to see about us and to keep the cover tucked in.
She thought us sound asleep, and I pretended I was asleep while
listening to her prayers. She would bend down over the bed and
stretching her arms so as to take us all in, she prayed with all her
soul to God to help her bring up her children right. Don't think now
that she let God do it all; she helped God, bless your life, by keeping
a switch right at hand."
"Uncle Dave you didn't have to be chastised, did you?"
"I got two or three whippings every day. You see my mother didn't let
God do it all. You know if you spare the rod you spoil the child, and
that switch stimulated, regulated, persuaded and strengthened my memory,
and went a long way toward making me do the things my mother told me to
do. Hurrah for my mother! God bless her memory!"
"What about your father, Uncle Dave?"
"My father was a good man; he backed my mother in her efforts to bring
us up right. He told me many a time, 'Boy, you need two or three
killings every day!'"
"Uncle Dave why were you so obstreperous?"
"Miss, you see I was the baby in the family a long time, as three
brothers born after me died in infancy. I was petted and spoiled, and
later on they had to whip it out of me.
"Of course the slavery question was fast drawing to its climax when I
was born. Already war clouds seemed to cast a shadow. While freedom was
not had in Georgia until 1865, I was hardly old enough to remember very
much about the early customs of slavery in pre-war days. We had
comfortable quarters in which to live. Our houses were built in long
rows, house after house. My father was carriage driver and foreman of
the other niggers. His title was B.N."
"Uncle Dave what does B.N. stand for?"
With this question to answer, Uncle Dave broke into a spasm of laughter,
bending double first, then rocking from side to side, all the time
laughing while I waited anxiously to know the secret. Then, throwing
his head back, he came forth with great emphasis--"Why, he was what we
called 'Big Nigger'." Then we both laughed.
"Uncle Dave what were the duties of your mother as a slave?"
"Every slave had his task, and my mother was cook for the family and the
weaver. All of the clothing was made on the plantation from cotton and
wool. The cotton was carded, spun and woven into cloth and died.
Likewise, woolen garments was made from the wool clipped from the sheep
raised for this purpose. All these garments were made right on the
plantation."
"Uncle Dave what did you do when you were a little slave?"
"Well, there was a whole drove of us little niggers. We had lots of
chickens, cattle, hogs, sheep, etc. I had to help get up the eggs, drive
cattle, open gates, go on errands for Marster, and Marster most always
took me on trips with him, letting me ride in the foot of his buggy. I
was his favorite little pet nigger."
"You must have been the Little Big Nigger, Uncle Dave."
"I was always pushing an investigation, so when Marse Mappin take me on
trips with him that was my favorite time to ask questions. I remember
one hot August day we were driving along, and I had already asked
numerous questions, and Marse had already told me to shut up. I remained
quiet for a time, but the temptation was too great, and while Marse was
wiping the perspiration off his bald head, I said, 'Marster, may I ask
you one more question?' 'Yes, what is it David?' 'If a fly should light
on your head wouldn't he slip up and break his neck?' When Marster
shouted 'Shut up,' I did shut up. He used to tell his wife, Miss
Elizabeth, 'You know Elizabeth, my little nigger, Dave, drives me nearly
crazy asking questions about the stars, moon, sun, and everything.'
"My family lived continuously on the Mappin plantation until after the
war. Perhaps the most grievous fault of slavery was its persistent
assault upon the home life. Fortunately, none of our family was ever
sold, and we remained together until after the war. Marster Mappin was
far above the average slave owner; he was good to his slaves, fed them
well, and was a very humane gentleman. We had such quantities of
food--good rations, raised on the plantation. We had cattle, goats,
hogs, sheep, chickens, turkeys, geese, all kinds of grain, etc. Very
often a beef was butchered, we had fresh meat, barbecued kids, plenty
vegetables, in fact just plenty to eat, and the slaves fared well. On
Sundays we had pies and cakes and one thing and another. A special cook
did the cooking for the single slaves. I'll say our rations were 150%
fit. Everyone had certain tasks to perform, and all that was done above
certain requirements was paid for in some way. We always had meat left
over from year to year, and this old meat was made into soap, by using
grease and lye and boiling all in a big iron pot. After the mixture
become cold, it was a solid mass, which was cut and used for soap. Those
were good old days. Everybody had plenty of everything.
"There were strict rules governing slaves, but our master was never
brutal. I being a child, never received any punishment from any one
except my mother and my Mistress. Punishment was inflicted with a raw
cow hide, which was cut in a strip about three inches wide, one end
being twisted. This made a very powerful and painful weapon. There were
unruly slaves, what we called desperadoes. There were 'speculators',
too, who would get possession of these, and if a slave come into
possession of one of these speculators, he either had to come under or
else he was sure to die. The Lynch law was used extensively. Those
slaves committing crimes against the state were more often considered
unworthy of trial, though some were brought to trial, punishment being
so many licks each day for so many days or weeks, or capital punishment.
It is true that many crimes were put upon the slaves when the white man
was guilty.
"We had plenty of amusements in those days, such as corn shuckings,
dances, running, jumping and boxing contest. Saturday was the big
frolicking time, and every body made the most of it. Slaves were allowed
to tend little patches of their own, and were often given Saturday
afternoons off to work their crops, then when laying-by time came, we
had more time for our patches. We were allowed all we could make over
and above our certain tasks. Marster used to buy me candy when he take
me with him, but I can't remember him giving me spending money.
"We were not compelled to attend church on Sundays, but most of the
slaves went from time to time. I was a Baptist, my family being Baptist,
but I have long since put Christianity above creeds. I learned too, many
years ago, that we can find in the contents of that old book we call the
Bible, a solution to every problem we run up against."--Uncle Dave is a
learned theologian, and has served many years as a minister, or Doctor
of Divinity. He is very modest, and says that he wants no titles on his
name. He believes that every man and every woman gets all the credit
they deserve in this world. "Going back to the church services, we
slaves attended the white folks churches. There were galleries built for
the slaves in some of the churches, in others, there was space reserved
in the back of the church for the colored worshippers. It was a custom
to hold prayer meetings in the quarters for the colored sick. One of
the slaves named Charity had been sick a long time, just wasting away.
One beautiful spring morning they came running for my mother saying that
Charity was dying. I was a very small child, and ran after my mother to
Charity's house. It was a very harrowing experience to me, as it
required three women to hold Charity on the bed while she was dying. I
became so frightened, I slipped into unconsciousness. They took me home,
and after hours went by I still was unconscious, and Marster became so
alarmed about me that they sent for Dr. Cogburn. He said that it was a
thousand wonders that I ever came back, but he gave me some medicine and
brought me around. About a year later, my hair turned white, and it has
been white ever since. They used to gather herbs and one thing and
another from the woods for simple maladies, but Marster always send for
the doctor when things looked serious to him.
"In 1863, Miss Elizabeth was going to have big company at her house, and
she was saving her strawberries for the occasion. I spied all these
nice, ripe strawberries through the paling fence, and the whole crowd of
us little niggers thought they needed picking. We found an opening on
the lower side of the fence and made our way in, destroying all of those
luscious ripe strawberries. When we had about finished the job, Mistress
saw us, and hollered at us. Did we scatter! In the jam for the fence
hole I was the last one to get through and Mistress had gotten there by
that time and had me by the collar. She took me back to the house, got
the cow hide down, and commenced rubbing it over me. Before she got
through, she cut me all to pieces. I still have signs of those whelps on
me today. In the fight I managed to bite her on the wrist, causing her
to almost bleed to death. I finally got away and ran to a hiding place
of safety. [HW: I] They used soot and other things trying to stop the
bleeding.
"When Marster come home he saw Miss Elizabeth with her hand all bandaged
up, and wanted to know what the trouble was. He was told the story, so
he came out to look for me. He called me out from my hiding place, and
when he saw me with those awful whelps on me, and how pitiful looking I
was, he said, "Elizabeth, you done ruint my little nigger, David." "I
wouldn't have him in this fix for all the strawberries." I was very fond
of strawberries in those days, but that experience put an end forever to
my taste for them. So much for the strawberry business!
"Even a dog [HW: likes] kind treatment. Some days Mistress was good and
kind to us little niggers, and she would save us the cold biscuits to
give us when we brought in the eggs. Sometime, she would go two or three
days without giving us any biscuits then she didn't get no eggs. We
rascals would get up the eggs and go off and have a rock battle with
them. Every effect has a cause--then Miss would wonder why she didn't
get any eggs and call us all in for cold biscuits, then the eggs would
come again. Of course we had our game of "tell". If one of the gang
threatened to tell, then we all would threaten to tell all we knew on
him, and somehow we managed to get by with it all.
"After the war, my father stayed on with Marster Mappin as a cropper
running a two horse farm for himself. In the early 70's my father bought
12 acres of land from Judge Lawson near Eatonton, which was later sold
in lots to different colored people, and became known as Gullinsville,
and is still so called by some.
"In 1876, 26 day of November, I left my folks and came to Milledgeville
to live. I worked for Mr. Miller S. Bell in the livery stable for $7.00
per month. Of this amount I sent $3.50 home to my parents. The next year
I went on a farm with Mr. John Wall for $8.00 per month. The next year I
had a better offer with Mr. R. N. Lamar to farm and act as general handy
man for $9.00 per month. I saved my money and worked hard, and I would
lend Mr. Lamar my yearly income at interest. In 1882, Mr. Lamar
negotiated a trade with Mr. Samuel Evans for this piece of property
right here. When they found out a Negro wanted to buy the property,
there was more or less argument, but I sat right still and let Mr. Lamar
handle the trade for me. I have owned other property, but I have sold
everything else I had. My health failed, and I just settled down here to
be quiet. I owned property on Chestnut Street in Atlanta and in Putnam
County also. I have been saving all my life, everything."
On looking about me, I concluded he was indeed a thrifty person. An
accumulation of every conceivable thing (junk) that had been discarded
by others, Uncle Dave had brought home and carefully and neatly stored
it away for subsequent use.
"Uncle Dave tell me something about your education."
"Well, when I was a boy back in Putnam County I went to night school.
For a long time I was the only Negro in the class. My foundation work I
got under a Mr. Whitfield, Mr. John Nix, and we had a Yankee teacher,
Miss Claudia Young. In September 1885 I went to Atlanta and entered the
academic department of what is now Morehouse College. I was graduated in
academics in 1889 as valedictorian of the class--my subject being "We
Are Coming", which was a theme on the progress of the Negro race. In
1891 I was graduated from the theological department as valedictorian,
my subject then being "Why Do Nations Die".
"Now Miss, you ask me if I am superstitious. I show am. When I hear
these owls at night I just get up and get me some salt and a newspaper
and burn this, and I don't never hear that same owl again. Some folks
say tie knots in the sheet, but I burn salt. I think the bellowing or
lowing of cows and oxen or the bleating of sheep is a bad omen." Then
Uncle David took me way back in the Bible and recited how the king was
commanded to slay all the cattle and everything and they kept out some
of the oxen and sheep. "I believe you should turn a clock face to the
wall when a person dies. I believe in signs, yes mam!"
"Marster was good to his niggers, but they had to have a pass to leave
the plantation. There were patrolers to look after the slaves and see
that they did not run around without a pass. If they found one without a
pass, he was strapped then and there by the patrolers. Of course I was
too young in those days to run around at night, and my mother always had
us in bed early. It was long after the war that I did my courting. I was
to have married a girl before I went to Atlanta in the 80's, but she
died. I later married a Yankee nigger in Atlanta. She belonged to the
400, and some how, she never could get used to me and my plain ways. We
had four children, three boys and one girl. Two of the boys died, and I
have living today, one daughter married and living in Washington, D.C.
and my son and his family live in Alabama.
"My Marster did not go to the war, but we all worked at home preparing
food and clothes and other things for those who did go. Some of the
slaves went as helpers, in digging ditches and doing manual labor. The
Yankee soldiers visited our territory, killing everything in sight. They
were actually most starved to death. Marster was all broken after the
war. He had planned to buy another plantation, and increase his
holdings, but the war sorter left us all like the yellow fever had
struck.
"After a number of years in Mission work and in the ministry I was
compelled to retire on account on my broken health. I owe my long life
to my mother's training in childhood. There are four things that keep
old man Gullins busy all the time--keeping out of jail, out of hell, out
of debt, and keeping hell out of me. I learned to put my wants in the
kindergarten, and if I couldn't get what I wanted, I learned to want
what I could get. I believe it is just as essential to have jails as to
have churches. I have learned too, that you can't substitute anything
for the grace of God."
1-25-37
Minnie B. Ross.
EX SLAVE
MILTON HAMMOND.
After explaining the object of the visit to Mr. Hammond he smiled and
remarked "I think that is a good piece of work you're doing; and I'll
tell you all that I can remember about slavery, you see I was only a
small boy then; yesterday though, I was 83 years old." Mr. Hammond led
the way up a dark stairway down a dark hall to a door. After unlocking
the door, he turned on a light which revealed a very dark room commonly
furnished and fairly neat in appearance. The writer took a seat and
listened to the old man relate the following incidents.
A slave boy by the name of Milton Hammond was born in Griffin, Georgia,
October 20, 1853. His parents, Emily and James Hammond, had 10 children
8 boys and 2 girls of whom he was oldest. His mother, sisters and
brothers used the name Hammond as this was their father's name. Although
every number of his family with the exception of his father, belonged to
Bill Freeman they always used his name. Mr. Hammonds family always lived
in the town of Griffin and belonged to a class known as "Town Slaves".
When Mr. Hammond reached the age of 6 years their old master, Bill
Freeman died and all the property money, slaves, etc., had to be re-sold
at an administrations sale. Among his four children a plan was made to
repurchase their favorite slaves; but many were sold to owners in
different states particularly Mississippi and Louisiana. Mr. Hammonds
father, desiring to keep his family near him, spoke to his master and
asked that he appeal to the young mistress to purchase his family. "I
remember the auction sale quite well, remarked Mr. Hammond. They stood
us on the block side by side. The mistress held my baby brother in her
arms; and they began to cry us off just as they do now. Of course my
mistress came forward and bought us, and we returned home the same day
we left". Slaves were always sorted and placed into separate groups or
classes. For instance, the heavy robust ones were placed together and
sold for large sums of money. The light weights were grouped and sold
accordingly.
Although the Freemans owned a large plantation several miles from
Griffin and had a large number of slaves, who lived on this plantation
to do the work, they resided in town with only the Hammond family as
their servants. Mr. Hammonds' grandmother acted as the cook for the
household and his mother assisted her. His sister was the chamber-maid
and kept the house spotlessly clean. Smiling, Mr. Hammond remarked,
"Until I was older my job was that of playing, later I became my young
mistress's carriage driver". Miss Adeline Freeman was the young mistress
whom Mr. Hammond continued to speak of; and during the war period she
did welfare work; that is, Mr. Hammond drove her and her mother around
through different counties, soliciting medicines, rags for bandages,
etc., which were sent, to the hospitals.
Mr. Hammond related the following experiences while driving through the
country. "We always visited the richest slave owners, those who owned 2
and 3 hundred head of slaves, and often would remain in one community
over night and probably the next day. After putting up the horses an and
carriage I would follow my mistress into the dining room. She always saw
to it that I sat at the same table with her. I never could drink milk or
eat butter, so on more than one occasion other people would try to
influence my mistress and tell her that if I belonged to them they would
make me drink milk or beat me. She never noticed any of their remarks;
but always gave me the same food that she ate.
"Often while driving, I would almost drop off to sleep and my old
mistress would shout, "Milton aren't you sleepy?". "No ma'am", I would
reply, "Why, yes you are; I'll slap your jaws". My young mistress would
then take the reins and tell me to go to sleep."
Mr. Hammond continued--"Many a morning I have known the overseers on the
plantation where we were stopping to blow the horn for every one to get
up, long before sunrise prepare their breakfast and get to the fields.
The old women were required to care for the young children while their
mothers worked in the fields. Sometimes there would be a many as ten and
fifteen for each to look after. Around noon they were fed from a trough
which was about ten or fifteen feet in length. Pot liquor by the buckets
was thrown in the trough until they were filled. The children with
spoons in their hands would then line up on each side no sooner was the
signal given than they began eating like a lot of pigs. The smaller ones
would often jump in with their feet."
After the work in the fields was completed for the day, women were then
required to work at night spinning thread into cloth. Each woman had a
task which consisted of making so many cuts a night. As Mr. Hammond
remarked, "You couldn't hear your ears at night on some plantations, for
the old spinning wheels". At 9 o'clock the overseer would blow the horn
for every one to go to bed. The cloth woven by women was used to make
men clothing also, and was dyed different colors from dye which was made
by boiling walnut hulls and berries of various kinds. Color varied
according to the kind of berry used. One pair of shoes, made to order,
was given each person once a year.
One and two roomed log cabins were found on practically all the
plantations. The number of rooms depended upon the number in the family.
Sometimes one room would contain three and four bed scaffolds, so called
by Mr. Hammond because of their peculiar construction. Some beds were
nailed to the walls and all of them were built with roped bottoms. Home
made tables and benches completed the furnishings of a slave home. There
were no stoves, large fireplaces, five to six feet in length, served the
purpose of stoves for cooking. Cooking utensils including an oven and
very large pots were found in every home. Wooden plates and spoons were
used on some plantations.
The rations for the next week were given each family on saturday nights,
amounts varying according to the number in each family. Usually a small
family received three lbs. of bacon, one peck of meal, and one quart of
syrup.
Slaves on the Freeman plantation never knew anything but kind treatment.
Their mistress was a religious woman and never punished unless it was
absolutely necessary. On other plantations however, some slaves were
treated cruelly. When a slave resented this treatment he was quickly
gotten rid of. Many were sent to Mississippi and Texas. White offenders
were sent to chain gangs, but there were no gangs for slaves. "Patter
rollers" were known more for their cruelty than many of the slave owners
and would often beat slaves unmercifully". "I remember one," remarked
Mr. Hammond, "The Patter rollers fot after a man on our place." Booker
went to see his wife and took along an old out of date pass. The
Patter-rollers asked to see the pass which he quickly handed to them and
kept walking. After inspecting the pass closely they called Booker and
told him the pass was no good. "Well this is" he replied and started
running just as fast as he could until he safely reached the plantation.
"I never needed a pass."
Through the week the slaves were allowed to conduct prayer meeting in
the quarters themselves; but on Sundays they attended the white churches
for their weekly religious meetings. We were told to obey our masters
and not to steal. "That is all the sermon we heard," remarked Mr.
Hammond. Their services were conducted in the basement of the church in
the afternoons.
Marriages on the Freeman Plantation, were conducted in much the same
manner as they are today. Mr. Hammond only remembers attending just one
marriage of a colored couple. A white minister performed the ceremony
right in the mistress's yard as every one white and colored looked on.
After the ceremony the usual frolic did not take place; however on other
plantations frolics often took place immediately following a marriage.
Whiskey served as refreshment for some while others had to content
themselves with barbecue.
"When we got sick we were not allowed to suffer through negligence on
the part of our owner", remarked Mr. Hammond. Family doctors of the
white families attended the slaves and through them they were well cared
for. Castor oil was the favorite home remedy used in those days and it
could always be found on the family shelf.
"My first impression of the civil war was received when the methodist
and Baptist Churches began to disagree", remarked Mr. Hammond. He
continued,--"One day as my uncle and I worked on Miss Adeline's truck
farm Wheeler's Calvary, a group of Confederate soldiers came to the
field and forced us to give them our two best mules. In their place they
left their old half starved horses. We immediately rode to town
and informed the mistress of what had taken place. During this time
Confederate soldiers were known to capture slaves and force them to dig
ditches, known as breastworks. My mistress became frightened, and locked
me in the closet until late in the evening. She then fixed a basket of
food and instructed me as to the direction in which to travel back to
the field. It was a common sight to see soldiers marching on to Macon,
Ga., in the mornings and in the evenings see the same group on their way
back running from the Yanks".
Mr. Hammond made the following statement concerning the end of the war.
"Our mistress told us we were free; however, I was too young to realize
just what freedom would mean to us, but somehow I knew that we would
have to be responsible for our own upkeep. Doctors bills, medicines,
clothing, (etc) would have to be paid by us from then on. After that we
worked for anyone who would hire us and never earned over 25 or 30 cents
a day. Sometimes our pay consisted of a peck of meal or a piece of
meat."
As a close to the interview Mr. Hammond stated he married at the age of
23 and was the father of 7 children. He has lived in Atlanta for the
past 65 years working at various jobs. At one time he owned a dray. "My
old age is the result of taking care of myself and not being exposed."
Besides this Mr. Hammond attends Bethel A.M.E. church regularly. As
writer prepared to leave, Mr. Hammond remarked, "I never knew much about
slavery, you see; I've always been treated as a free man".
JANE SMITH HILL HARMON
of
WASHINGTON-WILKES
by
Minnie Branham Stonestreet
Washington-Wilkes
Georgia
JANE SMITH HILL HARMON of WASHINGTON-WILKES
A comical little old black woman with the happy art of saying and doing
as she pleases and getting by with it, is Jane Smith Hill Harmon of
Washington-Wilkes. She lives alone in her cabin off the Public Square
and is taken care of by white friends. She is on the streets every day
carrying her long walking stick which she uses to lean on and as a
"hittin' stick". She doesn't fail to use it vigorously on any "nigger"
who teases her. She hits hard and to hurt, but it seems they had rather
hear what she has to say, and take the penalty, then to let her alone.
Her wardrobe consists of out-of-style clothes and hats given her and it
is her delight on Saturday afternoons to dress up in her finest and
fanciest creations and come strutting along down town proud of the
attention she is attracting.
Unlike most old people, Aunt Jane doesn't like to talk about the past.
She enjoys life and lives in the present. It was hard to get her to tell
anything much of her early life. Finally, however, she grew a bit
reminiscent and talked of the past for a little while.
"Yassum, I'se 88 years ole last gone May, an' I been in Washington,
Georgy fuh 53 years an' I ain't been in no Council scrape an' no Cote
nor nothin' bad lak dat, kase I 'haves myself an' don't lak niggers an'
don't fool 'long wid 'em. No'm, I sho' ain't got no use fuh niggers
'tall. An' as fuh yaller niggers--huh! I jes' hates 'em--dey's de wust
niggers de're is, dey's got dirty feets, an' dey's nasty an' mean, I
hates 'em, I tells yuh!
"I wuz borned an' raised on de Smith plantation out here a piece frum
town. I wuz one of fourteen chillun, I think I wuz de 10th 'un. We wuz
well took keer of by our Marster an' his fust wife, she wuz jes' as good
ter us as she could be, my fust Mistess wuz, but she died an' Marster
married agin an' she wuz mean ter us little niggers. She'd whup us fuh
nothin', an' us didn't known what ter do, kase our fust Mistess wuz so
good ter us, but dat last 'oman, she sho' wuz mean ter us.
"My Marster had lots of slaves an' us all had work ter do. De fust work
I done wuz churnin' an' I loved ter do 'hit kase I loved milk an' butter
so good. I'd dance an' dance 'round dat ole churn, churnin' an' churnin'
'till de butter wuz come. I allus could dance, I cuts fancy steps now
sometimes when I feels good. At one o' dem big ole country breakdowns
(dances), one night when I wuz young, I danced down seben big strong
mens, dey thought dey wuz sumpin'! Huh, I danced eb'ry one down!
"I uster play dolls wid de overseer's chillun, an' look fuh aigs, an'
tote in wood an' pick up chips. Us had good times togeder, all us little
niggers an' de little white chilluns. Us had two days at Chris'mus, an'
no work wuz done on de place of a Sunday. Everybody white an' black had
ter go ter Chu'ch. De overseer piled us all in de waggin an' took us
whether us wanted ter go or no. Us niggers set up in de loft (gallery),
an' de white folks wuz down in de Chu'ch too.
"Atter er while dey s'lected me out to be a housegirl an' den I slep' in
de big house. All de little niggers et in de white folks' kitchen out'n
er big tray whut wuz lak a trough. De cook put our victuals in de tray
an' gib us a spoon an' pone er bread a piece an' made us set 'roun' dat
tray an' eat all us wanted. 'Hit wuz good eatin', too.
"All durin' of de War my Marster wuz off fightin' an' de overseer wuz
hard on us. We wuz glad when Marster cum home er gin. De Yankees wuz
a-comin' an' Daddy Charles, he wuz a ole black man on de place, knowed
'bout Marster's money, an' he took hit all an' put it in er big box an'
went out in de night time an' buried hit 'way down deep in some thick
woods an' put leaves all over de place an' dem Yankees couldn't fin' hit
nowhar, an' dey went on off an' let us 'lone.
"My Ma wuz a 'spert spinner an' weaver, an' she spun an' wove things ter
be sont ter de Soldiers in de War. I 'members dat, her er spinnin' an'
dey say hit wuz fer de soldiers.
"Atter we wuz free I went ter school er mont'. I fit so wid all de
chillun I quit. Dey said I mustn't fight an' I knowed I couldn't git er
long widout fightin' so I jes' quit an' ain't never been ter no mo'
schools. My Marster said he wuz goin' ter have a school on de place fer
all his niggers, but freedom cum an' he didn't do hit.
"I mari'ed in my white folks' kitchen, mari'ed de fust time when I wuz
19 years ole. I been mari'ed two times an' had good husban's. Dey wuz
good ter me.
"Doctors? Doctors? I don't know nothin' 'bout no doctors! I ain't never
been sickly. Dis year (1936) I done had to have mo' ter do wid doctors
dan ever in my life. I'se gittin' now to whar I kain't walk lak I uster,
all crippled up in my laigs wid sumpin'.
"Ain't nobody lef' now but me an' one o' my six chillun. He lives up in
dat Phillerdelma (Philadelphia) an' I 'cided onst three er fo' year
ergo, to go up da're an' live wid 'im. Lawdy, Lawdy, I ain't been so
glad o' nothin' in my life as I wuz ter git back ter Washington, Georgy!
I ain't goin' 'way frum here 'till I dies. Son is mari'ed, an' sich er
'oman as he's got! She's un o' dem smart No'th'n niggers. She 'bused de
So'th an' de white folks down here all de time. I'd er beat her wid my
stick ef'n I'd er had 'tection, but I wuz way off up da're in de No'th
an' didn't know nobody. But I did found a gal what use ter live here an'
went an' stayed wid her 'till I worked an' got 'nough money ter git home
on. Jes' soon as I got here I went straight ter Mr. Sheriff Walton an'
Mr. Sturdivant (Chief of Police) an' tole dem 'bout dat sassy hateful
nigger up da're talkin' 'bout de So'th an' de white folks lak she done,
an dat she say she wuz comin' down here ter see me. I axed dem when I
got er letter sayin' she wuz a-comin' would dey take me ter Augusty ter
meet her an' when she stept off'n de train ter let me take my stick an'
beat her all I wanted ter fer talkin' bout my white folks lak she done.
Dey said: "Aunt Jane, jes' you let us know an' we sho' will take you to
Augusty ter meet her, an' let you beat her all you want ter." But she
ain't never come--she skeered, an she sho' better be, kase I'se home
down here an got all de 'tection I needs. Ef'n she ever do come, I'm
goin' ter beat her wid dis stick an sen' her back to her country up
da're in dat Phillerdelma. She ain't got no sense an' no raisin, neider,
talkin' 'bout de So'th an' my white folks what lives here."
And from the wicked flash from Aunt Jane's eyes, it will be well for her
"sassy" daughter-in-law to stay "up No'th".
PLANTATION LIFE
As viewed by
Ex-Slave
DOSIA HARRIS
159 Valley Street
Athens, Georgia
Written by: Sadie B. Hornsby
Athens --
Edited by: Sarah H. Hall
Athens --
Leila Harris
Augusta --
and
John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Project
Residencies 6 & 7.
DOSIA HARRIS
Ex-Slave--Age 78
Dosia lives in a red painted frame house. Her very black skin, thick
lips, and broad nose are typical of her African ancestry. She is tall,
thin, and a little stooped, and her wooly hair is fast fading from gray
to almost white. When she greeted the interviewer, she was wearing a
blue striped dress which displayed a large patch of blue print on the
front of the skirt over her knees. Over her dress a black silk blouse,
lavishly trimmed with black beads, was worn for a wrap, and a pair of
men's brown shoes, sans laces, completed her costume. Due to illiteracy
Dosia has retained the dialect of the old southern darky.
Asked to relate her experiences as a slave, she replied: "Oo, Miss! What
does you want to know 'bout dat for? Well, anyhow I was borned in Greene
County. Mary and Auss Downs was my Ma and Pa. I cain't tell you whar dey
come from.
"I played 'round de yard wid de rest of de chillun and picked a little
cotton up and down de rows. I was de onliest chile my Mammy had. My Pa
was married two times, and I was his fust chile. I had four half
sisters: Fannie, Clara, Daisy, and Martha Ann, but I never had no
brothers.
"All de houses in de slave quarters was log cabins 'cept two. Dey was
made of boards what was put on straight up and down. All de houses had
chimblies made out of mud and sticks. De beds had high posties and some
of 'em was nailed to de wall of de cabin. Dey didn't know nothin' 'bout
no wire springs den, and dey strung de beds wid heavy cords for springs.
Dey made mattress ticks out of coarse home-wove cloth; some was striped
and some was plain unbleached white. Atter de wheat was thrashed evvy
year de 'omans tuk deir ticks and emptied out de old straw and went and
filled 'em wid new wheat straw. Wisht I had a nice fresh made wheat
straw mattress now. Us had plenty of good quilts for kivver.
"Some of de slave chillun slept on de flo', but me, I slept wid my
grandma. She was Crecia Downs, and she done raised me, 'cause my Mammy
died when I was three days old, or come to think of it, was I three
weeks old when dat happened? I'se done got so old I forgits lots of
things lak dat. Mammy died of some kind of fever dat was mighty
catchin'. Twenty-five Niggers died on dat one plantation 'bout de same
time, from dat fever. Atter grandma got too old to wuk in de field, she
didn't do nothin' but piddle 'round de yard and bile slops for de hogs.
Grandpa Joe Downs, he was de carpenter, but he done most any kind of wuk
dat come up to be done; he wuked in de fields and driv cows, or jus'
anything.
"Money! No Ma'am! All dey ever give slaves was a belly full of somepin
t'eat, de clo'es dey wore, and de orders to keep on wukin'. Now come to
think of it, I did see $8,000 of Jeff Davis fodder what de white folks
th'owed 'way atter de War. Us chillun picked it up and played wid it.
"What did us have t'eat? Oo-o! Dey give us plenty good victuals. Dere
was bread and meat; peas, greens, and other vegetables; all de milk us
wanted, and sometimes dere was good old gingercakes made wid sorghum
syrup. As for me, I laked fried fat meat and cornbread cooked in de
ashes better dan greens and sweet things any old time. All de cookin'
was done in great big open fireplaces dat was plum full of ovens,
skillets and all sorts of long handled pans and things. Gentlemen! Dat
pot would bile down wid dem peas in it 'fore you knowed it if you didn't
watch it close. Dere never was no other bread good as what us baked in
dem ovens and in de ashes.
"'Possums! You jus' makes my mouth water, talkin' 'bout 'possums. Folks
thought so much of deir 'possum dogs dem days dey fed 'em 'til dey was
jus' fat and lazy. Dey cotched de 'possums, singed and scraped de hair
off of 'em, finished dressin' 'em and drapped 'em in de pot to bile 'til
dey was tender. Den dey put 'em in bakin' pans and kivvered 'em over wid
strips of fat meat and baked 'em jus' as nice and brown, and if dey had
good sweet 'tatoes, dey roasted 'em in de ashes, peeled 'em, and put 'em
on de big old platters wid de 'possums. Rabbits was plentiful too and I
loves 'em 'til dis good day. Most of de young tender rabbits what dey
cotched was fried, but if dey brung in some old tough ones dey was
throwed in de pot wid a piece of fat meat and biled 'til dey was done.
Squirrels was cooked jus' lak rabbits. Dere was plenty of fish down dar
in Greene County whar us lived, but I never did eat 'em. Slaves would
wuk all day and fish all night, but you never did ketch Dosia foolin'
'round no fish ponds. Slave famblies was 'lowed to have little gyarden
patches if dey wanted 'em. I ricollect how I used to go to de gyarden in
de winter and cut down collards atter frost had done hit 'em and fetched
'em to de house to be biled down for dinner.
"What us wore in summer? Well, it was lak dis--little Nigger chillun
didn't stay out of de branch long 'nough to need much clothes in hot
weather, but in de winter dey give us dresses made out of coarse cloth
wove on de loom right dar on de plantation. Some of dem dresses was red
and some was blue. De cloth was dyed wid red oak bark and copperas, and
dey used indigo what dey raised on de place to dye de blue cloth. De
waisties was close fittin' and sorter skimpy skirts was gathered on to
'em. De underskirts was unbleached white cloth made jus' lak de dresses
only some skimpier. Old Marster raised plenty of cattle and saved de
hides what he sont to de tannery to be got ready for my uncle, Moses
Downs, to make our brogan shoes. Dem shoes had brass toes to keep 'em
from wearing out too quick. Uncle Mose was sho' a smart shoemaker. He
had to make shoes for all de slaves on de whole plantation.
"Marster Sam Downs owned us, and his wife, Miss Mary, was a mighty good
somebody to belong to--"Old Mist'ess" us called her. I don't 'member
nothin' 'tall 'bout Old Marster, 'cause he died 'fore I was knee high to
a duck. Old Marster and Old Mist'ess had five chillun. Dey was: Miss
Ellen, Marse Sam, Marse James Kelsey, Marse Tom, and Marse William. Old
Miss sho' was good to us Niggers, 'cause she was raisin' us to wuk for
her.
"When Marse William went to de War, he tuk my pappy wid him. Dey come
back home on one of dem flyloughs, (furloughs) or somepin lak dat, end
you jus' ought to have seed de way us chillun crowded 'round pappy when
he got dar. One of his fingers had done got shot off in de fightin',
and us chillun thought it was one of de funniest lookin' things us had
ever seed, a man wid a short finger. He said dem yankees had done shot
it off.
"Atter Old Marster died Old Mist'ess moved to a town called Woodstock,
or was it Woodville? It was Wood-somepin' or nother. She hired old man
John Akins to oversee de plantation, and she evermore did oversee him
and de plantation too. She had a fine pacing mule what wouldn't throw
her for nothin'. Evvy mornin' she got on dat mule and rid out to her
plantation. She allus fetched us somepin' t'eat; most of de time it was
a gingercake apiece.
"I couldn't rightly say how big dat plantation of hers was. Oo-o! But it
sho' was one more big place, and Niggers was scattered all 'round dar
lak blackbirds. Dat old overseer, he sho' was mean to de slaves. He
whupped 'em and he kept on whuppin' 'em, 'til sometimes it seemed lak he
jus' beat on 'em to hear 'em holler. It warn't long atter midnight when
he got 'em up to go to wuk and he kept 'em at hard labor 'til way atter
sundown. De biggest things he whupped Niggers for was for runnin' 'way
and for not doin' deir wuk right.
"Jails! Did you say jails? Yessum, dey had jails. You know slaves warn't
civilized folks den--all dey knowed was to fuss end fight and kill one
'nother. Dey put de Niggers in dem jails 'til dey hung 'em.
"Grandma was sold on de block to Marse Sam's Pa, Marse Kelsey Downs,
soon atter she was brung over to dis country from de homeland of de
black folks. She never did larn to talk dis language right plain. Us
used to git her to tell us 'bout when she was sold. De sale was in
December but it was so far off dat corn was in tassel 'fore my pore
grandmammy got to Greene County. She said dey camped at night and got up
long 'fore day and was driv lak cows, a man in front and 'nother one
back of 'em to keep 'em from branchin' out and runnin'.
"Niggers never had no chance to larn to read and write dem days. Dey
went to meetin' at Shiloh--dat was de white folks church nigh
Penfield--and Bethesda was 'nother of de white folks churches whar
slaves was brought to listen to de preachin'. One thing sho', Niggers
couldn't read de Bible, but dey jus' lumbered down 'bout de Lord from
deir heads.
"Slaves didn't run off to no North dat I ever knowed 'bout. I heared
tell 'bout one man named Si what run 'way wid dem yankees when dey come
through and dey made a black yankee soldier out of him atter he jined up
wid 'em. I heared tell of patterollers what cotched Niggers 'way from
home 'thout no pass. Folks said dey brushed you off and sont you home if
dey cotched you.
"All I knowed Niggers to do at night atter dey come in from de fields,
was to eat supper and fling deirselfs on de beds and go right off to
sleep, 'cept when dey wanted to hunt and fish, and most of dat sort of
thing was done atter de crops was laid by or atter dey had done been
gathered into de barns. On Saddy nights, de older womans ironed and
fixed up for Sunday whilst de men was busy gittin' de harness and tools
and things ready for de next week's wuk. Young folks never had nothin'
but good times on deir minds. Dey danced, frolicked, and cut de buck in
gen'ral. Dey didn't have no sho' 'nough music, but dey sho' could sing
it down. One of de dance songs went somepin' lak dis:
'Oh! Miss Liza, Miss Liza Jane!
Axed Miss Liza to marry me
Guess what she said?
She wouldn't marry me,
If de last Nigger was dead.'
"Christmas was sho' one grand time. Der warn't no big heap of good
things lak dey has now. Old Mist'ess give de Niggers a little flour and
syrup for to make sweet cake. Dere was plenty of fresh hog meat and
chickens and all sorts of dried fruits. I was allus plum crazy 'bout de
rag doll grandma would make for my Christmas present. Come New Year's
Day, it was time to go back to wuk and evvy slave was made to do a heap
of wuk on dat day to start de year off right.
"Slaves had a big old time at cornshuckin's. Dey didn't care so much
'bout de somepin' t'eat jus' so dey got plenty of whiskey to drink, and
when dey got all het up on dat you could hear 'em a mile away a'whoopin'
and hollerin'. Sometimes dey kilt a cow and throwed it in a pot and
biled it down wid dumplin's, seasoned hot wid red pepper."
Asked what games she played as a child, Dosia replied: "Gentlemen! What
de giver'ment don't want to know, ain't wuth knowin' no how. What I
played? Well, now, let me see: =Mollie, Mollie Bright= was one of our
games; =Hiding de Switch= was de one whar you counted 'em out; dat
countin' run lak dis: 'Ten, ten, double-ten, forty-five, fifteen.'
Gentlemen! I could run lak a snake.
"Ha'nts? Why, I kin see dem things anytime. Dis hyar place whar I lives
is full of ha'nts, but dese folks would git mad wid me if I told 'bout
'em. Now, back in Greene County, I kin talk 'bout dem ha'nts all right.
Back dar Mrs. Babe Thaxton had a mighty pretty flower yard. She used to
tell me dat if I let anybody git any flowers from her yard atter she was
daid, she would sho' ha'nt me. She had done been daid a good while when
I was gittin' some flowers from her yard and a gal come along and axed
me to give her some. I started cuttin' flowers for her. At dat Miss
Babe, she riz up over me lak she was gwine to burn me up. She looked at
me hard and went off and sot in a tree whar she could look right down on
me. I ain't never cut no flowers out of dat yard no more. Now 'bout Raw
Head and Bloody Bones, Honey, don't you know dat ain't nothin' but a
cows head what's done been skint? Old folks used to ax us: 'Has you seed
Raw Head and Bloody Bones?' Us would run over one 'nother tryin' to git
dar fust to see him, and it allus turned out to be jus' a old skint up
cow head. Den in de nighttime us would have wild dreams 'bout dem old
skint cow heads.
"De onliest song I ever heared de Niggers sing in de fields run somepin
lak dis: 'Tarrypin, Tarrypin, (terrapin) when you comin' over, For to
see your wife and fam-i-lee.' Dey must a been wantin' to eat turkle
(turtle), when dey was a-singin' dat song.
"Old Mist'ess was mighty special good to her slaves when dey was sick.
Fust thing she done was send for de doctor. I kin see him now. He rid
horseback and carried his medicine in saddlebags. He used to put some
kind of powders in a glass of water and give it to de sick ones. Dere
was three old 'omans what Old Mist'ess kept to look atter sick slave
'omans. Dem old granny nurses knowed a heap about yarbs (herbs). May
apple and blacksnake roots, king of de meadow, (meadow rue) wild asthma
(aster) and red shank, dese was biled and deir tea give to de slaves for
diffunt ailments." Asked to describe king of the meadow, she continued:
"Honey, ain't you never seed none? Well, it's such a hard tough weed dat
you have to use a axe to chop it up, and its so strong and pow'ful dat
nothin' else kin grow nigh 'round it. Back in dem days folks wore tare
(tar) sacks 'round deir necks and rubbed turpentine under deir noses.
When deir ailments got too hot, lak when Mammy died, dey made 'em
swallow two or three draps of turpentine.
"I ricollects dat when de news come dat dem yankees was on de way
towards our plantation, Old Mist'ess tuk her old pacin' mule and all her
money and made Uncle Moses go down on de river wid her to help hide 'em.
I told her I was gwine tell dem yankees she had done stole my uncle and
hid him so he wouldn't hear 'bout freedom. And when dem yankees finally
did git dar, dey was singin' some sort of a song 'bout freedom. I lit
out to runnin', and it was way atter midnight 'fore Old Mist'ess found
me. I was pretty nigh skeered to death. Dey called all de slaves
together and told 'em dey was free as jack rabbits, and 'deed dat was de
truth. Us stayed dar for years. It looked lak us warn't never gwine to
leave.
"Grandma started out to wuk for herself as a granny 'oman, and Old
Mist'ess give her a mule to ride on to make her trips from one farm to
another. It was a long time 'fore Niggers could git 'nough money
together for to buy land of deir own, and it seems lak it was a long
time 'fore schools for Niggers was sot up.
"When me and Oscar Harris got married, us had a big weddin' wid
evvything good to eat what us could git, and plenty of wine to drink. De
dancin' and good time went on most all night. I had a reg'lar weddin'
dress made out of pretty white swiss trimmed wid lots of lace and it had
a long train. I wore long white gloves. Tucks went 'round my petticoat
from de knees to de lace what aidged de bottom, and my draw's was white
cambric, gathered at de knee wid a wide ruffle what was tucked and
trimmed up pretty. I married on Saddy night and dat called for a second
day dress, 'cause I jus' had to go to church next day and show dat man
off. Anyhow, my second day dress was blue cotton wid white lace on it,
and I wore a big white plumed hat draped down over one eye. Wid de
second day dress I wore dem same draw's, petticoat, and gloves what I
was married in. Me and Oscar's five chillun was Mary, Annie Belle,
Daniel, Cleveland, and Austin.
"My old man and all my chillun is daid 'cept Daniel, and I don't know
whar he is. I wants to git married again, but dese hyar jealious Niggers
'round hyar says if I does de giver'ment is gwine to cut off my old age
pension, and I sho' don't want to loose dat money. No Sir!
"I didn't take in nothin' 'bout Lincoln, Davis or dat man Washington.
Dem days chillun had to take a back seat. When old folks wanted to talk,
dey jus' sent chillun on 'bout dey business. One thing I does know: I'd
sho' ruther have times lak dey is now. Yessum, I sho' had.
"I jined Randolph Baptist Church in Greene County 'cause I felt de urge
and knowed it had done got to be my duty to jine up. I'se been a Baptist
ever since, and will be one 'til I die; so was all my folks 'fore me.
Folks when dey jine de church ought to live right so dey kin see de good
Lord and have a restin' place atter dey is done wid dis sinful world.
Yessum, I jined dat Randolph Baptist Church way down in Greene County a
long time ago."
Mary A. Crawford
Re-search Worker
Henderson Harris--Ex-Slave
Henderson Harris was born August 19, 1858, in Talbot County. His parents
were Frederick and Adeline Harris of Jones County, but Henderson
remembers nothing about them because they both were sold on the block
and left him when he was just a few months old.
Mr. Bill Adams, Henderson's owner, lived on a large plantation on the
old stage road between Macon and Columbus. There were about three
hundred acres in this plantation and between thirty and fifty slaves.
Mr. Adams was just a "straight out farmer, and as good a marster as ever
wore shoe leather. 'Marse Bill' was a putty hard man about business, and
meant 'skat' when he said 'skat'".
He had a white preacher and a white doctor on his plantation, and
expected all the Negroes to go to 'preachin' on Sunday afternoon, and if
any of them were sick enough to need a doctor, they had him. The doctor
came around about once a month and every slave was looked after.
The slaves were allowed Saturday afternoons, provided there was no
fodder or other stuff down in the field to be put into the barn loft in
case of rain. From breakfast on, they had all Sunday, even the
cook and other house servants. "Ole Miss had the cook bake up light
bread and make pies on Saturday to do at the big house through Sunday."
The first work that Henderson remembers doing was "totin peaches to the
pigs" and "drapin' peas".
He recalls nothing about the Yankees coming through, but remembers the
others telling how they burned the warehouse and drove off the cattle
and hogs.
After freedom his mammy and daddy returned to 'ole Marster's' plantation
and he and the other seven children lived with them and worked for
'Marse Bill'.
The old fellow is very superstitious and firmly believes that the
"squinch" owl's note is a "sho sign o' death."
Henderson says that he is able to work and that he cleans yards, cuts
wood, and does almost any kind of job [HW: that] he can find.
Henderson Harris
808 E. Slaton Avenue
Griffin, Georgia
September 23, 1936.
Velma Bell
District #2
Augusta, Ga.
EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW
Uncle Shang Harris
Toccoa, Georgia (Stephens County)
"Uncle Shang" Harris, at the age of 97, is more vigorous than many men
twenty years younger. Erect and stocky, holding his white woolly head
high, he retains the full favor of living. When the interviewer entered
his cabin he rose from the supper table wiping from his mouth the crumbs
of a hearty meal, and peered uncertainly through the gathering dark.
"Does I 'member 'bout slav'ey times?" His face relaxed into a broad
smile, "G-lory, hallelujah, I sho does! I was born den and freed den.
What you wanter know? I kin tell you all about it." He led the way to
two chairs near the stove.
"My marster was Mr. Bob Alexander. He lived in Franklin County jes' dis
side o' Carnesville. He treated me good--yes mam, he sho did. My marster
didn't have no beatin' o' his niggers. I didn't do no work back in dem
times--nuttin' but play. Me and my sister belonged to de youngest boy
(dey was seven boys in dat family) and we jes' climbed trees and
frolicked all de time. We had plenty in de eatin' line too.
"But law chile, eve'ybody didn't have dat. Some de marsters tied dey
niggers to posts and whupped 'em till dey nigh killed 'em. Lots of 'em
run away and hid in de woods. De marsters would put de dogs after you
jes' like a coon. Dey'd run you and tree you"--imitating the sound of
baying dogs--"oh, glory, hallelujah--dat's de way dey done 'em! I'se
seed bare feets all cracked up wid de cold. We don't have no cold
weather now. Why, I'se seed big pine trees bust wide open--done froze,
and de niggers would be out in dat kind o' weather. But dey'd ruther do
dat dan stay and git beat to death. Many a night jes' 'bout dark, I'd be
a-settin' in my cabin wid my ole lady (dat was after I got older) and
see somebody prowlin' roun' in de bushes, and I'd know hit was some po'
nigger was hidin' and didn't had nuttin' to eat. My marster nuse to say,
'Harris, when you see somebody hongry, gi' 'im sumpin' to eat'. We
didn't never turn 'em down even when dey look so bad dey was right
scarey.
"No'm, I never was sold. Mr. Bob nuse to say, 'I got hogs, horses, mules
and cows to sell, but no niggers.' He had 'bout twenty slaves. De
biggest portion of 'em stayed on de farm.
"Lots o' folks did sell dey niggers, and sometimes dey'd take yo' chile
and go to Alabama or Virginia, and you wouldn't never see him no mo'.
Dey kept de dark ones together and de bright ones together. Hit didn't
make no diffunce 'bout families. Dey warn't no marryin' 'mongst de
niggers way back in time. De marsters wanted you to increase to give 'em
more niggers, but dey didn't had no marryin'. I had three wives and I
got my fourth one now. Dey all treated me good.
"Dat mixed-up color in niggers come from slav'ey times. Some de marsters
beat de slave women to make 'em give up to 'em.
"Dey talks a heap 'bout de niggers stealin'. Well, you know what was de
fust stealin' done? Hit was in Afriky, when de white folks stole de
niggers jes' like you'd go get a drove o' horses and sell 'em. Dey'd
bring a steamer down dere wid a red flag, 'cause dey knowed dem folks
liked red, and when dey see it dey'd follow it till dey got on de
steamer. Den when it was all full o' niggers dey'd bring 'em over here
and sell 'em.
"No'm I never was hired out to nobody in slav'ey times. Didn't I tole
you we didn't do no work? I never seed no money--not a nickel. De most
money I ever seed was when my boss buried some when de Yankees was.
"We nuse to have frolics and break-downs all de time--quiltin's and
finger-pickin's and dances and all sech as dat. Finger-pickin's was when
we'd pick de cotton off de seeds by hand. We'd spread it down in front
o' de fire place 'cause it was easier to pick when it was hot.
"Does I 'member de old songs? Hallelujah, I sho does!" The old darkey
began to pat his foot and clap his hands while he sang, "Pickin' out de
cotton an' de bolls all rotten", repeating the same line over and over
to a sing-song melody as impossible of transcription as a bird-call.
Suddenly his smiling face fell serious and the song stopped.
"But since de Lawd saved me from a life o' sin, I don't think about dem
things. I don't 'member 'em much now. I been saved forty odd years."
"Was that a sinful song, Uncle Shang?"
"Dat's de devil's song, dat is. A-dancin' an' a stompin' dat-a-way!
"Folks nuse to have fights sometimes at de frolics but dey didn't do no
killin'. Hit ain't like dat now. Dey stob you now, but dey didn't do dat
den. Somebody'd always stop 'em 'fore it got dat fur."
"Yes'm, we sung spirituals. We sung 'De good ole-time religion', an'
sech as dat. I can't 'member all dem good songs now."
His middle-aged wife, washing dishes over the wood stove, struck up, "I
am bound for de promise land," and he joined in with a firm voice. But
neither remembered many songs distinctly.
"We didn't had no schools. Dey wouldn't let de white chillen tell us
about books. One day I axed about sumpin' in a book, and one de chillen
say, 'Mamma tole me not to learn you nuttin' or she'd whup me'."
Asked about holidays, Uncle Shang replied, "Thanksgiving we give thanks
in de church on our knees. Warn't no slave gallery. White and colored
all together and shouted together.
"Christmas we frolic and eat cake. We had serenades, too, on banjoes and
old tin pans and whatever you wanted to make a noise. And a gallon o'
liquor--anything you want!" with a loud laugh.
"Yes, mam, I 'members when de war broke out. Hit was on a Sunday
morning, jes' as clear and bright as could be. And Gen'l Lee prayed till
it thundered. Jes' 'fore de sun riz he was fixin' to go to a battle. He
got down on his knees and he jarred de worl'. Yes, mam, hit thundered
and when de folks heered it, dey all commenced runnin' todes him wid de
butts o' dey guns, and stacked de guns 'round a sweet-apple tree." Uncle
Shang was not quite clear as to who had stacked the guns, but he was
sure it had been done.
"I 'members when de Yankees come too. De Yankees come in--well,
hallelujah!--one Friday mornin' 'bout sun-up. Mamma took a notion to go
out in de syrup-cane patch, and I was settin' on de fence. I could hear
dem cannons a-boomin' and de sun was a-risin' so red jes' like blood.
Den I seed de Yankees a-comin' wid dey blue coats on an' all dem brass
buttons jes' a-shinin'. I holler, 'Mamma--look a-yo-o-onder!' One man
had a flag wid red on it--dat's for blood. One man come in a hurry and
say, 'All come to de house.'
"Den he look at me a-settin' on de fence, and he say, 'Hey, boy, you
mighty fat'. He talk and he talk and by dat time de yard was full o'
Yankees. 'Lemme ask you sumpin', he say, 'Where's de horses?' Wid dat,
he shot off a pistol--BAM!
"My boss had done took 'em off. I say, 'I don' know nuttin' 'bout 'em.'
"All dey got from our house was a big sack o' flour. Dey didn't burn
nuttin' o' ours. Dey say, 'You all feelin' so good, havin' a good
time--we won't take nuttin.'
"De calvary was here 'fore de Yankees was. Dey had on blue coats, too.
Dey make de boss haul corn all day a-Sunday to fed dey horses.
"Dey try to git de niggers to go back North wid 'em, and dey had a big
crowd o' colored goin', but I wouldn't go. A fust cousin to my Dad left
'cause dey beat him so. I think he done well in de North. But I didn't
want to go.
"After freedom was, some de marsters wouldn't tell you. But our marster
tole us. He said, 'You free as I is. If you want to stay wid me, all
right. If not, you know where to go.'
"Mistis warn't like de boss," (mimicking a precise, slightly acid
voice), "She say, 'I don't want to hear of no fightin' now. You'll git
your arms cut off if you fight.'
"But de boss keep her cooled down. He say, 'Arms cut off--huh! You git
yo's broke off if you don't hush.'
"After freedom, we didn't work for no regular wages--jes' knock about
like chillen 'round de house. I don't know how old I was den, but I
warn't no chicken. After while I worked on de railroad, de fust one
here, what used wood burners. I helped build it. Dey's great tall pines
growin' now where dat fill was made.
"White folks nuse to travel in wagons way back in time. When dey tuk de
cotton to New York dey went to Athens in de wagons wid oxen or mules,
and den to New York on de train. De ladies rid 'round town in
carriages--Rockaways--dem low one-hoss things. De driver sat on top. He
wore a big beaver hat and good clothes and heavy gloves.
"White folks had lots o' dances and eve'ything went well. People was
mighty nice in dis country.
"One my young bosses was a doctor. Dey didn't give dem little pills you
have now, what don't do no good. Dey made tea out o' devil's shoestring,
and yerbs out de woods, and blue mass pills. When babies come, dey had
mid-wives. Dey didn't do nuttin' to cut de pains--=you got to have dem=.
"Yes, mam, I knows 'bout cunjurs--plenty o' cunjurs. Dem cunjur-folks
takes weeds and yerbs, and fixes you so you can't sleep and can't eat
and bark like a dog. One man told a girl he'd fix her so green flies 'ud
follow her all de time--and dey did!
"One of 'em gin me some stuff once. Yes, mam, like to killed de old pap.
I had done found some money in Alabama, and another man wanted me to gi'
it to him so he put sumpin' in my coffee. When I tasted dat coffee I
started cussin' (I was wicked den)--I couldn't sleep--couldn't rest. My
nephew said, 'Somebody done hurt you!' My father-in-law tuk it off. He
made some tea out o' rattle-snake master, and I drunk dat and swallowed
a silver dime. Dat tuk de cunjur off. Some says it's good to take nine
silver pieces and boil 'em and drink de water.
"I knows sumpin' 'bout ghoses, too, but my foots got temper in 'em and
when I sees anything, I runs. People say dey ain't no sech thing, but
dey is.
"Dey was a house--people couldn't live dere, but a fellow said he could
go dere, so he went. Fust thing he seed a cat rarin' and pitchin' in de
fireplace. Den dey was a kickin' up in de loft, and here come a big old
dog a-spittin', and fire all spranglin' out. He rared and growled. Den
in come a woman. He say, 'What'll you have, lady?' She say, 'Dey's ten
thousand dollars buried right where I'm a-standin'.
"He stayed dere till he got it too. De devil was trying to scare him
off, but she wanted him to have it.
"People nuse to bury lots o' money 'way back in time, and lots o' folks
is found it.
"Good-luck and bad-luck signs, you say? Well, lemme see," The old man
paused to reflect and scratch his head. "Well, de bes' luck sign is to
git in wid de Lawd. Keep wid Him; He'll keep you sweet in yo' soul.
God's goin' to come down de mid-air. I seen dat one time. Jesus come to
me--you never seen de like of it--de chariots--oh, glory!--and de
purtiest singin' you ever heered, O-oh--g-lory, hallelujah! Dat was jes'
last year.
"I had a good life. I been enjoyin' myself. I enjoys myself now, but I
so old now I jes' staggers over de place. Can't do no work but chop wood
once in a while. I enjoys myself in prayer.
"When de relief folks fus' come here, dey wouldn't give me nuttin' but I
been prayin' and glory to Jesus I been gittin' little sumpin' ever
since dat time.
"De way things is goin' now, it's better dan in slav'ey times, 'cause
dey ain't no knockin' and beatin'. Things is gone too fur for dat now.
If eve'ybody would be o' one mind and serve de Lawd, dey wouldn't be no
troubles.
"I don't know whether I'll get th'ough dis winter or not. Hit was mighty
cold last year, and dey warn't much fuel. But I thanks de Lawd for all
He's done for me, and I'se ready to meet Him when he comes."
PLANTATION LIFE as viewed by Ex-Slave
TOM HAWKINS
163 Bremen Street
Athens, Georgia.
Written by: Sadie B. Hornsby
Athens --
Edited by: Sarah H. Hall
Athens --
Leila Harris
Augusta, Ga.
TOM HAWKINS
Ex-Slave--Age 75.
Tom was nowhere to be seen when the interviewer mounted the steps of his
cabin. Daisy, his wife, was ironing on the back porch and when she
learned the object of the proposed interview, she readily agreed to
induce Tom to talk. She approached a basement door and called: "Tom,
here's one of dem giver'ment ladies what's come to hear you talk 'bout
slavery days." Tom replied: "All right, Miss Daisy, I'se a-comin'." The
old man soon appeared feeling his way with his cane carefully before
each hesitant step. Tom is blind. Established comfortably in his
favorite chair, he talked freely.
"I was borned on Marse Johnny Poore's plantation 'bout four miles f'um
Belton, South Callina. Marse Johnny owned my Ma, Mornin' Poore, and all
three of her chillun. Dey was me and Johnny, and Mollie. My Pa was Tom
Hawkins and he was named for his owner. De Hawkins plantation was 'bout
a mile f'um de Poore place. Atter Ma married Pap, dey each one had to
stay on wid deir own Marster. Dey couldn't stay on de same plantation
together. I don't 'member much 'bout Gran'ma Jennie Poore 'cept dat she
was de cook at de big house. Gran'pa Wade Poore was de blacksmith and
Marse Johnny got a big price when he sold him to Dr. Chandler. Some of
de slaves made demselfs corded beds and others jus' had makeshifts. De
beds and cabins was good 'nough for de Niggers den, 'cause dey never had
knowed no better. Gangs of slaves slept together lak hogs in dem
dirt-floored log cabins.
"Chilluns what was big 'nough to do anything had to wuk. I was a moughty
little chap when dey started me in as houseboy. I slept on a trun'le
(trundle) bed in Miss Annie's room. In de daytime my little trun'le bed
was rolled back out of sight under Miss Annie's big old four poster
teester bed. I kep' a fire burnin' in her room winter and summer. Night
times she would call me. 'Tom! Tom!' Sometimes I was so soun' asleep I
didn't answer. Den pop, she would hit me on de head wid her long stick.
Den I knowed hit was time to fire up her pipe. She smoked dat pipe a
pow'ful lot atter Marse Johnny died.
"Grown slaves made a little money, but I never got none 'til atter de
war. I didn't have no cause to want no money. Miss Annie, she give me
evvything I needed.
"Oh, but us had plenty of good things to eat on de Poore
plantation--meat and bread wid lots of turnips and 'tatoes. 'Bout once a
month dey give us lallyhoe. Dey calls dat 'lasses now. Us et our
breakfast and dinner out of wooden bowls. Under a long shed built next
to de kitchen was a long trough. At night dey crumbled cornbread in it,
and poured it full of buttermilk. Grown folks and chilluns all gathered
'roun' dat old trough and et out of it wid deir wooden spoons. No Ma'am,
dere warn't no fightin' 'roun' dat trough. Dey all knowed better'n dat.
"Us got 'possums and rabbits de best ways us could--cotch 'em in traps,
hit 'em wid rocks, and trailed 'em wid dogs. Us lakked 'possums baked
wid 'tatoes, but most of de rabbits was stewed wid dumplin's. All our
cookin' was done on big open fireplaces. Dey didn't fry nothin' dem
days; leastwise dey never give de slaves no fried victuals. Grown folks
seined for fish in Big Crick and Saluda River at night, 'cause dey
couldn't git away f'um field wuk in de day. Chillun cotch a heap of fish
wid hook and line. De river and crick bofe run thoo' Miss Annie's
plantation so us didn't have to ax for a pass evvy time us went a
fishin'. Us allus had to have a pass if us left de plantation for
anything or de patterollers was apt to git you and look out den, for you
was sho' to git a larrupin' if dey cotch you off f'um home widout no
pass.
"Dere warn't but one gyarden on de Poore plantation, and it was big
enough to feed all de white folks and slaves too. Two whole acres of dat
gyarden was sowed down in turnips.
"Chilluns didn't wear but one piece of clothes in summer; dat was a
shirt. In winter dey doubled up on us wid two shirts. I 'members how dem
shirt tails used to pop in de wind when us runned fast. Us chillun used
to tie up de 'bacco, what us stole f'um Miss Annie, in de under-arm part
of de long loose sleeves of our shirts. Us didn't git no shoes for our
foots, winter or summer, 'til us was ten years old.
"Marse Johnny Poore, he was kilt in de war and den Old Mist'ess, she was
our Miss Annie, looked atter de plantation 'til her only child, young
Miss Ann, married Marse Tom Dean. Den he helped Miss Ann 'tend to her
business. Dey was moughty good to us. Miss Annie done her own
overseein'. She rid over dat plantation onct or twict a day on her hoss.
"Our white folks lived in a big old two-story house what sot off f'um de
road up on a high hill in a big oak grove. Miss Annie's own room was a
shed room on dat house. De upstairs room was kept for comp'ny. Unkle
Wade Norris Poore was Miss Annie's car'iage driver. De car'iage was
called a surrey den.
"Dar was 'bout four or five hunderd acres in our plantation. Miss Annie
kept 'bout a hunderd slaves. She was all time sellin' 'em for big prices
atter she done trained 'em for to be cooks, housegals, houseboys,
carriage drivers, and good wash 'omans. She wukked 75 slaves in her
fields. Her Niggers was waked by four o'clock and had to be in de field
by sunup. Dey come in 'bout dark. Atter supper, de mens made up shoes,
horse collars, and anything else lak dat what was needed; de 'omans spun
thread and wove cloth.
"Miss Annie was her own whuppin' boss. She beat on 'em for most
anything. She had a barrel wid a pole run thoo' it, and she would have a
slave stretched out on dat barrel wid his clothes off and his hands and
foots tied to de pole. Den Miss Annie would fire up her pipe and set
down and whup a Nigger for a hour at a time. Miss Annie would pull my
ears and hair when I didn't do to suit her, but she never whupped me.
Miss Annie didn't need no jail for her slaves. She could manage 'em
widout nothin' lak dat, and I never did hear of no jails in de country
'roun' whar us lived.
"Yes Ma'am, I seed Old Miss sell de slaves what she trained. She made
'em stand up on a block, she kept in de back yard, whilst she was
a-auctionin' 'em off. I seed plenty of traders go by our place in wagons
what dey had deir somepin' t'eat and beddin' in, and deir slaves was
walkin' 'long behind de wagon, gwine on to be sold, but dere warn't none
of 'em in chains.
"Dere warn't no schools whar slaves could git book larnin' in dem days.
Dey warn't even 'lowed to larn to read and write. When Dr. Cannon found
out dat his carriage driver had larned to read and write whilst he was
takin' de doctor's chillun to and f'um school, he had dat Niggers thumbs
cut off and put another boy to doin' de drivin' in his place.
"Washin'ton Church was de name of de meetin' house whar us Niggers on de
Poore plantation went to church wid our white folks. Couldn't none of us
read no Bible and dere warn't none of de Niggers on our plantation ever
converted and so us never had no baptizin's. De preacher preached to de
white folks fust and den when he preached to de Niggers all he ever said
was: 'It's a sin to steal; don't steal Marster's and Mist'ess' chickens
and hogs;' and sech lak. How could anybody be converted on dat kind of
preachin'? And 'sides it never helped none to listen to dat sort of
preachin' 'cause de stealin' kept goin' right on evvy night. I never did
see no fun'rals in dem days.
"Niggers didn't run to no North. Dey run to de South, 'cause dem white
folks up North was so mean to 'em. One Nigger, named Willis Earle, run
off to de woods and made hisself a den in a cave. He lived hid out in
dat cave 'bout 15 years.
"Old Miss give dem dat wanted one a cotton patch and she didn't make her
slaves wuk in her fields atter de dinner bell rung on Saddays. De mens
wukked in dem patches of deir own an Sadday evenin' whilst de 'omans
washed de clothes and cleaned up de cabins for de next week. Sadday
nights dey all got together and frolicked; picked de banjo, and drunk
whiskey. Didn't none of 'em git drunk, 'cause dey was used to it. Dar
was barrels of it whar dey stilled it on de place. On Sundays us went
f'um cabin to cabin holdin' prayer meetin's. Miss Annie 'pointed
diff'unt ones to look atter da stock evvy Sunday.
"Big times was had by all at Chris'mas time. De eats warn't no diff'unt
'cept dey give us sweet bread and plenty of lallyhoe (molasses) what was
made on de plantation. Us had two weeks vacation from field wuk and dey
let us go rabbit and 'possum huntin'. Us had a gran' time clear up to
New Year's Day.
"Oh, us did have one more big time at dem cornshuckin's. De corn was
hauled to de crib and de folks was 'vited in de atternoon 'fore de
cornshukin' started dat night. When de mans got to shuckin' dat corn, de
'omans started cookin' and dey got thoo' 'bout de same time. Den us et,
and dat was de best part of de cornshuckin' fun. Cotton pickin's was
held on moonshiny nights. Dey picked cotton 'til midnight, and den dey
had a little shakin' of de footses 'til day.
"Mens had good times at de quiltin's too. Deir white folkses allus give
'em a little somepin' extra t'eat at dem special times. But de 'omans
what was cooks at de big house tied sacks 'roun' deir waisties under
deir skirts, and all thoo' de day would drap a little of dis, and some
of dat, in de sacks. When day poured it out at night, dare was plenty of
good somepin' t'eat. De mens kept de fire goin' and if dey got hold of a
tallow candle day lit dat to help de 'omans see how to quilt. Most of de
quiltin's was at night and nearly all of 'em was in winter time.
"De best game us had was marbles, and us played wid homemade clay
marbles most of de time. No witches or ghosties never bothered us,
'cause us kept a horseshoe over our cabin door.
"Miss Annie doctored us. In summer, she made us pull up certain roots
and dry special leafs for to make her teas out of. Horehoun', boneset,
and yellow root was de main things she used. She made a sort of sody out
of de white ashes f'um de top of a hick'ry fire and mixed it wid vinegar
for headaches. De black ashes, left on de bottom of de hick'ry fire, was
leached for lye, what was biled wid grease to make our soap.
"I never will forgit de day dey told us de war was over and us was free.
One of de 'omans what was down by de spring a washin' clothes started
shoutin': 'Thank God-a-Moughty I'se free at last!' Marse Tom heared her
and he come and knocked her down. It was 'bout October or November 'fore
he ever told us dat us was free sho' 'nough. Dat same 'oman fainted dead
away den 'cause she wanted to holler so bad and was skeered to make a
soun'. De yankees come thoo' soon atter dat and said us was free and
'vited all de Niggers dat wanted to, to go 'long wid dem. I never will
forgit how bad dem yankees treated Old Miss. Dey stole all her good
hosses, and her chickens and dey broke in de smokehouse and tuk her
meat. Dey went in de big house and tuk her nice quilts and blankets. She
stood all of dat wid a straight face but when dey foun' her gold, she
just broke down and cried and cried. I stayed on and was Miss Annie's
houseboy long as she lasted. I was 21 when she died.
"Dem night riders done plenty of whuppin' on our plantation. Hit was a
long time 'fore Niggers could git 'nough money to buy lan' wid and it
was a good 20 years 'fore no school was sot up for Niggers in our
settlement.
"I thinks Mr. Jefferson Davis and Mr. Lincoln was bofe of 'em doin' deir
best to be all right. Booker Washin'ton, he was all right too, but he
sho' was a 'maybe man.' He mought do right and den he moughtn't.
"Yes Ma'am, if Old Miss was livin' I'd ruther have slavery days back,
'cause den you knowed you was gwine to have plenty t'eat and wear, and a
good place to sleep even if Mist'ess did make you wuk moughty hard. Now
you can wuk your daylights plum out and never can be sho' 'bout gittin'
nothin'.
"De fust time I married me and Ad'line Rogers stood up by da side of de
big road whilst de preacher said his marryin' words over us, and den us
went on down de road. Me and Ad'line had six chillun: Mary, Lucy, Annie,
Bessie, John and Henry Thomas. Atter my Ad'line died, I married Daisy
Carlton. I didn't have no weddin' needer time. Me and Daisy just got a
hoss and buggy and driv' up to de house whar de Justice of de Peace
lived, and he jined us in mattermony. Den us got back in de buggy and
went back down de big road."
Tom began telling why he joined the church, when Daisy interrupted. "Now
Tom," she said, "you just tell dis white lady what you told me 'bout how
come you jined de church." "Now, Miss Daisy," pleaded Tom, "l don't want
to do dat." Daisy snapped: "I don't keer what you don't want to, you is
gwine to tell de trufe, Tom Hawkins." At that, Tom giggled and began:
"Well, Miss, hit was lak dis: I went to church one night a feelin'
moughty good. I went up and kneeled at de altar whar dey was prayin' for
converts, and a good lookin' yaller gal was kneelin' right in front of
me. I accident'ly tetched her on de laig. I sho' didn't mean to do it.
In dat 'cited crowd most anything was apt to happen. Dat gal, she kicked
me in de eye, and bruised up my face. My nose and eyes started drippin'
and I hollered out real loud: 'Oh, Lord have mussy.' Den I staged a
faint. De brother's of de church tuk me outside. Dey was sho' I had got
'ligion. By dat time I was so 'shamed of myself, I went back inside de
meetin' house and jined de church, 'cause I didn't want nobody to know
what had done happened. I 'cided den and dar to change my way of livin'.
Next time I seed dat yaller gal I axed her why she kicked me in de face
and she said: 'Next time you do what you done den, I'se gwine to kill
you, Nigger."
"Yes Ma'am, I thinks evvybody ought to be 'ligious."
EX-SLAVE INTERVIEW
BILL HEARD
475 Reese Street
Athens, Georgia
Written by: Miss Grace McCune
Athens --
Edited by: Mrs. Sarah H. Hall
Athens --
and
John N. Booth
District Supervisor
Federal Writers' Proj.
Residencies 6 & 7
Augusta, Georgia.
Sept. 12, 1938
BILL HEARD
Ex-Slave--Age 73.
Bill Heard's blacksmith shop, a sagging frame structure, in the forks of
Oconee Street and Lexington Highway, is conveniently located for both
local and traveling clientele.
An old voice singing =Swing Low Sweet Chariot= in a low tone but with a
fervor known only to Negroes led the visitor through the shop, where
there was no sight of the singer. Bill was eventually discovered seated
on a cushion-covered nail keg beneath a large water-oak at the rear of
the building. A large hymn book was placed across his knees, and the old
Negro was happily singing away all by himself. His gray hair was partly
covered by an old black cap, and his faded blue work skirt and pants
showed evidence of long wear.
As the song ended Bill discovered that he was not alone. Off came his
cap, and he scrambled to his feet with a smile. "Good evenin', Missy,
how is you? Won't you have a seat and rest? Dese nail kegs makes a
mighty good place to set when you is tired out, and it's powerful nice
and cool under dis old tree." After his guest was comfortably seated on
another cushioned keg, the aged smith resumed his perch. "I didn't hear
you come into my shop, and I think dat's about de fust time anybody
ever did come in dar widout me hearin' 'em. I used to be in dar so busy
all de time, I never had no chance to rest up or practice my singin'.
Times has changed in lots of ways since dem good old days. Some folks
laughs when us calls 'em 'good old days,' and dey wants to know how come
us thinks dey was good old days, when us had such hard wuk to do den.
Course folks had to wuk hard and didn't have all dese new-fangled
gadgets to wuk wid lak dey got now, but I still calls 'em de good old
days 'cause folks was better off den; dey loved one another and was
allus ready to lend a helpin' hand, 'specially in times of trouble.
"I don't know nothin' 'bout slavery times 'cept what my Mammy and Daddy
told me. Daddy, he belonged to Marse Tom Heard down in Elbert County,
'bout 10 miles from Rucker place, nigh Ruckersville. Daddy said Marse
Tom had about a hunnerd and twenty-five slaves on his place. Daddy was
mighty little when Marse Tom got him, and he never bought none of
Daddy's other kinfolks, so it was right hard for de little boy all by
hisself, 'cause de other slaves on de plantation was awful mean to him.
Dey wouldn't let him sleep in deir quarters, so he stayed up at de big
house, and place to keep warm. Atter he got big enough to wuk, day
treated him better.
"Evvybody cooked on fireplaces dem days, 'cause dere warn't no
sto'-bought stoves. Marse Tom fed all his slaves at de big house; he
kept 'em so regular at wuk dere warn't no time for 'em to do deir own
cookin'.
"Slaves lived in one-room log cabins dat had rock chimblies, and each
cabin had one little window wid a wooden shutter dey fastened at night
and in bad weather. Deir beds was made out of pine poles fastened to de
sides of dem old beds 'teesters,' 'cause de posties was so high. Ropes
or cords was criss-crossed to hold 'em together and to take de place of
springs. Nobody hadn't ever saw no iron springs on beds dem days. Dem
big old ticks was generally filled wid wheat straw, but sometimes slaves
was 'lowed to pick up waste cotton and wash, dry, and card it to stuff
deir bed-ticks wid. But Missy, dat was jus' too much trouble when a good
old straw tick slept so fine. Cheers was made out of oak splits, and
cane and rye plaits was used for de cheer-bottoms. Dem old cheers sot
mighty good and lasted a lifetime.
"Folks sho 'nough did live at home den; dey raised all sorts of
vegetables sich as corn, 'taters, wheat, rye, and oats, and what's more,
dey raised de cotton and wool to make de cloth for deir clothes. Cows,
hogs, goats, sheep, chickens, geese, and turkeys was runnin' all over
dem pastures, and dere warn't no lack of good victuals and home-made
clothes. When hogs and cows was kilt to put meat in de smokehouse deir
hides was tanned for leather to be used for harness and shoes, and a
heap of times a piece of hide was used for a cheer-seat.
"Daddy said dey had a powerful hard time gittin' things lak soda, salt,
sugar, and coffee durin' de war times. He said dat sometimes corn and
okra seeds was parched right brown and ground up to be used for coffee,
but it warn't nigh as good as sho 'nough coffee. When de salt had to be
used if folks and critters was to keep well. Dey dug up de dirt under
old smokehouses and biled it to git out de salt. Nobody didn't waste
none of dat salt. No Surree! It was too hard to git. When it got so dey
couldn't buy no soda, dey saved nice clean corncobs and burned dem into
a fine powder what dey used for soda. Was it fit for bread-makin'? Why,
Missy, dem biscuits made out of corncob soda and baked in dem old dutch
ovens was fit for anybody to eat and enjoy. De onliest trouble 'bout it
was gittin' 'em to bake enough of it.
"Slaves clothes was all made at home. Gals spun de thread and old 'omens
wove de cloth on home-made looms; my Mammy was one of dem weavin'
'omans. Clothes for summer was jus' thin cotton, but cotton and wool was
mixed for cold weather, and don't think dem wool and cotton clothes
didn't keep out de cold; dey sho did. Deir clothes was dyed wid barks
from trees, ink balls, walnut hulls, and red bud. Most evry plantation
had its own shoemaker man dat tanned all de leather and made up all de
shoes. Leather for slaves' shoes warn't allus tanned and shoes made out
of untanned leather looked lak dey had done been dyed red.
"Dey had special mens on de plantation for all de special wuk. One
carpenter man done all de fixin' of things lak wagons and plows, holped
wid all de buildin' wuk, and made all de coffins.
"No, Missy, dere warn't no undertakers back in dem days, and folks had
to pervide evvything at home. Corpses was measured and coffins made to
fit de bodies. All de neighbors, fur and nigh, gathered 'round to set up
wid de fambly.
"Funerals warn't so common den as now 'cause folks didn't die out so
fast dem days. Dey tuk better keer of deyselfs, et right, wuked hard,
and went to bed at night 'stid of folks runs 'round now; deir mammies
and daddies never knows whar dey is. Folks don't teach chillun right,
and dey don't make dem go to church lak dey should oughta.
"Folks didn't even git married back in dem days lak dey does now,
leastwise slaves didn't. If a slave wanted to marry up wid a gal he
knocked on his Marster's door and told him 'bout it. If his Marstar
laked de idea he told him to go on and take de gal and to treat her
right; dat was all dere was to slaves gittin' married.
"My Daddy said slaves went to de white folks' church 'til dey got some
churches for colored folks. Church days was big days wid folks den
'cause dey didn't have meetin' evvy Sunday. Slave 'omans had percale or
calico dresses, brogan shoes, and big home-made bonnets wid slats in de
brims for Sunday-go-to-meetin' wear, and if it was cold dey wropt up in
shawls. Menfolks wore cotton shirts and pants. Dey had grand preachin'
dem days and folks got honest-to-goodness 'ligion.
"Folks wuked mighty hard dem days, 'specially durin' plantin' and
harvest time, 'til atter de corn was gathered and fetched out of de
fields in dem old two-wheel carts dat was used to haul up all de craps.
When de cornshuckin's started evvywhar dey tuk time about at de diffunt
plantations. De fust thing dey done atter dey got together was to 'lect
a general; he led de singin', and de faster he sung de faster de shucks
flew. Plenty of corn liquor was passed 'round and you know dat stuff is
sho to make a Nigger hustle. Evvy time a red ear of corn was found dat
meant a extra drink of liquor for de Nigger dat found it. Atter de last
ear of corn was shucked a big supper was served and dey danced and sung
de rest of de night.
"When dey needed some new ground cleared up, dey had a logrollin'.
Evvybody tried to out wuk de others, and if de job hadn't been finished
'fore night, dey kept right on at it by moonlight. One man wuked so hard
tryin' to beat de others dat when he went to de spring for some water,
he tuk one drink, raised his haid quick lak, and died right dar. He was
plumb daid when dey picked him up!
"Dey give us our freedom in April and Daddy left Old Marster in May. He
moved here nigh de old Pittner place whar I was borned. Daddy farmed for
a-while and wuked at blacksmithin' for de white folks too, 'cause dat
was de wuk he had been doin' for his Old Marster. De fust ricollections
I've got is 'bout de days on dat old place. I ain't never gwine to
forgit 'bout dem old cottonpickin's dey had when I was a youngster. Dey
said dey was jus' lak dem cottonpickin's dey had 'fore de war. Dey would
git up big crowds and pick cotton by de light of de harvest moon, and
dat's 'most as bright as daylight. Evvybody holped and, fast as dey
picked all de cotton on one farm and et a big supper, dey hustled on to
de next place whar plenty of cotton, white in de fields and liquor, and
good barbecue, and sich lak kept 'em happy and hustlin' 'most all night.
When dey had done all de cottonpickin' dey could for one night dey
stopped for dancin' and all sorts of frolickin'. Plenty of liquor in dem
little brown jugs holped to make things 'most too lively sometimes. De
few fights dey had when dey was drinkin' heavy didn't 'mount to much.
"Chillun loved hogkillin' times. Five or six mens would jine up and go
from place to place in de community whar dere was lots of hogs to be
kilt. When dem hogs was all butchered de folks would git together and
sich a supper as dey would have! De mostest fresh meat sich as
chit'lin's, haslets, pig foots, and sausage, wid good old collard
greens, cracklin' bread, and hot coffee. I'm a-tellin' you, Lady, dat
was good eatin', and atter you had done been wukin' in de hogkillin' dem
cold days you was ready for victuals dat would stay by you.
"De fust place I ever went to school was in a little house on de old
Bert Benyard place nigh Winterville, Georgy, and let me tell you, Missy,
schoolin' warn't nothin' lak what it is now. Dem what lived nigh went
home to dinner, but chillun dat lived a fur piece off fotch deir dinner
to school in a tin bucket. Us was still livin' dar when Mr. John McCune
moved from Whitfield County to dat old Pittner place. My Daddy wuked for
him and I played 'round wid his boys.
"Daddy moved closer to town and opened up a blacksmith shop on Broad
Street at what was called Wood's corner den. I holped him in de shop and
went to school some. Folks had to wuk so hard to make enough to keep
alive dat dey didn't git to go to school much. Athens was a heap diffunt
den to what it is now; it was mostly woods, and de roads was awful. Dere
warn't no paved streets, no street-lights, and no streetcars den. I
'members dem fust street-lights. Lawsey, Missy, folks was sho proud of
dem lights and, when dey got dem little streetcars what was pulled by
little mules, Athens folks felt lak dey lived in a real city. Dey had a
big old town hall whar dey had all sorts of shows and big 'tainments.
"Times has changed, folks has changed, and nothin' ain't lak it used to
be. When I was little it warn't no sight a t'all to see traders wid big
droves of hogs, horses, cows, sheep, and goats, bringin' 'em to town to
sell or trade for somepin dey needed. Daddy said dat durin' slavery time
dey drove slaves 'long de road de same way and sold 'em jus' lak dey
sold deir cattle.
"It was mostly woods and fields 'round here when I opened dis little
shop 'bout 40 years ago. Johnson's store was sot up whar de Carither's
Wagon Yard used to be, and soon paved streets was laid, and den fillin'
stations, other stores, and de lak, sprung up in a hurry 'long here.
Soon dere won't be no need of a blacksmith shop here, but I wants to
stay on at wuk in my shop jus' as long as I kin, here in dis world of
trouble whar I has had good times and hard times jus' lak de others. No
other place wouldn't seem right.
"Me and my wife jus' runned away and got married widout havin' no big
weddin' and atter us has done wuked together dese long years, us hopes
to go to de heavenly home together. Our oldest gal is all us has left of
our five chillun; she lives off somewhar in Washington, and us don't
never hear from her no more. Us still has de boy us 'dopted long years
ago; him and his wife lives wid us and dey keeps us from bein' too
lonesome.
"I has made a good livin' right here in dis old shop, wuked hard, and
saved my money, and now us is got a right nice little home out on Reese
Street. De Good Lord has been wid us in all our troubles as well as in
our good times, and I knows He is gwine to stay wid us de rest of de
time and den He will take us home to Glory.
"I'se mighty glad you hunted me up, for I 'members dem old days, playin'
wid your Daddy, down on de Pittner place. Atter us had all moved to
Athens, he was still my friend. Come back to see me again, and just
trust in de Good Lord; He will take keer of you."
As the visitor went down the street Bill's quavering voice was heard
again. He was singin' =Lord I'se Comin' Home=.
A STORY OF SLAVERY
AS TOLD BY
EMMALINE HEARD--EX-SLAVE
A paper submitted by
Minnie B. Ross
Revision of original copy
and typing by J.C.Russell
1-26-37
Story of slavery by ex-slave
Emmaline Heard
Ex-Slave
M. B. Ross
Emmaline Heard is a small, dark brown skinned woman who appears to be
about 67 but is probably older. Her mind seems to be active, however, as
she responds quickly to questions and expresses herself intelligently.
Henry County, near McDonough, Ga., is Emmaline's birthplace. Judging
from her earliest childhood memories and what she learned from her
mother, her birth must have occurred four or five years before freedom.
Her parents, Lewis and Caroline Harper had eleven children, of whom she
was the second youngest.
Mr. Roger and Mrs. Frances Harper were the owners of the Heard family.
The large Harper plantation was located near McDonough, bordering the
McDonough highway. The Harper home, a large 2-story frame dwelling,
faced the highway. The family consisted of twin boys and two girls, in
addition to the father and mother. They also owned a large number of
slaves, who occupied two rows of cabins, built close together, at some
distance behind the "big house."
In those days before the War, slaves were moved from place to place and
from State to State in droves, known as "speculators' droves," and sold
at public auction. Emmaline Heard's father was born in Virginia, but was
brought to Georgia and sold to the Harpers as a plow boy, at the age of
eleven.
The slave's cabins were constructed of rough-hewn logs, with the cracks
daubed with mud and, as Emmaline recalled it, were very warm; warmer, in
fact, than many of their houses are today. The furniture consisted of a
"corded" bed, wooden tables and benches. This "corded" bed was
constructed by running rope or cord from the head to the foot and then
from side to side. A wooden peg was driven into the holes to hold the
cord in place. Pegs were a household necessity and had to be cared for
just as a key is today. Most homes also included a quilt slab, a sort of
table used to place quilts on, as a necessary part of the furniture.
Every woman had a certain amount of weaving and spinning to do at home
after coming in from the fields. Emmaline says her mother had to card
bats
Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/22166