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The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis

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Title: The First Four Books of Xenophon's Anabasis

Author: Xenophon

Translator: J. S. Watson


        
Release date: July 6, 2007 [eBook #22003]
                Most recently updated: January 2, 2021

Language: English

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Handy Literal Translations


THE

FIRST FOUR BOOKS

OF

XENOPHON'S ANABASIS

_Literally Translated_

_With Explanatory Notes_

BY

J. S. WATSON


ARTHUR HINDS & CO
4 COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK CITY




HANDY LITERAL TRANSLATIONS


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CAESAR'S GALLIC WAR.

CICERO'S ORATIONS.

XENOPHON'S ANABASIS.
The 1st Four Books.

VIRGIL'S AENEID.
The 1st Six Books.

HOMER'S ILIAD.
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XENOPHON'S

ANABASIS,

OR

EXPEDITION OF CYRUS.




BOOK I.--CHAPTER I.

     Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is
     accused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons
     him, but releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends
     him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of
     which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war on his
     brother.


1. Of Darius[1] and Parysatis were born two sons,[2] the elder
Artaxerxes,[3] and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, and
suspected that the end of his life was approaching, he was desirous that
both of his sons should attend him.

2. The elder then happened to be present; Cyrus he sent for from the
province of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed him
commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus.[4]

Cyrus accordingly went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and
having also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks,[5] and Xenias of
Parrhasia,[6] their captain.

3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne,
Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother,
saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes was induced to give
credit to it, and had Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting him
to death; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his
province.

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, he
began to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to his
brother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis,
their mother, was well disposed towards Cyrus,[7] as she loved him
better than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers
from the king[8] came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had
inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch.[9] He
also paid such attention to the Barbarians[10] that were with him, that
they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined towards
himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, that
he might surprise the king as little prepared as possible.

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he had
in his towns, he sent orders to the commanders of them to procure
respectively as many Peloponnesians as they could, of the best class of
soldiers, on pretence that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those
towns. For the cities of Ionia had formerly been, under the government
of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him by the king, but had at
this time all revolted to Cyrus except Miletus. 7. Tissaphernes,
discovering that the people of Miletus were forming a similar design,
[to go over to Cyrus,[11]] put some of them to death, and sent others
into banishment. Cyrus, receiving the exiles under his protection, and
assembling an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used
every exertion to restore these exiles; and he had thus another pretext
for augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then sent to the king,
and requested that, as he was his brother, these cities should be given
to him rather than that Tissaphernes should govern them; and in this
application his mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion of
the plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at war with
Tissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops; so that he was not at
all concerned at the strife between them, especially as Cyrus remitted
to him the tribute arising from the cities which Tissaphernes had had.

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesus opposite
Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian, happened to
be in exile. Cyrus, having met with him, was struck with admiration for
him, and made him a present of ten thousand darics.[12] Clearchus, on
receiving the gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and making
excursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians that are
situated above the Hellespont, and was of assistance to the Greeks; so
that the towns on the Hellespont willingly contributed money for the
support of his men. This too was a force thus secretly maintained for
Cyrus.

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest-friend[13] of
Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction at home, came to him,
and asked him for two thousand mercenary troops, and three months' pay
for them, representing that he would thus be enabled to overpower his
enemies. Cyrus granted him four thousand, and six months' pay, desiring
him not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus
another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in Thessaly.

11. He then requested Proxenus a Bœotian, who was also his
guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could procure, stating
that he intended to make war on the Pisidians, as they molested his
territories. He also desired Sophænetus of Stymphalus,[14] and Socrates,
an Achæan, both of them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as
many men as possible, pretending that he was going to war with
Tissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles; and they acted as he
wished.

[Footnote 1: Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from B. C. 423 to
B. C. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon.]

[Footnote 2: Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of
Artax. c. i. 27.]

[Footnote 3: Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon; he began his
reign B. C. 405.]

[Footnote 4: Εἰς Καστωλοῦ πεδίον.] In each of the provinces of the
Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed
for the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. 43.
Heeren, _Ideen_, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of
Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 5: Τῶν Ἑλλήνων ---- ὁπλίτας ---- τριακοσίους.] Three hundred
of the Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then
procure.]

[Footnote 6: A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia.]

[Footnote 7: Ὑπῆρχε τῷ Κύρῳ.] "Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri]
favebat." _Schneider_. "Cyro addicta et adjumento erat." _Kühner_.
Compare v. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5.]

[Footnote 8: Ὅστις ---- τῶν παρὰ βασιλέως.] We must understand those who
are called ἔφοδοι, Cyrop. viii. 6. 16: compare Œcon. iv. 6. _Zeune_.
They were officers appointed to visit the satrapies annually, and make a
report respecting the state of them to the king.]

[Footnote 9: Οὕτω διατιθεὶς ἀπεπέμπετο, κ. τ. λ.] "He sent them all away
(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself than
the king."]

[Footnote 10: By this term are meant chiefly the Asiatics that were
about Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of
their own nation.]

[Footnote 11: Ἀποστῆναι πρὸς Κῦρον.] These words are regarded as
spurious by Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Krüger
and Kühner retain them, as added _explicationis causá_.]

[Footnote 12: The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to
have derived its name from Darius I.; but others think this doubtful.
From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to a
talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey's _Essay
on Anc. Weights and Money_, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15_s._, the value
of the daric will be 16_s._ 3_d._ The sum given to Clearchus will then
be £8125.]

[Footnote 13: Ξένος.] I have translated this word by _guest-friend_, a
convenient term, which made its appearance in our language some time
ago. The ξένοι were bound by a league of friendship and hospitality, by
which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited him.]

[Footnote 14: A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia.]




CHAPTER II.

     Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis through Lydia into
     Phrygia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celænæ; the
     plain of Caystrus, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay,
     which Cyrus discharges with money received from the queen of
     Cilicia. The town of Thymbrium; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters
     Cilicia, and is met at Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the
     country.


1. When it seemed to him time to march up into the country, he made it
his pretext for doing so that he wished to expel the Pisidians entirely
from the territory, and mustered, as if for the purpose of attacking
them, the whole of the troops, as well Barbarian as Greek, that were on
the spot.[15] He also sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing
whatever force was at his command; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had
come to terms with the party at home, to send him back the troops that
he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, who commanded for him the
mercenaries in the several towns, to bring him all his men except such
as would be required to garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, the
army that was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany him
on his expedition; promising them, that if he successfully accomplished
the objects for which he undertook it, he would never rest till he had
re-established them in their country. They cheerfully consented, as they
had confidence in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis.

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the troops from the
several towns, to the number of four thousand heavy-armed men. Thither
came also Proxenus, with heavy-armed men to the number of fifteen
hundred, and five hundred light-armed; Sophænetus the Stymphalian with a
thousand heavy-armed; Socrates the Achæan with five hundred; and Pasion
of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and the same number of
peltasts.[16] Both Pasion and Socrates were among those serving in the
army at Miletus.

4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing these
proceedings, and considering the force to be greater than was necessary
to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possible speed, to give
notice of the matter to the king, taking with him about five hundred
cavalry; 5. and the king, as soon as he heard from Tissaphernes of the
preparations of Cyrus, made arrangements to oppose him.

Cyrus, at the head of the force which I have stated, commenced his
journey from Sardis,[17] and proceeded through Lydia, three days'
march,[18] a distance of twenty-two parasangs,[19] as far as the river
Mæander. The breadth of this river is two plethra,[20] and a bridge was
thrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the
stream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eight
parasangs, till he reached Colossæ, a populous city, wealthy and of
considerable magnitude. Here he halted seven days; when Menon the
Thessalian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five
hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, Ænianes, and Olynthians.

7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twenty
parasangs, to Celænæ, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. Here
Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which he
was accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself
and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river
Mæander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs also
through the city of Celænæ. 8. There is also at Celænæ a palace of the
Great King,[21] situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under the
citadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into the
Mæander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is
said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musical
skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of the
stream rises: and on this account the river is called the Marsyas. 9.
Xerxes is said to have built both this palace and the citadel of
Celænæ, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture in
battle.

Cyrus remained here thirty days; during which time Clearchus, the
Lacedæmonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eight
hundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same
time Sosis[22] of Syracuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men,
and Sophænetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a review
of the Greeks in the park, and took their number; and they were in all
eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts.[23]
10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to
Peltæ, a well-peopled city, where he halted three days, during which
Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycæan Jove,[24] and
held public games on the occasion; in which the prizes were golden
strigiles.[25] Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence he
proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, a
populous city, the last on the side of Mysia.

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirty
parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he halted
five days; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to the
troops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them
off, giving them hopes, but was evidently distressed; for it was no
part of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while he
was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid him
a visit, and was said to have presented him with a large sum of money.
He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician
queen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians; and it was
reported that Cyrus had connexion with her.

13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, a
populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called the
fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia; at which Midas is said to have
captured the Satyr,[26] by mixing wine with the water.

14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriæum, a
well-peopled city, where he stayed three days. The Cilician queen is
said to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desire
therefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greek
as Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled,
and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each
captain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep;
Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and his men the
left; and the other captains occupied the centre. 16. First of all,
then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up in
troops and companies;[27] and afterwards the Greeks, riding by them in
his chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car.[28] They had all brazen
helmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had
ridden past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx,
and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders for
them to present arms,[29] and to advance with their whole phalanx. The
officers communicated these orders to their soldiers; and, when the
trumpeter gave the signal, they presented arms and advanced. Then, as
they proceeded with a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of
their own accord took to running, bearing down upon the tents of the
Persians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest of the
Barbarians; the Cilician queen fled from her car; and the people in the
market deserted their goods and took to their heels; while the Greeks
marched up to the tents with laughter. The Cilician queen, on beholding
the splendour and discipline of the army, was struck with admiration;
and Cyrus was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks
inspired the Barbarians.

19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of twenty
parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia; where he halted three
days. He then went forward through Lycaonia, five days' march, a
distance of thirty parasangs; and this country, as being that of an
enemy, he permitted the Greeks to ravage.

20. From hence Cyrus despatched the Cilician queen, by the shortest
road, into Cilicia; and sent with her the troops which Menon had, and
Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the army, proceeded through
Cappadocia, four days' march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to
Dana, a populous, large, and wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; in
the course of which he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a
wearer of the royal purple,[30] and a certain other person in power, one
of the provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against
him.

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia; but the sole entrance
was a road broad enough only for a single carriage, very steep, and
impracticable for an army to pass, if any one opposed them. Syennesis,
besides, was said to be stationed on the heights, guarding the defile;
on which account Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a
messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the heights, on
receiving information that Menon's army was already in Cilicia within
the mountains, and hearing that Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging
to the Lacedæmonians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to
Cilicia. 22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any
opposition, and saw[31] the tents in which the Cilicians kept guard.
Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, well watered, and
abounding with all kinds of trees, as well as vines. It also produced
great quantities of sesamum, panic, millet,[32] wheat, and barley. A
chain of hills, strong and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to
sea. 23. Descending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days'
march, a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and
opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, the king of
the Cilicians; and through the midst of the city runs a river, called
the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two plethra. 24. This city the
inhabitants, with Syennesis, had deserted for a strong-hold upon the
mountains, except those who kept shops.[33] Those also remained behind,
who lived near the sea at Soli and at Issi.

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five days
before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which skirt the plain,
two companies of Menon's troops had perished; some said that they had
been cut to pieces by the Cilicians, while committing some
depredations; others, that being left behind, and unable to find the
rest of the army or their road, they had been destroyed while wandering
about. They amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest of
Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of their
comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace in it.
Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syennesis to come to him; but
Syennesis answered, that he had never yet put himself in the power of
one stronger than himself; nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus,
until his wife prevailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of
safety. 27. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a large
sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in return presented
him with such gifts as are held in estimation by a king, a horse with a
golden bit, a golden chain and bracelets, and a golden scimitar and
Persian robe. He also engaged that his country should no more be
plundered, and that he should receive back the captured slaves, if they
anywhere met with them.

[Footnote 15: Τό τε βαρβαρικὸν καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν τὸ ἐνταῦθα στράτευμα.]
There has been much dispute about the exact signification of ἐνταῦθα in
this place. Zeune would have it mean "illuc, in illum locum ubi sunt
Pisidæ;" and Krüger thinks that "towards Sardis" is intended. But this
is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske and Kühner, who
give it its ordinary signification. "Barbarorum et Græcorum
[exercitum]," says Kühner, "quem Cyrus ibi, ubi versabatur, collectum
habebat." The τὸ before ἐνταῦθα is an addition of Dindorf's, which
Kühner pronounces unnecessary.]

[Footnote 16: The πελτασταὶ were troops armed with a light shield,
called πέλτη, holding a middle place between the ὁπλῖται and ψιλοί. They
were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates: see
his Life in Corn. Nep.; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16; 3. 12.]

[Footnote 17: Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis,
because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly computes
from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey.
_Stanford_.]

[Footnote 18: Σταθμοός.] The word σταθμός means properly a _station_ or
_halting-place_ at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied,
but was generally about five parasangs.]

[Footnote 19: The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia; see
ii. 2. 6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr.
Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to 3 English miles,
180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. _Travels in the
Track_, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a long day's march;
these marches were more than seven; and the next day's was eight. But
Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr.
Hussey, _Anc. Weights_, &c., Append. sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787-1/2
yards.]

[Footnote 20: The _plethrum_ was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See
Hussey, Append. sect. 10, p. 232.]

[Footnote 21: The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek
writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the
number of kings subject to him; a title similar to that of the
successors of Mahomet, Grand Signior.]

[Footnote 22: This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and
Kühner; most other editors have _Socrates_, which occurs in four
manuscripts; two have _Sosias_, and one _Sostes_.]

[Footnote 23: The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more
general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed.]

[Footnote 24: Τὰ Λύκαια.] The festival of Lycæan Jove is mentioned by
Pausanias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar,
Ol. ix. 145; xiii. 153; Nem. x. 89. _Schneider_.--Mount Lycæum was
sacred to both Jupiter and Pan. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 25: Στλεγγίδες.] Generally supposed to be the same as the
Latin strigilis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for
cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be
given by Kühner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Krüger
follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women,
and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that the
latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than the
former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as will
afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might
have presented them. The sense of the word must therefore be left
doubtful. The sense of _strigilis_ is supported by Suidas; see Sturz's
Lex. s. v.]

[Footnote 26: Τὸν Σάτυρον.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Ecl. vi. 13.]

[Footnote 27: Κατὰ ἴλας καὶ κατὰ τάξεις.] Ἰλη signifies properly a troop
of horse, consisting of 64 men; and τάξις, a company of foot, which
Xenophon, in the Cyropædia, makes to consist of 100 men.]

[Footnote 28: Ἐφ' ἁρμαμάξης.] The _harmamaxa_ was a Persian carriage,
probably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23;
Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41.]

[Footnote 29: Προβάλεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα.] "To hold out the shield and the
spear, the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an
adversary." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 30: Φοινικιστὴν βασίλειον.] Æmilius Portus, on the authority
of Zonaras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this "dyer of the king's purple;"
an interpretation repugnant to what follows. Morus makes it
_purpuratus_; Larcher, _vexillarius_, because in Diod. Sic. xiv. 26 a
standard is called φοινικίς: Brodæus gives 'unus è regiis familiaribus,
puniceâ veste indutus, non purpurea.' "Without doubt he was one of the
highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the ὕπαρχοι δυνάσται."
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 31: Εἶδε.] This seems to be the reading of all the
manuscripts, and is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kühner.
But Schneider and Weiske read εἶλε, "took possession of," on the
suggestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous for
Xenophon to say that Cyrus merely _saw_ the tents. Lion, however, not
unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark the distance at
which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he passed within sight
of them, the Cilicians having retired only a short space to the rear.]

[Footnote 32: Σήσαμον καὶ μελίνην καὶ κέγχρον.] _Sesamum_ is a
leguminous plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble
hemp-seed, and are boiled and eaten like rice. Μελίνη, _panicum_, is a
plant resembling millet. Κέγχρος, _milium_, millet, is far the best
known of the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears; millet,
in bunches.]

[Footnote 33: Καπηλεῖα.] Καπηλεῖον is often used in the sense of _a
tavern_; sometimes in a more general sense, as _any kind of shop_. We
may suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell,
with the hope of getting profit.]




CHAPTER III.

     Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the
     Greek soldiers, who, suspecting that they were led against the
     king, refuse to go farther, and offer violence to Clearchus, who
     endeavours to force them to proceed. But being told by Cyrus that
     the expedition is directed against Abrocomas, and promised an
     increase of pay, they agree to continue their march.


1. Here Cyrus and the army remained twenty days; for the soldiers
refused to proceed farther, as they now began to suspect that they were
marching against the king, and said that they had not been hired for
this purpose. Clearchus, first of all, endeavoured to compel his
soldiers to proceed; but, as soon as he began to advance, they pelted
him and his baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this
occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At length, when
he saw that he should not be able to proceed by force, he called a
meeting of his soldiers; and at first, standing before them, he
continued for some time to shed tears, while they, looking on, were
struck with wonder, and remained silent. He then addressed them to this
effect:

3. "Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the present
occurrences; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties of hospitality, and
honoured me, when I was an exile from my country, both with other marks
of esteem, and by presenting me with ten thousand darics. On receiving
this money, I did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in
luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war upon the
Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with your assistance, took
vengeance upon them by expelling them from the Chersonesus, when they
would have taken the country from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus
summoned me, I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had
need of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits that I
had received from him. 5. But since you are unwilling to accompany him
on this expedition, I am under the obligation, either, by deserting you,
to preserve the friendship of Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to
adhere to you. Whether I shall do right, I do not know; but I shall give
you the preference, and will undergo with you whatever may be necessary.
Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks into a country of
Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and adopted, in preference, the
friendship of the Barbarians.

6. "Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow me, I will go
with you, and submit to whatever may be destined for us. For I look upon
you to be at once my country, my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and
consider that with you I shall be respected, wherever I may be: but
that, if separated from you, I shall be unable either to afford
assistance to a friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured,
therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever you go."

7. Thus he spoke; and the soldiers, as well those under his own command
as the others, on hearing these assurances, applauded him for saying
that he would not march against the king; and more than two thousand of
the troops of Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and
baggage, went and encamped under Clearchus.

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent for
Clearchus; who, however, would not go, but sending a messenger to Cyrus
without the knowledge of the soldiers, bade him be of good courage, as
these matters would be arranged to his satisfaction. He also desired
Cyrus to send for him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again
declined to go.[34] 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers,
and those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest that
wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect:

"It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with regard to us
is the same as ours with regard to him; for we are no longer his
soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is he any longer our
paymaster. 10. That he considers himself wronged by us, however, I am
well aware; so that, even when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to
him, principally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having
been in all respects false to him; and in addition, from being afraid,
that, when he has me in his power, he may take vengeance on me for the
matters in which he conceives that he has been injured. 11. This,
therefore, seems to me to be no time for us to sleep, or to neglect our
own safety; but, on the contrary, to consider what we must do under
these circumstances.[35] As long as we remain here, it seems necessary
to consider how we may best remain with safety; or, if we determine upon
going at once, how we may depart with the greatest security, and how we
may obtain provisions; for without these, the general and the private
soldier are alike inefficient.[36] 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable
friend to those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to
those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both infantry and
cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike see and know; for we
seem to me to be encamped at no great distance from him. It is therefore
full time to say whatever any one thinks to be best." Having spoken
thus, he made a pause.

13. Upon this, several rose to speak; some, of their own accord, to
express what they thought; others, previously instructed by Clearchus,
to point out what difficulty there would be, either in remaining or
departing, without the consent of Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending
to be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that
they should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were
unwilling to conduct them back; that they should purchase provisions, as
there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage;
that they should go to Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in
which they might sail home; and, if he should not grant them, that they
should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of
the country as were friendly towards them.[37] But if he would not even
allow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themselves in
warlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights,
in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, ("of whom," said he, "we
have many prisoners, and much money that we have taken,") may be the
first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered; but
after him Clearchus spoke as follows:

15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake this command;
for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so; but be assured, that
whatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possible
deference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well as
any other man."

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him who
advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were not about to sail
back,[38] and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request a
guide of the very person "whose plans," said he, "we are frustrating.
And," he added, "if we should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign
us, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights
before we reach them? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant to
embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he should send us and
the galleys to the bottom together; I should also be afraid to follow
any guide that he may appoint, lest he should conduct us into places,
from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I
depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge; but
this is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities;
and my advice is, that certain persons, such as are fit for the task,
should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he
wishes to employ us; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which
he before employed foreign troops,[39] that we too should follow him,
and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him.
19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and more
perilous than the former, that they should ask him, in that case, either
to induce us to accompany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our
persuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country; for thus, if we
accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zealous supporters,
and if we leave him, we shall depart in safety; that they then report to
us what answer he makes to this application; and that we, having heard
his reply, take measures in accordance with it."

20. These suggestions were approved; and, having chosen certain persons,
they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon by
the army. Cyrus answered, that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of
his, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; and
it was against him, he said, that he wished to march; and if Abrocomas
should be there, he said that he longed to take due vengeance on him;
but if he should retreat, "we will consider there," he added, "how to
proceed."

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to the
soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against the
king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for an
increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again
as they received before, that is to say, instead of a daric, three
half-darics a month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at least
publicly, that he was leading them against the king.

[Footnote 34: He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send
for him, refused to go; this refusal being given for the sake of keeping
up appearances.]

[Footnote 35: Ἐκ τούτων.] "Ex his, secundum hæc, h. e. in hac rerum
conditione." _Kühner_. Bornemann interprets simply _post hæc_.]

[Footnote 36: Οὔτε στρατηγοῦ οὔτε ἰδιώτου ὄφελος οὐδέν.] "No profit (or
use) either of a general or private soldier."]

[Footnote 37: Διὰ φιλίας τῆς χώρας.] The earlier editions have ὡς before
διὰ, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission;
and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide
was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or
where he could procure them a friendly reception.]

[Footnote 38: Ὥσπερ πάλιν τὸν στόλον Κύρου μὴ ποιουμένου.] About the
meaning of these words there has been much dispute. The translation
which I have given is that of Bornemann, "quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus
non esset," which is adopted by Kühner. "The speaker assumes," says
Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or
some other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he
will return to his province."]

[Footnote 39: The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up
with Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, i. 1.
2.]




CHAPTER IV.

     The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at which the fleet
     then arrives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek
     captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good
     feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursue them, renders the other
     Greeks more willing to accompany him. He arrives at Thapsacus on
     the Euphrates, where he discloses the real object of his expedition
     to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by
     fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river.


1. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to
the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three plethra. He then went
forward, one day's march, five parasangs, to the river Pyramus, the
breadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a
distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia,
situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place.

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships from
Peloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras the
Lacedæmonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, had
conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twenty
other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletus
when it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him
on behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the
Lacedæmonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven
hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army of
Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek
mercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed
men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition
against the king.

4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates of
Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses;[40] of the part within
them, towards Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the
charge; the part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king's
soldiers was reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river, called
Carsus, a plethrum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses
was three stadia; and it was impossible to pass it by force; for the
passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and above
were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It was
on account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that he
might disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the Gates,[41] who
might force a passage through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the
Syrian gates; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he had
under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attempt
this; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out of
Phœnicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as was
said, three hundred thousand men.

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to
Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phœnicians; this place
was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7.
Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and
Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board their
most valuable effects, sailed away; being actuated, as most thought, by
motives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain under
his command their soldiers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the
expectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against the
king. Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that Cyrus
would pursue them with ships of war; and some wished that they might be
taken, as having acted perfidiously; while others pitied their fate, if
they should be caught.

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, "Xenias and
Pasion have left us: but let them be well assured, that they have not
fled clandestinely; for I know which way they are gone; nor have they
escaped beyond my reach; for I have triremes that would overtake their
vessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them; nor shall
any one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of his
services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treat
his person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with the
consciousness that they have acted a worse part towards us than we
towards them. I have, indeed, their children and wives under guard at
Tralles; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive
them back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thus Cyrus
spoke; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined to
the expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus,
accompanied him with greater pleasure and alacrity.

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of
twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is a plethrum in breadth,
and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, and
allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, in
which they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been
given her for her girdle.[42]

10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty
parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum in
breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a
very large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasons
produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace.

11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen
parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in
breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, named
Thapsacus. The army remained there five days; and Cyrus sent for the
Greek captains, and told them, that his march was directed to Babylon,
against the Great King; and he desired them to make this announcement to
the soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him.

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated this information
to them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased with
their officers, and said that they had long known this, but concealed
it; and they refused to go, unless such a donative was granted them, as
had been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father,
and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyrus
when his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generals
reported to Cyrus; who in consequence promised to give every man five
minæ of silver,[43] when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full
pay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The
greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accompany
him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whether
they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menon assembled his own troops apart
from the rest, and spoke as follows:

14. "If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, without incurring
either danger or toil, make yourselves honoured by Cyrus beyond the rest
of the army. What, then, would I have you do? Cyrus is at this moment
urgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king; I therefore
suggest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will answer Cyrus,
you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they should
determine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the cause
of it, by being the first to pass the river; and to you, as being most
forward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as
no one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should
determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; but
you, as having alone complied with his wishes, and as being most worthy
of his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts of
authority; and whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, as
the friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it."

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, and
crossed the river before the others had given their answer. And when
Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, and
despatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message: "I applaud your
conduct, my friends; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me; or
think me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being
filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed; and to
Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnificent presents. After these
transactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followed
him; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above
the breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never,
except on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means of
boats; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that Cyrus might not be
able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divine
interposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as the
future king.

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of
fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number of
villages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days,
and collected provisions.

[Footnote 40: Ἦσαν δὲ ταῦτα δύο τείχη.] As the fem. πύλαι precedes, and
as the gates were not properly the τείχη, but the space between them,
Weiske conjectures ἦσαν δὲ ἐνταῦθα, κ. τ. λ., which Kühner and others
approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kühner interprets τείχη
"castella," and I have followed him. When Xenophon speaks, a little
below, of τείχη εἰς τὴν θάλατταν καθήκοντα, he seems to mean _walls_
attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that _at
each of the fortresses_, ἐπὶ τοῖς τείχεσιν ἀμφοτέροις, were gates, he
appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each
of the fortresses. "At a distance of about six hundred yards,
corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a
wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains
down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower."
_Ainsworth_, p. 59.]

[Footnote 41: "That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz.
in Syria." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 42: Εἰς ζώνην.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to
supply ornaments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian
kings to bestow places on their queens and other favourites ostensibly
for the purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or
other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40; Cic. in
Verr. iii. 23; Corn. Nepos, Life of Themistocles, c. 10.]

[Footnote 43: Reckoning the talent at £243 15_s._, the mina (60 = a
talent) will be £4 1_s._ 3_d._, and five minæ £20 6_s._ 3_d._]




CHAPTER V.

     The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the
     right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts
     of burden perish; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank
     of the Euphrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon,
     which is quelled by Cyrus.


1. Cyrus now advanced through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right,
five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-five
parasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as the
sea. It was covered with wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or
reed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no
trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds; the most
numerous were wild asses; there were also many ostriches, as well as
bustards and antelopes; and these animals the horsemen of the army
sometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would start
forward a considerable distance, and then stand still; (for they ran
much more swiftly than the horse;) and again, when the horse approached,
they did the same; and it was impossible to catch them, unless the
horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with a
succession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembled
venison, but was more tender. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in
catching; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from
the pursuit; for it far outstripped[44] them in its flight, using its
feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail.[45] The
bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; for they fly
but a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh was
very delicious.

4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, the
breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which
the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas.
Here they stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions.

5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, a
distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right,
and arrived at a place called the Gates.[46] In this march many of the
beasts of burden perished of hunger; for there was neither grass, nor
any sort of tree, but the whole country was completely bare. The
inhabitants, who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took
them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon corn which they bought
with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, and it was not possible
to buy any, except in the Lydian market among Cyrus's Barbarian troops,
where they purchased a capithe[47] of wheat-flour or barley-meal for
four sigli. The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a
half,[48] and the capithe contains two Attic chœnices. The soldiers
therefore lived entirely upon flesh.

7. There were some of these marches which he made extremely long,
whenever he wished to get to water or forage. On one occasion, when a
narrow and muddy road presented itself, almost impassable for the
waggons, Cyras halted on the spot with the most distinguished and
wealthy of his train, and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of
the Barbarian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But as
they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as if in anger,
the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in expediting the carriages.
Then might be seen a specimen of their ready obedience; for, throwing
off their purple cloaks, in the place where each happened to be
standing, they rushed forward, as one would run in a race for victory,
down an extremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which they
wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains about their necks
and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping with these equipments
straight into the mud, brought the waggons up quicker than any one would
have imagined.

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed throughout the
march, and made no delay, except where he halted in order to obtain a
supply of provisions, or for some other necessary purpose; thinking that
the quicker he went, the more unprepared he should find the king when he
engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, the more numerous
would be the force collected by the king. And an attentive observer
might see that the empire of the king was strong indeed in extent of
territory and number of inhabitants, but weak through the length of the
roads, and the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with
rapid movements.

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their course
through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, called Charmande;
from this place the soldiers purchased provisions, crossing the river on
rafts in the following manner. They filled the skins, which they had for
the coverings of their tents,[49] with dry hay, and then closed and
stitched them together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon
these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wine made of
the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic[50] corn; for this was most
plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of Menon and those of
Clearchus falling into a dispute about something, Clearchus, judging a
soldier of Menon's to be in the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and
the man, coming to the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades
what had occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure and
resentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, Clearchus, after
going to the place where the river was crossed, and inspecting the
market there, was returning on horseback to his tent through Menon's
camp, with a few attendants. Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on
his way thither. One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving
wood, when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his axe at
him, but missed his aim; another then threw a stone at him, and another,
and afterwards several, a great uproar ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought
refuge in his own camp, and immediately called his men to arms, ordering
his heavy-armed troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields
against their knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the
horsemen that were in his camp, to the number of more than forty, (and
most of these were Thracians,) bore down towards the troops of Menon, so
that they and Menon himself were struck with terror, and made a general
rush to their arms; while some stood still, not knowing how to act under
the circumstances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up behind the
rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following him, and immediately led
his troops into the middle space between them both, and drew them up
under arms, begging Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But
Clearchus was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning,
Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received; he
accordingly desired him to stand out from between them.

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the affair. He
then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and rode, with such of his
confidential officers as were with him, into the midst of the Greeks,
and addressed them thus: 16. "Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other
Greeks who are here present, you know not what you are doing. For if you
engage in any contention with one another, be assured, that this very
day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me; since, if our
affairs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see before you, will
prove more dangerous enemies to us than even those who are with the
king." 17. Clearchus, on hearing these remonstrances, recovered his
self-possession; and both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited
their arms in their respective encampments.

[Footnote 44: Απεσπᾶτο.] "Drew itself away from" its pursuers. There are
various readings of this word. Kühner adopts ἀπεσπα, in the sense of
"drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads
ἀπέπτατο.]

[Footnote 45: It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as
to the construction of this passage; I have adopted the explication of
Kühner.]

[Footnote 46: Επὶ Πύλας.] A strait or defile through which the road lay
from Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the _Pylæ Babyloniæ_. It
is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus _sub voce_ Χαρμάνδη. Ainsworth, p.
80, places it fourteen miles north of Felújah, and a hundred and eight
miles north of Babylon.]

[Footnote 47: Καπίθη.] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic
_chœnices_. The Attic chœnix is valued by Mr. Hussey, Essay on Ancient
Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.8467 pint.]

[Footnote 48: The _siglus_ is regarded by some as the same with the
Hebrew shekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the
shekel. The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more than three
half-pence; seven oboli and a half would therefore be about a shilling.]

[Footnote 49: Σκεπάσματα is the reading of Dindorf, but it ought rather
to be στεγάσματα, if the distinction of Krüger and Kühner, who adopt the
latter, be right; viz. that στίπασμα signifies a covering to wrap round
the body, and στέγασμα a shelter against sun or rain. See Arrian, iii.
29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr. Layard, is still
practised in Armenia both by men and women.]

[Footnote 50: See note on i. 2. 22.]




CHAPTER VI.

     Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian
     nobleman, a relation of Cyrus, offers to go forward with a body of
     cavalry, and lay an ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out,
     however, he is found to be in correspondence with the king, and is
     put to death.


1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung of horses
were observed, and the track was conjectured to be that of about two
thousand cavalry. These, as they went before, had burnt all the fodder,
and whatever else might have been of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a
Persian, by birth connected with the king, and reckoned one of the
ablest of the Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus; with whom,
indeed, he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled to
him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a thousand horse,
he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the body of cavalry that
were burning all before them, or would take the greater number of them
prisoners, and hinder them from consuming everything in their way, and
prevent them from ever informing the king that they had seen the army of
Cyrus. Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous; and
desired him to take a certain number of men from each of the different
commanders.

3. Orontes, thinking that he had secured the cavalry, wrote a letter to
the king, saying that he would come to him with as many horse as he
could obtain; and he desired him to give directions to his own cavalry
to receive him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions
reminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity to him. This
letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he believed, he could depend, but
who, when he received it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading
the letter, caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent
seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and desired the
Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed men, who should arrange
themselves under arms around his tent. They did as he desired, and
brought with them about three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5.
Clearchus he called in to assist at the council, as that officer
appeared, both to himself and to the rest, to be held most in honour
among the Greeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, he
related to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted; for there
was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that Cyrus thus opened the
proceedings:

6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order that, on
consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes here before you,
whatever may be thought just before gods and men. In the first place,
then, my father appointed him to be subject to me. And when afterwards,
by the command, as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war
against me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up
arms against him, and made him resolve to desist from war with me; and
then I received from him, and gave him in return, the right-hand of
friendship. 7. And since that occurrence," he continued, "is there
anything in which I have wronged you?" Orontes replied that there was
not. Cyrus again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, as
you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go over to the
Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to my territories?"
Orontes answered in the affirmative. "And did you not then," continued
Cyrus, "when you had thus again proved your strength, come to the altar
of Diana, and say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by
entreaties, give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual
faith?" This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. "What injury, then,"
continued Cyrus, "have you received from me, that you are now, for the
third time, discovered in traitorous designs against me?" Orontes saying
that he had received no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess,
then, that you have acted unjustly towards me?" "I am necessitated to
confess it," replied Orontes. Cyrus then again inquired, "And would you
yet become an enemy to my brother, and a faithful friend to me?" Orontes
answered, "Though I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear
so to you." 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, "Such are this
man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, O
Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to you." Clearchus
spoke thus: "I advise, that this man be put out of the way with all
despatch; that so it may be no longer necessary to be on our guard
against him, but that we may have leisure, as far as he is concerned, to
benefit those who are willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion,
Clearchus said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of
Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising from
their seats, took Orontes by the girdle,[51] in token that he was to
suffer death; when those to whom directions had been given, led him
away. And when those saw him pass, who had previously been used to bow
before him, they bowed before him as usual, though they knew he was
being led to execution.

11. After he had been conducted into the tent of Artapatas, the most
confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers,[52] no one from that time ever
beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor could any one say, from
certain knowledge, in what manner he died. Various conjectures were
made; but no burial-place of him was ever seen.

[Footnote 51: This was a custom among the Persians on such occasions, as
is expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 30 in his account of
the condemnation of Charidemus, at the command of Darius.]

[Footnote 52: Σκηπτούχων.] "Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus
the elder, formed the king's body-guard. See Cyrop. vii. 5. 58."
_Zeune_.]




CHAPTER VII.

     Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops; he addresses the
     Greeks, and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He
     advances in order of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his
     brother had no immediate intention to engage, proceeds with less
     caution.


1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' march, a
distance of twelve parasangs; and at the end of the third day's march,
he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in the plain, about
midnight; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come
up with his army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take the
command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian that of the left,
while he himself drew up his own troops.

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from the Great
King came and gave Cyrus information respecting the royal army. Cyrus,
assembling the generals and captains of the Greeks, consulted with them
how he should conduct the engagement, and then encouraged them with the
following exhortations: 3. "It is not, O Greeks, from any want of
Barbarian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries; but it is
because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multitude of
Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. See, then, that you
prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of which you are possessed, and
for which I esteem you fortunate; for be well assured, that I should
prefer that freedom to all that I possess, and to other possessions many
times as great. 4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you
are advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The enemy's
numbers are immense, and they make their onset with a loud shout; but if
you are firm against this, I feel ashamed to think what sort of men, in
other respects, you will find those in the country to be. But if you are
true men, and prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of
you, who may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their
fellow-countrymen; but I think that I shall induce most of you to prefer
the advantages of remaining with me to those in your own country."

5. Upon this, Gaulites, an exile from Samos, a man in the confidence of
Cyrus, being present, said, "Yet some say, O Cyrus, that you make many
promises now, because you are in such a situation of approaching danger;
but that if things should turn out well, you will not remember them;[53]
and some, too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will,
you will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise."

6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, "We have before us, my friends, the empire
that was my father's, extending, on the south, to the parts where men
cannot live for heat; and on the north, to the parts where they cannot
live for cold; and over all that lies between these extremes, the
friends of my brother are now satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be
proper for us to make our own friends masters of these regions. So that
it is not this that I fear, that I shall not have enough to give to each
of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall not
have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each of you Greeks, I
will also give a golden crown."

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these assurances, were
much encouraged, and reported what he had said to the rest. The
captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, went into his tent,
desiring to know for certain what would be their reward if they should
be victorious; and he did not let them go without satisfying the minds
of all.

9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to engage in the
battle personally, but take his station behind their line. About this
time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrus to this effect: "And do
you think, Cyrus, that your brother will come to battle with you?" "By
Jupiter," replied Cyrus, "if he be indeed the son of Darius and
Parysatis, and my brother, I shall not gain possession of these
dominions without a struggle."

10. In mustering the Greeks under arms, their numbers were found to be
ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed men, and two thousand four hundred
peltasts; of Barbarian troops under Cyrus, there were one hundred
thousand, with about twenty chariots armed with scythes.

11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million two hundred
thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. There were, besides, six
thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses had the command; these were drawn
up in front of the king himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four
commanders, or generals, or leaders,[54] each over three hundred
thousand men; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and
Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand were present at
the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed chariots; for Abrocomas,
who was marching from Phœnicia, did not arrive till five days after
the battle.

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the enemy who
deserted from the Great King before the battle; and such of the enemy as
were taken prisoners after the battle gave the same account.

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of three
parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in
order of battle; for he expected that on this day the king would give
him battle; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep
trench dug; the breadth of it was five fathoms,[55] and the depth three.
15. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve
parasangs, as far as the wall of Media.[56] Here are the canals which
are supplied from the river Tigris;[57] there are four of them, each a
plethrum in breadth, and very deep; boats employed in conveying corn
sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are
distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them.
Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the
trench, about twenty feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had
made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was marching
against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their way, and got
within the trench.

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, but there were
to be seen many traces of men and horses in retreat.

18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and gave him three
thousand darics,[58] because, on the eleventh day previous, while
sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the king would not fight for ten
days; when Cyrus exclaimed, "He will not then fight at all, if he does
not fight within that time; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly,
I promise to give you ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid
him, the ten days having elapsed.

19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent the passage
of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had
given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus
proceeded on his march with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding
that, he pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and having but a
small body of troops in line before him; while the far greater part of
the army observed no order on their march, and many of the soldiers'
arms were carried on the waggons and beasts of burden.

[Footnote 53: Οὐ μεμνῆσθαι.] This is the reading in all books and
manuscripts. But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect.
Hutchinson and others render it "te non fore memorem." Should we read
μεμνήσεσθαι?]

[Footnote 54: Ἦσαν ἄρχοντες καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες τέτταρες.] Weiske
considers the words καὶ στράτηγοι καὶ ἡγεμόνες spurious; and Schneider
and some others are of his opinion. Kühner thinks that they are genuine,
and explicative of the more general term ἄρχοντες.]

[Footnote 55: Ὀργυιαί.] The ὀργυιά was equal to 6.0675 English feet. See
Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append. sect. 10.]

[Footnote 56: Τοῦ Μηδίας τείχους.] As many of the best manuscripts have
Μηδείας, in this passage as well as in ii. 4. 12, ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8.
25, Kühner adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall was named
from Medea, the wife of the last king of the Medes, whom the Persians
conquered and despoiled of his dominions. "Those who defend the reading
Μηδίας," continues Kühner, "suppose the name to be derived from the
country of Media, and believe, with Mannert, (Geog. i. p. 330,) that it
is the same wall which Semiramis built to defend her kingdom on the side
of Media; but this opinion rests on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, p.
180, thinks that it extended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that
the site of it is indicated by the ruins now called _Sidd Nimrud_, or
"the Wall of Nimrod."]

[Footnote 57: "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the
Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not only
by Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by later writers."
_Kühner_. But "the difference in the level of the rivers is so slight
that ---- it is probable that by merely altering the diagonal direction
of a canal, the waters could be made to flow either way; certainly so at
certain seasons." _Ainsworth_, p. 89.]

[Footnote 58: See note on i. 1. 9.]




CHAPTER VIII.

     The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army of
     Cyrus hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing,
     put to flight the troops opposed to them, and pursue them some
     distance. Cyrus, in the centre, directs his attack against the
     king, and is killed.


1. It was now about the time of full market,[59] and the station, where
he intended to halt, was not far off, when Pategyas, a Persian, one of
Cyrus's confidential adherents, made his appearance, riding at his
utmost speed, with his horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to
all whom he met, both in Persian and Greek, "that the king was
approaching with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately
great confusion ensued; for the Greeks and all the rest imagined that he
would fall upon them suddenly, before they could form their ranks; 3.
and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put on his breastplate, and,
mounting his horse, took his javelin in his hand, and gave orders for
all the rest to arm themselves, and to take their stations each in his
own place. 4. They accordingly formed with all expedition; Clearchus
occupying the extremity of the right wing close to the Euphrates,
Proxenus being next to him, and after him the other captains in
succession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of the Greeks.

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Paphlagonian cavalry were
stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian peltasts on the right; and on
the left was Ariæus, Cyrus's lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian
troops. 6. In the centre[60] was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred
cavalry, the men all armed with breastplates, defences for the thighs,
and helmets, except Cyrus alone; for Cyrus presented himself for battle
with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that the other Persians
expose themselves in battle with their heads uncovered.][61]

7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had defensive
armour on the forehead and breast; and the horsemen had also Grecian
swords.

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. But when it
was afternoon,[62] there appeared a dust, like a white cloud, and not
long after, a sort of blackness, extending to a great distance over the
plain. Presently, as they approached nearer, brazen armour began to
flash, and the spears and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of
cavalry, in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line; (Tissaphernes
was said to have the command of them;) close by these were troops with
wicker shields; and next to them, heavy-armed soldiers with long wooden
shields reaching to their feet; (these were said to be Egyptians;) then
other cavalry and bowmen. These all marched according to their nations,
each nation separately in a solid oblong.[63] 10. In front of their
line, at considerable intervals from each other, were stationed the
chariots called scythed chariots; they had scythes projecting obliquely
from the axletree, and others under the driver's seat, pointing to the
earth, for the purpose of cutting through whatever came in their way;
and the design of them was to penetrate and divide the ranks of the
Greeks.

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on calling together the
Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved the shout of the Barbarians,
he was in this respect deceived; for they now approached, not with a
shout, but with all possible silence, and quietly, with an even and slow
step. 12. Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter,
and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his troops
against the enemy's centre, for that there was the king; "and if," said
he, "we are victorious in that quarter, our object is fully
accomplished." 13. But though Clearchus saw that close collection of
troops in the centre of the enemy's line, and heard from Cyrus that the
king was beyond the left of the Greeks, (for so much the superior was
the king in numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line,
he was still beyond Cyrus's left,) nevertheless, he was unwilling to
draw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he should be hemmed
in on both sides; and in answer to Cyrus he said, "that he would take
care that all should go well."

14. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace;
and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was gradually
forming from those who came up from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a
moderate distance from his army,[64] surveyed from thence both the
lines, looking as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15.
Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up to
meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands; when Cyrus stopped
his horse, and told him, and desired him to tell everybody, that the
sacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favourable.[65] 16.
As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and
asked what noise that was. He answered,[66] "that it was the watchword,
passing now for the second time."[67] At which Cyrus wondered who had
given it, and asked what the word was. He replied that it was, "JUPITER
THE PRESERVER and VICTORY." 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a
good omen," said he, "and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to
his own station; and the two armies were now not more than three or four
stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the pæan, and began
to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. And as, while they proceeded,
some part of their body fluctuated out of line,[68] those who were thus
left behind began to run: and at the same time, they all raised just
such a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took
to a running pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spears
against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. But the
Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took to
flight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling out
to each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots,
abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the
enemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. The
Greeks, when they saw them coming, opened their ranks to let them pass;
some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen in
a race-course; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nor
did any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except
that, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with
an arrow.

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pursuing those of
the enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasure
at the sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, was
not, however, led away to join in the pursuit; but keeping the band of
six hundred cavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order around
him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed; for he well knew
that he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 22. All the commanders
of the Barbarians, indeed, lead[69] their troops to battle occupying the
centre of their own men; thinking that they will thus be most secure, if
they have the strength of their force on either side of them, and that
if they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in
half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupied
the centre of his own army, was nevertheless beyond Cyrus's left wing.
But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn up
before him, he began to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries.
24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the
rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging with
his six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front of
the king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said to
have killed with his own hand Artagerses, their commander.

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred became
dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit; only a very few remaining with
him, chiefly those who were called "partakers of his table."

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the close
guard around him; when he immediately lost his self-command, and
exclaiming, "I see the man," rushed upon him, struck him on the breast,
and wounded him through the breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician,
relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in
the act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under the
eye; and how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thus
fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their respective followers in defence
of each,) Ctesias relates; for he was with him; on the other side, Cyrus
himself was killed, and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon
his body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his
sceptre-bearers,[70] when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from
his horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 29. and some
say, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus;
but others relate, that he drew his scimitar, and killed himself upon
the body; for he had a golden scimitar by his side, and also wore a
chain and bracelets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the
Persians; since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity
to him.

[Footnote 59: Ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν.] The time from the tenth hour till
noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into four parts, πρωῖ,
ἀμφὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν, μεσημβρία, δείλη. _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 60: The words κατὰ τὸ μέσον, which were introduced into the
text by Leunclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison
of Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have
thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect. 22,
23.]

[Footnote 61: The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is
said immediately before, that the Persians had helmets on their heads,
Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an
interpolation of some copyist. Kühner defends them an the ground that
they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a general
custom of the Persians. Jacobs for ἄλλους conjectures παλαιούς, which
Lion has received into his text; but παλαιούς does not suit well with
the present διακινδυνεύειν. For my own part, I would rather see the
words out of the text than in it, if for no other reason than that they
break the current of the narrative. Dindorf very judiciously leaves them
in brackets.]

[Footnote 62: Δείλη.] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division
of the day was also distinguished into two parts, δείλη πρωῖα, and δείλη
οψία, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and the
evening." _Kühner_.]

[Footnote 63: Ἐν πλαισίῳ πλήρει ἀνθρώπων.] "In an oblong full of men,"
i. e. the men being close together.]

[Footnote 64: Οὐ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῶ στρατεύματι.] "Satis longinquo à suis
intervallo."--_Weiske_.]

[Footnote 65: Τὰ ἱερὰ ---- καὶ τὰ σφάγια καλά.] The ἱερὰ are omens from
the entrails of the victims; the σφάγια were omens taken from the
appearances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is
the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted
by Kühner. Compare ii, 1. 9.]

[Footnote 66: Dindorf has ὁ δὲ Κλέαρχος εἶπεν, which is the reading of
some manuscripts; others have Ξενοφῶν instead of Κλέαρχος. Dindorf
prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus had probably ridden up to
Cyrus on that occasion; but this is an assumption which he had no right
to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favour of it.
Bornemann and Kühner think it better to consider both names as equally
interpolations, and to read simply ὁ δὲ εἶπεν, Xenophon of course being
understood.]

[Footnote 67: Δεύτερον.] The watchword seems to have been passed from
the extremity of one wing (the right I should suppose) to the extremity
of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it
twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed
only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read τὸ
δεύτερον. _Krüger_ de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kühner observes that the
article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "_the_ second
time," as the sense seems to require. Some have imagined that the word
δεύτερον implies that _a second watchword_, another given out for the
occasion, was passing round; but for this supposition there seems no
ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, τίς παραγγέλλει, Krüger
thinks that some words have dropped out of the text.]

[Footnote 68: Ἐξεκύμαινε.] This metaphor, from the swelling and heaving
of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the
treatise de Eloc. 84, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus.]

[Footnote 69: Ἡγοῦνται.] Schneider, Kühner, and some other editors have
ἡγοῦντο but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present,
notwithstanding the following optative.]

[Footnote 70: See c. 6, sect. 11.]




CHAPTER IX.

     The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except
     Ariæus, who takes to flight.


1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the
elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed by
all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the first
place, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his education
with his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them
all in everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are
educated at the gates of the king;[71] where they may learn many a
lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing disgraceful. 4.
Here the boys see some honoured by the king, and others disgraced, and
hear of them; so that in their very childhood they learn to govern and
to obey.

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remarkable for modesty
among those of his own age, and for paying more ready obedience to his
elders than even those who were inferior to him in station; and next, he
was noted for his fondness for horses, and for managing them in a
superior manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, and
most assiduous in practising, the warlike exercises of archery, and
hurling the javelin. 6. When it suited his age, he grew extremely fond
of the chase, and of braving dangers in encounters with wild beasts. On
one occasion, he did not shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but,
in grappling with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received some
wounds, the scars of which were visible on his body, but at last killed
her. The person who first came to his assistance, he made a happy man in
the eyes of many.

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of Lydia and Great
Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also appointed commander of all the
troops whose duty it is to muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon
showed that if he made a league or compact with any one, or gave a
promise, he deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 8.
Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, as well as
individuals, had the greatest confidence in him; and if any one had been
his enemy, he felt secure that if Cyrus entered into a treaty with him,
he should suffer no infraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore,
he waged war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their own accord,
chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, except the
Milesians; but they feared him, because he would not abandon the cause
of the exiles; 10. for he both showed by his deeds, and declared in
words, that he would never desert them, since he had once become a
friend to them, not even though they should grow still fewer in number,
and be in a worse condition than they were.

11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he showed himself
anxious to go beyond him in those respects; and some used to mention a
wish of his, that "he desired to live long enough to outdo both those
who had done him good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital
that he should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men of our
days were so great a number of people desirous of committing the
disposal of their property, their cities, and their own persons.

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he suffered the
criminal or unjust to deride his authority; for he of all men inflicted
punishment most unsparingly; and there were often to be seen, along the
most frequented roads, men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes; so
that in Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or
Barbarian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whithersoever he
pleased, and having with him whatever might suit his convenience.

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknowledged that he paid
distinguished honour. His first war was with the Pisidians and Mysians;
and, marching in person into these countries, he made those, whom he saw
voluntarily hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the
territory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards in other
ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the most fortunate of men,
while the cowardly were deemed fit[72] only to be their slaves. There
were, therefore, great numbers of persons who voluntarily exposed
themselves to danger, wherever they thought that Cyrus would become
aware of their exertions.

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined to display
that virtue, he made a point of making such men richer than those who
sought to profit by injustice. 17. Accordingly, while in many other
respects his affairs were administered judiciously, he likewise
possessed an army worthy of the name. For it was not for money that
generals and captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service,
but because they were persuaded that to serve Cyrus well, would be more
profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 18. Besides, if any one
executed his orders in a superior manner, he never suffered his
diligence to go unrewarded; consequently, in every undertaking, the best
qualified officers were said to be ready to assist him.

19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with strict regard
to justice, stocking the land of which he had the direction, and
securing income from it, he would never take anything from such a
person, but was ever ready to give him something in addition; so that
men laboured with cheerfulness, acquired property with confidence, and
made no concealment from Cyrus of what each possessed; for he did not
appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to endeavour to
bring into use the wealth of those who concealed it.

20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed to him, and
considered to be capable of assisting him in anything that he might wish
to accomplish, he is acknowledged by all to have been most successful in
attaching them to him. 21. For, on the very same account on which he
thought that he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have
co-operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an efficient
assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived any of them desirous
of effecting.

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than perhaps any other
single individual; and these he outdid every one else in distributing
amongst his friends, having a view to the character of each, and to what
he perceived each most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of
articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutrement, or
merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used to remark, that
he could not decorate his own person with them all, but that he thought
friends well equipped were the greatest ornament a man could have. 24.
That he should outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring great benefits,
is not at all wonderful, since he was so much more able; but, that he
should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious desire to
oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 25. Frequently,
when he had wine served him of a peculiarly fine flavour, he would send
half-emptied flagons of it to some of his friends, with a message to
this effect: "Cyrus has not for some time met with pleasanter wine than
this; and he has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will
drink it to-day, with those whom you love best." 26. He would often,
too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, and other such
things, desiring the bearer to say, in presenting them, "Cyrus has been
delighted with these, and therefore wishes you also to taste of them."

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from having many
attendants, and from the care which he took, was able to procure some,
he would send it about, and desire his friends to give that provender to
the horses that carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his
friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to see him, he
would call to him his friends, and hold earnest conversation with them,
that he might show whom he held in honour; so that, from what I have
heard, I should think that no one was ever beloved by a greater number
of persons, either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following
is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, though only a
subject, (except that Orontes attempted to do so; but he soon found the
person whom he believed faithful to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to
himself,) while many came over to Cyrus from the king, after they became
enemies to each other; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved by
the king; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved themselves brave
soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain from him more adequate rewards
for their services than from the king.

30. What occurred also at the time of his death, is a great proof, as
well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he could accurately
distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well disposed, and constant in
their attachment. 31. For when he was killed, all his friends, and the
partakers of his table who were with him, fell fighting in his defence,
except Ariæus, who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on the
left; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, he took
to flight, with all the troops which he had under his command.

[Footnote 71: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] For "at the king's palace."
"The king's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the
modern Constantinople, _the Porte_. Agreeably to the customs of other
despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of
their palaces; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of
access to their persons. The number of courtiers, masters of ceremonies,
guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone that access
could be obtained to the monarch." _Heeren, Researches, &c._ vol. i. p
403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2; 2. 3, _seqq._ Corn. Nep. Life of Conon, c. 3.]

[Footnote 72: Ἀξιοῦσθαι.] Lion, Poppo, Kühner, and some other editors,
read ἀξιοῦν, but the passive suits better with the preceding φαίνεσθαι.]




CHAPTER X.

     The head and right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues
     Ariæus, plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the
     victorious Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had
     seized, and return to their camp.


1. The head and right-hand of Cyrus were then cut off. The king, and the
troops that were with him, engaging in pursuit, fell upon the camp of
Cyrus; when the soldiers of Ariæus no longer stood their ground, but
fled through their camp to the station whence they had last started;
which was said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his
followers seized upon many other things, and also captured the Phocæan
woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be both accomplished and
beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a native of Miletus, being taken by
some of the king's soldiers, fled for refuge, without her outer garment,
to the party of Greeks,[73] who were stationed under arms to guard the
baggage, and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several of
the pillagers; and some of their own number also fell; yet they did not
flee, but saved not only the woman, but all the rest of the property and
people that were in their quarters.

4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now distant from each other
about thirty stadia, the Greeks pursuing those that had been opposed to
them, as if they had conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering,
as if they were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that the
king with his troops was amongst their baggage; and the king, on the
other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the Greeks had routed that
part of his line which had been opposed to them, and were gone forward
in pursuit, the king, on his part, collected his forces, and formed
them in line again; while Clearchus, on the other side, calling to him
Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with him whether
they should send a detachment to the camp, or proceed, all of them
together, to relieve it. 6. In the mean time, the king was observed
again approaching them, as it seemed, in their rear. The Greeks,
wheeling round, prepared to receive him, in the belief that he would
attack them on that quarter; the king, however, did not lead his troops
that way, but led them off by the same route by which he had before
passed on the outside of their left wing; taking with him both those who
had deserted to the Greeks during the engagement, and Tissaphernes with
the troops under his command.

7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the engagement, but
had charged through the Greek peltasts, close to the banks of the river.
In breaking through, however, he killed not a single man, for the
Greeks, opening their ranks, struck his men with their swords, and
hurled their javelins at them. Episthenes of Amphipolis had the command
of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an able captain. 8.
Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came off with disadvantage, did
not turn back again, but, proceeding onwards to the Grecian camp, met
the king there; and thence they now returned together, with their forces
united in battle-array. 9. When they were opposite the left wing of the
Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on that wing,
and, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them off; they therefore
thought it advisable to draw back this wing,[74] and to put the river in
their rear. 10. While they were planning this manœuvre, the king,
having passed beyond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the
same form in which he had at first come to battle; and when the Greeks
saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for fight, they again sang
the pæan, and advanced upon them with much greater spirit than before.
11. The Barbarians, on the other hand, did not await their onset, but
fled sooner[75] than at first; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a
certain village,[76] where they halted; 12. for above the village was a
hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, and though
there were no longer any infantry[77] there, the height was filled with
cavalry; so that the Greeks could not tell what was doing. They said,
that they saw the royal standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,[78] with
expanded wings.[79]

13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding thither, the
cavalry too left the hill; not indeed in a body, but some in one
direction and some in another; and thus the hill was gradually thinned
of cavalry, till at last they were all gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did
not march up the hill, but, stationing his force at its foot, sent
Lycius the Syracusan and another up the hill, and ordered them, after
taking a view from the summit, to report to him what was passing on the
other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having made his
observations, brought word that the enemy were fleeing with
precipitation. Just as these things took place, the sun set.

16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took some rest; and
at the same time they wondered that Cyrus himself nowhere made his
appearance, and that no one else came to them from him; for they did not
know that he was killed, but conjectured that he was either gone in
pursuit of the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17.
They then deliberated whether they should remain in that spot and fetch
their baggage thither, or return to the camp; and it was resolved to
return, and they arrived at the tents about supper-time. 18. Such was
the conclusion of this day.

They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food and drink was
with it, plundered and wasted; the waggons, too, full of barley-meal and
wine, which Cyrus had provided, in order that, if ever a great scarcity
of provisions should fall upon the army, he might distribute them
amongst the Grecian troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were four
hundred in number,) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19.
Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless; and they had also
been without dinner; for before the army had halted for dinner, the king
made his appearance. In this state they passed the ensuing night.

[Footnote 73: Πρὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων.] "These words," says Kühner, "have
wonderfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest mode
of interpretation, he then observes, is to take πρὸς in the sense of
versus, "towards," comparing iv. 3. 26; ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, on
the whole, to make the genitive Ἑλλήνων depend on τούτους understood:
ἐκφεύγει τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς (τούτους) οἵ ἔτυχον, κ. τ. λ., though he
acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, and that he can
nowhere find anything similar to it. Brodæus suggested πρὸς τὸ τῶν
Ἑλλήνων, scil. στρατόπεδον, and Weiske and Schneider would read πρὸς τὸ
τῶν Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον. Other conjectures it is unnecessary to notice.]

[Footnote 74: Ἀναπτύσσειν.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to
understand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, is not
very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the exact sense
that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it by _explicare_, "to
open out," or "extend," and this indeed seems more applicable to
περιπτύξαντες which precedes; for the Greeks might lengthen out their
line that the king's troops might not surround them. But on the whole,
the other interpretation seems to have most voices in favour of it.]

[Footnote 75: Ἐκ πλέονος.] Sc. διαστήματος: they began to flee when the
Greeks were at a still greater distance than before.]

[Footnote 76: Μέχρι κώμης τινός.] This is generally supposed to have
been Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought.
Ainsworth, p. 244, identifies Cunaxa with _Imséy'ab_, a place 36 miles
north of Babylon.]

[Footnote 77: The infantry seem to have fled; the cavalry only were
left.]

[Footnote 78: Ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ ξύλου.] So stands the passage in Dindorf's
text; but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider ἐπὶ ξύλου to
be a mere interpretation of ἐπὶ πέλτης, that has crept by some accident
into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it.
Πέλτη is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as δόρυ or λόγχη:
and Krüger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 82, ἐπὶ τῆς πέλτης ἀετός.
In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to have been
a golden eagle, ἐπὶ δόρατος μακροῦ ἀνατεταμένος. Πέλτη accordingly being
taken in this sense, all is clear, and ἐπὶ ξύλου is superfluous. Kühner
gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutchinson, ἐπὶ πέλτης ἐπὶ
ξυστοῦ, who, taking πέλτη in the sense of _a shield_, supposed that the
eagle was mounted on a shield, and the shield on a spear. But the shield
would surely have been a mere encumbrance, and we had better be rid of
it. Yet to take πέλτη in the sense of _a spear_, unusual in Xenophon, is
not altogether satisfactory; and it would be well if we could fairly
admit into the text Leunclavius's conjecture, ἐπὶ παλτοῦ.]

[Footnote 79: Ἀνατεταμένον.] This word is generally understood to
signify that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's
Lexicon; and Dr. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. sub _Signa
Militaria_.]




BOOK II.


CHAPTER I.

     The Greeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Ariæus
     resolves to return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus,
     who incites him to make an attempt on the throne of Persia.
     Artaxerxes sends a message to the Greeks; their reply.


1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when he undertook his
expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, what occurred in his march up
the country, how the battle took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how
the Greeks returned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that
they were completely victorious, and that Cyrus was still alive, has
been related in the preceding book.

2. When it was day, the generals met together, and expressed their
surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person to give directions how
they should act, nor had made his appearance himself. It seemed best to
them, therefore, to pack up what baggage they had, and, arming
themselves, to march forward till they could effect a junction with
Cyrus. 3. But when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun
was rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, (who
was descended from Damaratus, the Lacedæmonian,) and with him Glus, the
son of Tamos, who told them that Cyrus was dead, and that Ariæus, having
fled, was, with the rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they
started the day before; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks
that day, if they would come to him; but on the morrow, he said, he
should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come.

4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other Greeks, on
learning it from them,[80] were grievously afflicted; and Clearchus
spoke thus: "Would that Cyrus were still alive; but since he is no more,
carry back word to Ariæus, that we at least are victorious over the
king, and that, as you see, no enemy any longer offers us battle; and if
you had not come, we should have marched against the king; and we
promise Ariæus that, if he will come hither, we will seat him on the
royal throne: for to those who conquer, it belongs also to rule." 5.
Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent with them
Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian, and Menon the Thessalian; for Menon
himself desired to go, as he was connected with Ariæus by ties of
friendship and hospitality.

6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited where he was;
and the troops supplied themselves with food, as well as they could,
from the carcases of their baggage-cattle, slaughtering their oxen and
asses; and, going a little way in front of the line, to the place where
the battle was fought, they collected and used as fuel, not only the
arrows, which lay in great quantities, and which the Greeks had
compelled the deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wicker
shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians; and there
were also many other light shields, and waggons emptied of their
contents[81] to be taken away; using all which materials to cook the
meat, they appeased their hunger for that day.

7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,[82] when some heralds
arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of them Barbarians, except
one, a Greek named Phalinus, who chanced to be with Tissaphernes, and
was highly esteemed by him, for he had pretensions to skill in the
arrangement of troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These
persons having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders of the
Greeks, told them, "that the king, since he had gained the victory and
slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver up their arms, and go to the
gates of the king,[83] and try to obtain, if they could, some favour
from him." 9. Thus spoke the king's heralds; and the Greeks heard them
with no small concern: but Clearchus only said, "that it was not the
part of conquerors to deliver up their arms; but," he continued, "do
you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as you think most
honourable and proper; and I will return immediately;" for one of the
attendants just then called him away to inspect the entrails which had
been taken out of the victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice.
10. Cleanor the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that "they
would die before they would deliver up their arms." "For my part," said
Proxenus the Theban, "I wonder, Phalinus, whether it is as conqueror
that the king asks for our arms, or as gifts in friendship; for if as
conqueror, why should he ask for them at all, and not rather come and
take them? But if he wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion,
let him say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him in
this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, "The king considers
himself the conqueror, since he has slain Cyrus. For who is there now
that disputes the sovereignty with him? And he also looks upon
yourselves as his captives, having you here in the middle of his
dominions, and enclosed within impassable rivers; and being able to lead
such multitudes against you, as, though he gave them into your power, it
would be impossible for you to destroy."

12. After him, Theopompus,[84] an Athenian, spoke thus: "O Phalinus, we
have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, except our arms and our
valour. While we retain our arms, we may hope to profit by our valour;
but if we were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of
our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the
only things of value that we possess; but, with these in our hands, we
will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On hearing him
speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher,
young man, and express yourself not without grace; but be assured that
you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valour will prove
victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that
certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that
they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great
service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend; and that
whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an
expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it.

15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet
given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, "Your companions, O
Clearchus, give each a different answer; and now tell us what you have
to say." 16. Clearchus then said, "I was glad to see you, O Phalinus,
and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us; for you are a Greek, as we
also are; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such
circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to
the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods,
such advice as seems to you most honourable and advantageous, and such
as will bring you honour in time to come, when it is related, that
Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks to deliver
up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, such and such
counsel; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will
necessarily be reported in Greece."

18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, with the desire that
the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them
not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to
conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke,
contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand
hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by
continuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up
your arms; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the
king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in
which it is possible." 20. Clearchus rejoined, "Such, then, is your
advice; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion,
that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable
friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but
that if we must make war against him, we should make war better if we
retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said,
"This answer, then, we will report: but the king desired us also to
inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be
considered as existing between him and you; but, if you advance or
retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this
point also; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or
whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus
replied, "Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is
the same as that of the king." "And what is that?" said Phalinus.
Clearchus replied, "If we stay here, a truce; but if we retreat or
advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, "Is it a truce or war that
I shall report?" Clearchus again made the same answer: "A truce, if we
stay; and if we retreat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do,
he gave no intimation.

[Footnote 80: Πυνθανόμενοι.] Schneider and others would omit this word,
as an apparent interpolation. I have followed Kühner's interpretation.]

[Footnote 81: Φέρεσθαι ἔρημοι.] Before Φέρεσθαι is to be understood
ὥστε, as Zeune and Weiske observe. Kühner remarks that ἔρημοι should
properly be referred to both πέλται and ἅμαξαι: the shields were without
owners, and the waggons without their contents, as having been plundered
by the enemy.]

[Footnote 82: Περὶ πλήθουσαν ἀγοράν.] See i. 8. 1.]

[Footnote 83: See i. 9. 3.]

[Footnote 84: Θεόπομπος.] This is the reading of six manuscripts; others
have Ξενοφῶν. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the
learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. If we
follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Θεόπομπος is
genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers
only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as appears
from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service: as for the other arguments
that he has offered, they are of no weight. Krüger (Quæstt. de Xen. Vit.
p. 12) attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon,
conjecturing that some scholiast may have written in the margin
Θεοπόμπος δὲ Πρόξενον τοῦτο εἰπεῖν φησι, whence the name of Theopompus
may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attributes those
words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have
thought it safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere
to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was,
however, is unknown; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis.
_Kühner_.]




CHAPTER II.

     The Greeks, joining Ariæus, form an alliance with him, and take
     counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night
     following the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which
     Clearchus allays.


1. Phalinus and his companions departed; and there now returned, from
their interview with Ariæus, Procles and Cheirisophus; Menon had
remained there with Ariæus. They reported, "that Ariæus said that there
were many Persians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure
that he should be king; but," he adds, "if you wish to return with him,
he desires you to come to him this very night; if you do not, he says
that he will set out by himself early in the morning." 2. Clearchus
rejoined, "And we must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to
him; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think
most for your advantage;" for not even to them did he disclose what he
intended to do.

3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having assembled the
generals and captains, he spoke as follows: "My friends, when I offered
a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of
the victims were not favourable, and indeed it was with good cause that
they were not so; for as I now learn, there is between us and the king
the river Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without
vessels; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain
here; for we have no means of procuring provisions. But for going to the
friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were extremely favourable. 4. We must
accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on
what he has; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to
rest, proceed to pack up your baggage; when it sounds the second time,
place it on your baggage-cattle; and, at the third signal, follow him
who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle next the river, and the
heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after
listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed; and
thenceforth he commanded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having
elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such
qualifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were
comparatively inexperienced.

6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in
Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five
hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty
stadia;[85] and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was
said to be three hundred and sixty stadia.

7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to
the king, with about forty horse that he commanded, and nearly three
hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest,
in the prescribed order; and they followed, and arrived at the first
halting-place,[86] to join Ariæus and his troops about midnight; and the
generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under
arms, went in a body to Ariæus; when the Greeks on the one hand, and
Ariæus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to
betray each other, and to be true allies; and the Barbarians took
another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These
oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,[87] a boar, and a ram,
over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance,
into the blood.

10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said:
"Since then, Ariæus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what
is your opinion with respect to our course; whether we shall return the
way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better
way." 11. Ariæus replied: "If we were to return the way we came, we
should all perish of hunger; for we have now no supply of provisions;
and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither,
we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed; or,
if anything was to be found there, we consumed it ourselves in our
passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we
shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches
as long as we can, that we may remove ourselves to the greatest possible
distance from the king's army; for if we once escape two or three days'
journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us; since
he will not dare to pursue us with a small force; and, with a numerous
army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will probably
experience a scarcity of provisions." "Such," he concluded, "is my
opinion."

13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for nothing else
than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, by flight.[88] But
fortune proved a better leader; for as soon as it was day they began
their march, with the sun on their right, expecting to arrive about
sunset at some villages in the Babylonian territory; and in this
expectation they were not disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they
thought that they perceived some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of
the Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their places in
the ranks; and Ariæus (for he was riding in a waggon because he had been
wounded) came down and put on his armour, as did those who were with
him. 15. But while they were arming themselves, the scouts that had been
sent forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, but
baggage-cattle grazing; and every one immediately concluded that the
king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke also was seen rising from some
villages not far distant. 16. Clearchus however did not lead his troops
against the enemy; (for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in
want of food; and besides it was now late;) yet he did not turn out of
his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued his march in a
direct line, and took up his quarters with his vanguard, just at sunset,
in the nearest villages, from which even the wood-work of the houses had
been carried off by the king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in
advance, encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who
followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters as they
chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling to each other, that
even the enemy heard them; and those of the enemy who were stationed the
nearest, fled from their encampments. 18. That this had been the case,
became apparent on the following day; for there was no longer a single
beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke anywhere near. The
king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by the sudden approach of the
Grecian army; and of this he gave proof by what he did on the following
day.

19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon the Greeks
themselves, and there arose such noise and commotion in their camp as
usually ensues on the occurrence of sudden terror. 20. Upon this,
Clearchus ordered Tolmides, an Eleian, whom he happened to have with
him, the best[89] herald of his time, to command silence; and proclaim,
that "the generals give notice, that whoever will give information of
the person who turned the ass among the arms,[90] shall receive a reward
of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclamation being made, the
soldiers were convinced that their alarm was groundless, and their
generals were safe. At break of day, Clearchus issued orders for the
Greeks to form themselves under arms, in the same order in which they
had been when the battle took place.

[Footnote 85: As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84
days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks
that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be
understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Krüger is
inclined to think the passage an interpolation.]

[Footnote 86: Εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν.] This is the σταθμός mentioned in
i. 10. 1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started on the day
when the battle took place.]

[Footnote 87: Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to
have been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os.,
where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that
animal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of
Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append. ad Zendavestam, T. II. P.
iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388."]

[Footnote 88: Ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ ἀποφυγεῖν.] The first means to flee, so that
it cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so
that he cannot be overtaken. _Kühner_ ad i. 4. 8. "Fugâ vel clandestinâ
vel apertâ." _Weiske_.]

[Footnote 89: Ἄριοστον.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or
clearness of his voice.]

[Footnote 90: The arms, as Kühner observes, were piled in front of the
men's quarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to
draw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their
apprehension. Polyænus, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem having
been adopted by Iphicrates.]




CHAPTER III.

     The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions
     during the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphernes to
     them, to ask why they had engaged in hostilities against him; he is
     answered by Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king
     engaging to send home the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes,
     and the Greeks promising to do no injury to the countries through
     which they should pass.


1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at the approach of
the Greeks, became evident by what followed; for though, when he sent to
them on the preceding day, he desired them to deliver up their arms, he
now, at sunrise, sent heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds,
upon arriving at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders.
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who happened then
to be inspecting the several divisions, told the guards to desire the
heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 3. When he had arranged
the army in such a manner as to present on every side the fair
appearance of a compact phalanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to
be seen, he called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having
about him the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told the
other leaders to do the same. 4. When he drew near the messengers, he
asked them what they wanted. They replied, "that they came to negotiate
a truce, with full powers to communicate with the Greeks on behalf of
the king, and with the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus
answered, "Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first; for
we have no breakfast;[91] and there is no one who will dare to talk to
the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with breakfast."

6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but soon returned;
from whence it was apparent that the king, or some other person to whom
a commission had been given to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere
near. They brought word, "that the king thought what they said was
reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case the truce
should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a place where they might
procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then inquired, whether the king would
grant the benefit of the truce to those only who went to him, on their
way thither and back, or whether the truce would be with the rest as
well.[92] The messengers replied, "With all; until what you have to say
is communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, Clearchus,
directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the other officers; and
they proposed to conclude the truce at once, and to go after the
provisions at their ease, and supply themselves. 9. And Clearchus said,
"I too am of that opinion. I will not, however, announce our
determination immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be
uneasy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And yet,"
said he, "I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise among our own
soldiers." When he thought therefore that the proper time had arrived,
he announced to the messengers that he agreed to the truce, and desired
them to conduct him forthwith to the place where the provisions were.

10. They accordingly led the way; and Clearchus proceeded to conclude
the truce, keeping his army however in battle-array; the rear he brought
up himself. They met with ditches and canals so full of water that they
could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of the
palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here it
might be seen how Clearchus performed the duties of a commander, holding
his spear in his left hand, and a staff in his right; and if any of
those ordered to the work seemed to him to loiter at it, he would select
a fit object for punishment,[93] and give him a beating, and would lend
his assistance himself,[94] leaping into the midst, so that all were
ashamed not to share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only
had been appointed by him to the work; but the older men, when they saw
Clearchus thus busily employed, gave their assistance likewise. 13.
Clearchus made so much the more haste, as he suspected that the ditches
were not always so full of water; (for it was not the season for
irrigating the ground;) but thought that the king had let out the water
upon the plain, in order that even now there might appear to the Greeks
to be many difficulties in the march.

14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, from which
the guides signified that they might procure provisions. In these
villages there was great plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and
an acidulous drink obtained from them by boiling. 15. As to the dates
themselves, such as those we see in Greece were here put aside for the
use of the servants; but those which were laid by for their masters,
were choice fruit, remarkable for beauty and size; their colour was not
unlike that of amber; and some of these they dried and preserved as
sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompaniment to drink, but apt to
cause headache. 16. Here too the soldiers for the first time tasted the
cabbage[95] from the top of the palm-tree, and most of them were
agreeably struck both with its external appearance and the peculiarity
of its sweetness. But this also was exceedingly apt to give headache.
The palm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon withered
throughout.

17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissaphernes arrived
from the Great King, and with him the brother of the king's wife, and
three other Persians; and a numerous retinue attended them. The generals
of the Greeks having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke
by an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O
Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country; and when I perceived you
fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I thought it a piece of good
fortune if I could in any way press a request upon the king to allow me
to conduct you in safety back to Greece. For I think that such a service
would be attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or
from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made my request
to the king, representing to him that he might reasonably grant me this
favour, because I had been the first to give him intelligence that Cyrus
was marching against him, and at the same time that I brought him the
intelligence, had come to him with an auxiliary force; because I alone,
of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on the contrary,
charged through the midst of them, and joined the king in your camp,
whither he came after he had slain Cyrus; and because, together with
these who are now present with me, and who are his most faithful
servants, I engaged in pursuit of the Barbarian part of Cyrus's army.
20. The king promised to consider of my request; and in the mean time
desired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that you took the
field against him; and I advise you to answer with moderation, in order
that it may be easier for me to secure you whatever advantage I can from
the king."

21. The Greeks then withdrew, and, after some deliberation, gave their
answer, Clearchus speaking for them: "We neither formed ourselves into a
body, with the view of making war upon the king, nor, when we set out,
was our march directed against him; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well
aware, devised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both
take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we afterwards
saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the face of gods and men, to
desert him, as we had before allowed him to bestow favours upon us. 23.
As Cyrus, however, is now dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with
the king, nor is there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the
king's territory; nor would we wish to kill him, but would proceed
homeward, if no one molest us; but we will endeavour, with the aid of
the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that may do us an injury;
while, if any one does us good, we shall not be behind-hand in requiting
him to the utmost of our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissaphernes,
having heard him, said, "I will report your answer to the king, and
bring back to you his reply; and till I return, let the truce remain in
force; and we will provide a market for you."

25. On the following day he did not return; so that the Greeks began to
be anxious; but on the third day he came, and said, that he returned
after having obtained the king's permission to be allowed to save the
Greeks; although many spoke against it, saying that it did not become
the king to suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 26.
In conclusion he said, "You may now receive from us solemn promises
that we will render the country, through which you will pass, friendly
to you; and will, without treachery, conduct you back to Greece,
affording you opportunities of purchasing provisions; and wheresoever we
do not afford you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to
take for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. On the
other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear to us, that you will
march, as through a friendly territory, without doing harm, only taking
a supply of meat and drink, whenever we do not give you an opportunity
of purchasing, but that if we give you such opportunity, you will
procure your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were assented
to; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and the brother of the
king's wife gave their right-hands to the generals and captains of the
Greeks, and received from the Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this,
Tissaphernes said, "And now I shall go back to the king; and as soon as
I have accomplished what I wish, I will come again, after making the
necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you back to
Greece, and returning myself to my province."

[Footnote 91: Ἄριοστον.] This word answers to the Latin _prandium_, a
meal taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render it
"dinner."]

[Footnote 92: I have translated this passage as I think that the drift
of the narrative requires. Krüger refers σπένδοιτο to Clearchus, and
thinks that by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι are meant the Persian deputies. Some
critics suppose that by those words the men who were to get provisions
are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the context but to
refer σπένδοιτο to the king, and to understand by ἀυτοῖς τοῖς ἀνδράσι
the messengers from the Greeks.]

[Footnote 93: Τον ἐπιτήδειον.] Scil. παίεσθαι, _pœnæ idoneum, pœnû
dignum_. Kühner.]

[Footnote 94: Προσελάμβανε.] _Manum operi admovebat._ Kühner.]

[Footnote 95: Τὸν ἐγκέφαλον.] Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla
earum [palmarum] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appellant. Plin. H. N. xiii.
4. See also Theophr. ii. 8; Galen. de Fac. simpl. Medic. iv. 15. It is
generally interpreted _medulla_, "marrow" or "pith," but it is in
reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the last
tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two years
before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vincent Itiner.
t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on the authority of
Du Petit Thouars. The French call it _choux_; the Germans, _Kohl_,
Schneider. "By modern travellers it is called the _cabbage_ of the palm;
it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) 'of the rudiments of the future
leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in the bases or footstalks of the
actual leaves; which enclose them as a tight box or trunk would do.' It
forms a mass of convolutions, exquisitely beautiful and delicate; and
wonderful to appearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate
to the taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence it
was taken withered." _Rennell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cyrus_, p.
118.]




CHAPTER IV.

     The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariæus, and
     resolve to march apart from the Persians. They commence their march
     under the guidance of Tissaphernes, pass the wall of Media, and
     cross the Tigris.


1. After these occurrences, the Greeks and Ariæus, encamping near each
other, waited for Tissaphernes more than twenty days;[96] in the course
of which there came to visit Ariæus both his brothers and other
relations, and certain other Persians, to see his companions, and gave
them encouraging hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances[97] from
the king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their
expedition against him under Cyrus, or anything else that was past. 2.
On these things taking place, the followers of Ariæus evidently began to
pay the Greeks less attention; so that, on this account, they rendered
most of the Greeks dissatisfied with them; and many of them, going to
Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. "Why do we remain here? are
we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in
order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon
the rest of the Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay,
because his forces are dispersed; but, when his army is re-assembled, it
is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is
digging some trench, or building some wall, that the way may be rendered
impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we
should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are
have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him
at nought."

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, "I have been
considering all these things as well; but I think that, if we now go
away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary
to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be
no one to provide us a market, or any means of procuring provisions;
and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us; besides, the
moment that we do this, Ariæus will separate himself from us so that not
a friend will be left us; and, what is more, our former friends will
then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to
cross, I do not know; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is
impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it
should be necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us; while the
enemy's cavalry is most numerous and efficient; so that, though we were
victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill? And, if
we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7.
With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages,
I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear,
and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the gods, and
render his pledges faithless both to Greeks and Barbarians." He said
much besides to the same effect.

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the
view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Orontes also
brought[98] with him the king's daughter, whom he had received in
marriage.[99] 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march,
Tissaphernes being their guide, and securing them opportunities of
buying provisions; Ariæus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus,
marched in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common
with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men,
began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own; and they
always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each
other; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if
they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their mistrustful
feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or
collecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they came
to blows with each other;[100] and this was an additional source of
animosity between them.

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media,[101]
as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built
of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a
hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs;
and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in
two days' march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals,
the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of
seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris; and from
one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first
of considerable size, and the next smaller; and at last diminutive
drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic[102] fields. They
then arrived at the Tigris; near which there was a large and populous
city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen
stadia. 14. In the neighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close
to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of
trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were
no longer in sight.

15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be walking in front
of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and
inquired of the sentinels where he could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But
he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Ariæus, Menon's intimate
friend. 16. Proxenus replying, "I am the person whom you seek," the man
said, "Ariæus and Artaozus, the faithful friends of Cyrus, who are
interested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to
beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night; for there
is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 17. They also
advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as
Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order
that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in
between the river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they
conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. When
Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed.

19. But a young man,[103] one of those who were present, after
reflecting a little on the matter, observed, "that the imputed designs
of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not
consistent; for," said he, "if they attack us, they must certainly
either conquer or be conquered; if then they are to conquer us, why
should they break down the bridge? for even though there were many
bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight; 20.
but if, on the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge
is broken down, they will have no place of retreat; nor will any of
their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able
to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After
listening to these observations, Clearchus asked the messenger what was
the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He
replied, "that it was of considerable extent, and that there were
several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately
concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand
object, "being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces[104] the
bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defences,
the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other; and might
procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay
between, and which was extensive and fertile, with people in it to
cultivate it; and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any
that might be inclined to annoy the king.

23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a
guard to the bridge; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on
any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those
who were stationed on guard there reported.

24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed
of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution in their power; for some of
the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to
attack them as they were crossing; but this report was also false.
However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some
others, watching to see if they were crossing the river; and when they
saw they were, he immediately rode away.

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of
twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth,
and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis;
near which an illegitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was
leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention of
assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering his troops to halt,
took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16. Clearchus marched his
men two abreast, and halted occasionally on the way; and as long as the
van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout
the whole of the line; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army
seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it.

27. Hence they proceeded through Media,[105] six days' march through a
desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the
villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king; which
Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to
plunder of everything except the slaves. There was found in them a great
quantity of corn, and sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced
in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty
parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first
day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large
and opulent city, called Cænæ, whence the Barbarians brought over, on
rafts made of hide a supply of bread, cheese, and wine.

[Footnote 96: During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king,
and was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of
which Cyrus had been Satrap. _Diod. Sic._ xiv. 26. See sect. 8.]

[Footnote 97: Δεξιὰς.] That is, fidem regis nomine dabant. See the
commentators on Cyrop. iv. 2. 7: δεξιὰν δὸς, ἵνα φέρωμεν καὶ τοις ἄλλοις
τᾶυτα. _Poppo._ So it is said in Latin _dextram ferre_. See Breitenbach
on Xen. Agesil. iii. 4]

[Footnote 98: Ἦγε.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this
verb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes
both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them,
Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus.
Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhodogune, a daughter of
Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have been married
to Orætes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Orontes.]

[Footnote 99: Ἐπὶ γάμῳ.] These words signify literally _for_ or _upon
marriage_. The true interpretation, says Krüger, is, doubtless, "in
order that he might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the
marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at
Babylon.]

[Footnote 100: Πληγὰς ἐνέτεινον ἀλλήλοις.] Whether this signifies that
they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them,
may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the Latin
translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators
generally.]

[Footnote 101: See i. 7. 15.]

[Footnote 102: i. 2. 22.]

[Footnote 103: Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but
this is mere conjecture.]

[Footnote 104: Διελόντες.] An excellent conjectural emendation of
Holtzmann for the old reading διελθόντες. _Kühner_.--The stratagem of
Tissaphernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the
departure of Xerxes from Greece.]

[Footnote 105: i. 7. 15.]




CHAPTER V

     After a three days' halt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavours
     to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks
     by an interview with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that
     he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five
     other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being
     informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill
     feelings between the two armies. The generals are conducted into
     the tent and put to death; the captains and those with them are
     massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale.
     Ariæus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but
     is answered with defiance.


1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which
was four plethra. Here they remained three days; during which the same
suspicions continued, but no open indication of treachery appeared. 2.
Clearchus therefore resolved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and,
if it was at all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before
open hostilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to
say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes; who at once
requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows: "I
am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right-hands
pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other:
nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were
enemies; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But
since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any
attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such
intentions towards you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference
with you, that we may put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one
another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being
in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through
mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered,
inflicted irremediable evils upon those who neither intended nor wished
anything of the kind. 6. Thinking, therefore, that such
misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I
have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just
ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the
oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be enemies to each
other; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of
having disregarded such obligations; for from the vengeance of the gods
I know not with what speed any one could flee so as to escape,[106] or
into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any
stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the gods;
and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such are my sentiments
respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose
keeping we deposited the friendship that we cemented; but among human
advantages, I, for my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we
at present possess; 9. for with your assistance, every road is easy,
every river is passable, and there will be no want of provisions; but
without you all our way would lie through darkness, (for we know nothing
of it,) every river would be difficult to pass, and every multitude of
men would be terrible, but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full
of extreme perplexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill
you, what else would be the consequence, than that, having slain our
benefactor, we should have to contend with the king as your most
powerful avenger?[107] For my own part, of how many and how great
expectations I should deprive myself, if I attempted to do you any
injury, I will make you acquainted. 11. I was desirous that Cyrus should
be my friend, as I thought him, of all the men of his time, the most
able to benefit those whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you
are in the possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus,
while you still retain your own province, and that the power of the
king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you, 12. Such
being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be your friend?

"But I will mention also the circumstances from which I derive hopes
that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 13. I am aware that the
Mysians give you much annoyance, and these, I have no doubt, I should be
able, with my present force, to render subservient to you; I am aware
also that the Pisidians molest you; and I hear that there are many such
nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever disturbing your
tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against whom I perceive you are most
of all incensed. I do not see what auxiliary force you could use to
chastise them better than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again,
among the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a
friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of friends; and if
any of them gave you any annoyance, you might, by our instrumentality,
deal with them[108] as a master, as we should serve you not for the
sake of pay merely, but from gratitude, which we should justly feel
towards you if we are saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these
things, it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that
I would most gladly hear the name[109] of him who is so persuasive a
speaker as to make you believe that we are forming designs against you."

Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 16. "I am
delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious observations; for, with
these sentiments, if you were to meditate anything to my injury, you
would appear to be at the same time your own enemy. But that you may be
convinced that you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or
me, listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wished to destroy you, do we
appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of cavalry or infantry,
or in warlike equipments, with the aid of which we might be able to do
you injury, without danger of suffering any in return? 18. Or do we seem
to you likely to be in want of suitable places to make an attack upon
you? Are there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of them are
friendly to us,[110] you traverse with exceeding toil? See you not so
many mountains before you to be crossed, which we might, by
pre-occupying them, render impassable to you? Or are there not so many
rivers, at which we might parcel you out[111] as many at a time as we
might be willing to engage? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not
cross at all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even supposing
that we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least would prove
its power over the produce of the soil; by burning which, we could set
famine in array against you, which, though you were the bravest of the
brave, you would find it difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so
many means of waging war with you, and none of them attended with
danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all this mode,
the only one that is impious in the sight of the gods, the only one that
is disgraceful in the sight of men? 21. It belongs, altogether, to men
who are destitute of means, deprived of every resource, and under the
coercion of necessity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek
to effect their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach of
faith towards men. We, O Clearchus, are not so foolish or so
inconsiderate; 22. or why, when we have the opportunity of effecting
your destruction, have we made no such attempt? Be well assured, that
the cause of this was my desire to prove myself faithful to the Greeks,
and, in consequence of doing them service, to return supported by that
very body of foreign troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted
only on account of the pay that he gave them. 23. As to the particulars
in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have enumerated,
but of the greatest of all I am myself fully conscious; for though it is
permitted to the king alone to wear the turban upright on the head, yet
perhaps another than he may, with your assistance, wear that upright
which is on the heart."[112]

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to speak with
sincerity, and he replied, "Do not those, then, who endeavour by calumny
to make us enemies, when there are such strong inducements to friendship
between us, deserve the severest of punishment?" 25. "Well, then," said
Tissaphernes, "if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, in
a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell me that you
are forming plots against me and my army." 26. "I will bring them all,"
said Clearchus, "and, on my part, will let you know the quarter whence I
hear reports respecting you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes,
behaving to Clearchus with much courtesy, desired him to stay with him,
and made him his guest at supper.

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the camp, he plainly
showed that he considered himself to be on the most friendly footing
with Tissaphernes, and stated what he had proposed; and he said that
those must go to Tissaphernes, whose presence he required, and that
whoever of the Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged
calumnies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to the
Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making the charges, as he
knew that he had had an interview with Tissaphernes in company with
Ariæus, and was forming a party and intriguing against himself, in order
that, having gained the whole army over to his own interests, he might
secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise wished the
whole army to have their affections fixed on himself, and troublesome
rivals to be removed out of his way.

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that all the
captains and generals should not go, and that they ought to place no
confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clearchus pressed his proposal with
great vehemence, till he at length succeeded in getting five generals
and twenty captains to go; and some of the other soldiers followed them,
to the number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of
marketing.[113]

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' tent, the
generals, who were Proxenus the Bœotian, Menon the Thessalian, Agias
the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedæmonian, and Socrates the Achæan, were
invited to enter; but the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long
after, at one and the same signal, those within were seized, and those
without massacred; and immediately afterwards a body of Barbarian
cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, slave or freeman,
that they met.

33. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry from the camp,
were filled with astonishment, and wondered what they could be doing,
till Nicarchus an Arcadian came fleeing thither, wounded in the belly
and holding his intestines in his hands, and related all that had
occurred. 34. The Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state
of general consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately
march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, but only Ariæus
and Artaozus and Mithridates, who had been Cyrus's most confidential
friends; and the interpreter of the Greeks said, that he saw with them,
and recognised, the brother of Tissaphernes. Other Persians, equipped
with corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance on
them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for whatever general
or captain of the Greeks might be there, to come out to them, that they
might deliver a message from the king. 37. There accordingly went forth
to them, with much caution, Cleanor the Orchomenian, and Sophænetus the
Stymphalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon the
Athenian, that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for Cheirisophus, he
happened to be absent at some village looking for provisions.

38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariæus said to them:
"Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found guilty of perjury, and of
violating the truce, has received his just punishment, and is dead;
Proxenus and Menon, as having denounced his treachery, are in great
honour; but the king demands of you your arms; for he says that they are
his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject." 39. To this the Greeks
answered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them,) "O Ariæus, most
wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many as were the friends of
Cyrus, have you no regard either for gods or men, that, after having
sworn that you would consider our friends and enemies to be likewise
yours, you have thus,[114] after treacherously deserting us in concert
with Tissaphernes, the most godless and most unprincipled of human
beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alliance, and,
abandoning us who are left, have come against us in conjunction with our
enemies?" 40. Ariæus replied, "Clearchus had been previously detected in
treacherous designs against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who
accompany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, "Clearchus, then, if he
infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is deservedly punished;
for it is just that those who violate their oaths should suffer death;
but as for Proxenus and Menon, as they are your benefactors and our
generals, send them hither; for it is clear that, being friends to both
parties, they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and for
us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among themselves for some
time, departed without making any answer to this proposal.

[Footnote 106: Οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους φεύγων τις ἀποφύγοι.] This is
Dindorf's reading. Bornemann and Kühner have οὔτ' ἀπὸ ποίου ἀν τάχους
οὔτε ὅποι ἀν τις φεύγων ἀποφύγοι, on the authority, as they say, of the
best copies. Dindorf thought with Schæfer, ad Greg. Cor. p. 492, that
the words οὔτε ὅποι ἀν were superfluous, and consequently omitted them.
Bornemann and Kühner see no reason why they should not be retained.]

[Footnote 107: Τὸν μέγιστον ἔφεδρον.] Ἔφεδρος properly meant a gladiator
or wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to
attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz. Lex. Xen.;
Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610; Hesychius; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338.]

[Footnote 108: Ἀναστρέφοιο.] "Ut dominus versere, vivias, domini partes
sustineas:" Ἀν must be repeated from the preceding clause; unless that
particle, as Dindorf thinks, has dropped out from before ἀναστρέφοιο.
_Kühner_.]

[Footnote 109: There is in the text, as Krüger observes, a confusion of
the two constructions, ἀκούσαιμι τὸ ὄνομα τούτου, ὅστις, and ἀκούσαιμι,
τις.]

[Footnote 110: Ἅ ἡμῖν φίλια ὄντα.] I have here departed from Dindorf's
text, which has ἅ ὑμεῖς φίλια ὄντα, κ. τ. λ.; a reading much less
satisfactory than the other, to which Schneider, Bornemann, and Kühner
adhere.]

[Footnote 111: Ταμιεύεσθαι.] This word is used in the same sense, 3. 47;
iv. 1. 18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Plutarch, Timol. c. 27.]

[Footnote 112: Τὴν δ' ἐπὶ τῇ καρδιᾳ ---- ἔχοι.] Sc. ὄρθην. The sense is,
"but to wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly
spirit and to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be
able to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make it
understood that he might possibly, with the support of the Greeks,
aspire to the throne of Persia himself. A similar metaphor is noticed by
Schæfer, (ad Greg. Corinth. p. 491.) in Philostratus v. a. iii. p. 131:
δοκεῖ μοι καὶ τὸν προγνωσόμενον ἄνορ ὑγιῶς ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν ----' καθαρῶς δὲ
αὐτὸν προφητεύειν, ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ περὶ τῷ στέρνῳ τρίποδος συνιέντος.
_Kühner_. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost.
xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where the
Persian tiara is said to be πίλημα πυργωτόν, in the shape of a tower;
and Joseph. Ant. xx. 3. "The tiaras of the king's subjects were soft and
flexible: Schol. ad Plat. de Repub." _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 113: Ὡς εἰς ἀγορὰν.] "Consequently unarmed." _Krüger_.]

[Footnote 114: Ὡς ἀπολωλέκατε.] Jacobs interprets ὡς by quàm, as
equivalent to quàm turpiter! quàm impiè! But such exclamations belong
rather to modern writers than to the ancients. * * * Others have
conjectured ἀθέως, ἀνοσίως, ὠμῶς, ἵσως, ὅλως, οὕτως. In one manuscript
ὡς is omitted; an omission approved by Larcher, Porson and some others.
Some, too, think that the sentence is ἀνακόλουθος, and that the author,
forgetful how he commenced it, goes on with ὡς for ὅτι. Dindorf supposes
that Cleanor must be regarded as too much provoked and agitated to mind
the exact arrangement of his words. For my own part, I consider that
those have the most reason on their side who think that we should read
οὕτως, interpreting it, with Bornemann, _so rashly, so unjustifiably_.
From οὕτως, written compendiously, ὡς might easily have sprung.
_Kühner_.]




CHAPTER VI.

     The characters of the five generals that were put to death.


1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were taken up to the
king, and put to death by being beheaded.

One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who were
acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well qualified for war,
and extremely fond of military enterprise. 2. For as long as the
Lacedæmonians were at war with the Athenians, he remained in the service
of his country; but when the peace took place, having induced his
government to believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on the
Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, with the
Ephori, he sailed from home to make war upon the Thracians that lie
above the Chersonesus and Perinthus. 3. But when the Ephori, after he
was gone, having for some reason changed their mind, took measures to
oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer paid
obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the Hellespont, 4. and
was in consequence condemned to death, for disobedience, by the chief
magistrates at Sparta. Being then an exile, he went to Cyrus; and by
what methods he conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told in
another place. Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics; 5. and he,
on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, but having
collected an army with the money, made war upon the Thracians, and
conquered them in battle, and from that time plundered and laid waste
their country, and continued this warfare till Cyrus had need of his
army; when he went to him, for the purpose of again making war in
concert with him.

6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one fond of war,
who, when he might have lived in peace without disgrace or loss, chose
war in preference; when he might have spent his time in idleness,
voluntarily underwent toil for the sake of military adventure; and when
he might have enjoyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in
warfare, to diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to
spend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits of
gallantry, or any other pleasure; to such a degree was he fond of war.
7. He appears also to have been qualified for military undertakings, as
he liked perilous adventure, was ready to march day and night against
the enemy, and was possessed of great presence of mind in circumstances
of difficulty, as those who were with him on all such occasions were
universally ready to acknowledge.

8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as great a
degree as was consistent with his temper; for he was excelled by no one
in ability to contrive how an army might have provisions, and to procure
them; and he was equally fitted to impress on all around him the
necessity of obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity; for he
was of a stern countenance and harsh voice; and he always punished
violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occasionally repented of
what he had done. He punished too on principle, for he thought that
there could be no efficiency in an army undisciplined by chastisement.
10. He is also reported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear his
commander more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or
abstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesitation
against foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accordingly, the soldiers
were willing to obey him implicitly, and wished for no other leader; for
they said, that the sternness in his countenance then assumed an
appearance of cheerfulness, and that what was severe in it seemed
undauntedness against the enemy; so that it appeared indicative of
safety, and not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, and
were at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they deserted him
in great numbers; for he had nothing attractive in him, but was always
forbidding and repulsive, so that the soldiers felt towards him as boys
towards their master. 13. Hence it was, that he never had any one who
followed him out of friendship and attachment to his person; though such
as followed him from being appointed to the service by their country, or
from being compelled by want or other necessity, he found extremely
submissive to him. 14. And when they began under his command to gain
victories over the enemy, there were many important circumstances that
concurred to render his troops excellent soldiers; for their perfect
confidence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread of
punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of discipline. 15.
Such was his character as a commander. But he was said to have been by
no means willing to be commanded by others. When he was put to death, he
was about fifty years of age.

16. Proxenus the Bœotian, from his earliest youth, felt a desire to
become a man capable of great undertakings; and through this desire paid
Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 17. When he had passed some time
with him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honoured with
the friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for their
favours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and
expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and
abundant wealth. 18. But though he earnestly wished for these things, he
at the same time plainly showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any of
them by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by just
and honourable means, or otherwise not at all.

19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-disposed men, but
incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear for
him; he stood even more in awe of those under his command, than they of
him; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by
his soldiers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He
thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command,
to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender.
Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honourable and virtuous
character, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formed
designs upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old
when he was put to death.

21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desire
for riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay,
and desirous of honours that he might obtain greater perquisites; and he
wished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wrong
he might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he desired, he
thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, and
deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly.
23. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whom
he professed to be a friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischief
against them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with
his associates as if ridiculing all of them.[115] 24. He formed no
designs on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it difficult to
take what belonged to such as were on their guard against him,) but
looked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was to
invade the unguarded property of friends.

25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, he feared as men
well armed; but sought to practise on those who were pious and observant
of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As another might take a pride in religion,
and truth, and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive,
in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who
was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world.
He believed that he must conciliate those, in whose friendship he
wished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chief
place in their favour. 27. The soldiers he tried to render obedient to
him by being an accomplice in their dishonesty. He expected to be
honoured and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will to
inflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it
as a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his services, he
did not work his destruction.

28. As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if I
were to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those which
every one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained,
at the hands of Aristippus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. He
was also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian,
as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet a
beardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had arrived at
manhood.

29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because they had served
with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was not
put to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, he
died under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and
the other commanders, who were beheaded (which appears to be the
speediest kind of death); but after living a year in torture, like a
malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end.

30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achæan were also put to death.
These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed for
their conduct towards their friends. They were both about five and
thirty years of age.

[Footnote 115: Τῶν δὲ συνόντων, κ. τ. λ.] By a species of attraction for
τοῖς δὲ συνοῦσι πᾶσιν, ὡς καταγελῶν αὐτῶν, ἀεὶ διελέγετο. _Kühner_.]




BOOK III.


CHAPTER I.

     Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cyrus's
     expedition. His dream, and reflections. He rouses the captains of
     the division that Proxenus had commanded, and exhorts them to take
     measures for their safety. Apollonides deprived of his captaincy. A
     general meeting of the surviving generals and captains, at which
     Xenophon persuades them to choose new commanders in the room of
     those that they had lost. Xenophon is one of those elected.


1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, until
the time of the battle, and what occurred after Cyrus was dead, when the
Greeks set out to return with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has
been related in the preceding part of the work.

2. After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains and
soldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were in
great perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king's
residence;[116] that there were around them, on all sides, many hostile
nations and cities; that no one would any longer secure them
opportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant from
Greece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guide
them on the way; that impassable rivers would intercept them in the
midst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrus
had deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having no
cavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated
their enemies, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if they
were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive;--3. reflecting, I
say, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of them
tasted food for that evening,[117] few kindled fires, and many did not
come to the place of arms[118] during the night, but lay down to rest
where they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and
longing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whom
they never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went to
their resting-places.

4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athenian, who
accompanied it neither in the character of general, nor captain, nor
common soldier, but it had happened that Proxenus, an old guest-friend
of his, had sent for him from home, giving him a promise that, if he
came, he would recommend him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom he
considered, he said, as a greater object of regard than his own country.
5. Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian, as
to the propriety of making the journey; and Socrates, fearing that if he
attached himself to Cyrus it might prove a ground for accusation against
him with his country, because Cyrus was thought to have zealously
assisted the Lacedæmonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon to
go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedition. 6.
Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired of Apollo to which
of the gods he should sacrifice and pray, in order most honourably and
successfully to perform the journey which he contemplated, and, after
prosperously accomplishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him
that "he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for him to
sacrifice."[119] 7. When he returned, he repeated the oracle to
Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not asking Apollo in the
first place, whether it were better for him to go or stay at home;
whereas, having settled with himself that he would go, he only asked how
he might best go; "but since you have," said he, "put the question thus,
you must do what the god has directed." 8. Xenophon, therefore, having
sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, set sail, and found
Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting out on their march up the
country, and was presented to Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should
remain with them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon
as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. The
expedition was said to be intended against the Pisidians. 10. Xenophon
accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus deceived, but not by
Proxenus; for he did not know that the movement was against the king,
nor did any other of the Greeks, except Clearchus. When they arrived in
Cilicia, however, it appeared manifest to every one that it was against
the king that their force was directed; but, though they were afraid of
the length of the journey, and unwilling to proceed, yet the greater
part of them, out of respect[120] both for one another and for Cyrus,
continued to follow him; of which number was Xenophon.

11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed as well as
the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having at length got a little
sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt
seemed to him to fall upon his father's house, and the house in
consequence became all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he
immediately awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect
favourable, (inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to
behold a great light from Jupiter,) but in another respect he was
alarmed, (because the dream appeared to him to be from Jupiter who was a
king, and the fire to blaze all around him,) lest he should be unable to
escape from the king's territories, but should be hemmed in on all sides
by inextricable difficulties.

13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may conjecture
from the occurrences that happened after the dream. What immediately
followed was this. As soon as he awoke, the thought that first occurred
to him was, "Why do I lie here? The night is passing away. With daylight
it is probable that the enemy will come upon us; and if we once fall
into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from being put
to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most grievous sufferings
among our comrades, and enduring every severity of torture ourselves?
14. Yet no one concerts measures, or takes thought, for our defence, but
we lie still, as if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city,
then, do I expect a leader to undertake our defence? What age am I
waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never be older, if I
give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. After these reflections he
arose, and called together, in the first place, the captains that were
under Proxenus.

When they were assembled, he said, "For my part, captains, I cannot
sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie still any longer,
when I consider in what circumstances we are placed; 16. for it is plain
that the enemy did not openly manifest hostility towards us, until they
thought that they had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our side
no one takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with them.
17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power of the king, what
may we not expect to suffer from a man who cut off the head and hand of
his own brother by the same mother and father, even after he was dead,
and fixed them upon a stake? What may not we, I say, expect to suffer,
who have no relative[121] to take our part, and who have marched against
him to make him a subject instead of a monarch, and to put him to death
if it should lie in our power? 18. Will he not proceed to every
extremity, that by reducing us to the last degree of ignominious
suffering, he may inspire all men with a dread of ever taking the field
against him? We must however try every expedient not to fall into his
hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, to
consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the king and his
people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how extensive and valuable
a country they possessed, how great an abundance of provisions, how many
slaves and cattle, and how vast a quantity of gold and raiment; 20.
while, on the other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our own
soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, unless we
bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer money to buy, and that
our oaths restrained us from getting provisions otherwise than by
buying, I sometimes, on taking all these circumstances into
consideration, feared the continuance of peace more than I now fear war.
21. But since they have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and
our mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end; for the advantages
which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between us, for whichsoever of
us shall prove the better men; and the gods are the judges of the
contest, who, as is just, will be on our side; 22. since the enemy have
offended them by perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to
tempt us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard to
our oaths; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the combat with
much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We have bodies,
moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold and heat and toil; and
we have, with the help of the gods, more resolute minds; while the
enemy, if the gods, as before, grant us success, will be found more
obnoxious to wounds and death[122] than we are. 24. But possibly others
of you entertain the same thoughts; let us not, then, in the name of
heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, but let us
be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their valour. Prove
yourselves the bravest of the captains, and more worthy to lead than
those who are now leaders. 25. As for me, if you wish to take the start
in the course, I am willing to follow you, or, if you appoint me to be a
leader, I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myself
sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm."

26. Thus spoke Xenophon; and the captains, on hearing his observations,
all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, who
resembled a Bœotian in his manner of speaking; this man said that
"whoever asserted they could gain safety by any other means than by
obtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" and
at the same time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them.
27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, "O most wonderful of men! you
neither understand what you see, nor remember what you hear. Yet you
were on the same spot with those here present, when the king, after
Cyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to
demand that we should deliver up our arms; 28. and when we, refusing to
deliver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and encamped over
against him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for a
truce, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce? 29.
But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to confer
with the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and
relying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are
they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatly
longing for death? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say that
those who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us to
go again to try persuasion? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we
should no longer admit this man into the same service with ourselves,
but take from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make
use of him in that capacity; for he disgraces both his own country and
all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of such a character." 31.
Here Agasias of Stymphalus, proceeding to speak, said, "But this man,
assuredly, has nothing to do either with Bœotia or with Greece at
all, for I have observed that he has both his ears bored, like a
Lydian." Such indeed was the case; and they accordingly expelled him.

32. The rest, proceeding to the different divisions of the troops,
called up the general wherever there was a general surviving, and the
lieutenant-general[123] where the general was dead, and the captain
wherever there was a captain surviving. 33. When they were all come
together, they sat down before the place where the arms were piled;[124]
and the generals and captains assembled were about a hundred in all. The
time when the meeting took place was about midnight.

34. Hieronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all the captains that
had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, as follows: "It has
seemed proper to us, O generals and captains, on contemplating the
present state of our affairs, to meet together ourselves, and to call
upon you to join us, that we may determine, if we can, on some plan for
our benefit. But do you, Xenophon, first represent to the assembly what
you have already observed to us." 35. Xenophon accordingly said, "We are
all aware that the king and Tissaphernes have made prisoners of as many
of us as they could; and it is evident that they are forming designs
against the rest of us, that they may put us to death if they can. But
on our parts I think that every means should be adopted in order that we
may not fall into the Barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can
accomplish it, may fall into ours. 36. Be well assured, then, that you,
who have now met together in such numbers, have upon you a most
important responsibility;[125] for all the soldiers look to you, and, if
they see you dispirited, they will themselves lose courage, but if both
you yourselves appear well prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others
to be equally prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive
to imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should show some
superiority over them; for you are their generals, their officers, and
their captains, and, when there was peace, you enjoyed advantages over
them in fortune and honour; and now, in consequence, when war arises,
you ought to prove yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to
take the lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be
necessary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think
that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that generals
and captains be chosen as soon as possible in the room of those whom we
have lost; for without commanders nothing honourable or advantageous can
be achieved, I may say in one word, anywhere, but least of all in the
field of battle. Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has
already proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have appointed as many
commanders as are requisite, I consider that if you were to assemble
and encourage the rest of the soldiers, you would act very suitably to
the occasion; 40. for you perhaps observe, as well as myself, how
dejectedly they have now come to the place of arms,[126] and how
dejectedly they go upon guard, so that, while they are in such a
condition, I know not for what service any one could employ them,
whether required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change the
direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely contemplate
what they are likely to suffer, but what they may be able to do, they
will become much more eager for action; 42. for you are certain that it
is neither numbers nor strength which gives the victory in war, but that
whichsoever side advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage,
their opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I have
also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in the field to
preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part perish wretchedly
and ignominiously, while I see that such as reflect that death is to all
men common and inevitable, and seek in battle only to fall with honour,
more frequently, from whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while
they live, with greater happiness. 44. Being aware, then, of these
facts, it behoves us, such are the circumstances in which we are placed,
both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to exhort others to be
so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he stopped.

After him Cheirisophus said, "Till the present moment, O Xenophon, I
knew nothing of you, except having heard that you were an Athenian, but
now I have to praise you both for what you say and what you do and could
wish that there were very many like you; for it would be a general good.
46. And now," he added, "let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, but
proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, and when you
have elected them, come to the centre of the camp, and bring those that
are chosen; and we will then call the rest of the soldiers together
there. And let Tolmides the herald," said he, "come with us." 47. As he
said this, he rose up, that the necessary measures might not be delayed,
but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly chosen
commanders, Timasion a Dardanian in the room of Clearchus, Xanthicles an
Achæan in that of Socrates, Cleanor an Arcadian in that of Agias,
Philesius an Achæan in that of Menon, and Xenophon of Athens in that of
Proxenus.

[Footnote 116: Ἐπὶ ταῖς βασιλέως θύραις.] See ii. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 117: Εἰς τὴν ἑσπέραν.] _Vespertino tempore_. Kühner]

[Footnote 118: Ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ ὅπλα.] See note on ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 119: Θεοις, οἷς ἔδει, θύειν.] _Ut diis eis, quibus oporteret,
sacra faceret._ Those gods are to be understood, to whom it was
established, by law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an
expedition, such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer
sacrifice. They were therefore certain or appointed gods: comp. sect. 8;
and vi. i. 22. Yet the absence of the article ought not to surprise us,
even when special gods are meant. _Kühner_.--What gods they were, does
not appear.]

[Footnote 120: Δι' αἰσχύνην.] They had regard for their character in the
eyes of one another, fearing that they might seem faint-hearted; and
regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem
ungrateful. _Kühner_.--Αἰσχύνη is self-respect, apprehension of what
others may think of us; and may be illustrated by Hom. Il. v.

    Ἀλλήλους δ' αἰδεῖσθε κατὰ κρατερὰς ὑσμίνας·
    Αἰδομένων ἀνδρῶν πλέονες σόοι ἠὲ πέφανται·

"Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle; of men
who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A.
Gellius, xix. 7: αἰσχύνη ἐστὶ φόβος δικαίον ψόγου, i. e. _a fear of just
blame_.]

[Footnote 121: Κηδεμών.] Cyrus, says Weiske, had his mother to take his
part, the Greeks had no one to take theirs.]

[Footnote 122: Καὶ τρωτοὶ καὶ θνητοὶ μᾶλλον.] "More vulnerable and
mortal." Alluding to the superiority of the Grecian armour over that of
the Persians.]

[Footnote 123: Τὸν ὑποστράτηγον.] Krüger, from v. 9. 36, and vi. 2. 11,
concludes that the ὑποστράτηγος was he who was appointed to discharge
the duties of the στράτηγος in his absence, or to take his place if he
should be killed.]

[Footnote 124: See ii. 2. 20.]

[Footnote 125: Καιρόν.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to "in vobis
plurimum est situm." Sturz, in his Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum status
is est, ut vos in primis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in his _Emend.
ad Suid._, gives _maximum momentum habetis_.]

[Footnote 126: See ii. 2. 20.]




CHAPTER II.

     The new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of
     Cheirisophus, Cleanor, and Xenophon. The order of march is settled,
     and the duties of each commander appointed.


1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, they met in
the centre of the camp, and it was resolved to station sentinels at the
out-posts, and to call together the soldiers. When the rest of the
troops came up, Cheirisophus the Lacedæmonian rose first, and spoke as
follows: 2. "Our present circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught
with difficulty, since we are deprived of such able generals, and
captains, and soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariæus, who were
formerly our supporters, have deserted us; 3. yet it behoves us to
extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, and not to
lose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, if we can, by an
honourable victory; but if we cannot do so, let us at least die with
honour, and never, while we live, put ourselves into the power of the
enemy; for I think that, in that case, we should endure such sufferings
as I wish that the gods may inflict on our adversaries."

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke thus: "You see,
soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the king; and you see also the
faithlessness of Tissaphernes, who, after telling us that he was a
neighbour of the Greeks, and would esteem it the highest privilege to
save us, and after having given us his right hand as a pledge, has
himself deceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected
even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but,
entertaining Clearchus at his own table, has, by this very means,
inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Ariæus, too, whom we offered to
make king, to whom we gave and from whom we received pledges, that we
would not betray one another, even he, neither fearing the gods, nor
respecting the memory of Cyrus, though honoured by him in the highest
degree while he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies,
and endeavours to distress us who were his friends. 6. But on these men
may the gods take vengeance; for ourselves, it is incumbent upon us,
having this conduct before our eyes, not to be deceived again by them,
but, after fighting as bravely as we can, to bear with patience such
fortune as the gods may appoint us."

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself for war as
splendidly as he could, thinking that if the gods should grant them
victory, the finest equipment would be suitable to success, or that, if
it were appointed for him to die, it would be well for him to adorn
himself with his best armour,[127] and in that dress to meet his end. He
proceeded to speak thus: 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of the
Barbarians Cleanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are well aware
of it. If, then, we think of coming again to terms of friendship with

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