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History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 21

by Thomas Carlyle · English · Gutenberg #2121 · 720,896 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 21

Author: Thomas Carlyle


        
Release date: June 16, 2008 [eBook #2121]
                Most recently updated: August 22, 2009

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2121

Credits: Produced by D.R. Thompson and David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF FRIEDRICH II OF PRUSSIA — VOLUME 21 ***




Produced by D.R. Thompson





HISTORY OF FRIEDRICH II. OF PRUSSIA

FREDERICK THE GREAT

By Thomas Carlyle




BOOK XXI.--AFTERNOON AND EVENING OF FRIEDRICH'S LIFE--1763-1786.




Chapter I.--PREFATORY.

The Twelve Hercules-labors of this King have ended here; what was
required of him in World-History is accomplished. There remain to
Friedrich Twenty-three Years more of Life, which to Prussian History are
as full of importance as ever; but do not essentially concern European
History, Europe having gone the road we now see it in. On the grand
World-Theatre the curtain has fallen for a New Act; Friedrich's part,
like everybody's for the present, is played out. In fact, there is,
during the rest of his Reign, nothing of World-History to be dwelt on
anywhere. America, it has been decided, shall be English; Prussia be a
Nation. The French, as finis of their attempt to cut Germany in Four,
find themselves sunk into torpor, abeyance and dry-rot; fermenting
towards they know not what. Towards Spontaneous Combustion in the year
1789, and for long years onwards!

There, readers, there is the next milestone for you, in the History of
Mankind! That universal Burning-up, as in hell-fire, of Human Shams. The
oath of Twenty-five Million men, which has since become that of all men
whatsoever, "Rather than live longer under lies, we will die!"--that
is the New Act in World-History. New Act,--or, we may call it New PART;
Drama of World-History, Part Third. If Part SECOND was 1,800 years ago,
this I reckon will be Part THIRD. This is the truly celestial-infernal
Event: the strangest we have seen for a thousand years. Celestial in
one part; in the other, infernal. For it is withal the breaking out
of universal mankind into Anarchy, into the faith and practice
of NO-Government,--that is to say (if you will be candid), into
unappeasable Revolt against Sham-Governors and Sham-Teachers,--which
I do charitably define to be a Search, most unconscious, yet in deadly
earnest, for true Governors and Teachers. That is the one fact of
World-History worth dwelling on at this day; and Friedrich cannot be
said to have had much hand farther in that.

Nor is the progress of a French or European world, all silently ripening
and rotting towards such issue, a thing one wishes to dwell on. Only
when the Spontaneous Combustion breaks out; and, many-colored, with loud
noises, envelops the whole world in anarchic flame for long hundreds of
years: then has the Event come; there is the thing for all men to
mark, and to study and scrutinize as the strangest thing they ever saw.
Centuries of it yet lying ahead of us; several sad Centuries, sordidly
tumultuous, and good for little! Say Two Centuries yet,--say even Ten of
such a process: before the Old is completely burnt out, and the New in
any state of sightliness? Millennium of Anarchies;--abridge it, spend
your heart's-blood upon abridging it, ye Heroic Wise that are to
come! For it is the consummation of All the Anarchies that are and
were;--which I do trust always means the death (temporary death) of
them! Death of the Anarchies: or a world once more built wholly on Fact
better or worse; and the lying jargoning professor of Sham-Fact, whose
name is Legion, who as yet (oftenest little conscious of himself) goes
tumulting and swarming from shore to shore, become a species extinct,
and well known to be gone down to Tophet!--

There were bits of Anarchies before, little and greater: but till that
of France in 1789, there was none long memorable; all were pygmies in
comparison, and not worth mentioning separately. In 1772 the Anarchy of
Poland, which had been a considerable Anarchy for about three
hundred years, got itself extinguished,--what we may call
extinguished;--decisive surgery being then first exercised upon it: an
Anarchy put in the sure way of extinction. In 1775, again, there began,
over seas, another Anarchy much more considerable,--little dreaming that
IT could be called an Anarchy; on the contrary, calling itself Liberty,
Rights of Man; and singing boundless Io-Paeans to itself, as is common
in such cases; an Anarchy which has been challenging the Universe
to show the like ever since. And which has, at last, flamed up as an
independent Phenomenon, unexampled in the hideously SUICIDAL way;--and
does need much to get burnt out, that matters may begin anew on truer
conditions. But neither the PARTITION OF POLAND nor the AMERICAN WAR OF
INDEPENDENCE have much general importance, or, except as precursors
of 1789, are worth dwelling on in History. From us here, so far as
Friedrich is concerned with them, they may deserve some transient
mention, more or less: but World-History, eager to be at the general
Funeral-pile and ultimate Burning-up of Shams in this poor World, will
have less and less to say of small tragedies and premonitory symptoms.

Curious how the busy and continually watchful and speculating Friedrich,
busied about his dangers from Austrian encroachments, from Russian-Turk
Wars, Bavarian Successions, and other troubles and anarchies close
by, saw nothing to dread in France; nothing to remark there, except
carelessly, from time to time, its beggarly decaying condition, so
strangely sunk in arts, in arms, in finance; oftenest an object of pity
to him, for he still has a love for France;--and reads not the least
sign of that immeasurable, all-engulfing FRENCH REVOLUTION which was in
the wind! Neither Voltaire nor he have the least anticipation of such a
thing. Voltaire and he see, to their contentment, Superstition
visibly declining: Friedrich rather disapproves the heat of Voltaire's
procedures on the INFAME. "Why be in such heat? Other nonsense, quite
equal to it, will be almost sure to follow. Take care of your own skin!"
Voltaire and he are deeply alive, especially Voltaire is, to the
horrors and miseries which have issued on mankind from a Fanatic Popish
Superstition, or Creed of Incredibilities,--which (except from the
throat outwards, from the bewildered tongue outwards) the orthodox
themselves cannot believe, but only pretend and struggle to believe.
This Voltaire calls "THE INFAMOUS;" and this--what name can any of us
give it? The man who believes in falsities is very miserable. The man
who cannot believe them, but only struggles and pretends to believe;
and yet, being armed with the power of the sword, industriously keeps
menacing and slashing all round, to compel every neighbor to do like
him: what is to be done with such a man? Human Nature calls him a Social
Nuisance; needing to be handcuffed, gagged and abated. Human Nature, if
it be in a terrified and imperilled state, with the sword of this fellow
swashing round it, calls him "Infamous," and a Monster of Chaos. He
is indeed the select Monster of that region; the Patriarch of all the
Monsters, little as he dreams of being such. An Angel of Heaven the poor
caitiff dreams himself rather, and in cheery moments is conscious of
being:--Bedlam holds in it no madder article. And I often think he will
again need to be tied up (feeble as he now is in comparison, disinclined
though men are to manacling and tying); so many helpless infirm souls
are wandering about, not knowing their right hand from their left, who
fall a prey to him. "L'INFAME" I also name him,--knowing well enough how
little he, in his poor muddled, drugged and stupefied mind, is conscious
of deserving that name. More signal enemy to God, and friend of the
Other Party, walks not the Earth in our day.

Anarchy in the shape of religious slavery was what Voltaire and
Friedrich saw all round them. Anarchy in the shape of Revolt against
Authorities was what Friedrich and Voltaire had never dreamed of as
possible, and had not in their minds the least idea of. In one, or
perhaps two places you may find in Voltaire a grim and rather glad
forethought, not given out as prophecy, but felt as interior assurance
in a moment of hope, How these Priestly Sham Hierarchies will be pulled
to pieces, probably on the sudden, once people are awake to them. Yes,
my much-suffering M. de Voltaire, be pulled to pieces; or go aloft,
like the awakening of Vesuvius, one day,--Vesuvius awakening after
ten centuries of slumber, when his crater is all grown grassy, bushy,
copiously "tenanted by wolves" I am told; which, after premonitory
grumblings, heeded by no wolf or bush, he will hurl bodily aloft, ten
acres at a time, in a very tremendous manner! [First modern Eruption of
Vesuvius, A.D. 1631, after long interval of rest.] A thought like this,
about the Priestly Sham-Hierarchies, I have found somewhere in Voltaire:
but of the Social and Civic Sham-Hierarchies (which are likewise
accursed, if they knew it, and indeed are junior co-partners of the
Priestly; and, in a sense, sons and products of them, and cannot escape
being partakers of their plagues), there is no hint, in Voltaire, though
Voltaire stood at last only fifteen years from the Fact (1778-1793); nor
in Friedrich, though he lived almost to see the Fact beginning.

Friedrich's History being henceforth that of a Prussian King, is
interesting to Prussia chiefly, and to us little otherwise than as the
Biography of a distinguished fellow-man, Friedrich's Biography, his
Physiognomy as he grows old, quietly on his own harvest-field, among his
own People: this has still an interest, and for any feature of this we
shall be eager enough; but this withal is the most of what we now want.
And not very much even of this; Friedrich the unique King not having
as a man any such depth and singularity, tragic, humorous, devotionally
pious, or other, as to authorize much painting in that aspect. Extreme
brevity beseems us in these circumstances: and indeed there are,--as has
already happened in different parts of this Enterprise (Nature
herself, in her silent way, being always something of an Artist in such
things),--other circumstances, which leave us no choice as to that of
detail. Available details, if we wished to give them, of Friedrich's
later Life, are not forthcoming: masses of incondite marine-stores,
tumbled out on you, dry rubbish shot with uncommon diligence for a
hundred years, till, for Rubbish-Pelion piled on Rubbish-Ossa, you lose
sight of the stars and azimuths; whole mountain continents, seemingly
all of cinders and sweepings (though fragments and remnants do lie
hidden, could you find them again):---these are not details that will be
available! Anecdotes there are in quantity; but of uncertain quality;
of doubtful authenticity, above all. One recollects hardly any
Anecdote whatever that seems completely credible, or renders to us the
Physiognomy of Friedrich in a convincing manner. So remiss a creature
has the Prussian Clio been,--employed on all kinds of loose errands over
the Earth and the Air; and as good as altogether negligent of this most
pressing errand in her own House. Peace be with her, poor slut;
why should we say one other hard word on taking leave of her to all
eternity!--

The Practical fact is, what we have henceforth to produce is more of
the nature of a loose Appendix of Papers, than of a finished Narrative.
Loose Papers,--which, we will hope, the reader can, by industry, be made
to understand and tolerate: more we cannot do for him. No continuous
Narrative is henceforth possible to us. For the sake of Friedrich's
closing Epoch, we will visit, for the last time, that dreary imbroglio
under which the memory of Friedrich, which ought to have been, in all
the epochs of it, bright and legible, lies buried; and will try to
gather, as heretofore, and put under labels. What dwells with oneself
as human may have some chance to be humanly interesting. In the wildest
chaos of marine-stores and editorial shortcomings (provided only the
editors speak truth, as these poor fellows do) THIS can be done.
Part the living from the dead; pick out what has some meaning, leave
carefully what has none; you will in some small measure pluck up the
memory of a hero, like drowned honor by the locks, and rescue it, into
visibility.

That Friedrich, on reaching home, made haste to get out, of the bustle
of joyances and exclamations on the streets; proceeded straight to his
music-chapel in Charlottenburg, summoning the Artists, or having them
already summoned; and had there, all alone, sitting invisible wrapt in
his cloak, Graun's or somebody's grand TE-DEUM pealed out to him, in
seas of melody,--soothing and salutary to the altered soul, revolving
many things,--is a popular myth, of pretty and appropriate character;
but a myth only, with no real foundation, though it has some loose
and apparent. [In PREUSS, ii. 46, all the details of it.] No doubt,
Friedrich had his own thoughts on entering Berlin again, after such
a voyage through the deeps; himself, his Country still here, though
solitary and in a world of wild shipwrecks. He was not without piety;
but it did not take the devotional form, and his habits had nothing of
the clerical.

What is perfectly known, and much better worth knowing, is the
instantaneous practical alacrity with which he set about repairing that
immense miscellany of ruin; and the surprising success he had in dealing
with it. His methods, his rapid inventions and procedures, in this
matter, are still memorable to Prussia; and perhaps might with advantage
be better known than they are in some other Countries. To us, what is
all we can do with them here, they will indicate that this is still the
old Friedrich, with his old activities and promptitudes; which indeed
continue unabated, lively in Peace as in War, to the end of his life and
reign.

The speed with which Prussia recovered was extraordinary. Within little
more than a year (June 1st, 1764), the Coin was all in order again; in
1765, the King had rebuilt, not to mention other things, "in Silesia
8,000 Houses, in Pommern 6,500." [Rodenbeck, ii. 234, 261.] Prussia has
been a meritorious Nation; and, however cut and ruined, is and was in a
healthy state, capable of recovering soon. Prussia has defended itself
against overwhelming odds,--brave Prussia; but the real soul of its
merit was that of having merited such a King to command it. Without this
King, all its valors, disciplines, resources of war, would have availed
Prussia little. No wonder Prussia has still a loyalty to its great
Friedrich, to its Hohenzollern Sovereigns generally. Without these
Hohenzollerns, Prussia had been, what we long ago saw it, the unluckiest
of German Provinces; and could never have had the pretension to exist
as a Nation at all. Without this particular Hohenzollern, it had been
trampled out again, after apparently succeeding. To have achieved a
Friedrich the Second for King over it, was Prussia's grand merit.

An accidental merit, thinks the reader? No, reader, you may believe me,
it is by no means altogether such. Nay, I rather think, could we look
into the Account-Books of the Recording Angel for a course of centuries,
no part of it is such! There are Nations in which a Friedrich is, or can
be, possible; and again there are Nations in which he is not and
cannot. To be practically reverent of Human Worth to the due extent,
and abhorrent of Human Want of Worth in the like proportion, do
you understand that art at all? I fear, not,--or that you are much
forgetting it again! Human Merit, do you really love it enough, think
you;--human Scoundrelism (brought to the dock for you, and branded as
scoundrel), do you even abhor it enough? Without that reverence and
its corresponding opposite-pole of abhorrence, there is simply no
possibility left. That, my friend, is the outcome and summary of all
virtues in this world, for a man or for a Nation of men. It is the
supreme strength and glory of a Nation;--without which, indeed, all
other strengths, and enormities of bullion and arsenals and warehouses,
are no strength. None, I should say;--and are oftenest even the REVERSE.

Nations who have lost this quality, or who never had it, what Friedrich
can they hope to be possible among them? Age after age they grind
down their Friedrichs contentedly under the hoofs of cattle on their
highways; and even find it an excellent practice, and pride themselves
on Liberty and Equality. Most certain it is, there will no Friedrich
come to rule there; by and by, there will none be born there. Such
Nations cannot have a King to command them; can only have this or
the other scandalous swindling Copper Captain, constitutional Gilt
Mountebank, or other the like unsalutary entity by way of King; and the
sins of the fathers are visited upon the children in a frightful and
tragical manner, little noticed in the Penny Newspapers and Periodical
Literatures of this generation. Oh, my friends--! But there is plain
Business waiting us at hand.




Chapter II.--REPAIRING OF A RUINED PRUSSIA.

That of Friedrich's sitting wrapt in a cloud of reflections
Olympian-Abysmal, in the music-chapel at Charlottenburg, while he had
the Ambrosian Song executed for him there, as the preliminary step, was
a loose myth; but the fact lying under it is abundantly certain. Few
Sons of Adam had more reason for a piously thankful feeling towards the
Past, a piously valiant towards the Future. What king or man had seen
himself delivered from such strangling imbroglios of destruction, such
devouring rages of a hostile world? And the ruin worked by them lay
monstrous and appalling all round. Friedrich is now Fifty-one gone;
unusually old for his age; feels himself an old man, broken with years
and toils; and here lies his Kingdom in haggard slashed condition, worn
to skin and bone: How is the King, resourceless, to remedy it? That is
now the seemingly impossible problem. "Begin it,--thereby alone will it
ever cease to be impossible!" Friedrich begins, we may say, on the
first morrow morning. Labors at his problem, as he did in the march to
Leuthen; finds it to become more possible, day after day, month after
month, the farther he strives with it.

"Why not leave it to Nature?" think many, with the Dismal Science
at their elbow. Well; that was the easiest plan, but it was not
Friedrich's. His remaining moneys, 25 million thalers ready for a
Campaign which has not come, he distributes to the most necessitous:
"all his artillery-horses" are parted into plough-teams, and given to
those who can otherwise get none: think what a fine figure of rye
and barley, instead of mere windlestraws, beggary and desolation, was
realized by that act alone. Nature is ready to do much; will of herself
cover, with some veil of grass and lichen, the nakedness of ruin: but
her victorious act, when she can accomplish it, is that of getting YOU
to go with her handsomely, and change disaster itself into new wealth.
Into new wisdom and valor, which are wealth in all kinds; California
mere zero to them, zero, or even a frightful MINUS quantity! Friedrich's
procedures in this matter I believe to be little less didactic than
those other, which are so celebrated in War: but no Dryasdust, not even
a Dryasdust of the Dismal Science, has gone into them, rendered men
familiar with them in their details and results. His Silesian Land-Bank
(joint-stock Moneys, lent on security of Land) was of itself, had I room
to explain it, an immense furtherance. [Preuss, iii. 75; _OEuvres de
Frederic,_ vi. 84.] Friedrich, many tell us, was as great in Peace as
in War: and truly, in the economic and material provinces, my own
impression, gathered painfully in darkness, and contradiction of the
Dismal-Science Doctors, is much to that effect. A first-rate Husbandman
(as his Father had been); who not only defended his Nation, but made it
rich beyond what seemed possible; and diligently sowed annuals into it,
and perennials which flourish aloft at this day.

Mirabeau's _Monarchie Prussienne,_ in 8 thick Volumes 8vo,--composed, or
hastily cobbled together, some Twenty years after this period,--contains
the best tabular view one anywhere gets of Friedrich's economics,
military and other practical methods and resources:--solid exact Tables
these are, and intelligent intelligible descriptions, done by Mauvillon
FILS, the same punctual Major Mauvillon who used to attend us in Duke
Ferdinand's War;--and so far as Mirabeau is concerned, the Work consists
farther of a certain small Essay done in big type, shoved into the belly
of each Volume, and eloquently recommending, with respectful censures
and regrets over Friedrich, the Gospel of Free Trade, dear to Papa
Mirabeau. The Son is himself a convert; far above lying, even to
please Papa: but one can see, the thought of Papa gives him new fire of
expression. They are eloquent, ruggedly strong Essays, those of Mirabeau
Junior upon Free Trade:--they contain, in condensed shape, everything
we were privileged to hear, seventy years later, from all organs,
coach-horns, jews-harps and scrannel-pipes, PRO and CONTRA, on the same
sublime subject: "God is great, and Plugson of Undershot is his Prophet.
Thus saith the Lord, Buy in the cheapest market, sell in the dearest!"
To which the afflicted human mind listens what it can;--and after
seventy years, mournfully asks itself and Mirabeau, "M. le Comte, would
there have been in Prussia, for example, any Trade at all, any Nation at
all, had it always been left 'Free'? There would have been mere sand and
quagmire, and a community of wolves and bisons, M. le Comte. Have the
goodness to terminate that Litany, and take up another!"

We said, Friedrich began his problem on the first morrow morning; and
that is literally true, that or even MORE. Here is how Friedrich takes
his stand amid the wreck, speedy enough to begin: this view of our old
friend Nussler and him is one of the Pieces we can give,--thanks to Herr
Busching and his _Beitrage_ for the last time! Nussler is now something
of a Country Gentleman, so to speak; has a pleasant place out to east of
Berlin; is LANDRATH (County Chairman) there, "Landrath of Nether-Barnim
Circle;" where we heard of the Cossacks spoiling him: he, as who not,
has suffered dreadfully in these tumults. Here is Busching's welcome
Account.




LANDRATH NUSSLER AND THE KING (30th March-3d April, 1763).

"MARCH 30th, 1763, Friedrich, on his return to Berlin, came by the route
of Tassdorf,"--Tassdorf, in Nether-Barnim Circle (40 odd miles from
Frankfurt, and above 15 from Berlin);--"and changed horses there. During
this little pause, among a crowd assembled to see him, he was addressed
by Nussler, Landrath of the Circle, who had a very piteous story to
tell. Nussler wished the King joy of his noble victories, and of the
glorious Peace at last achieved: 'May your Majesty reign in health
and happiness over us many years, to the blessing of us all!'--and
recommended to his gracious care the extremely ruined, and, especially
by the Russians, uncommonly devastated Circle, for which," continues
Busching "this industrious Landrath had not hitherto been able to
extract any effective help." Generally for the Provinces wasted by the
Russians there had already some poor 300,000 thalers (45,000 pounds)
been allowed by a helpful Majesty, not over-rich himself at the moment;
and of this, Nether-Barnim no doubt gets its share: but what is this to
such ruin as there is? A mere preliminary drop, instead of the bucket
and buckets we need!--Busching, a dull, though solid accurate kind
of man, heavy-footed, and yet always in a hurry, always slipshod, has
nothing of dramatic here; far from it; but the facts themselves fall
naturally into that form,--in Three Scenes:--


I. TASSDORF (still two hours from Berlin), KING, NUSSLER AND A CROWD OF
PEOPLE, Nussler ALONE DARING TO SPEAK.

KING (from his Carriage, ostlers making despatch). "What is your Circle
most short of?"

LANDRATH NUSSLER. "Of horses for ploughing the seedfields of rye to sow
them, and of bread till the crops come."

KING. "Rye for bread, and to sow with, I will give; with horses I cannot
assist."

NUSSLER. "On representation of Privy-Councillor van Brenkenhof [the
Minister concerned with such things], your Majesty has been pleased to
give the Neumark and Pommern an allowance of Artillery and Commissariat
Horses: but poor Nether-Barnim, nobody will speak for it; and unless
your Majesty's gracious self please to take pity on it, Nether-Barnim is
lost!" (A great many things more he said, in presence of a large crowd
of men who had gathered round the King's Carriage as the horses were
being changed; and spoke with such force and frankness that the King was
surprised, and asked:)--

KING. "Who are you?" (has forgotten the long-serviceable man!)

NUSSLER. "I am the Nussler who was lucky enough to manage the Fixing of
the Silesian Boundaries for your Majesty!"

KING. "JA, JA, now I know you again! Bring me all the Landraths of the
Kurmark [Mark of Brandenburg Proper, ELECTORAL Mark] in a body; I will
speak with them."

NUSSLER. "All of them but two are in Berlin already."

KING. "Send off estafettes for those two to come at once to Berlin; and
on Thursday," day after to-morrow, "come yourself, with all the others,
to the Schloss to me: I will then have some closer conversation, and
say what I can and will do for helping of the country," (King's Carriage
rolls away, with low bows and blessings from Nussler and everybody).


II. THURSDAY, APRIL 1st, NUSSLER AND ASSEMBLED LANDRATHS AT THE SCHLOSS
OF BERLIN. To them, enter KING....

NUSSLER (whom they have appointed spokesman).... "Your Majesty has given
us Peace; you will also give us Well-being in the Land again: we
leave it to Highest-the-Same's gracious judgment [no limit to
Highest-the-Same's POWER, it would seem] what you will vouchsafe to us
as indemnification for the Russian plunderings."

KING. "Be you quiet; let me speak. Have you got a pencil (HAT ER
CRAYON)? Yes! Well then, write, and these Gentlemen shall dictate to
you:--

"'How much rye for bread; How much for seed; How many Horses, Oxen,
Cows, their Circles do in an entirely pressing way require?'

"Consider all that to the bottom; and come to me again the day after
to-morrow. But see that you fix everything with the utmost exactitude,
for I cannot give much." (EXIT King.)

NUSSLER (to the Landraths). "MEINE HERREN, have the goodness to
accompany me to our Landschaft House [we have a kind of County Hall, it
seems]; there we will consider everything."

And Nussler, guiding the deliberations, which are glad to follow him
on every point, and writing as PRO-TEMPORE Secretary, has all things
brought to luminous Protocol in the course of this day and next.




III. SATURDAY, APRIL 3d, IN THE SCHLOSS AGAIN: NUSSLER AND LANDRATHS. To
them, the KING.

Nussler. "We deliver to your Majesty the written Specification you
were graciously pleased to command of us. It contains only the
indispensablest things that the Circles are in need of. Moreover, it
regards only the STANDE [richer Nobility], who pay contribution; the
Gentry [ADEL], and other poor people, who have been utterly plundered
out by the Russians, are not included in it:--the Gentry too have
suffered very much by the War and the Plundering."

KING. "What EDELLEUTE that are members of STANDE have you [ER] got in
your Circle?"

NUSSLER (names them; and, as finis of the list, adds):... "I myself,
too, your Majesty, I have suffered more than anybody: I absolutely could
not furnish those 4,000 bushels of meal ordered of me by the Russians;
upon which they--"

KING. "I cannot give to all: but if you have poor Nobles in your Circle,
who can in no way help themselves, I will give them something."

NUSSLER (has not any in Nether-Barnim who are altogether in that extreme
predicament; but knows several in Lebus Circle, names them to the
King;--and turning to the Landrath of Lebus, and to another who is
mute): "Herr, you can name some more in Lebus; and you, in Teltow
Circle, Herr Landrath, since his Majesty permits."... In a word, the
King having informed himself and declared his intention, Nussler leads
the Landraths to their old County Hall, and brings to Protocol what had
taken place.

Next day, the Kammer President (Exchequer President), Van der Groben,
had Nussler, with other Landraths, to dinner. During dinner, there came
from Head Secretary Eichel (Majesty's unwearied Clerk of the PELLS,
Sheepskins, or PAPERS) an earnest request to Von der Groben for
help,--Eichel not being able to remember, with the requisite precision,
everything his Majesty had bid him put down on this matter. "You will
go, Herr von Nussler; be so kind, won't you?" And Nussler went, and
fully illuminated Eichel....

To the poorest of the Nobility, Busching tells us, what is otherwise
well known, the King gave considerable sums: to one Circle 12,000
pounds, to another 9,000 pounds, 6,000 pounds, and so on. By help
of which bounties, and of Nussler laboring incessantly with all his
strength, Nieder-Barnim Circle got on its feet again, no subject having
been entirely ruined, but all proving able to recover. [Busching,
_Beitrage_ (Nussler), i. 401-405.]

This Busching Fragment is not in the style of the Elder Dramatists, or
for the Bankside Theatre; but this represents a Fact which befell in
God's Creation, and may have an interest of its own to the Practical
Soul, especially in anarchic Countries, far advanced in the "Gold-nugget
and Nothing to Buy with it" Career of unexampled Prosperities.

On these same errands the King is soon going on an Inspection Journey,
where we mean to accompany. But first, one word, and one will suffice,
on the debased Coin. The Peace was no sooner signed, than Friedrich
proceeded on the Coin. The third week after his arrival home, there came
out a salutary Edict on it, April 21st; King eager to do it without loss
of time, yet with the deliberation requisite. Not at one big leap, which
might shake, to danger of oversetting, much commercial arrangement; but
at two leaps, with a halfway station intervening. Halfway station, with
a new coinage ready, much purer of alloy (and marked HOW much, for
the benefit of parties with accounts to settle), is to commence on
TRINITATIS (Whitsunday) instant; from and after Whitsunday the improved
new coin to be sole legal tender, till farther notice. Farther notice
comes accordingly, within a year, March 29th, 1764: "Pure money of
the standard of 1750 [honest silver coinage: readers may remember
Linsenbarth, the CANDIDATUS THEOLOGIAE, and his sack of Batzen,
confiscated at the Paekhof] shall be ready on the 1st of June instant;"
[Rodenbeck, ii. 214, 234.]--from and after which day we hear no more of
that sad matter. Finished off in about fourteen months. Here, meanwhile,
is the Inspection Journey.




KRIEGSRATH RODEN AND THE KING (6th-13th June, 1763).

JUNE 2d, 1763, Friedrich left Potsdam for Westphalia; got as far as
Magdeburg that day. Intends seeing into matters with his own eyes in
that region, as in others, after so long and sad an absence. There are
with him Friedrich Wilhelm Prince of Prussia, a tall young fellow of
nineteen; General-Adjutant von Anhalt; and one or two Prussian
military people. From Magdeburg and onwards the great Duke Ferdinand
accompanies,--who is now again Governor of Magdeburg, and a quiet
Prussian Officer as heretofore, though with excellent Pensions from
England, and glory from all the world.

The Royal Party goes by Halberstadt, which suffered greatly in the War;
thence by MINDEN (June 4th); and the first thing next day, Friedrich
takes view of the BATTLE-FIELD there,--under Ferdinand's own guidance,
doubtless; and an interesting thing to both Friedrich and him, though
left silent to us. This done, they start for Lippstadt, are received
there under joyous clangorous outburst of all the bells and all
the honors, that same afternoon; and towards sunset, Hamm being the
Night-quarter ahead, are crossing VELLINGHAUSEN BATTLE-GROUND,--where
doubtless Ferdinand again, like a dutiful apprentice, will explain
matters to his old master, so far as needful or permissible. The
conversation, I suppose, may have been lively and miscellaneous:
Ferdinand mentions a clever business-person of the name of Roden,
whom he has known in these parts; "Roden?" the King carefully makes
note;--and, in fact, we shall see Roden presently; and his bit of
DIALOGUE with the King (recorded by his own hand) is our chief errand on
this Journey. From Hamm, next morning (June 6th), they get to Wesel
by 11 A.M. (only sixty miles); Wesel all in gala, as Lippstadt was,
or still more than Lippstadt; and for four days farther, they continue
there very busy. As Roden is our chief errand, let us attend to Roden.

WESEL, MONDAY, JUNE 6th, "Dinner being done," says an authentic
Third-Party, [Rodenbeck, ii. 217.] "the King had Kammer-Director Meyen
summoned to him with his Register-Books, Schedules and Reports [what
they call ETATS]; and was but indifferently contented with Meyen and
them." And in short, "ordering Meyen to remodel these into a more
distinct condition,"--we may now introduce the Herr Kriegsrath Roden,
a subaltern, in rank, but who has perhaps a better head than Meyen, to
judge of these ETATS. Roden himself shall now report. This is the Royal
Dialogue with Roden; accurately preserved for us by him;--I wish it had
been better worth the reader's trouble; but its perfect credibility in
every point will be some recommendation to it.

"MONDAY, 6th JUNE, 1763, about 11 A.M., his Majesty arrived in Wesel,"
says Roden (confirming to us the authentic Third-Party); "I waited on
Adjutant-General Colonel von Anhalt to announce myself; who referred
me to Kriegsrath Coper ["MEIN SEGRETER KOPER" is a name we have heard
before], who told me to be ready so soon as Dinner should be over.
Dinner was no sooner over [2 P.M. or so], than the Herr Kammer-Director
Meyen with his ETATS was called in. His Majesty was not content with
these, Herr Meyen was told; and they were to be remodelled into a more
distinct condition. The instant Herr Meyen stept out, I was called in.
His Majesty was standing with his back to the fire; and said:--

KING. "'Come nearer [Roden comes nearer]. Prince Ferdinand [of
Brunswick, whom we generally call DUKE and great, to distinguish him
from a little Prussian Prince Ferdinand] has told me much good of you:
where do you come from?'

RODEN. "'From Soest' [venerable "stone-old" little Town, in
Vellinghausen region].

KING. "'Did you get my Letter?'

RODEN. "'Yea, IHRO MAJESTAT.'

KING. "'I will give you some employment. Have you got a pencil?'

RODEN. "'Yea' [and took out his Note-book and tools, which he had
"bought in a shop a quarter of an hour before"].

KING. "'Listen. By the War many Houses have got ruined: I mean that
they shall be put in order again; for which end,--to those that cannot
themselves help, particularly to Soest, Hamm, Lunen and in part Wesel,
as places that have suffered most,--I intend to give the moneys. Now you
must make me an exact List of what is to be done in those places. Thus
[King, lifting his finger, let us fancy, dictates; Roden, with brand-new
pencil and tablets, writes:]

"'1. In each of those Towns, how many ruined Houses there are which
the proprietors themselves can manage to rebuild. 2. How many which
the proprietors cannot. 3. The vacant grounds or steadings of such
proprietors as are perhaps dead, or gone else-whither, must be given to
others that are willing to build: but in regard to this, Law also must
do its part, and the absent and the heirs must be cited to say, Whether
they will themselves build? and in case they won't, the steadings can
then be given to others.'" Roden having written,--

KING. "'In the course of six days you must be ready [what an
expeditious King! Is to be at Cleve the sixth day hence: Meet me there,
then],--longer I cannot give you.'

RODEN (considering a moment). "'If your Majesty will permit me to use
ESTAFETTES [express messengers] for the Towns farthest off,--as I
cannot myself, within the time, travel over all the Towns,--I hope to be
ready.'

KING. "'That I permit; and will repay you the ESTAFETTE moneys.--Tell
me, How comes the decrease of population in these parts? Recruits I got
none.'

RODEN. "'Under favor of your Majesty, Regiment Schenkendorf got, every
year, for recompletion, what recruits were wanted, from its Canton in
the Grafschaft Mark here.'

KING. "'There you may be right: but from Cleve Country we had no
recruits; not we, though the Austrians had, [with a slight sarcasm of
tone].

RODEN. "'Out of Cleve, so far as I know, there were no recruits
delivered to the Austrians.'

KING. "'You could not know; you were with the Allied Army' [Duke
Ferdinand's, commissariating and the like, where Duke Ferdinand
recognized you to have a head].

RODEN. "'There have been many epidemic diseases too; especially in
Soest;--after the Battle of Vellinghausen all the wounded were brought
thither, and the hospitals were established there.'

KING. "'Epidemic diseases they might have got without a Battle [dislikes
hearing ill of the soldier trade]. I will have Order sent to the Cleve
Kammer, Not to lay hindrance in your way, but the contrary. Now God keep
you (GOTT BEWAHRE IHN).'"--EXIT Roden;--"DARAUF RETIRIRTE MICH," says
he;--but will reappear shortly.

Sunday, 12th June, is the sixth day hence; later than the end of Sunday
is not permissible to swift Roden; nor does he need it.

Friday, 10th, Friedrich left Wesel; crossed the Rhine, intending for
Cleve; went by CREFELD,--at Crefeld had view of another BATTLE-FIELD,
under good ciceroneship; remarks or circumstances otherwise not
given:--and, next day, Saturday, 11th, picked up D'Alembert, who, by
appointment, is proceeding towards Potsdam, at a more leisurely rate.
That same Saturday, after much business done, the King was at Kempen,
thence at Geldern; speeding for Cleve itself, due there that night. At
Geldern, we say, he picked up D'Alembert;--concerning whom, more by and
by. And finally, "on Saturday night, about half-past 8, the King entered
Cleve," amid joyances extraordinary, hut did not alight; drove direct
through by the Nassau Gate, and took quarter "in the neighboring
Country-house of Bellevue, with the Dutch General von Spaen there,"--an
obliging acquaintance once, while LIEUTENANT Spaen, in our old
Crown-Prince times of trouble! Had his year in Spandau for us there,
while poor Katte lost his head! To whom, I have heard, the King talked
charmingly on this occasion, but was silent as to old Potsdam matters.
[Supra, vii. 165.]--

By his set day, Roden is also in Cleve, punctual man, finished or just
finishing; and ready for summons by his Majesty. And accordingly:--

"CLEVE, MONDAY, JUNE 13th, At 9 in the morning," records he, "I had
audience of the King's Majesty. [In Spaen's Villa of Bellevue, shall
we still suppose? Duke Ferdinand, Prince of Prussia and the rest, have
bestowed themselves in other fit houses; D'Alembert too,--who is to make
direct for Potsdam henceforth, by his own route; and will meet us on
arriving.]--I handed him my Report, with the Tabular Schedule. His
Majesty read it carefully through, in my presence; and examined all
of it with strictness. Was pleased to signify his satisfaction with
my work. Resolved to allow 250,000 thalers (37,500 pounds) for this
business of Rebuilding; gave out the due Orders to his Kammer, in
consequence, and commanded me to arrange with the Kammer what was
necessary. This done, his Majesty said:--

KING. "'What you were described to me, I find you to be. You are a
diligent laborious man; I must have you nearer to me;--in the Berlin
Hammer you ought to be. You shall have a good, a right good Salary;
your Patent I will give you gratis; also a VORSPANN-PASS [Standing
Order available at all Prussian Post-Stations] for two carriages [rapid
Program of the thing, though yet distant, rising in the Royal fancy!].
Now serve on as faithfully as you have hitherto done.'

RODEN. "'That is the object of all my endeavors.'" (EXIT:--I did
not hear specially whitherward just now; but he comes to be supreme
Kammer-President in those parts by and by.)

"The Herr Kriegsrath Coper was present, and noted all the Orders to
he expedited." [Preuss, ii. 442; Rodenbeck, ii. 217, 218: in regard to
D'Alembert, see _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiv. 190.]

These snatches of notice at first-hand, and what the reader's fancy
may make of these, are all we can bestow on this Section of Friedrich's
Labors; which is naturally more interesting to Prussian readers than
to English. He has himself given lucid and eloquent account of it,--Two
ample Chapters, "DES FINANCES;" "DU MILITAIRE," [_OEuvres de Frederic,_
vii. 73-90, 91-109.]--altogether pleasant reading, should there still
be curiosity upon it. There is something of flowingly eloquent in
Friedrich's account of this Battle waged against the inanimate Chaos;
something of exultant and triumphant, not noticeable of him in regard
to his other Victories. On the Leuthens, Rossbachs, he is always cold
as water, and nobody could gather that he had the least pleasure in
recording them. Not so here. And indeed here he is as beautiful as
anywhere; and the reader, as a general son of Adam,--proud to see human
intellect and heroism slaying that kind of lions, and doing what
in certain sad epochs is unanimously voted to be impossible and
unattemptable,--exults along with him; and perhaps whispers to his own
poor heart, nearly choked by the immeasurable imbroglio of Blue-books
and Parliamentary Eloquences which for the present encumber Heaven
and Earth, "MELIORA SPERO." To Mirabeau, the following details, from
first-hand, but already of twenty-three years distance, were not known,
[Appeared first in Tome v. of _"OEuvres Posthumes de Frederic II."_ (are
in Tome vi. of Preuss's Edition of OEUVRES), "Berlin, 1788;"--above a
year after Mirabeau had left.] while he sat penning those robust Essays
on the Duty of LEAVE-ALONE.

"To form an idea of the general subversion," says the King, in regard
to 1763, "and how great were the desolation and discouragement, you must
represent to yourself Countries entirely ravaged, the very traces of
the old habitations hardly discoverable; Towns, some ruined from top to
bottom, others half destroyed by fire;--13,000 Houses, of which the
very vestiges were gone. No field in seed; no grain for the food of the
inhabitants; 60,000 horses needed, if there was to be ploughing carried
on: in the Provinces generally Half a Million Population (500,000) less
than in 1756,--that is to say, upon only Four Millions and a Half, the
ninth man was wanting. Noble and Peasant had been pillaged, ransomed,
foraged, eaten out by so many different Armies; nothing now left them
but life and miserable rags.

"There was no credit, by trading people, even for the daily necessaries
of life." And furthermore, what we were not prepared for, "No police in
the Towns: to habits of equity and order had succeeded a vile greed of
gain and an anarchic disorder. The Colleges of Justice and of Finance
had, by these frequent invasions of so many enemies, been reduced to
inaction:" no Judge, in many places not even a Tax-gatherer: the silence
of the Laws had produced in the people a taste for license; boundless
appetite for gain was their main rule of action: the noble, the
merchant, the farmer, the laborer, raising emulously each the price of
his commodity, seemed to endeavor only for their mutual ruin. Such, when
the War ended, was the fatal spectacle over these Provinces, which had
once been so flourishing: however pathetic the description may be, it
will never approach the touching and sorrowful impression which the
sight of it produced."

Friedrich found that it would never do to trust to the mere aid of Time
in such circumstances: at the end of the Thirty-Years War, "Time"
had, owing to absolute want of money, been the one recipe of the Great
Elector in a similar case; and Time was then found to mean "about a
hundred Years." Friedrich found that he must at once step in with active
remedies, and on all hands strive to make the impossible possible.
Luckily he had in readiness, as usual, the funds for an Eighth Campaign,
had such been needed. Out of these moneys he proceeded to rebuild the
Towns and Villages; "from the Corn-Stores (GRANARIES D'ABONDANCE,"
Government establishments gathered from plentiful harvests against
scarce, according to old rule) "were taken the supplies for food of the
people and sowing of the ground: the horses intended for the artillery,
baggage and commissariat," 60,000 horses we have heard, "were
distributed among those who had none, to be employed in tillage of the
land. Silesia was discharged from all taxes for six months; Pommern and
the Neumark for two years. A sum of about Three Million sterling [in
THALERS 20,389,000] was given for relief of the Provinces, and as
acquittance of the impositions the Enemy had wrung from them.

"Great as was this expense, it was necessary and indispensable. The
condition of these Provinces after the Peace of Hubertsburg recalled
what we know of them when the Peace of Munster closed the famous
Thirty-Years War. On that occasion the State failed of help from want
of means; which put it, out, of the Great Elector's power to assist
his people: and what happened? That a whole century elapsed before his
Successors could restore the Towns and Champaigns to what they were.
This impressive example was admonitory to the King: that to repair the
Public Calamities, assistance must be prompt and effective. Repeated
gifts (LARGESSES) restored courage to the poor Husbandmen, who began to
despair of their lot; by the helps given, hope in all classes sprang
up anew: encouragement of labor produced activity; love of Country rose
again with fresh life: in a word [within the second year in a markedly
hopeful manner, and within seven years altogether], the fields were
cultivated again, manufacturers had resumed their work; and the Police,
once more in vigor, corrected by degrees the vices that had taken root
during the time of anarchy." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ vi. 74, 75.]

To Friedrich's difficulties, which were not inconsiderable, mark only
this last additament: "During this War, the elder of the Councillors,
and all the Ministers of the Grand Directorium [centre of Prussian
Administration], had successively died: and in such time of trouble
it had been impossible to replace them. The embarrassment was, To find
persons capable of filling these different employments [some would have
very soon done it, your Majesty; but their haste would not have tended
to speed!]--We searched the Provinces (ON FOUILLA, sifted), where
good heads were found as rare as in the Capital: at length five Chief
Ministers were pitched upon,"--who prove to be tolerable, and even
good. Three of them were, the VONS Blumenthal, Massow, Hagen, unknown
to readers here: fourth and fifth were, the Von Wedell as War-Minister,
once Dictator at Zullichan; and a Von der Horst, who had what we might
partially call the Home Department, and who may by accident once or so
be namable again.

Nor was War all, says the King: "accidental Fires in different places,"
while we struggled to repair the ravagings of War, "were of unexampled
frequency, and did immense farther damage. From 1765 to 1769, here is
the list of places burnt: In East Preussen, the City of Konigsberg
twice over; in Silesia, the Towns of Freystadt, Ober-Glogau [do readers
recollect Manteuffel of Foot and "WIR WOLLEN IHM WAS"!], Parchwitz,
Naumburg-on-Queiss, and Goldberg; in the Mark, Nauen; in the Neumark,
Calies and a part of Lansberg; in Pommern, Belgard and Tempelburg. These
accidents required incessantly new expenditures to repair them."

Friedrich was not the least of a Free Trader, except where it
suited him: and his continual subventions and donations, guidances,
encouragements, commandings and prohibitions, wise supervision and
impulsion,--are a thing I should like to hear an intelligent Mirabeau
(Junior or Senior) discourse upon, after he had well studied them! For
example: "ON RENDIT LES PRETRES UTILES, The Priests, Catholic Priests,
were turned to use by obliging all the rich Abbeys to establish
manufactures: here it was weavers making damasks and table-cloths; there
oil-mills [oil from linseed]; or workers in copper, wire-drawers; as
suited the localities and the natural products,--the flaxes and
the metals, with water-power, markets, and so on." What a charming
resuscitation of the rich Abbeys from their dormant condition!

I should like still better to explain how, in Lower Silesia, "we (ON)
managed to increase the number of Husbandmen by 4,000 families. You will
be surprised how it was possible to multiply to this extent the people
living by Agriculture in a Country where already not a field was waste.
The reason was this. Many Lords of Land, to increase their Domain, had
imperceptibly appropriated to themselves the holdings (TERRES) of their
vassals. Had this abuse been suffered to go on, in time a great"--But
the commentary needed would be too lengthy; we will give only the
result: "In the long-run, every Village would have had its Lord, but
there would have been no tax-paying Farmers left." The Landlord, ruler
of these Landless, might himself (as Majesty well knows) have been made
to PAY, had that been all; but it was not. "To possess something; that
is what makes the citizen attached to his Country; those who have no
property, and have nothing to lose, what tie have they?" A weak one, in
comparison!"All these things being represented to the Landlord Class,
their own advantage made them consent to replace their Peasants on the
old footing."...

"To make head against so many extraordinary demands," adds the King
(looking over to a new Chapter, that of the MILITARY, which Department,
to his eyes, was not less shockingly dilapidated than the CIVIL,
and equally or more needed instant repair), "new resources had to
be devised. For, besides what was needed for re-establishment of the
Provinces, new Fortifications were necessary; and all our Cannon,
E'VASES (worn too wide in the bore), needed to be refounded; which
occasioned considerable new expense. This led us to improvement of the
Excises,"--concerning which there will have to be a Section by itself.




OF FRIEDRICH'S NEW EXCISE SYSTEM.

In his late Inspection-Journey to Cleve Country, D'Alembert, from Paris,
by appointment waited for the King; [In (_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiv.
377-380 (D'Alembert's fine bits of Letters in prospect of Potsdam,
"Paris, 7th March-29th April, 1763;" and two small Notes while there,
"Sans-Souci, 6th July-15th August, 1763").]--picked up at Geldern (June
11th), as we saw above. D'Alembert got to Potsdam June 22d; stayed till
middle of August. He had met the King once before, in 1755; who found
him "a BON GARCON," as we then saw. D'Alembert was always, since that
time, an agreeable, estimable little man to Friedrich. Age now about
forty-six; has lately refused the fine Russian post of "Tutor to the
Czarowitsh" (Czarowitsh Paul, poor little Boy of eight or nine, whom we,
or Herr Busching for us, saw galloping about, not long since, "in his
dressing-gown," under Panin's Tutorage); refuses now, in a delicate
gradual manner, the fine Prussian post of Perpetual President, or
Successor to Maupertuis;--definitely preferring his frugal pensions at
Paris, and garret all his own there. Continues, especially after this
two months' visit of 1763, one of the King's chief correspondents for
the next twenty years. ["29th October, 1783," D'Alembert died: "born
16th November, 1717;"--a Foundling, as is well known; "Mother a
Sister of Cardinal Tencin's; Father," accidental, "an Officer in the
Artillery."] A man of much clear intellect; a thought SHRIEKY in his
ways sometimes; but always prudent, rational, polite, and loyally
recognizing Friedrich as a precious article in this world. Here is a
word of D'Alembert's to Madame du Deffand, at Paris, some ten or twelve
days after the Cleve meeting, and the third day after his arrival
here:--

"POTSDAM, 25th JUNE, 1763. MADAME,--... I will not go into the praises
of this Prince," King Friedrich, my now Host; "in my mouth it might
be suspicious: I will merely send you two traits of him, which will
indicate his way of thinking and feeling. When I spoke to him [at
Geldern, probably, on our first meeting] of the glory he had acquired,
he answered, with the greatest simplicity, That there was a furious
discount to be deducted from said glory; that chance came in for almost
the whole of it; and that he would far rather have done Ratine's ATHALIE
than all this War:--ATHALIE is the work he likes, and rereads oftenest;
I believe you won't disapprove his taste there. The other trait I have
to give you is, That on the day [15th February last] of concluding this
Peace, which is so glorious to him, some one saying, 'It is the finest
day of your Majesty's life:' 'The finest day of life,' answered he, 'is
the day on which one quits it.'...--Adieu, Madame." [_"OEuvres Posthumes
de D'Alembert_ (Paris, 1799). i. 197:" cited in PREUSS, ii. 348.]

The meeting in Cleve Country was, no doubt, a very pretty passage, with
Two pretty Months following;--and if it be true that HELVETIUS was a
consequence, the 11th of June, 1763, may almost claim to be a kind
of epoch in Friedrich's later history. The opulent and ingenious M.
Helvetius, who wrote DE L'ESPRIT, and has got banished for that feat
(lost in the gloom of London in those months), had been a mighty
Tax-gatherer as well; D'Alembert, as brother Philosophe, was familiar
with Helvetius. It is certain, also, King Friedrich, at this time, found
he would require annually two million thalers more;--where to get them,
seemed the impossibility. A General Krockow, who had long been in French
Service, and is much about the King, was often recommending the French
Excise system;--he is the Krockow of DOMSTADTL, and that SIEGE OF
OLMUTZ, memorable to some of us:--"A wonderful Excise system," Krockow
is often saying, in this time of straits. "Who completely understands
it?" the King might ask. "Helvetius, against the world!" D'Alembert
could justly answer. "Invite Helvetius to leave his London exile, and
accept an asylum here, where he may be of vital use to me!" concludes
Friedrich.

Helvetius came in March, 1765; stayed till June, 1766: [Rodenbeck, ii.
254; Preuss, iii. 11.]--within which time a French Excise system, which
he had been devising and putting together, had just got in gear, and
been in action for a month, to Helvetius's satisfaction. Who thereupon
went his way, and never returned;--taking with him, as man and
tax-gatherer, the King's lasting gratitude; but by no means that of the
Prussian Nation, in his tax-gathering capacity! All Prussia, or all of
it that fell under this Helvetius Excise system, united to condemn it,
in all manner of dialects, louder and louder: here, for instance, is
the utterance of Herr Hamann, himself a kind of Custom-house Clerk (at
Konigsberg, in East Preussen), and on modest terms a Literary man of
real merit and originality, who may be supposed to understand this
subject: "And so," says Hamann, "the State has declared its own subjects
incapable of managing its Finance system; and in this way has intrusted
its heart, that is the purse of its subjects, to a company of Foreign
Scoundrels, ignorant of everything relating to it!" ["Hamann to Jacobi"
(see Preuss, iii. 1-35), "Konigsberg, 18th January, 1786."]

This lasted all Friedrich's lifetime; and gave rise to not a little
buzzing, especially in its primary or incipient stages. It seems to
have been one of the unsuccessfulest Finance adventures Friedrich ever
engaged in. It cost his subjects infinite small trouble; awakened very
great complaining; and, for the first time, real discontent,--skin-deep
but sincere and universal,--against the misguided Vater Fritz. Much
noisy absurdity there was upon it, at home, and especially abroad:
"Griping miser," "greedy tyrant," and so forth! Deducting all which,
everybody now admits that Friedrich's aim was excellent and proper; but
nobody denies withal that the means were inconsiderate, of no profit in
proportion to the trouble they gave, and improper to adopt unless the
necessity compelled.

Friedrich is forbidden, or forbids himself, as we have often mentioned,
to impose new taxes: and nevertheless now, on calculations deep, minute
and no doubt exact, he judges That for meeting new attacks of War (or
being ready to meet, which will oftenest mean averting them),--a thing
which, as he has just seen, may concern the very existence of the
State,--it is necessary that there should be on foot such and such
quantities and kinds of Soldiery and War-furniture, visible to all
neighbors; and privately in the Treasury never less than such and such
a sum. To which end Arithmetic declares that there is required about Two
Million thalers more of yearly revenue than we now have. And where, in
these circumstances, are the means of raising such a sum?

Friedrich imposes no new taxes; but there may be stricter methods of
levying the old;--there may, and in fact there must, be means found!
Friedrich has consulted his Finance Ministers; put the question SERIATIM
to these wise heads: they answer with one voice, "There are no means."
[Rodenbeck, ii. 256.] Friedrich, therefore, has recourse to Helvetius;
who, on due consideration, and after survey of much documentary and
tabulary raw-material, is of opinion, That the Prussian Excises would,
if levied with the punctuality, precision and vigilant exactitude of
French methods, actually yield the required overplus. "Organize me the
methods, then; get them put in action here; under French hands, if that
be indispensable." Helvetius bethought him of what fittest French hands
there were to his knowledge,--in France there are a great many hands
flung idle in the present downbreak of finance there:--Helvetius appears
to have selected, arranged and contrived in this matter with his best
diligence. De Launay, the Head-engineer of the thing, was admitted by
all Prussia, after Twenty-two years unfriendly experience of him, to
have been a suitable and estimable person; a man of judicious ways,
of no small intelligence, prudence, and of very great skill in
administering business.

Head-engineer De Launay, one may guess, would be consulted by Helvetius
in choice of the subaltern Officials, the stokers and steerers in this
new Steam-Machinery, which had all to be manned from France. There were
Four heads of departments immediately under De Launay, or scarcely under
him, junior brothers rather:--who chose these I did not hear; but these
latter, it is evident, were not a superior quality of people. Of these
Four,--all at very high salaries, from De Launay downwards; "higher than
a Prussian Minister of State!" murmured the public,--two, within the
first year, got into quarrel; fought a duel, fatal to one of them; so
that there were now only Three left. "Three, with De Launay, will do,"
opined Friedrich; and divided the vacant salary among the survivors: in
which form they had at least no more duelling.

As to the subaltern working-parties, the VISITATEURS, CONTROLLEURS,
JAUGEURS (Gaugers), PLOMBEURS (Lead-stampers), or the strangest kind of
all, called "Cellar-Rats (COMMIS RATS-DE-CAVE), "they were so detested
and exclaimed against, by a Public impatient of the work itself, there
is no knowing what their degree of scoundrelism was, nor even, within
amazingly wide limits, what the arithmetical number of them was. About
500 in the whole of Prussia, says a quiet Prussian, who has made some
inquiry; ["Beguelin, ACCISE-UND ZOLL-VERFASSUNG, s. 138" (Preuss, iii,
18).] 1,500 says Mirabeau; 3,000 say other exaggerative persons, or even
5,000; De Launay's account is, Not at any time above 200. But we can
all imagine how vexatious they and their business were. Nobody now is
privileged with exemption: from one and all of you, Nobles, Clergy,
People, strict account is required, about your beers and liquors; your
coffee, salt; your consumptions and your purchases of all excisable
articles:--nay, I think in coffee and salt, in salt for certain, what
you will require, according to your station and domestic numbers, is
computed for you, to save trouble; such and such quantities you will
please to buy in our presence, or to pay duty for, whether you buy them
or not. Into all houses, at any hour of the day or of the night, these
cellar-rats had liberty,--(on warrant from some higher rat of their own
type, I know not how much higher; and no sure appeal for you, except
to the King; tolerably sure there, if you be INNOCENT, but evidently
perilous if you be only NOT-CONVICTED!)--had liberty, I say, to search
for contraband; all your presses, drawers, repositories, you must open
to these beautiful creatures; watch in nightcap, and candle in hand,
while your things get all tumbled hither and thither, in the search for
what perhaps is not there; nay, it was said and suspected, but I never
knew it for certain, that these poisonous French are capable of slipping
in something contraband, on purpose to have you fined whether or not.

Readers can conceive, though apparently Friedrich did not, what a world
of vexation all this occasioned; and how, in the continual annoyance to
all mankind, the irritation, provocation and querulous eloquence spread
among high and low. Of which the King knew something; but far from the
whole. His object was one of vital importance; and his plan once fixed,
he went on with it, according to his custom, regardless of little rubs.
The Anecdote Books are full of details, comic mostly, on this subject:
How the French rats pounced down upon good harmless people, innocent
frugal parsonages, farm-houses; and were comically flung prostrate by
native ready wit, or by direct appeal to the King. Details, never so
authentic, could not be advisable in this place. Perhaps there are not
more than Two authentic Passages, known to me, which can now have the
least interest, even of a momentary sort, to English readers. The first
is, Of King Friedrich caricatured as a Miser grinding Coffee. I give it,
without essential alteration of any kind, in Herr Preuss's words, copied
from those of one who saw it:--the second, which relates to a Princess
or Ex-Princess of the Royal House, I must reserve for a little while.
Herr Preuss says:--

"Once during the time of the 'Regie' [which lasted from 1766 to 1786 and
the King's death: no other date assignable, though 1768, or so, may be
imaginable for our purpose], as the King came riding along the Jager
Strasse, there was visible near what is called the Furstenhaus," kind of
Berlin Somerset House, [Nicolai, i. 155.] "a great crowd of people. 'See
what it is!' the King sent his one attendant, a heiduc or groom, into
it, to learn what it was. 'They have something posted up about your
Majesty,' reported the groom; and Friedrich, who by this time had ridden
forward, took a look at the thing; which was a Caricature figure of
himself: King in very melancholy guise, seated on a Stool, a Coffee-mill
between his knees; diligently grinding with the one hand, and with the
other picking up any bean that might have fallen. 'Hang it lower,' said
the King, beckoning his groom with a wave of the finger: 'Lower, that
they may not have to hurt their necks about it!' No sooner were the
words spoken, which spread instantly, than there rose from the whole
crowd one universal huzza of joy. They tore the Caricature into a
thousand pieces, and rolled after the King with loud (LEBE HOCH, Our
Friedrich forever!' as he rode slowly away." [Preuss, iii. 275 ("from
BERLIN CONVERSUTIONSBLATT &c. of 1827, No. 253").) That is their
Friedrich's method with the Caricature Department. Heffner,
Kapellmeister in Upsala, reports this bit of memorability; he was then
of the King's Music-Chapel in Berlin, and saw this with his eyes.

The King's tendency at all times, and his practice generally, when
we hear of it, was to take the people's side; so that gradually these
French procedures were a great deal mitigated; and DIE REGIE--so they
called this hateful new-fangled system of Excise machinery--became much
more supportable, "the sorrows of it nothing but a tradition to the
younger sort," reports Dohm, who is extremely ample on this subject.
[Christian Wilhelm von Dohm, _Denkwurdigkeiten meiner Zeit_ (Lemgo und
Hanover, 1819), iv. 500 et seq.] De Launay was honorably dismissed, and
the whole Regie abolished, a month or two after Friedrich's death.

With a splenetic satisfaction authentic Dohm, who sufficiently condemns
the REGIE, adds that it was not even successful; and shows by evidence,
and computation to the uttermost farthing, that instead of two million
thalers annually, it yielded on the average rather less than one. The
desired overplus of two millions, and a good deal more did indeed come
in, says he: but it was owing to the great prosperity of Prussia at
large, after the Seven-Years War; to the manifold industries awakening,
which have gone on progressive ever since. Dohm declares farther, that
the very object was in a sort fanciful, nugatory; arguing that nobody
did attack Friedrich;--but omitting to prove that nobody would have done
so, had Friedrich NOT stood ready to receive him. We will remark only,
what is very indisputable, that Friedrich, owing to the Regie, or to
other causes, did get the humble overplus necessary for him; and did
stand ready for any war which might have come (and which did in a
sort come); that he more and more relaxed the Regie, as it became less
indispensable to him; and was willing, if he found the Caricatures and
Opposition Placards too high posted, to save the poor reading people any
trouble that was possible.

A French eye-witness testifies: "They had no talent, these Regie
fellows, but that of writing and ciphering; extremely conceited too, and
were capable of the most ridiculous follies. Once, for instance, they
condemned a common soldier, who had hidden some pounds of tobacco, to a
fine of 200 thalers. The King, on reviewing it for confirmation, wrote
on the margin: 'Before confirming this sentence, I should wish to know
where the Soldier, who gets 8 groschen [ninepence halfpenny] in the
5 days, will find the 200 crowns for paying this Fine!'" [Laveaux (2d
edition), iii. 228.] Innumerable instances of a constant disposition
that way, on the King's part, stand on record. "A crown a head on the
import of fat cattle, Tax on butcher's-meat?" writes he once to De
Launay: "No, that would fall on the poorer classes: to that I must
say No. I am, by office, Procurator of the Poor (L'AVOCAT DU PAUVRE)."
Elsewhere it is "AVOCAT DEC PAUVRE ET DU SOLDAT (of the working-man and
of the soldier); and have to plead their cause." [Preuss, iii. 20.]

We will now give our Second Anecdote; which has less of memorability
to us strangers at present, though doubtless it was then, in Berlin
society, the more celebrated of the two; relating, as it did, to a high
Court-Lady, almost the highest, and who was herself only too celebrated
in those years. The heroine is Princess Elizabeth of Brunswick, King's
own Niece and a pretty woman; who for four years (14th July, 1765-18th
April, 1769) of her long life was Princess Royal of Prussia,--Wife of
that tall young Gentleman whom we used to see dancing about, whom we
last saw at Schweidnitz getting flung from his horse, on the day of
Pirch's saddle there:--his Wife for four years, but in the fourth year
ceased to be so [Rodenbeck, ii. 241, 257.] (for excellent reasons,
on both sides), and lived thenceforth in a divorced eclipsed state at
Stettin, where is laid the scene of our Anecdote. I understand it to be
perfectly true; but cannot ascertain from any of the witnesses in what
year the thing happened; or whether it was at Stettin or Berlin,--though
my author has guessed, "Stettin, in the Lady's divorced state," as
appears.

"This Princess had commissioned, direct from Lyon, a very beautiful
dress; which arrived duly, addressed to her at Stettin. As this kind of
stuffs is charged with very heavy dues, the DOUANIER, head Custom-house
Personage of the Town, had the impertinence to detain the dress till
payment were made. The Princess, in a lofty indignation, sent word to
this person, To bring the dress instantly, and she would pay the dues on
it. He obeyed: but,"--mark the result,--"scarcely had the Princess got
eye on him, when she seized her Lyon Dress; and, giving the Douanier a
couple of good slaps on the face, ordered him out of her apartment and
house.

"The Douanier, thinking himself one and somewhat, withdrew in high
choler; had a long PROCES-VERBAL of the thing drawn out; and sent it to
the King with eloquent complaint, 'That he had been dishonored in
doing the function appointed him.' Friedrich replied as follows: TO
THE DOUANIER AT STETTIN: 'The loss of the Excise-dues shall fall to my
score; the Dress shall remain with the Princess; the slaps to him who
has received them. As to the pretended Dishonor, I entirely relieve
the complainant from that: never can the appliance of a beautiful hand
dishonor the face of an Officer of Customs.--F.'" [Laveaux (abridged),
iii. 229.]

Northern Tourists, Wraxall and others, passing that way, speak of this
Princess, down to recent times, as a phenomenon of the place. Apparently
a high and peremptory kind of Lady, disdaining to be bowed too low by
her disgraces. She survived all her generation, and the next and the
next, and indeed into our own. Died 18th February, 1840: at the age
of ninety-six. Threescore and eleven years of that eclipsed Stettin
Existence; this of the Lyon gown, and caitiff of a Custom-houser slapped
on the face, her one adventure put on record for us!--

She was signally blamable in that of the Divorce; but not she alone,
nor first of the Two. Her Crown-Prince, Friedrich Wilhelm, called
afterwards, as King, "DER DICKE (the Fat, or the Big)," and held in
little esteem by Posterity,--a headlong, rather dark and physical
kind of creature, though not ill-meaning or dishonest,--was himself a
dreadful sinner in that department of things; and had BEGUN the bad
game against his poor Cousin and Spouse! Readers of discursive turn
are perhaps acquainted with a certain "Grafin von Lichtenau," and her
MEMOIRS so called:--not willingly, but driven, I fish up one specimen,
and one only, from that record of human puddles and perversities:--

"From the first year of our attachment," says this precious Grafin, "I
was already the confidant of his," the Prince of Prussia's, "most secret
thoughts. One day [in 1767, second year of his married life, I then
fifteen, slim Daughter of a Player on the French Horn, in his Majesty's
pay], the Prince happened to be very serious; and was owning to me with
frankness that he had some wrongs towards my sex to reproach himself
with,"--alas, yes, some few:--"and he swore that he would never forsake
ME; and that if Heaven disposed of my life before his, none but he
should close my eyes. He was fingering with a penknife at the time; he
struck the point of it into the palm of his left hand, and wrote with
his blood [the unclean creature], on a little bit of paper, the Oath
which his lips had just pronounced in so solemn a tone. Vainly should I
undertake to paint my emotion on this action of his! The Prince saw what
I felt; and took advantage of it to beg that I would follow his example.
I hastened to satisfy him; and traced, as he had done, with my blood,
the promise to remain his friend to the tomb, and never to forsake
him. This Promise must have been found among his Papers after his death
[still in the Archives? we will hope not!]--Both of us stood faithful to
this Oath. The tie of love, it is true, we broke: but that was by mutual
consent, and the better to fix ourselves in the bonds of an inviolable
friendship. Other mistresses reigned over his senses; but I"--ACH GOTT,
no more of that. [_Memoires de la Comtesse de Lichtenau_ (a Londres,
chez Colburn Libraire, Conduit-street, Bond-street, 2 tomes, small 8vo,
1809), i. 129.]

The King's own account of the affair is sufficiently explicit. His words
are: "Not long ago [about two years before this of the penknife] we
mentioned the Prince of Prussia's marriage with Elizabeth of Brunswick
[his Cousin twice over, her Mother, Princess Charlotte of Prussia, being
his Father's Sister and mine, and her Father HIS Mother's Brother,--if
you like to count it]. This engagement, from which everybody had
expected happy consequences, did not correspond to the wishes of the
Royal House." Only one Princess could be realized (subsequently Wife to
the late Duke of York),--she came this same year of the penknife,--and
bad outlooks for more. "The Husband, young and dissolute (SANS MOEURS),
given up to a crapulous life, from which his relatives could not correct
him, was continually committing infidelities to his Wife. The Princess,
who was in the flower of her beauty, felt outraged by such neglect
of her charms; her vivacity, and the good opinion she had of herself,
brought her upon the thought of avenging her wrongs by retaliation.
Speedily she gave in to excesses, scarcely inferior to those of her
Husband. Family quarrels broke out, and were soon publicly known. The
antipathy that ensued took away all hope of succession [had it been
desirable in these sad circumstances!]. Prince Henri [JUNIOR, this
hopeful Prince of Prussia's Brother], who was gifted with all the
qualities to be wished in a young man [witness my tears for him], had
been carried off by small-pox. ["26th May, 1767," age 19 gone; ELOGE
of him by Friedrich ("MS. still stained with tears"), in _OEuvres de
Frederic_, vii. 37 et seq.] The King's Brothers, Princes Henri and
Ferdinand, avowed frankly that they would never consent to have, by some
accidental bastard, their rights of succession to the crown carried
off. In the end, there was nothing for it but proceeding to a divorce."
[_OEuvres de Frederic,_ vi. 23.]

Divorce was done in a beautiful private manner; case tried with strictly
shut doors; all the five judges under oath to carry into the grave
whatever they came to know of it: [Preuss, iv. 180-186.] divorce
completed 18th April, 1769; and, within three months, a new marriage
was accomplished, Princess Frederika Luisa of Hessen-Darmstadt the happy
woman. By means of whom there was duly realized a Friedrich Wilhelm, who
became "King Friedrich Wilhelm III." (a much-enduring, excellent, though
inarticulate man), as well as various other Princes and Princesses,
in spite of interruptions from the Lichtenau Sisterhood. High-souled
Elizabeth was relegated to Stettin; her amount of Pension is not
mentioned; her Family, after the unhappy proofs communicated to them,
had given their consent and sanction;--and she stayed there, idle, or
her own mistress of work, for the next seventy-one years.--Enough of HER
Lyon Dress, surely, and of the Excise system altogether!--




THE NEUE PALAIS, IN SANS-SOUCI NEIGHBORHOOD, IS FOUNDED AND FINISHED
(1763-1770).

If D'Alembert's Visit was the germ of the Excise system, it will be
curious to note,--and indeed whether or not, it will be chronologically
serviceable to us here, and worth noting,--that there went on a small
synchronous affair, still visible to everybody: namely, That in the very
hours while Friedrich and D'Alembert were saluting mutually at Geldern
(11th June, 1763), there was laid the foundation of what they call the
NEUE PALAIS; New Palace of Sans-Souci: [Rodenbeck, ii. 219.] a sumptuous
Edifice, in the curious LOUIS-QUINZE or what is called "Rococo" style
of the time; Palace never much inhabited by Friedrich or his successors,
which still stands in those ornamental Potsdam regions. Why built,
especially in the then down-pressed financial circumstances, some have
had their difficulties to imagine. It appears, this New Palace had been
determined on before the War broke out; and Friedrich said to
himself: "We will build it now, to help the mechanical classes in
Berlin,--perhaps also, in part [think some, and why should not they, a
little?] to show mankind that we have still ready money; and are nothing
like so ruined as they fancy."

"This NEUE PALAIS," says one recent Tourist, "is a pleasant quaint
object, nowadays, to the stranger. It has the air DEGAGE POCOCURANTE;
pleasantly fine in aspect and in posture;--spacious expanses round
it, not in a waste, but still less in a strict condition; and (in its
deserted state) has a silence, especially a total absence of needless
flunkies and of gaping fellow-loungers, which is charming. Stands mute
there, in its solitude, in its stately silence and negligence, like
some Tadmor of the Wilderness in small. The big square of Stables,
Coach-houses, near by, was locked up,--probably one sleeping groom in
it. The very CUSTOS of the grand Edifice (such the rarity of fees to
him) I could not awaken without difficulty. In the gray autumn zephyrs,
no sound whatever about this New Palace of King Friedrich's, except the
rustle of the crisp brown leaves, and of any faded or fading memories
you may have.

"I should say," continues he, "it somehow reminds you of the City of
Bath. It has the cut of a battered Beau of old date; Beau still extant,
though in strangely other circumstances; something in him of pathetic
dignity in that kind. It shows excellent sound masonries; which have
an over-tendency to jerk themselves into pinnacles, curvatures and
graciosities; many statues atop,--three there are, in a kind of grouped
or partnership attitude; 'These,' said diligent scandal, 'note them;
these mean Maria Theresa, Pompadour and CATIN DU NORD' (mere Muses, I
believe, or of the Nymph or Hamadryad kind, nothing of harm in them).
In short, you may call it the stone Apotheosis of an old French Beau.
Considerably weather-beaten (the brown of lichens spreading visibly
here and there, the firm-set ashlar telling you, 'I have stood a hundred
years');--Beau old and weather-beaten, with his cocked-hat not in the
fresh condition, all his gold-laces tarnished; and generally looking
strange, and in a sort tragical, to find himself, fleeting
creature, become a denizen of the Architectural Fixities and earnest
Eternities!"--

From Potsdam Palace to the New Palace of Sans-Souci may be a mile
distance; flat ground, parallel to the foot of Hills; all through
arbors, parterres, water-works, and ornamental gardenings and cottagings
or villa-ings,--Cottage-Villa for Lord Marischal is one of them. This
mile of distance, taking the COTTAGE Royal of Sans-Souci on its
hill-top as vertex, will be the base of an isosceles or nearly isosceles
triangle, flatter than equilateral. To the Cottage Royal of Sans-Souci
may be about three-quarters of a mile northeast from this New Palace,
and from Potsdam Palace to it rather less. And the whole square-mile or
so of space is continuously a Garden, not in the English sense, though
it has its own beauties of the more artificial kind; and, at any rate,
has memories for you, and footsteps of persons still unforgotten by
mankind.--Here is a Notice of Lord Marischal; which readers will not
grudge; the chronology of the worthy man, in these his later epochs,
being in so hazy a state:--

Lord Marischal, we know well and Pitt knows, was in England in
1761,--ostensibly on the Kintore Heritage; and in part, perhaps, really
on that errand. But he went and came, at dates now uncertain; was back
in Spain after that, had difficult voyagings about; [King's Letters to
him, in _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xx. 282-285.]--and did not get to rest
again, in his Government of Neufchatel, till April, 1762. There is a
Letter of the King's, which at least fixes that point:--

"BRESLAU, 10th APRIL, 1762. My nose is the most impertinent nose in
the universe, MON CHER MYLORD [Queen-Dowager snuff, SPANIOL from
the fountain-head, of Marischal's providing; quality exquisite, but
difficult to get transmitted in the Storms of War]; I am ashamed of the
trouble it costs you! I beg many pardons;--and should be quite abashed,
did I not know how you compassionate the weak points of your friends,
and that, for a long time past, you have a singular indulgence for my
nose. I am very glad to know you happily returned to your Government,
safe at Colombier (DOVE-COTE) in Neufchatel again." This is 10th April,
1762. There, as I gather, quiet in his Dove-cote, Marischal continued,
though rather weary of the business, for about a year more; or till the
King got home,--who delights in companionship, and is willing to let an
old man demit for good.

It was in Summer, 1762 (about three months after the above Letter from
the King), that Rousseau made his celebrated exodus into Neufchatel
Country, and found the old Governor so good to him,--glad to be allowed
to shelter the poor skinless creature. And, mark as curious, it must
have been on two of those mornings, towards the end of the Siege of
Schweidnitz, when things were getting so intolerable, and at times
breaking out into electricity, into "rebuke all round," that Friedrich
received that singular pair of Laconic Notes from Rousseau in
Neufchatel: forwarded, successively, by Lord Marischal; NOTE FIRST, of
date, "Motier-Travers, Neufchatel, September," nobody can guess what
day, "1762:" "I have said much ill of you, and don't repent it. Now
everybody has banished me; and it is on your threshold that I sit down.
Kill me, if you have a mind!" And then (after, not death, but the gift
of 100 crowns), NOTE SECOND, "October, 1762:"... "Take out of my sight
that sword, which dazzles and pains me; IT has only too well done its
duty, while the sceptre is abandoned:" Make Peace, can't you! [_OEuvres
completes de Rousseau_ (a Geneve, 1782-1789), xxxiii. 64, 65.]--What
curious reading for a King in such posture, among the miscellaneous
arrivals overnight! Above six weeks before either of these NOTES,
Friedrich, hearing of him from Lord Marischal, had answered: "An asylum?
Yes, by all means: the unlucky cynic!" It is on September 1st, that he
sends, by the same channel, 100 crowns for his use, with advice to "give
them in NATURA, lest he refuse otherwise;" as Friedrich knows to be
possible. In words, the Rousseau Notes got nothing of Answer. "A GARCON
SINGULIER," says Friedrich: odd fellow, yes indeed, your Majesty;--and
has such a pungency of flattery in him too, presented in the way of
snarl! His Majesty might take him, I suppose, with a kind of relish,
like Queen-Dowager snuff.

There was still another shift of place, shift which proved temporary,
in old Marischal's life: Home to native Aberdeenshire. The two childless
Brothers, Earls of Kintore, had died successively, the last of them
November 22d, 1761: title and heritage, not considerable the latter,
fell duly, by what preparatives we know, to old Marischal; but his Keith
kinsfolk, furthermore, would have him personally among them,--nay, after
that, would have him to wed and produce new Keiths. At the age of 78;
decidedly an inconvenient thing! Old Marischal left Potsdam "August,
1763," [Letter of his to the King ("LONDRES, 14 AOUT, 1763"), in
_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xx. 293.--In _Letters of Eminent Persons to
David Hume_ (Edinburgh, 1849), pp. 57-71, are some Nine from the Old
Marischal; in curiously mixed dialect, cheerful, but indistinct; the two
chief dates of which are: "Touch" (guttural TuCH, in Aberdeenshire),
"28 October, 1763," and "Potsdam, 20 February, 1765."]--NEW-PALACE
scaffoldings and big stone blocks conspicuous in those localities;
pleasant D'Alembert now just about leaving, in the other
direction;--much to Friedrich's regret, the old Marischal especially, as
is still finely evident.


FRIEDRICH TO LORD MARISCHAL (in Scotland for the last six months).

"SANS-SOUCI, 16th February, 1764.

"I am not surprised that the Scotch fight to have you among them; and
wish to have progeny of yours, and to preserve your bones. You have in
your lifetime the lot of Homer after death: Cities arguing which is your
birthplace;--I myself would dispute it with Edinburgh to possess you.
If I had ships, I would make a descent on Scotland, to steal off my CHER
MYLORD, and bring him hither. Alas, our Elbe Boats can't do it. But you
give me hopes;--which I seize with avidity! I was your late Brother's
friend, and had obligations to him; I am yours with heart and soul.
These are my titles, these are my rights:--you sha'n't be forced in
the matter of progeny here (FAIRE L'ETALON ICI), neither priests nor
attorneys shall meddle with you; you shall live here in the bosom of
friendship, liberty and philosophy." Come to me!...--F. [_OEuvres de
Frederic,_ xx. 295.]

Old Marischal did come; and before long. I know not the precise month:
but "his Villa-Cottage was built for him," the Books say, "in 1764." He
had left D'Alembert just going; next year he will find Helvetius coming.
He lived here, a great treasure to Friedrich, till his death, 25th May,
1778, age 92.

The New Palace was not finished till 1770;--in which year, also,
Friedrich reckons that the general Problem of Repairing Prussia was
victoriously over. New Palace, growing or complete, looks down on all
these operations and occurrences. In its cradle, it sees D'Alembert go,
Lord Marischal go; Helvetius come, Lord Marischal come; in its
boyhood or maturity, the Excise, and French RATS-DE-CAVE, spring up;
Crown-Prince Friedrich Wilhelm prick his hand for a fit kind of ink;
Friedrich Wilhelm's Divorced Wife give her Douanier two slaps in
the face, by way of payment. Nay, the same Friedrich Wilhelm, become
"Friedrich Wilhelm II., or DER DICKE," died in it,--his Lichtenau AND
his second Wife, jewel of women, nursing him in his last sickness there.
["Died 16th November, 1797."]

The violent stress of effort for repairing Prussia, Friedrich intimates,
was mostly over in 1766: till which date specifically, and in a looser
sense till 1770, that may be considered as his main business. But it was
not at any time his sole business; nor latterly at all equal in interest
to some others that had risen on him, as the next Chapter will now
show. Here, first, is a little Fraction of NECROLOGY, which may be worth
taking with us. Readers can spread these fateful specialties over the
Period in question; and know that each of them came with a kind of
knell upon Friedrich's heart, whatever he might be employed about.
Hour striking after hour on the Horologe of Time; intimating how the
Afternoon wore, and that Night was coming. Various meanings there would
be to Friedrich in these footfalls of departing guests, the dear, the
less dear, and the indifferent or hostile; but each of them would mean:
"Gone, then, gone; thus we all go!"




"OBITUARY IN FRIEDRICH'S CIRCLE TILL 1771."

Of Polish Majesty's death (5th October, 1763), and then (2d December
following) of his Kurprinz or Successor's, with whom we dined at
Moritzburg so recently, there will be mention by and by. November 28th,
1763, in the interval between these two, the wretched Bruhl had died.
April 14th, 1764, died the wretched Pompadour;--"To us not known, JE NE
LA CONNAIS PAS:"--hapless Butterfly, she had been twenty years in the
winged condition; age now forty-four: dull Louis, they say, looked out
of window as her hearse departed, "FROIDEMENT," without emotion of any
visible kind. These little concern Friedrich or us; we will restrict
ourselves to Friends.

"DIED IN 1764. At Pisa, Algarotti (23d May, 1764, age fifty-two); with
whom Friedrich has always had some correspondence hitherto (to himself
interesting, though not to us), and will never henceforth have more.
Friedrich raised a Monument to him; Monument still to be seen in the
Campo-Santo of Pisa: 'HIC JACET OVIDII AEMULUS ET NEUTONI DISCIPULUS;'
friends have added 'FREDERICUS MAGNUS PONI FECIT;' and on another part
of the Monument, 'ALGAROTTUS NON OMNIS.' [Preuss, iv. 188.]

"--IN 1765. At the age of eighty, November 18th, Grafin Camas, 'MA BONNE
MAMAN' (widow since 1741); excellent old Lady,--once brilliantly young,
German by birth, her name Brandt;--to whom the King's LETTERS used to
be so pretty." This same year, too, Kaiser Franz died; but him we will
reserve, as not belonging to this Select List.

"--IN 1766. At Nanci, 23d February, age eighty-six, King Stanislaus
Leczinsky: 'his clothes caught fire' (accidental spark or sputter on
some damask dressing-gown or the like); and the much-enduring innocent
old soul ended painfully his Titular career.

"DIED IN 1767. October 22d, the Grand-Duchess of Sachsen-Gotha, age
fifty-seven; a sad stroke this also, among one's narrowing List of
Friends.--I doubt if Friedrich ever saw this high Lady after the Visit
we lately witnessed. His LETTERS to her are still in the Archives of
Gotha: not hers to him; all lost, these latter, but an accidental
Two, which are still beautiful in their kind. [Given in _OEuvres de
Frederic,_ xviii. 165, 256.]

"--IN 1770. Bielfeld, the fantastic individual of old days. Had long
been out of Friedrich's circle,--in Altenburg Country, I think;--without
importance to Friedrich or us: the year of him will do, without search
for day or month.

"---IN 1771. Two heavy deaths come this year. January 28th, 1771, at
Berlin, dies our valuable old friend Excellency Mitchell,--still here on
the part of England, in cordial esteem as a man and companion; though
as Minister, I suppose, with function more and more imaginary. This
painfully ushers in the year. To usher it out, there is still worse:
faithful D'Argens dies, 26th December, 1771, on a visit in his native
Provence,--leaving, as is still visible, [Friedrich's two Letters to the
Widow (Ib. xix. 427-429).] a big and sad blank behind him at Potsdam."
But we need not continue; at least not at present.

Long before all these, Friedrich had lost friends; with a sad but quiet
emotion he often alludes to this tragic fact, that all the souls he
loved most are gone. His Winterfelds, his Keiths, many loved faces, the
War has snatched: at Monbijou, at Baireuth, it was not War; but they too
are gone. Is the world becoming all a Mausoleum, then; nothing of divine
in it but the Tombs of vanished loved ones? Friedrich makes no noise on
such subjects: loved and unloved alike must go.

We have still to mark Kaiser Franz's sudden death; a thing politically
interesting, if not otherwise. August, 1765, at Innspruck, during the
Marriage-festivities of his Second Son, Leopold (Duke of Florence, who
afterwards, on Joseph's death, was Kaiser),--Kaiser Franz, sauntering
about in the evening gala, "18th August, about 9 P.M.," suddenly
tottered, staggered as falling; fell into Son Joseph's arms; and was
dead. Above a year before, this same Joseph, his Eldest Son, had
been made King of the Romans: "elected 26th March; crowned 3d April,
1764;"--Friedrich furthering it, wishful to be friendly with his late
enemies. [Rodenbeck, ii. 234.]

On this Innspruck Tragedy, Joseph naturally became Kaiser,--Part-Kaiser;
his Dowager-Mother, on whom alone it depends, having decided that way.
The poor Lady was at first quite overwhelmed with her grief. She had the
death-room of her Husband made into a Chapel; she founded furthermore a
Monastery in Innspruck, "Twelve Canonesses to pray there for the repose
of Franz;" was herself about to become Abbess there, and quit the
secular world; but in the end was got persuaded to continue, and take
Son Joseph as Coadjutor. [Hormayr, OESTERREICHISCHER PLUTARCH (º Maria
Theresa), iv. (2tes Bandchen) 6-124; MARIA THERESIENS LEBEN, p. 30.] In
which capacity we shall meet the young man again.




Chapter III.--TROUBLES IN POLAND.

April 11th, 1764, one year after his Seven-Years labor of Hercules,
Friedrich made Treaty of Alliance with the new Czarina Catharine.
England had deserted him; France was his enemy, especially Pompadour and
Choiseul, and refused reconcilement, though privately solicited: he was
without an Ally anywhere. The Russians had done him frightful damage in
the last War, and were most of all to be dreaded in the case of any new
one. The Treaty was a matter of necessity as well as choice. Agreement
for mutual good neighborhood and friendly offices; guarantee of each
other against intrusive third parties: should either get engaged in war
with any neighbor, practical aid to the length of 12,000 men, or else
money in lieu. Treaty was for eight years from day of date.

As Friedrich did not get into war, and Catharine did, with the Turks and
certain loose Polacks, the burden of fulfilment happened to fall wholly
on Friedrich; and he was extremely punctual in performance,--eager now,
and all his life after, to keep well with such a Country under such a
Czarina. Which proved to be the whole rule of his policy on that Russian
side. "Good that Country cannot bring me by any quarrel with it; evil
it can, to a frightful extent, in case of my quarrelling with others! Be
wary, be punctual, magnanimously polite, with that grandiose Czarina and
her huge territories and notions:" this was Friedrich's constant rule
in public and in private. Nor is it thought his CORRESPONDENCE WITH
THE EMPRESS CATHARINE, when future generations see it in print,
will disclose the least ground of offence to that high-flying Female
Potentate of the North. Nor will it ever be known what the silently
observant Friedrich thought of her, except indeed what we already know,
or as good as know, That he, if anybody did, saw her clearly enough for
what she was; and found good to repress into absolute zero whatever had
no bearing upon business, and might by possibility give offence in that
quarter. For we are an old King, and have learned by bitter experiences!
No more nicknames, biting verses, or words which a bird of the air could
carry; though this poor Lady too has her liabilities, were not we old
and prudent;--and is entirely as weak on certain points (deducting the
devotions and the brandy-and-water) as some others were! The Treaty
was renewed when necessary; and continued valid and vital in every
particular, so long as Friedrich ruled.

By the end of the first eight years, by strictly following this passive
rule, Friedrich, in counterbalance of his losses, unexpectedly found
himself invested with a very singular bit of gain,--"unjust gain!" cried
all men, making it of the nature of gain and loss to him,--which is
still practically his, and which has made, and makes to this day, an
immense noise in the world. Everybody knows we mean West-Preussen;
Partition of Poland; bloodiest picture in the Book of Time, Sarmatia's
fall unwept without a crime;--and that we have come upon a very
intricate part of our poor History.

No prudent man--especially if to himself, as is my own poor case
in regard to it, the subject have long been altogether dead and
indifferent--would wish to write of the Polish Question. For almost a
hundred years the Polish Question has been very loud in the world; and
ever and anon rises again into vocality among Able Editors, as a thing
pretending not to be dead and buried, but capable of rising again, and
setting itself right, by good effort at home and abroad. Not advisable,
beyond the strict limits of compulsion, to write of it at present! The
rather as the History of it, any History we have, is not an intelligible
series of events, but a series of vociferous execrations, filling all
Nature, with nothing left to the reader but darkness, and such remedies
against despair as he himself can summon or contrive.

"Rulhiere's on that subject," says a Note which I may cite, "is the
only articulate-speaking Book to which mankind as yet can apply; [Cl.
Rulhiere, _Histoire de l'Anarchie de Pologne_ (Paris, 1807), 4 vols.
12mo.] and they will by no means find that a sufficient one. Rulhiere's
Book has its considerable merits; but it absolutely wants those of a
History; and can be recognized by no mind as an intelligible cosmic
Portraiture of that chaotic Mass of Occurrences: chronology, topography,
precision of detail by time and place; scene, and actors on scene,
remain unintelligible. Rulhiere himself knew Poland, at least had looked
on it from Warsaw outwards, year after year, and knew of it what an
inquiring Secretary of Legation could pick up on those terms, which
perhaps, after all, is not very much. His Narrative is drowned in
beautiful seas of description and reflection; has neither dates nor
references; and advances at an intolerable rate of slowness; in fact,
rather turns on its axis than advances; produces on you the effect of a
melodious Sonata, not of a lucid and comfortably instructive History.

"I forget for how long Rulhiere had been in Poland, as Ambassador's
Assistant: but the Country, the King and leading Personages were
personally known to him, more or less; Events with all details of them
were known: 'Why not write a History of the Anarchy and Wreck they fell
into?' said the Official people to him, on his return home: 'For behoof
of the Dauphin [who is to be Louis XVI. shortly]; may not he perhaps
draw profit from it? At the top of the Universe, experience is sometimes
wanted. Here are the Archives, here is Salary, here are what appliances
you like to name: Write!' It is well known he was appointed, on a
Pension of 250 pounds a year, with access to all archives, documents and
appliances in possession of the French Government, and express charge to
delineate this subject for benefit of the Dauphin's young mind. Nor can
I wonder, considering everything, that the process on Rulhiere's part,
being so full of difficulties, was extremely deliberate; that this Book
did not grow so steadily or fast as the Dauphin did; and that in
fact the poor Dauphin never got the least benefit from it,--being
guillotined, he, in 1793, and the Book intended for him never coming to
light for fourteen years afterwards, it too in a posthumous and still
unfinished condition.

"Rulhiere has heard the voices of rumor, knows an infinitude of events
that were talked of; but has not discriminated which were the vital,
which were the insignificant; treats the vital and the insignificant
alike; seldom with satisfactory precision; mournfully seldom giving
any date, and by no chance any voucher or authority;--and instead of
practical terrestrial scene of action, with distances, milestones,
definite sequence of occurrences, and of causes and effects, paints us
a rosy cloudland, which if true at all, as he well intends it to be, is
little more than symbolically or allegorically so; and can satisfy no
clear-headed Dauphin or man. Rulhiere strives to be authentic,
too; gives you no suspicion of his fairness. There is really fine
high-colored painting in Rulhiere! and you hope always he will let you
into the secret of the matter: but the sad fact is, he never does. He
merely loses himself in picturesque details, philosophic eloquences,
elegancies; takes you to a Castle of Choczim, a Monastery of
Czenstochow, a Bay of Tschesme, and lets off extensive fire-works that
contain little or no shot; leads you on trackless marches, inroads or
outroads, through the Lithuanian Peat-bogs, on daring adventures and
hair-breadth escapes of mere Pulawski, Potocki and the like;--had not
got to understand the matter himself, you perceive: how hopeless to make
you understand it!"

English readers, however, have no other shift; the rest of the Books I
have seen,--_Histoire des Revolutions de Pologne;_ [1778 (A WARSOVIE, ET
SE TROUVE A PARIS), 2 vols. 8vo.] _Histoire des Trois Demembremens de la
Pologne;_ [Anonymous (by one FERRAND, otherwise unknown to me), Paris,
1820, 3 vols. 8vo.] _Letters on Poland;_ [Anonymous (by a "Reverend
Mr. Lindsey," it would seem), LETTERS CONCERNING THE PRESENT STATE OF
POLAND, TOGETHER WITH &c. (London, 1773; 1 vol. 8vo): of these LETTERS,
or at least of Reverend Lindsey, Author of them, "Tutor to King
Stanislaus's Nephew," and a man of painfully loud loose tongue, there
may perhaps be mention afterwards.] and many more,--are not worth
mentioning at all. Comfortable in the mad dance of these is Hermann's
recent dull volume; [Hermann, _Geschichte des Russischen Staats,_ vol.
v. (already cited in regard to the Peter-Catharine tragedy); seems to be
compiled mainly from the Saxon Archives, from DESPATCHES written on
the spot and at the time.]--commonplace, dull, but steady and faithful;
yielding us at least dates, and an immunity from noise. By help of
Hermann and the others, distilled to CAPUT MORTUUM, a few dated facts
(cardinal we dare not call them) may be extracted;--dimly out of these,
to the meditating mind, some outline of the phenomenon may begin to
become conceivable. King of Poland dies; and there ensue huge Anarchies
in that Country.




KING OF POLAND DIES; AND THERE ENSUE HUGE ANARCHIES IN THAT COUNTRY.

The poor old King of Poland--whom we saw, on that fall of the curtain
at Pirna seven years ago, rush off for Warsaw with his Bruhl, with
expressive speed and expressive silence, and who has been waiting there
ever since, sublimely confident that his powerful terrestrial friends,
Austria, Russia, France, not to speak of Heaven's justice at all, would
exact due penalty, of signal and tremendous nature, on the Prussian
Aggressor--has again been disappointed. The poor old Gentleman got no
compensation for his manifold losses and woes at Pirna or elsewhere; not
the least mention of such a thing, on the final winding-up of that War
of Seven Years, in which his share had been so tragical; no alleviation
was provided for him in this world. His sorrows in Poland have been
manifold; nothing but anarchies, confusions and contradictions had been
his Royal portion there: in about Forty different Diets he had tried to
get some business done,--no use asking what; for the Diets, one and
all, exploded in NIE POZWALAM; and could do no business, good, bad or
indifferent, for him or anybody. An unwise, most idle Country; following
as chief employment perpetual discrepancy with its idle unwise King and
self; Russia the virtual head of it this long while, so far as it has
any head.

FEBRUARY-AUGUST, 1763, just while the Treaty of Hubertsburg was blessing
everybody with the return of Peace, and for long months after Peace had
returned to everybody, Polish Majesty was in sore trouble. Trouble in
regard to Courland, to his poor Son Karl, who fancied himself elected,
under favor and permission of the late Czarina our gracious Protectress
and Ally, to the difficult post of Duke in Courland; and had proceeded,
three or four years ago, to take possession,--but was now interrupted
by Russian encroachments and violences. Not at all well disposed to him,
these new Peters, new Catharines. They have recalled their Bieren from
Siberia; declare that old Bieren is again Duke, or at least that young
Bieren is, and not Saxon Karl at all; and have proceeded, Czarina
Catharine has, to install him forcibly with Russian soldiers. Karl
declares, "You shall kill ME before you or he get into this Palace of
Mietau!"--and by Domestics merely, and armed private Gentlemen, he does
maintain himself in said Palatial Mansion; valiantly indignant, for
about six months; the Russian Battalions girdling him on all sides,
minatory more and more, but loath to begin actual bloodshed. [Rulhiere,
ii. (livre v.) 81 et antea; Hermann, v. 348 et seq.] A transaction very
famed in those parts, and still giving loud voice in the Polish Books,
which indeed get ever noisier from this point onward, till they end in
inarticulate shrieks, as we shall too well hear.

Empress Catharine, after the lapse of six months, sends an Ambassador
to Warsaw (Kayserling by name), who declares, in tone altogether
imperative, that Czarish Majesty feels herself weary of such contumacy,
weary generally of Polish Majesty's and Polish Republic's multifarious
contumacies; and, in fine, cruelest of all, that she has troops on the
frontier; that Courland is not the only place where she has troops.
What a stab to the poor old man! "Contumacies?" Has not he been Russia's
patient stepping-stone, all along; his anarchic Poland and he accordant
in that, if in nothing else? "Let us to Saxony," decides he passionately,
"and leave all this." In Saxony his poor old Queen is dead long since;
much is dead: Saxony and Life generally, what a Golgotha! He immediately
sends word to Karl, "Give up Courland; I am going home!"--and did
hastily make his packages, and bid adieu to Warsaw, and, in a few weeks
after to this anarchic world altogether. Died at Dresden, 5th October,
1763.

Polish Majesty had been elected 5th October, 1733; died, you observe,
5th October, 1763;--was King of Poland ("King," save the mark!) for 30
years to a day. Was elected--do readers still remember how? Leaves a
ruined Saxony lying round him; a ruined life mutely asking him, "Couldst
thou have done no better, then?" Wretched Bruhl followed him in four or
five weeks. Nay, in about two months, his Son and Successor, "Friedrich
Christian" (with whom we dined at Moritzburg), had followed him; [Prince
died 17th December (Bruhl, 18th November), 1763.] leaving a small
Boy, age 13, as new Kurfurst, "Friedrich August" the name of him, with
guardians to manage the Minority; especially with his Mother as chief
guardian,--of whom, for two reasons, we are now to say something. Reason
FIRST is, That she is really a rather brilliant, distinguished creature,
distinguished more especially in Friedrich's world; whose LETTERS to
her are numerous, and, in their kind, among the notablest he wrote;--of
which we would gladly give some specimen, better or worse; and reason
SECOND, That in so doing, we may contrive to look, for a moment or two,
into the preliminary Polish Anarchies at first-hand; and, transiently
and far off, see something of them as if with our own eyes.

Marie-Antoine, or Marie-Antoinette, Electress of Saxony, is still a
bright Lady, and among the busiest living; now in her 40th year: "born
17th July, 1724; second child of Kaiser Karl VII.;"--a living memento to
us of those old times of trouble. Papa, when she came to him, was in his
27th year; this was his second daughter; three years afterwards he had
a son (born 1727; died 1777), who made the "Peace of Fussen," to
Friedrich's disgust, in 1745, if readers recollect;--and who, dying
childless, will give rise to another War (the "Potato War" so called),
for Friedrich's behoof and ours. This little creature would be in
her teens during that fatal Kaisership (1742-1745, her age then
18-21),--during those triumphs, flights and furnished-lodging
intricacies. Her Mamma, whom we have seen, a little fat bullet given to
devotion, was four years younger than Papa. Mamma died "11th December,
1756," Germany all blazing out in War again; she had been a Widow eleven
years.

Marie-Antoine was wedded to Friedrich Christian, Saxon Kurprinz, "20th
June, 1747;" her age 23, his 25:--Chronology itself is something, if
one will attend to it, in the absence of all else! The young pair were
Cousins, their Mothers being Sisters; Polish Majesty one's Uncle, age
now 51,--who was very fond of us, poor indolent soul, and glad of
our company on an afternoon, "being always in his dressing-gown by 2
o'clock." Concerning which the tongue of Court scandal was not entirely
idle,--Hanbury chronicling, as we once noticed. All which I believe to
be mere lying wind. The young Princess was beautiful; extremely clever,
graceful and lively, we can still see for ourselves: no wonder poor
Polish Majesty, always in his dressing-gown by 2, was charmed to have
her company,--the rather as I hope she permitted him a little smoking
withal.

Her husband was crook-backed; and, except those slight, always perfectly
polite little passages, in Schmettau's Siege (1759), in the Hubertsburg
Treaty affair, in the dinner at Moritzburg, I never heard much history
of him. He became Elector 5th October, 1763; but enjoyed the dignity
little more than two months. Our Princess had borne him seven
children,--three boys, four girls,--the eldest about 13, a Boy, who
succeeded; the youngest a girl, hardly 3. The Boy is he who sent Gellert
the caparisoned Horse, and had estafettes on the road while Gellert lay
dying. This Boy lived to be 77, and saw strange things in the world; had
seen Napoleon and the French Revolution; was the first "King of Saxony"
so called; saw Jena, retreat of Moscow; saw the "Battle of the Nations"
(Leipzig, 15th-18th October, 1813), and his great Napoleon terminate in
bankruptcy. He left no Son. A Brother, age 72, succeeded him as King for
a few years; whom again a Brother would have succeeded, had not he (this
third Brother, age now 66) renounced, in favor of HIS Son, the present
King of Saxony. Enough, enough!--

August 28th, 1763, while afflicted Polish Majesty is making his packages
at Warsaw, far away,--Marie-Antoinette, in Dresden, had sent Friedrich
an Opera of her composing, just brought out by her on her Court-theatre
there. Here is Friedrich's Answer,--to what kind of OPERA I know not,
but to a Letter accompanying it which is extremely pretty.


FRIEDRICH TO THE ELECTORAL PRINCESS (at Dresden).

"POTSDAM, 5th September, 1763.

"MADAM MY SISTER,--The remembrance your Royal Highness sends is the more
flattering to me, as I regret infinitely not to have been spectator and
hearer of the fine things [Opera THALESTRIS, words and music entirely
lost to us] which I have admired for myself in the silent state.

"I wish I could send you things as pleasant out of these parts: but,
Madam, I am obliged to give you a hint, which may be useful if you can
have it followed. In Saxony, however, my Letters get opened;--which
obliges me to send this by a special Messenger; and him, that he may
cause no suspicion, I have charged with fruits from my garden. You will
have the goodness to say [if anybody is eavesdropping] that you asked
them of me at Moritzburg, when I was happy enough to see you there [six
months ago, coming home from the Seven-Years War]. The hint I had to
give was this:--

"In Petersburg people's minds are getting angry at the stubbornness your
friends show in refusing to recognize Duke Bieren [home from Siberia,
again Duke of Courland, by Russian appointment, as if Russia had that
right; Polish Majesty and his Prince Karl resisting to the uttermost].
I counsel you to induce the powerful in your circle to have this
condescension [they have had it, been obliged to have it, though
Friedrich does not yet know]; for it will turn out ill to them, if they
persist in being obstinately stiff. It begins already to be said That
there are more than a million Russian subjects at this time refugees in
Poland; whom, by I forget what cartel, the Republic was bound to deliver
up. Orders have been given to Detachments of Military to enter certain
places, and bring away these Russians by force. In a word, you will
ruin your affairs forever, unless you find means to produce a change of
conduct on the part of him they complain of. Take, Madam, what I now say
as a mark of the esteem and profound regard with which--"--F. [_OEuvres
de Frederic,_ xxiv. 46.]

This hint, if the King knew, had been given, in a less kind shape,
by Necessity itself; and had sent Polish Majesty, and his Bruhls and
"powerful people," bodily home, and out of that Polish Russian welter,
in a headlong and tragically passionate condition. Electoral Princess,
next time she writes, is become Electress all at once.


ELECTRESS MARIE-ANTOINE TO FRIEDRICH.

"DRESDEN, 5th October, 1763.

"SIRE,--Your Majesty has given me such assurance of your goodness
and your friendship, that I will now appeal to that promise. You have
assured us, too, that you would with pleasure contribute to secure
Poland for us. The moment is come for accomplishing that promise. The
King is dead [died this very day; see if _I_ lose time in sentimental
lamentations!]--with him these grievances of Russia [our stiffness
on Courland and the like] must be extinct; the rather as we [the now
reigning] will lend ourselves willingly to everything that can be
required of us for perfect reconcilement with that Power.

"You can do all, if you will it; you can contribute to this
reconcilement. You can render it favorable to us. You will, give me
that proof of the flattering sentiments I have been so proud of
hitherto,"--won't you, now? "Russia cannot disapprove the mediation you
might deign to offer on that behalf;--our intentions being so honestly
amicable, and all ground of controversy having died with the late
King. Russia reconciled, our views on the Polish Crown might at once be
declared (ECLATER)." Oh, do it, your Majesty;--"my gratitude shall only
end with life!--M. A." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiv. 47.]

Friedrich, who is busy negotiating his Treaty with Russia (perfected
11th April next), and understands that they will mean not to have
a Saxon, but to have a Piast, and perhaps dimly even what Piast
(Stanislaus Poniatowski, the EMERITUS Lover), who will be their own,
and not Saxony's at all,--must have been a little embarrassed by such an
appeal from his fair friend at this moment. "Wait a little; don't
answer yet," would have occurred to the common mind. But that was not
Friedrich's resource: he answers by return of post, as always in such
cases;--and in the following adroit manner brushes off, without hurt
to it, with kisses to it rather, the beautiful hand that has him by the
button:--


TO THE ELECTRESS MARIE-ANTOINE (at Dresden).

"BERLIN, 8th October, 1763.

"MADAM MY SISTER,--I begin by making my condolences and my
congratulations to your Electoral Highness on the death of the King your
Father-in-law, and on your Accession to the Electorate.

"Your Electoral Highness will remember what I wrote, not long since,
on the affairs of Poland. I am afraid, Madam, that Russia will be more
contrary to you than you think. M. de Woronzow [famous Grand-Chancellor
of Russia; saved himself dexterously in the late Peter-Catharine
overturn; has since fallen into disfavor for his notions about our
Gregory Orlof, and is now on his way to Italy, "for health's sake," in
consequence], who is just arrived here, ["Had his audience 7th October"
(yesterday): Rodenbeck, ii. 224.] told me, too, of some things which
raise an ill augury of this affair. If you do not disapprove of my
speaking frankly to you, it seems to me that it would be suitable in
you to send some discreet Diplomatist to that Court to notify the King's
death; and you would learn by him what you have to expect from her
Czarish Majesty [the Empress, he always calls her, knowing she prefers
that title]. It seems to me, Madam, that it would be precipitate
procedure should I wish to engage you in an Enterprise, which appears to
myself absolutely dubious (HASARDEE), unless approved by that Princess.
As to me, Madam, I have not the ascendant there which you suppose: I
act under rule of all the delicacies and discretions with a Court which
separated itself from my Enemies when all Europe wished to crush me: but
I am far from being able to regulate the Empress's way of thinking.

"It is the same with the quarrels about the Duke of Courland; one cannot
attempt mediation except by consent of both parties. I believe I am
not mistaken in supposing that the Court of Russia does not mean to
terminate that business by foreign mediation. What I have heard about
it (what, however, is founded only on vague news) is, That the Empress
might prevail upon herself (POURRAIT SE RESOUDRE) to purchase from Bruhl
the Principality of Zips [Zips, on the edge of Hungary; let readers take
note of that Principality, at present in the hand of Bruhl,--who has
much disgusted Poland by his voracity for Lands; and is disgorging them
all again, poor soul!], to give it to Prince Karl in compensation: but
that would lead to a negotiation with the Court of Vienna, which might
involve the affair in other contentions.

"I conjure you, Madam, I repeat it, Be not precipitate in anything;
lest, as my fear is, you replunge Europe into the troubles it has only
just escaped from! As to me, I have found, since the Peace, so much
to do within my own borders, that I have not, I assure you, had time,
Madam, to think of going abroad. I confine myself to forming a thousand
wishes for the prosperity of your Electoral Highness, assuring you of
the high esteem with which I am,--F." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiv. 48.]

After some farther Letters, of eloquently pressing solicitation on the
part of the Lady, and earnest advising, as well as polite fencing, on
the part of Friedrich, the latter writes:--


FRIEDRICH TO ELECTRESS.

"MADAM MY SISTER,--At this moment I receive a Letter from the

Empress of Russia, the contents of which do not appear to me favorable,
Madam, to your hopes. She requires (EXIGE) that I should instruct my
Minister in Poland to act entirely in concert with the Count Kayserling;
and she adds these very words: 'I expect, from the friendship of your
Majesty, that you will not allow a passage through your territory, nor
the entry into Poland, to Saxon troops, who are to be regarded there
absolutely as strangers.'

"Unless your Letters, Madam [Madam had said that she had written to the
Empress, assuring her &c.] change the sentiments of the Empress, I do
not see in what way the Elector could arrive at the throne of Poland;
and consequently, whether I deferred to the wishes of the Empress in
this point, or refused to do so, you would not the more become Queen;
and I might commit myself against a Power which I ought to keep well
with (MENAGER). I am persuaded, Madam, that your Electoral Highness
enters into my embarrassment; and that, unless you find yourself
successful in changing the Empress's own ideas on this matter, you
will not require of me that I should embroil myself fruitlessly with a
neighbor who deserves the greatest consideration from me.

"All this is one consequence of the course which Count Bruhl induced his
late Polish Majesty to take with regard to the interests of Prince Karl
in Courland; and your Electoral Highness will remember, that I often
represented to you the injury which would arise to him from it.

"I will wish, Madam, that other opportunities may occur, where it may be
in my power to prove to your Electoral Highness the profound esteem and
consideration with which I am--"--F. [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xxiv. 52.]


ELECTRESS TO FRIEDRICH.

"DRESDEN, 11th November, 1763.

"SIRE,--I am not yet disheartened. I love to flatter myself with your
friendship, Sire, and I will not easily renounce the hope that you will
give me a real mark of it in an affair which interests me so strongly.
Nobody has greater ascendency over the mind of the Empress of Russia
than your Majesty; use it, Sire, to incline it to our favor. Our
obligation will be infinite.... Why should she be absolutely against us?
What has she to fear from us? The Courland business, if that sticks with
her, could be terminated in a suitable manner."--Troops into Poland,
Sire?"My Husband so little thinks of sending troops thither, that he has
given orders for the return of those already there. He does not wish
the Crown except from the free suffrages of the Nation: if the Empress
absolutely refuse to help him with her good offices, let her, at least,
not be against him. Do try, Sire." [Ib. xxiv. 53.]--Friedrich answers,
after four days, or by return of post--But we will give the rest in the
form of Dialogue.

FRIEDRICH (after four days).... "If, Madam, I had Crowns to give away, I
would place the first on your head, as most worthy to bear it. But I am
far from such a position. I have just got out of a horrible War, which
my enemies made upon me with a rage almost beyond example; I endeavor
to cultivate friendship with all my neighbors, and to get embroiled with
nobody. With regard to the affairs of Poland, an Empress whom I ought to
be well with, and to whom I owe great obligations, requires me to enter
into her measures; you, Madam, whom I would fain please if I could, you
want me to change the sentiments of this Empress. Do but enter into my
embarrassment!... According to all I hear from Russia, it appears to me
that every resolution is taken there; and that the Empress is resolved
even to sustain the party of her partisans in Poland with the forces
she has all in readiness at the borders. As for me, Madam, I wish, if
possible, not to meddle at all with this business, which hitherto is
not complicated, but which may, any day, become so by the neighbors
of Poland taking a too lively part in it. Ready, otherwise, on all
occasions, to give to your Electoral Highness proofs of my--" [_OEuvres
de Frederic,_ xxiv, 54: "Potsdam, 16th November, 1763."]

Electress (after ten days).... "Why should the Empress be so much
against us? We have not deserved her hatred. On the contrary, we seek
her friendship. She declares, however, that she will uphold the freedom
of the Poles in the election of their King. You, Sire"--[Ib. xxiv. 55:
"Dresden, 26th November, 1763."] But we must cut short, though it lasts
long months after this. Great is the Electress's persistence,--"My poor
Husband being dead, cannot our poor Boy, cannot his uncle Prince
Xavier try? O Sire!" Our last word shall be this of Friedrich's; actual
Election-time now drawing nigh:--

FRIEDRICH. "I am doing like the dogs who have fought bitterly till they
are worn down: I sit licking my wounds. I notice most European Powers
doing the same; too happy if, whilst Kings are being manufactured to
right and left, public tranquillity is not disturbed thereby, and if
every one may continue to dwell in peace beside his hearth and his
household gods." ["Sans-Souci, 26th June, 1764" (Ib. p. 69).] Adieu,
bright Madam.

No reader who has made acquaintance with Polish History can well doubt
but Poland was now dead or moribund, and had well deserved to die.
Anarchies are not permitted in this world. Under fine names, they are
grateful to the Populaces, and to the Editors of Newspapers; but to
the Maker of this Universe they are eternally abhorrent; and from the
beginning have been forbidden to be. They go their course, applauded or
not applauded by self and neighbors,--for what lengths of time none of
us can know; for a long term sometimes, but always for a fixed term; and
at last their day comes. Poland had got to great lengths, two centuries
ago, when poor John Casimir abdicated his Crown of Poland, after a
trial of twenty years, and took leave of the Republic in that remarkable
SPEECH to the Diet of 1667.

This John is "Casimir V.," last Scion of the Swedish House of
Vasa,--with whom, in the Great Elector's time, we had some slight
acquaintance; and saw at least the three days' beating he got (Warsaw,
28th-30th July, 1656) from Karl Gustav of Sweden and the Great Elector,
[Supra, v. 284-286.] ancestors respectively of Karl XII. and of our
present Friedrich. He is not "Casimir the Great" of Polish Kings; but he
is, in our day, Casimir the alone Remarkable. It seems to me I once had
IN EXTENSO this Valedictory Speech of his; but it has lapsed again into
the general Mother of Dead Dogs, and I will not spend a week in fishing
for it. The gist of the Speech, innumerable Books and Dead Dogs tell
you, [HISTOIRE DES TROIS DEMEMBREMENS does, and many others do;--copied
in _Biographie Universelle,_ vii. 278 (? Casimir).] is "lamentation over
the Polish Anarchies" and "a Prophecy," which is very easily remembered.
The poor old Gentleman had no doubt eaten his peck of dirt among those
Polacks, and swallowed chagrins till he felt his stomach could no more,
and determined to have done with it. To one's fancy, in abridged form,
the Valediction must have run essentially as follows:--

"Magnanimous Polack Gentlemen, you are a glorious Republic, and have NIE
POZWALAM, and strange methods of business, and of behavior to your Kings
and others. We have often fought together, been beaten together, by our
enemies and by ourselves; and at last I, for my share, have enough of
it. I intend for Paris; religious-literary pursuits, and the society of
Ninon de l'Enclos. I wished to say before going, That according to all
record, ancient and modern, of the ways of God Almighty in this world,
there was not heretofore, nor do I expect there can henceforth be, a
Human Society that would stick together on those terms. Believe me, ye
Polish Chivalries, without superior except in Heaven, if your glorious
Republic continue to be managed in such manner, not good will come
of it, but evil. The day will arrive [this is the Prophecy, almost
IN IPSISSIMIS VERBIS], the day perhaps is not so far off, when this
glorious Republic will get torn into shreds, hither, thither; be stuffed
into the pockets of covetous neighbors, Brandenburg; Muscovy, Austria;
and find itself reduced to zero, and abolished from the face of the
world.

"I speak these words in sorrow of soul; words which probably you will
not believe. Which only Fate can compel you to believe, one day, if
they are true words:--you think, probably, they are not? Me at least, or
interest of mine, they do not regard. I speak them from the fulness of
my heart, and on behest of friendship and conviction alone; having the
honor at this moment to bid you and your Republic a very long farewell.
Good-morning, for the last time!" and so EXIT: to Rome (had been
Cardinal once); to Paris and the society of Ninon's Circle for the few
years left him of life. ["Died 16th December, 1672, age 63."]

This poor John had had his bitter experiences: think only of one
instance. In 1662, the incredible Law of LIBERUM VETO had been
introduced, in spite of John and his endeavors. LIBERUM VETO; the power
of one man to stop the proceedings of Polish Parliament by pronouncing
audibly "NIE POZWALAM, I don't permit!"--never before or since
among mortals was so incredible a Law. Law standing indisputable,
nevertheless, on the Polish Statute-Book for above two hundred years:
like an ever-flowing fountain of Anarchy, joyful to the Polish Nation.
How they got any business done at all, under such a Law? Truly they did
but little; and for the last thirty years as good as none. But if Polish
Parliament was universally in earnest to do some business, and Veto came
upon it, Honorable Members, I observe, gathered passionately round the
vetoing Brother; conjured, obtested, menaced, wept, prayed; and, if the
case was too urgent and insoluble otherwise, the NIE POZWALAM Gentleman
still obstinate, they plunged their swords through him, and in that way
brought consent. The commoner course was to dissolve and go home again,
in a tempest of shrieks and curses.

The Right of Confederation, too, is very curious: do readers know it? A
free Polack gentleman, aggrieved by anything that has occurred or been
enacted in his Nation, has the right of swearing, whether absolutely by
himself I know not, but certainly with two or three others of like mind,
that he will not accept said occurrence or enactment, and is hereby got
into arms against its abettors and it. The brightest jewel in the cestus
of Polish Liberty is this right of confederating; and it has been, till
of late, and will be now again practised to all lengths: right of every
Polish, gentleman to confederate with every other against, or for,
whatsoever to them two may seem good; and to assert their particular
view of the case by fighting for it against all comers, King and Diet
included. It must be owned, there never was in Nature such a Form
of Government before; such a mode of social existence, rendering
"government" impossible for some generations past.

On the strength of Saxony and its resources and connections, the two
Augusts had contrived to exist with the name of Kings; with the name,
but with little or nothing more. Under this last August, as we heard,
there have been about forty Diets, and in not one of them the least
thing of business done; all the forty, after trying their best, have
stumbled on NIE POZWALAM, and been obliged to vanish in shrieks and
curses. [Buchholz (_Preussisch-Brandenburgische Geschichte,_ ii. 133,
134, &c. &c.) gives various samples, and this enumeration.] As to August
the Physically Strong, such treatment had he met with,--poor August, if
readers remember, had made up his mind to partition Poland; to give away
large sections of it in purchase of the consent of neighbors, and plant
himself hereditarily in the central part;--and would have done so, had
not Grumkow and he drunk so deep, and death by inflammation of the foot
suddenly come upon the poor man. Some Partition of Poland has been more
than once thought of by practical people concerned. Poland, as "a house
chronically smoking through the slates," which usually brings a new
European War every time it changes King, does require to be taken charge
of by its neighbors.

Latterly, as we observed, there has been little of confederating;
indeed, for the last thirty years, as Rulhiere copiously informs us,
there has been no Government, consequently no mutiny needed; little or
no National business of any kind,--the Forty Diets having all gone
the road we saw. Electing of the Judges,--that, says Rulhiere, and
wearisomely teaches by example again and ever again, has always been an
interesting act, in the various Provinces of Poland; not with the hope
of getting fair or upright Judges, but Judges that will lean in the
desirable direction. In a country overrun with endless lawsuits, debts,
credits, feudal intricacies, claims, liabilities, how important to
get Judges with the proper bias! And these once got, or lost till next
term,--what is there to hope or to fear? Russia does our Politics,
fights her Seven-Years War across us; and we, happy we, have no
fighting;--never till this of Courland was there the least ill-nature
from Russia! We are become latterly the peaceable stepping-stone of
Russia into Europe and out of it;--what may be called the door-mat of
Russia, useful to her feet, when she is about paying visits or receiving
them! That is not a glorious fact, if it be a safe and "lucky" one; nor
do the Polish Notabilities at all phrase it in that manner. But a fact
it is; which has shown itself complete in the late Czarina's and late
August's time, and which had been on the growing hand ever since Peter
the Great gained his Battle of Pultawa, and rose to the ascendency,
instead of Karl and Sweden.

The Poles put fine colors on all this; and are much contented with
themselves. The Russians they regard as intrinsically an inferior
barbarous people; and to this day you will hear indignant Polack
Gentlemen bursting out in the same strain: "Still barbarian, sir; no
culture, no literature,"--inferior because they do not make verses
equal to ours! How it may be with the verses, I will not decide: but
the Russians are inconceivably superior in respect that they have, to a
singular degree among Nations, the gift of obeying, of being commanded.
Polack Chivalry sniffs at the mention of such a gift. Polack Chivalry
got sore stripes for wanting this gift. And in the end, got striped to
death, and flung out of the world, for continuing blind to the want of
it, and never acquiring it.

Beyond all the verses in Nature, it is essential to every Chivalry and
Nation and Man. "Polite Polish Society for the last thirty years
has felt itself to be in a most halcyon condition," says Rulhiere:
[Rulhiere, i. 216 (a noteworthy passage).] "given up to the agreeable,
and to that only;" charming evening-parties, and a great deal of
flirting; full of the benevolences, the philanthropies, the new
ideas,--given up especially to the pleasing idea of "LAISSEZ-FAIRE, and
everything will come right of itself." "What a discovery!" said every
liberal Polish mind: "for thousands of years, how people did torment
themselves trying to steer the ship; never knowing that the plan was,
To let go the helm, and honestly sit down to your mutual amusements and
powers of pleasing!"

To this condition of beautifully phosphorescent rot-heap has Poland
ripened, in the helpless reigns of those poor Augusts;--the fulness
of time not now far off, one would say? It would complete the picture,
could I go into the state of what is called "Religion" in Poland.
Dissenterism, of various poor types, is extensive; and, over against
it, is such a type of Jesuit Fanaticism as has no fellow in that day. Of
which there have been truly savage and sanguinary outbreaks, from
time to time; especially one at Thorn, forty years ago, which shocked
Friedrich Wilhelm and the whole Protestant world. [See supra, vi. 64
(and many old Pamphlets on it).] Polish Orthodoxy, in that time, and
perhaps still in ours, is a thing worth noting. A late Tourist informs
me, he saw on the streets of Stettin, not long since, a drunk human
creature staggering about, who seemed to be a Baltic Sailor, just
arrived; the dirtiest, or among the dirtiest, of mankind; who, as he
reeled along, kept slapping his hands upon his breast, and shouting, in
exultant soliloquy, "Polack, Catholik!" _I_ am a Pole and Orthodox, ye
inferior two-legged entities!.--In regard to the Jesuit Fanaticisms, at
Thorn and elsewhere, no blame can attach to the poor Augusts, who always
leant the other way, what they durst or could. Nor is specialty of
blame due to them on any score; it was "like People, like King," all
along;--and they, such their luck, have lived to bring in the fulness of
time.

The Saxon Electors are again aspirants for this enviable Throne. We have
seen the beautiful Electress zealously soliciting Friedrich for help in
that project; Friedrich, in a dexterously graceful manner, altogether
declining. Hereditary Saxons are not to be the expedient this time, it
would seem; a grandiose Czarina has decided otherwise. Why should not
she? She and all the world are well aware, Russia has been virtual
lord of Poland this long time. Credible enough that Russia intends
to continue so; and also that it will be able, without very much
expenditure of new contrivance for that object.

So far as can be guessed and assiduously deduced from RULHIERE, with
your best attention, Russian Catharine's interference seems first of
all to have been grounded on the grandiose philanthropic principle.
Astonishing to the liberal mind; yet to appearance true. Rulhiere
nowhere says so; but that is gradually one's own perception of
the matter; no other refuge for you out of flat inconceivability.
Philanthropic principle, we say, which the Voltaires and Sages of that
Epoch are prescribing as one's duty and one's glory: "O ye Kings, why
won't you do good to mankind, then?" Catharine, a kind of She-Louis
Quatorze, was equal to such a thing. To put one's cast Lover into
a throne,--poor soul, console him in that manner;--and reduce the
long-dissentient Country to blessed composure under him: what a thing!
Foolish Poniatowski, an empty, windy creature, redolent of macassar and
the finer sensibilities of the heart: him she did make King of Poland;
but to reduce the long-dissentient Country to composure,--that was
what she could not do. Countries in that predicament are sometimes very
difficult to compose. The Czarina took, for above five years, a great
deal of trouble, without losing patience. The Czarina, after every new
effort, perceived with astonishment that she was farther from success
than ever. With astonishment; and gradually with irritation, thickening
and mounting towards indignation.

There is no reason to believe that the grandiose Woman handled, or
designed to handle, a doomed Poland in the merciless feline-diabolic
way set forth with wearisome loud reiteration in those distracted Books;
playing with the poor Country as cat does with mouse; now lifting her
fell paw, letting the poor mouse go loose in floods of celestial joy and
hope without limit; and always clutching the hapless creature back into
the blackness of death, before eating and ending it. Reason first is,
that the Czarina, as we see her elsewhere, never was in the least a Cat
or a Devil, but a mere Woman; already virtual proprietress of Poland,
and needing little contrivance to keep it virtually hers. Reason second
is, that she had not the gift of prophecy, and could not foreknow
the Polish events of the next ten years, much less shape them out
beforehand, and preside over them, like a Devil or otherwise, in the way
supposed.

My own private conjecture, I confess, has rather grown to be, on much
reading of those RULHIERES and distracted Books, that the Czarina,--who
was a grandiose creature, with considerable magnanimities, natural
and acquired; with many ostentations, some really great qualities and
talents; in effect, a kind of She-Louis Quatorze (if the reader will
reflect on that Royal Gentleman, and put him into petticoats in Russia,
and change his improper females for improper males),--that the Czarina,
very clearly resolute to keep Poland hers, had determined with herself
to do something very handsome in regard to Poland; and to gain glory,
both with the enlightened Philosophe classes and with her own proud
heart, by her treatment of that intricate matter. "On the one hand,"
thinks she, or let us fancy she thinks, "here is Poland; a Country
fallen bedrid amid Anarchies, curable or incurable; much tormented with
religious intolerance at this time, hateful to the philosophic mind; a
hateful fanaticism growing upon it for forty years past [though it
is quite against Polish Law]; and the cries of oppressed Dissidents
[Dissenters, chiefly of the Protestant and of the Greek persuasion]
becoming more and more distressing to hear. And, on the other hand, here
is Poniatowski who, who--!"

Readers have not forgotten the handsome, otherwise extremely paltry,
young Polack, Stanislaus Poniatowski, whom Excellency Williams took
with him 8 or 9 years ago, ostensibly as "Secretary of Legation,"
unostensibly as something very different? Handsome Stanislaus did
duly become Lover of the Grand-Duchess; and has duly, in the course of
Nature, some time ago (date uncertain to me), become discarded Lover;
the question rising, What is to be done with that elegant inane
creature, and his vaporous sentimentalisms and sublime sorrows and
disappointments? "Let us make him King of Poland!" said the Czarina,
who was always much the gentleman with her discarded Lovers (more so,
I should say, than Louis Quatorze with his;--and indeed it is computed
they cost her in direct moneys about twenty millions sterling,--being
numerous and greedy; but never the least tiff of scolding or ill
language): [Castera (_Vie de Catharine II._) has an elaborate Appendix
on this part of his subject.]--"King of Poland, with furnishings, and
set him handsomely up in the world! We will close the Dissident Business
for him, cure many a curable Anarchy of Poland, to the satisfaction of
Voltaire and all leading spirits of mankind. He shall have outfit of
Russian troops, poor creature; and be able to put down Anarchies, and
show himself a useful and grateful Viceroy for us there. Outfit
of 10,000 troops, a wise Russian Manager: and the Question of the
Dissidents to be settled as the first glory of his reign!"

Ingenuous readers are invited to try, in their diffuse vague RULHIERES,
and unintelligible shrieky Polish Histories, whether this notion does
not rise on them as a possible human explanation, more credible than
the feline-diabolic one, which needs withal such a foreknowledge,
UNattainable by cat or devil? Poland must not rise to be too strong
a Country, and turn its back on Russia. No, truly; nor, except by
miraculous suspension of the Laws of Nature, is there danger of that.
But neither need Poland lie utterly lame and prostrate, useless to
Russia; and be tortured on its sick-bed with Dissident Questions and
Anarchies, curable by a strong Sovereign, of whom much is expected by
Voltaire and the leading spirits of mankind.

What we shall have to say with perfect certainty, and what alone
concerns us in our own affair, is, FIRST, that Catharine did proceed
by this method, of crowning, fitting out and otherwise setting up
Stanislaus; did attempt settlement (and at one time thought she had
settled) the Dissident Question and some curable Anarchies,--but stirred
up such legions of incurable, waxing on her hands, day after day, year
after year, as were abundantly provoking and astonishing:--and that
within the next eight years she had arrived, with Poland and her cargo
of anarchies, at results which struck the whole world dumb. Dumb with
astonishment, for some time; and then into tempests of vociferation
more or less delirious, which have never yet quite ended, though sinking
gradually to lower and lower stages of human vocality. Fact FIRST is
abundantly manifest. Nor is fact SECOND any longer doubtful, That King
Friedrich, in regard to all this, till a real crisis elsewhere had
risen, took little or no visible interest whatever; had one unvarying
course of conduct, that of punctually following Czarish Majesty in
every respect; instructing his Minister at Warsaw always to second
and reinforce the Russian one, as his one rule of policy in that
Country,--whose distracted procedures, imbecilities and anarchies, are,
beyond this point of keeping well with a grandiose Czarina concerned in
it, of no apparent practical interest to Prussia or its King.

Friedrich, for a long time, passed with the Public for contriver of the
Catastrophe of Poland,--"felonious mortal," "monster of maleficence,"
and what not, in consequence. Rulhiere, whose notion of him is none of
the friendliest nor correctest, acquits him of this atrocity; declares
him, till the very end, mainly or altogether passive in it. Which I
think is a little more than the truth,--and only a little, as perhaps
may appear by and by. Beyond dispute, these Polish events did at last
grow interesting enough to Prussia and its King;--and it will be our
task, sufficient in this place, to extricate and riddle out what few of
these had any cardinal or notable quality, and put them down (dated, if
possible, and in intelligible form), as pertinent to throwing light
on this distressing matter, with careful exclusion of the immense mass
which can throw only darkness.




EX-LOVER PONIATOWSKI BECOMES KING OF POLAND (7th Sept. 1764), AND IS
CROWNED WITHOUT LOSS OF HIS HAIR.

WARSAW, 7th SEPTEMBER 1764, Stanislaus Poniatowski, by what management
of an Imperial Catharine upon an anarchic Nation readers shall imagine
AD LIBITUM, was elected, what they call elected, King of Poland. Of
course there had been preliminary Diets of Convocation, much dieting,
demonstrating and electing of imaginary members of Diet,--only "ten
persons massacred" in the business. There was a Saxon Party; but no
counter-candidate of that or any other nation. King Friedrich, solicited
by a charming Electress-Dowager, decides to remain accurately passive.
Polish emissaries came entreating him. A certain Mockranowski, who had
been a soldier under him (never of much mark in that capacity, though
now a flamingly conspicuous "General" and Politician, in the new scene
he has got into), came passionately entreating (Potsdam, Summer of 1764,
is all the date), "DONNEZ NOUS LE PRINCE HENRI, Give us Prince Henri for
a King!" the sound of which almost made Friedrich turn pale: "Have you
spoken or hinted of this to the Prince?" "No, your Majesty." "Home,
then, instantly; and not a whisper of it again to any mortal!"
[Rulhiere, ii. 268; Hermann, vi. 355-364.] which, they say, greatly
irritated Prince Henri, and left a permanent sore-place in his mind,
when he came to hear of it long after.

"A question rises here," says one of my Notes, which perhaps I had
better have burnt: "At or about what dates did this glorious Poniatowski
become Lover of the Grand-Duchess, and then become Ex-Lover? Nobody
will say; or perhaps can? [Preuss (iv. 12) seems to try, but does not
succeed.] Would have been a small satisfaction to us, and it is
denied! 'Ritter Williams' (that is, Hanbury) must have produced him at
Petersburg some time in 1756; '11th January, 1757,' finding it would
suit, Poniatowski appeared there on his own footing as 'Ambassador from
Warsaw,'"--(easy to get that kind of credential from a devoted Warsaw,
if you are succeeding at the Court of Petersburg; "Warsaw watchfully
makes that the rule of distributing its honors; and, from freezing-point
upwards, is the most delicate thermometer," says Hermann somewhere).
And this, is our one date, "Poniatowski in business, SPRING, 1757;" of
"Poniatowski fallen bankrupt," date is totally wanting.

"Poniatowski's age is 32 gone;--how long out of Russia, readers have to
guess. Made his first public appearance on the streets of Warsaw, in the
late Election time, as a Captain of Patriot Volunteers,--'Independence
of Poland! Shall Poland be dictated to!" cried Stanislaus and an
indignant Public at one stage of the affair. His Uncles Czartoryski were
piloting him in; and in that mad element, the cries, and shiftings of
tack, had to be many. [In HERMANN, v. 362-380 (still more in RULHIERE,
ii. 119-289), wearisome account of every particular.] He is Nephew, by
his mother, of these Czartoryskis; but is not by the father of very high
family. 'Ought he to be King of Poland?' argued some Polish Emissary at
Petersburg: 'His Grandfather was Land-steward to the Sapiehas.' 'And
if he himself had been it!' said the Empress, inflexible, though with
a blush.--It seems the family was really good, though fallen poor; and,
since that Land-steward phasis, had bloomed well out again. His Father
was conspicuous as a busy, shifting kind of man, in the Charles-Twelfth
and other troubles; had died two years ago, as 'Castellan of Cracow;'
always a dear friend of Stanislaus Leczinski, who gets his death two
years hence [in 1766, as we have seen].

"King Stanislaus Poniatowski had five Brothers: two of them dead long
before this time; a third, still alive, was Bishop of Something, Abbot
of Something; ate his revenues in peace, and demands silence from us.
The other two, Casimir and Andreas, are better worth naming,--especially
the Son of one of them is. Casimir, the eldest, is 'Grand
Crown-Chamberlain' in the days now coming, is also 'Starost of Zips
[a Country you may note the name of!]--and has a Son,' who is NOT the
remarkable one. Andreas, the second Brother (died 1773), was in the
Austrian Service, 'Ordnance-Master,' and a man of parts and weight;--who
has been here at Warsaw, ardently helping, in the late Election time.
He too had a Son (at this time a child in arms),--who is really the
remarkable 'Nephew of King Stanislaus,' and still deserves a word from
us.

"This Nephew, bred as an Austrian soldier, like his Father, is the
JOSEPH PONIATOWSKI, who was very famous in the Newspapers fifty years
ago. By all appearance, a man of some real patriotism, energy and worth.
He had tried to believe (though, I think, never rightly able) what his
omnipotent Napoleon had promised him, that extinct Poland should be
resuscitated; and he fought and strove very fiercely, his Poles and
he, in that faith or half-faith. And perished, fiercely fighting for
Napoleon, fiercely covering Napoleon's retreat when his game was lost:
horse and man plunged into the Elster River (Leipzig Country, October
19th, 1813, evening of the 'Battle of the Nations' there), and sank
forever;--and the last gleam of Poland along with him. [_Biographie
Universelle_ (Poniatowski, Joseph), xxxv. 349-359.] Not even a
momentary gleam of hope for her, in the sane or half-sane kind, since
that,--though she now and then still tries it in the insane: the more to
my regret, for her and others!

"Besides these three Brothers, King Stanislaus had two Sisters still
living: one of them Wife of a very high Zamoiski; the other of a
ditto Branicki (pronounce BraniTZki)--him whom our German Books call
KRON-GROSSFELDHERR; (Grand Crown-General,' if the Crown have any
soldiers at all; the sublime, debauched old Branicki, of whom Rulhiere
is continually talking, and never reports anything but futilities in
a futile manner. So much is futile, and not worth reporting, in this
Polish element!--King Stanislaus himself was born 17th January, 1732;
played King of shreds and patches till 1790,--or even farther (not till
1795 did Catharine pluck the paper tabard quite off him); he died in
Petersburg, February 11th or 12th) 1798." After such a life!--

Stanislaus was crowned 25th November, 1764. He needs, as preliminary,
to be anointed, on the bare scalp of him, with holy oil before crowning;
ought to have his head close-shaved with that view. Stanislaus, having
an uncommonly fine head of hair, shuddered at the barbarous idea;
absolutely would not: whereupon delay, consultation; and at length some
artificial scalp, or second skull, of pasteboard or dyed leather, was
contrived for the poor man, which comfortably took the oiling in a
vicarious way, with the ambrosial locks well packed out of sight
under it, and capable of flowing out again next day, as if nothing had
happened. [Rulhiere.] Not a sublime specimen of Ornamental Human Nature,
this poor Stanislaus! Ornamental wholly: the body of him, and the mind
of him, got up for representation; and terribly plucked to pieces on the
stage of the world. You may try to drop a tear over him, but will find
mostly that you cannot.




FOR SEVERAL YEARS THE DISSIDENT QUESTION CANNOT BE GOT SETTLED;
CONFEDERATION OF RADOM (23d June, 1767-5th March, 1768) PUSHES IT INTO
SETTLEMENT.

For several years after this feat of the false scalp, through long
volumes, wearisome even in RULHIERE, there turns up nothing which can
now be called memorable. The settling of the Dissident Question proves
extremely tedious to an impatient Czarina; as to curing of the other
curable Anarchies, there is absolutely nothing but a knitting up by A,
with a ravelling-out again by B, and no progress discernible
whatever. Impatient Czarina ardently pushes on some Dissident
settlement,--seconded by King Friedrich and the chief Protestant
Courts, London included, and by the European leading spirits
everywhere,--through endless difficulties: finds native Orthodoxy an
unexpectedly stiff matter; Bishops generally having a fanaticism which
is wonderful to think of, and which keeps mounting higher and higher.
Till at length there will Images of the Virgin take to weeping,--as
they generally do in such cases, when in the vicinity of brew-houses and
conveniences; [Nicolai, in his TRAVELS OVER GERMANY, doggedly undertook
to overhaul one of those weeping Virgins (somewhere in Austria, I
think); and found her, he says, to depend on subterranean percolation
of steam from a Brewery not far off.]--a Carmelite Monk go about the
country working miracles; and, in short, an extremely ugly phasis of
religious human nature disclose itself to the afflicted reader. King
Friedrich thinks, had it not been for this Dissident Question, things
would have taken their old Saxon complexion, and Poland might have
rotted on as heretofore, perhaps a good while longer.

As to the knitting-up and ravelling-out again, which is called curing of
the other anarchies, no reader can or need say anything: it seems to be
a most painful knitting-up, by the Czartoryskis chiefly, then an
instant ravelling out by malign Opposition parties of various indistinct
complexion; the knitting, the ravelling, and the malign Opposition
parties, alike indistinct and without interest to mankind. A certain
drunken, rather brutal Phantasm of a Prince Radzivil, who hates the
Czartoryskis, and is dreadfully given to drink, to wasteful ambitions
and debaucheries, figures much in these businesses; is got banished and
confiscated, by some Confederation formed; then, by new Confederations,
is recalled and reinstated,--worse if possible than ever. The thing is
reality; but it reads like a Phantasmagory produced by Lapland Witches,
under presidency of Diabolus (very certainly the Devil presiding, as you
see at all turns),--and is not worth understanding, were it even easy.

Much semi-intelligible, wholly forgettable stuff about King Stanislaus
and his difficulties, and his duplicities and treacherous imbecilities,
[Hermann, v. 400, &c.; Rulhiere PASSIM.] now of interest to no mortal.
Stanislaus is at one time out with the uncles Czartoryski, at another in
with these worthy gentlemen: a man not likely to cure Anarchies, unless
wishing would do it. On the Dissident Question itself he needs spurring:
a King of liberal ideas, yes; but with such flames of fanaticism under
the nose of him. In regard to the Dissident and all other curative
processes he is languid, evasive, for moments recalcitrant to Russian
suggestions; a lost imbecile,--forget him, with or without a tear. He
has still a good deal of so-called gallantry on his hands; flies to his
harem when outside things go contradictory. [Hermann, v. 402, &c.] Think
of malign Journalists printing this bit of Letter at one time, to do him
ill in a certain quarter: "Oh, come to me, my Princess! Dearer than all
Empresses:--imperial charms, what were they to thine for a heart that
has--" with more of the like stuff, for a Czarina's behoof.

WINTER OF 1766, Imperial Majesty, whether after or before that
miraculous Carmelite Monk, I do not remember, became impatient of these
tedious languors and tortuosities about the Dissident Question, and gave
express order, "Settle it straightway!" To which end, Confederations
and the other machinery were set agoing: Confederations among the
Protestants and Dissidents themselves, about Thorn and such places (got
up by Russian engineering), and much more extensively in the Lithuanian
parts; Confederations of great extent, imperative, minatory; ostensibly
for reinstating these poor people in their rights (which, by old Polish
Law, they quite expressly were, if that were any matter), but in reality
for bringing back drunken Radzivil, who has covenanted to carry that
measure. And so,

JUNE 23d, 1767, These multiplex Polish-Lithuanian Confederations,
twenty-four of them in all, with their sublime marshals and officials,
and above 80,000 noblemen in them, meet by deputies at Radom, a
convenient little Town within wind of Warsaw (lies 60 miles to south of
Warsaw); and there coalesce into one general "Confederation of
Radom," [Hermann, v. 420.] with drunken Radzivil atop, who, glad to be
reinstated in his ample Domains and Wine-cellars, and willing at any
rate to spite the Czartoryskis and others, has pledged himself to carry
that great measure in Diet, and quash any NIE POZWALAMS and difficulties
there may be. This is the once world-famous, now dimly discoverable,
CONFEDERATION OF RADOM, which--by preparatory declaring, under its hand
and seal, That the Law of the Land must again become valid, and "Free
Polacks of Dissident opinions concerning Religion (NOS DISSIDENTES DE
RELIGIONE)," as the old Law phrases it, "shall have equal rights of
citizenship"--was beautifully instrumental in achieving that bit of
Human Progress, and pushing it through the Diet, and its difficulties
shortly ensuing.

Not that the Diet did not need other vigorous treatment as well, the
flame of fanaticism being frightfully ardent; many of the poor Bishops
having run nearly frantic at this open spoliation of Mother Church,
and snatching of the sword from Peter. So that Imperial Majesty had to
decide on picking out a dozen, or baker's dozen, of the hottest Bishops;
and carrying them quietly into Russia under lock and key, till the thing
were done. Done it was, surely to the infinite relief of mankind;--I
cannot say precisely on what day: October 13th-14th (locking up of the
dozen Bishops), was one vital epoch of it; November 19th, 1767 (report
of Committee on it, under Radzivil's and Russia's coercion), was
another: first and last it took about five months baking in Diet. Diet
met Oct. 4th, 1767, Radzivil controlling as Grand-Marshal, and Russia as
minatory Phantom controlling Radzivil; Diet, after adjournments,
after one long adjournment, disappeared 5th March, 1768; and of
work mentionable it had done this of the Dissidents only. That of
contributing to "the sovereign contempt with which King Stanislaus is
regarded by all ranks of men," is hardly to be called peculiar work or
peculiarly mentionable.

At this point, to relieve the reader's mind, and, at any rate, as the
date is fully come, we will introduce a small NEWSPAPER ARTICLE from
a very high hand, little guessed till long afterwards as the
writer,--namely, from King Friedrich's own. It does not touch on the
Dissident Question, or the Polish troubles; but does, in a back-handed
way, on Prussian Rumors rising about them; and may obliquely show more
of the King's feeling on that subject than we quite suppose. It seems
the King had heard that the Berlin people were talking and rumoring
of "a War being just at hand;" whereupon--"MARCH 5th, 1767, IN THE
VOSSISCHE ZEITUNG (Voss's Chronicle), No. 28," an inquisitive Berlin
public read as follows:--

"We are advised from Potsdam, that, on the 27th of February, towards
evening, the sky began to get overcast; black clouds, presaging a
tempest of unexampled fury, covered all the horizon: the thunder, with
its lightnings, forked bolts of amazing brilliancy, burst out; and,
under its redoubled peals, there descended such a torrent of hail as
within man's memory had not been seen. Of two bullocks yoked in their
plough, with which a peasant was hastening home, one was struck on the
head by a piece of it, and killed outright. Many of the common people
were wounded in the streets; a brewer had his arm broken. Roofs are
destroyed by the weight of this hail; all the windows that looked
windward while it fell were broken. In the streets, hailstones were
found of the size of pumpkins (CITROUILLES), which had not quite melted
two hours after the storm ceased. This singular phenomenon has made a
very great impression. Scientific people say, the air had not buoyancy
enough to support these solid masses when congealed to ice; that
the small hailstones in these clouds getting so lashed about in the
impetuosity of the winds, had united the more the farther they fell,
and had not acquired that enormous magnitude till comparatively near the
earth. Whatever way it may have happened, it is certain that occurrences
of that kind are rare, and almost without example." [VOSSISCHE ZEITUNG,
ubi supra: _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xv. 204.]

Another singularity is, "Professor Johann Daniel Titius of Wittenberg,"
who teaches NATURAL PHILOSOPHY in that famous University, one may
judge with what effect, wrote a Monograph on this unusual Phenomenon!
[Rodenbeck (ii. 285) gives the Title of it, "CONSIDERATIONS ON THE
POTSDAM HAIL OF LAST YEAR (Wittenberg, 1768)."]




CONFEDERATION OF BAR ENSUES, ON THE PER-CONTRA SIDE (March 28th,
1768); AND, AS FIRST RESULT OF ITS ACHIEVEMENTS (October 6th, 1768), A
TURK-RUSSIAN WAR.

The Confederation of Radom, and its victorious Diet, had hardly begun
their Song of Triumph, when there ensued on the per-contra side a
flaming CONFEDERATION OF BAR;--which, by successive stages, does at
last burn out the Anarchies of Poland, and reduce them to ashes.
Confederation of Bar; and then, as progeny of that, for and against,
such a brood of Confederations, orthodox, heterodox, big, little,
short-lived, long-lived, of all complexions and degrees of noisy fury,
potent, at any rate, each of them for murder and arson, within a
certain radius, as the Earth never saw before. Now was the time of those
inextricable marchings (as inroads and outroads) through the Lithuanian
Bogs, of those death-defiant, unparalleled exploits, skirmishings,
scaladings, riding by the edge of precipices, of Pulawski, Potocki and
others,--in which Rulhiere loses himself and turns on his axis, amid
impatient readers.

For the Russian troops (summoned by a trembling Stanislaus and his
Senate, in terms of Treaty 1764), and in more languid manner, the
Stanislaus soldiery, as per law of the case, proceeded to strike
in,--generally, my impression was, with an eye to maintain the King's
Peace and keep down murder and arson:--and sure enough, the small bodies
of drilled Russians blew an infuriated orthodox Polack chivalry to right
and left at a short notice; but as to the Constable's Peace or King's,
made no improvement upon that, far the reverse. It is certain the
Confederate chivalry were driven about, at a terrible rate,--over
the Turk frontier for shelter; began to appeal to the Grand Turk, in
desperate terms: "Brother of the Sun and Moon, saw you ever such a
chance for finishing Russia? Polack chivalry is Orthodox Catholic, but
also it is Anti-Russian!" The Turk beginning to give ear to it, made the
matter pressing and serious. Here, more specifically, are some features
and successive phases,--unless the reader prefer to skip.

"BAR, MARCH, 1768. The Confederation of Radom, as efficient preliminary,
and chief agent in that Diet of emancipation to the Dissident human
mind, might long have been famous over Poland and the world; but there
instantly followed as corollary to it a CONFEDERATION OF BAR, which
quite dimmed the fame of Radom, and indeed of all Confederations prior
or posterior! As the Confederation of Bar and its Doings, or rather
sufferings and tragical misdoings and undoings, still hang like fitful
spectralities, or historical shadows, of a vague ghastly complexion,
in the human memory, one asks at least: Since they were on this Planet,
tell us where? Bar is in the Waiwodship Podol (what we call Podolia),
some 400 miles southeast of Warsaw; not far from the Dniester
River:--not far very from that mystery of the Dniester, the Zaporavian
Cossacks,--from those rapids or cataracts (quasi-cataracts of the
Dniester, with Islands in them, where those Cossack robbers live
unassailable):--across the Dniester lies Turkey, and its famed Fortress
of Choczim. This is a commodious station for Polish Gentlemen intending
mutiny by law.

"MARCH 8th, 1768, Three short days after the Diet of Radom had done its
fine feat, and retired to privacy, news came to Warsaw, That Podolia and
the Southern parts are all up, confederating with the highest animation;
in hot rage against such decision of a Diet, contrary to Holy Religion
and to much else; and that the said decision will have to fight for
itself, now that it has done voting. This interesting news is true; and
goes on intensifying and enlarging itself, one dreadful Confederation
springing up, and then another and ever another, day after day; till at
last we hear that on the 27th of the month, MARCH 27th, 1768, at Bar, a
little Town on the Southern or Turkish Frontier, all these more or less
dreadful Confederations have met by delegates, and coalesced into one
'Confederatiou of Bar,'--which did surely prove dreadful enough, to
itself especially, in the months now ensuing!"

No history of Bar Confederation shall we dream of; far be such an
attempt from us. It consists of many Confederations, and out of each,
PRO and CONTRA, spring many. Like the Lernean Hydra, or even Hydras in
a plural condition. A many-headed dog: and how many whelps it
had,--I cannot give even the cipher of them, or I would! One whelp
Confederation, that of Cracow, is distinguished by having frequently or
generally been "drunk;" and of course its procedures had often a vinous
character. [In HERMANN (v. 431-448); and especially in RULHIERE (ii.
livre 8 et seq.), details in superabundance.] I fancy to have read
somewhere that the number of them was one hundred and twenty-five. The
rumor and the furious barking of Bar and its whelps goes into all lands:
such rabid loud baying at mankind and the moon; and then, under Russia's
treatment, such shrill yelping and shrieking, was not heard in the world
before, though perhaps it has since.

Poor BAR'S exploits in the fighting way were highly inconsiderable; all
on the same scale; and spread over such a surface of country, mostly
unknown, as renders it impossible to give them head-room, were you never
so unfurnished. They can be read in eloquent Rulhiere; but by no mortal
held in memory. Anarchy is not a thing to be written of; a Lernean
Hydra, several Lernean Hydras, in chaotic genesis, getting their heads
lopped off, and at the same time sprouting new ones in such ratio, where
is the Zoologist that will give account of it? There was not anything
considerable of fighting; but of bullying, plundering, murdering and
being murdered, a frightful amount. There are seizures of castles,
convents, defensible houses; marches at a rate like that of antelopes,
through the Lithuanian parts, boggy, hungry, boundless, opening to the
fancy the Infinitude of Peat, in the solid and the fluid state. This,
perhaps, is the finest species of feats, though they never lead to
anything. There are heroes famed for these marches.

The Pulawskis, for example,--four of them, Lawyer people,--showed much
activity, and a talent for impromptu soldiering, in that kind. The
Magnates of the Confederation, I was surprised to learn, had all quitted
it, the instant it came to strokes: "You Lawyer people, with your
priests and orthodox peasantries, you do the fighting part; ours is
the consulting!" And except Potocki (and he worse than none), there
is presently not a Magnate of them left in Poland,--the rest all gone
across the Austrian Border, to Teschen, to Bilitz, a handy little town
and domain in that Duchy of Teschen;--and sit there as "Committee of
Government:" much at their ease in comparison, could they but agree
among themselves, which they cannot. Bilitz is one of the many domains
of Magnate Sulkowski:--do readers recollect the Sulkowski who at one
time "declared War" on King Friedrich; and was picked up, both War and
he, so compendiously by General Goltz, and locked in Glogau to cool?
This is the same Sulkowski; much concerned now in these matters; a rich
Magnate, glad to see his friends about him as Governing Committee; but
gets, and gives, a great deal of vexation in it, the element proving
again too hot!--

I said there were four famed Pulawskis; [Hermann, v. 465.] a father,
once Advocate in Warsaw, with three sons and a nephew; who, though
extremely active people, could do no good whatever. The father Pulawski
had the fine idea of introducing the British Constitution; clothing
Poland wholly in British tailorage, and so making it a new Poland: but
he never could get it done. This poor gentleman died in Turkish
prison, flung into jail at Constantinople, on calumnious accusation and
contrivance by a rival countryman; his sons and nephew, poor fellows,
all had their fame, more or less, in the Cause of Freedom so called; but
no other profit in this world, that I could hear of. Casimir, the eldest
son, went to America; died there, still in the Cause of Freedom so
called; Fort Pulawski, in the harbor of Charleston (which is at present,
on very singular terms, RE-engaged in the same so-called Cause!), was
named in memory of this Casimir. He had defended Czenstochow (if anybody
knew what Czenstochow was, or could find it in the Polish map); and it
was also he that contrived that wonderful plan of suddenly snapping up
King Stanislaus from the streets of Warsaw one night, ["3d November,
1771."] and of locking him away (by no means killing him), as the source
of all our woes. O my Pulawskis, men not without manhood, what a bedlam
of a Time have you and I fallen into, and what Causes of Freedom it has
got in hand!

Bar, a poor place, with no defences but a dry ditch and some miserable
earthworks, the Confederates had not the least chance to maintain;
Kaminiec, the only fortress of the Province, they never even got into,
finding some fraction of royal soldiery who stood for King Stanislaus
there, and who fired on the Confederates when applied to. Bar a small
Russian division, with certain Stanislaus soldieries conjoined, took by
capitulation; and (date not given) entered in a victorious manner. The
War-Epic of the Confederates, which Rulhiere sings at such length, is
blank of meaning.

Of "Cloister Czenstochow," a famed feat of Pulawski's, also without
result, I could not from my Rulhiere discover (what was altogether an
illuminative fact to me!) that the date of Czenstochow was not till
1771. A feat of "Cloister BERDICZOW," almost an exact facsimile by the
same Pulawski, also resultless, I did, under Hermann's guidance, at
once find;--and hope the reader will be satisfied to accept it instead:
Cloister Berdiczow, which lies in the Palatinate of Kiow; and which
has a miraculous Holy Virgin, not less venerated far and wide in those
eastern parts, than she of Cloister Czenstochow in the western: THIS
Cloister Berdiczow and its salutary Virgin, Pulawski (the Casimir, now
of Charleston Harbor) did defend, with about 1,000 men, in a really
obstinate way, The Monastery itself had in it gifts of the faithful,
accumulated for ages; and all the richest people in those Provinces,
Confederate or not, had lodged their preciosities there, as in an
impregnable and sure place, in those times of trouble. Intensely
desirous, accordingly, the Russians were to take it, but had no cannon;
desperately resolute Pulawski and his 1,000 to defend. Pulawski and his
1,000 fired intensely, till their cannon-balls were quite done; then
took to firing with iron-work, and hard miscellanies of every sort,
especially glad when they could get a haul of glass to load with;--and
absolutely would not yield till famine came; though the terms offered
were good,--had they been kept.

So that Pulawski, it would appear, did Two Cloister Defences? Two, each
with a miraculous Holy Virgin; an eastern, and then a westerly. This of
Berdiczow, not dated to me farther, is for certain of the year 1768;
and Pulawski, owing to famine, did yield here. In 1771, at miraculous
Cloister Czenstochow, in the western parts, Pulawski did an external
feat, or consented to see it done,--that of trying to snuff out poor
King Stanislaus on the streets (3d November, 10 P.M., "miraculously" in
vain, as most readers know),--which brought its obloquies and troubles
on the Defender of Czenstochow. Obloquies and troubles: but as to
surrendering Czenstochow on call of obloquy, or of famine itself,
Pulawski would not, not he for his own part; but solemnly left his men
to do it, and walked away by circuitous uncertain paths, which end in
Charleston Harbor, as we have seen. [At Savannah, in a stricter sense.
"Perished at the Siege [futile attempt to storm, by the French, which
they called a Siege] of Savannah, 9th October, 1779."] Defence of
Czenstochow in 1771 shall not concern us farther. Truly these two small
defences of monasteries by Pulawski are almost all, I do not say of
glorious, but even of creditable or human, that reward the poor wanderer
in that Polish Valley of Jehoshaphat, much of it peat-country; wherefore
I have, as before, marked the approximate localities, approximate dates,
for behoof of ingenuous readers.

The Russians, ever since 1764, from the beginnings of those Stanislaus
times, are pledged to maintain peace in Poland; and it is they that
have to deal with this affair,--they especially, or almost wholly, poor
Stanislaus having scarcely any power, military or other, and perhaps
being loath withal. There was more of investigating and parleying,
bargaining and intriguing, than of fighting, on Stanislaus's part. "June
11th, 1768," says a Saxon Note from Warsaw, "Mokranowski, Stanislaus's
General [the same that was with Friedrich], has been sent down to Bar to
look into those Confederates. Mokranowski does not think there are
above 8,000 of them; about 3,000 have got their death from Russian
castigation. The 8,000 might be treated with, only Russians are so
dreadfully severe, especially so intent on wringing money from them.
Confederates have been complaining to the Turk; Turk ambiguous; gives
them no definite ground of hope. 'What then, is your hope?' I inquired.
'Little or none, except in Heaven,' several answered: 'it is for our
religion and our liberty:' religion cut to pieces by this Dissident
Toleration-blasphemy; liberty ditto by the Russian guarantee of peace
among us: 'what can we do but trust in God and our own despair?'"
["Essen's Report, 11th June, 1768" (in HERMANN, v. 441).] "Prave worts,
Ancient Pistol,"--but much destitute of sense, and not to be realized in
present circumstances. Here is something much more critical:--

JUNE-JULY, 1768. "The peasants in the Southern regions, Palatinates
Podol, Kiow, Braclaw, called UKRAINE or Border-Country by the Poles,
are mostly of Greek and other schismatic creeds. Their Lords are of
an orthodox religion, and not distinguished by mild treatment of such
Peasantry, upon whom civil war and plunder have been latterly a
sore visitation. To complete the matter, the Confederates in certain
quarters, blown upon by fanatical priests, set about converting these
poor peasants, or forcing them, at the point of the bayonet, to swear
that they adopt the 'Greek united rite,' which I suppose to be a kind
of half-way house towards perfect orthodoxy. In one Village, which was
getting converted in this manner, the military party seemed to be small;
the Village boiled over upon it; trampled orthodoxy and military both
under foot, in a violent and sanguinary manner; and was extremely
frightened when it had done. Extremely frightened, not the Village only,
but the schismatic mind generally in those parts, dreading vengeance for
such a paroxysm. But the atrocious Russians whispered them, 'We are here
to protect you in your religions and rights, in your poor consciences
and skins.' Upon which hint of the atrocious Russians, the schismatic
mind and population one and all rose; and, 'with the cannibal's
ferocity, gave way to their appetite for plunder!'...

"Nay, the Russian Government [certain Russian Officials hard pressed]
had invited the Zaporavian Cossacks to step over from their Islands in
the Dniester, and assist in defending their Religion [true Greek, of
course]; who at once did so; and not only extinguished the last glimmer
of Confederation there, but overwhelmed the Country, thousands on
thousands of them, attended by revolted peasants,--say a 20,000 of
peasants under command of these Zaporavians,--who went about plundering
and burning. That they plundered the Jew pot-houses of their brandy,
and drank it, was a small matter. Very furious upon Jews, upon Noblemen,
Landlords, upon Catholic Priests. 'On one tree [tree should have been
noted] was found hanged a specimen of each of those classes, with a Dog
adjoined, as fit company.' In one little Town, Town of HUMAN [so called
in that foreign dialect], getting some provocation or other, they set to
massacring; and if brandy were plentiful, we can suppose they made short
work. By the lowest computation the number of slain Jews and Catholics
amounted to 10,000 odd [Hermann, v. 444; Rulhiere, iii. 93.]--Rulhiere
says '50,000, by some accounts 200,000.'" This I guess to have been at
its height about the end of June; this leads direct to the Catastrophe,
as will presently be seen.

Foreign States don't seem to pay much attention,--indeed, what sane
person would like to interfere, or hope to do it with profit? France,
Austria, both wish well to Poland, at least ill to Russia; Choiseul has
no finance, can do nothing but intrigue, and stir up trouble everywhere:
a devout Kaiserinn goes with Holy Church, and disapproves of these
Dissident Tolerations: it is remarked that all through 1768 the
Confederates of Bar are permitted to retire over the Austrian Frontier
into Austrian Silesia, and find themselves there in safety. Permitted to
buy arms, to make preparations, issue orders: at Sulkowski's Bilitz, in
the Duchy of Teschen, supreme Managing Committee sits there; no Kaunitz
or Official person meddling with it. About the beginning of next year
(1769), it is, ostensibly, a little discountenanced; and obliged to go
to Eperjes, on the Hungarian Frontier [See Busching: for Eperjes, ii.
1427; for Bilitz, viii. 885.] (as a more decent or less conspicuous
place),--such trouble now rising; a Turk War having broken
out, momentous not to the Confederation alone. March, 1769, the
ever-intriguing Choiseul--fancy with what rapturous effect--had sent
some kind of Agent or Visitor to Teschen; Vergennes in Turkey, from the
beginning of these things, has been plying night and day his diplomatic
bellows upon every live-coal ("I who myself kindled this Turk-War!"
brags he afterwards);--not till next year (1770) did Choiseul send
his Dumouriez to the Bilitz neighborhoods; not till next again, when
Choiseul was himself out, [Thrown out "2d December, 1770,"--by Louis's
NEW Pompadour.] did his Viomenil come: [Hermann, v. 469-471; in RULHIERE
(iv. 241-289) account of Dumouries and his fencings and spyings, still
more of Viomenil, who had "French Volunteers," and did some bits of real
fighting on the small scale.] neither of whom, by their own head alone,
without funds, without troops, could do other than with fine effort make
bad worse.

It is needless continuing such a subject. Here is one glimpse two years
later, and it shall be our last: "NEAR LUBLIN, 25th SEPTEMBER, 1770. It
is frightful, all this that is passing in these parts,--about the Town
of Labun, for example. The dead bodies remain without burial; they are
devoured by the dogs and the pigs. ... Everywhere reigns Pestilence; nor
do we fear contagion so much as famine. Offer 100 ducats for a fowl
or for a bit of bread, I swear you won't get it. General von Essen
[Russian, we will hope] has had to escape from Laticzew, then from" some
other place, "Pestilence chasing him everywhere."

To apply to the Turks,--afflicted Polish Patriots prostrating themselves
with the hope of despair, "Save us, your sublime Clemency; throw a ray
of pity on us, Brother of the Sun and Moon: oh, chastise our
diabolic oppressors!"--this was one of the first resources of the Bar
Confederates. The Turks did give ear; not inattentive, though pretending
to be rather deaf. M. de Vergennes,--of whose "diplomatic bellows" we
just heard (in fact, for diligence in this Turk element, in this young
time, the like of him was seldom seen; we knew him long afterwards as
a diligent old gentleman, in French-Revolution days),--M. de Vergennes
zealously supports; zealous to let loose the Turk upon Anti-French
parties. The Turks seem to wag their heads, for some time; and their
responses are ambiguous. For some time, not for long. Here, fast enough,
comes, in disguised shape, the Catastrophe itself, ye poor plaintive
Poles!

JULY-OCTOBER, 1768. Those Zaporavian and other Cossacks, with 20,000
peasants plundering about on both sides of the Dniester, had set fire to
the little Town of Balta, which is on the south side, and belongs to
the Turks: a very grave accident, think all political people, think
especially the Foreign Excellencies at Warsaw, when news of it arrives.
Burning of Balta, not to be quenched by the amplest Russian apologies,
proved a live-coal at Constantinople; and Vergennes says, he set
population and Divan on fire by it: a proof that the population and
Divan had already been in a very inflammable state. Not a wise Divan,
though a zealous. Plenty of fury in these people; but a sad deficiency
of every other faculty. They made haste, in their hot humor, to declare
War (6th October, 1768); [Hermann, v. 608-611.] not considering much how
they would carry it on. Declared themselves in late Autumn,--as if to
give the Russians ample time for preparing; those poor Turks
themselves being as yet ready with nothing, and even the season for
field-operations being over.

King Friedrich, who has still a Minister at the Porte, endeavored to
dissuade his old Turk friends, in this rash crisis; but to no purpose;
they would listen to nothing but Vergennes and their own fury. Friedrich
finds this War a very mad one on the part of his old Turk friends; their
promptitude to go into it (he has known them backward enough when
their chances were better!), and their way of carrying it on, are alike
surprising to him. He says: "Catharine's Generals were unacquainted with
the first elements of Castrametation and Tactic; but the Generals of the
Sultan had a still more prodigious depth of ignorance; so that to form a
correct idea of this War, you must figure a set of purblind people, who,
by constantly beating a set of altogether blind, end by gaining over
them a complete mastery." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ vi. 23, 24.] This,
as Friedrich knows, is what Austria cannot suffer; this is what
will involve Austria and Russia, and Friedrich along with them,
in--Friedrich, as the matter gradually unfolds itself, shudders to think
what. The beginnings of this War were perhaps almost comical to the
old Soldier-King; but as it gradually developed itself into complete
shattering to pieces of the stupid Blind by the ambitious Purblind, he
grew abundantly serious upon it.

It is but six months since Polish Patriotism, so effulgent to its own
eyes in Orthodoxy, in Love of glorious Liberty, confederated at Bar,
and got into that extraordinary whirlpool, or cesspool, of miseries
and deliriums we have been looking at; and now it has issued on a broad
highway of progress,--broad and precipitous,--and will rapidly arrive
at the goal set before it. All was so rapid, on the Polish and on the
Turkish part. The blind Turks, out of mere fanaticism and heat of humor,
have rushed into this adventure;--and go rushing forward into a series
of chaotic platitudes on the huge scale, and mere tragical disasters,
year after year, which would have been comical, had they not been so
hideous and sanguinary: constant and enormous blunders on the Turk
part, issuing in disasters of like magnitude; which in the course of
Two Campaigns had quite finished off their Polish friends, in a very
unexpected way; and had like to have finished themselves off, had not
drowned Poland served as a stepping-stone.

Not till March 26th, 1769, six months after declaring in such haste,
did the blind Turks "display their Banner of Mahomet," that is, begin
in earnest to assemble and make ready. Nor were the Russians shiningly
strategic, though sooner in the field,--a Prince Galitzin commanding
them (an extremely purblind person); till replaced by Romanzow, our old
Colberg acquaintance, who saw considerably better. Galitzin, early in
the season, made a rush on Choczim (ChoTzim), the first Turk Fort beyond
the Dniester; and altogether failed,--not by Turk prowess, but by his
own purblind mal-arrangements (want of ammunition, want of bread, or I
will forget what);--which occasioned mighty grumblings in Russia:
till in a month or two, by favor of Fortune and blindness of the Turk,
matters had come well round again; and Galitzin, walking up to Choczim
the second time, found there was not a Turk in the place, and that
Choczim was now his on those uncommonly easy terms!

Instead of farther details on such a War,--the shadow or reflex of
which, as mirrored in the Austrian mind, has an importance to Friedrich
and us; but the self or substance of which has otherwise little or
none,--we will close here with a bit of Russian satire on it, which is
still worth reading. The date is evidently Spring, 1769; the scene what
we are now treating of: Galitzin obliged to fall back from Choczim;
great rumor--"What a Galitzin; what a Turk War his, in contrast to
the last we had!" [Turk War of 1736-1739, under Munnich (supra, vii.
81-126).]--no Romanzow yet appointed in his room. And here is a small
Manuscript, which was then circulating fresh and new in Russian Society;
and has since gone over all the world (though mostly in an uncertain
condition, in old Jest-Books and the like), as a genuine bit of CAVIARE
from those Northern parts:--

MANUSCRIPT CIRCULATING IN RUSSIAN SOCIETY. Galitzin, much grieved about
Choczim, could not sleep; and, wandering about in his tent, overheard,
one night, a common soldier recounting his dream to the sentry outside
the door.

"A curious dream," said the soldier: "I dreamt I was in a battle; that
I got my head cut off; that I died; and, of course, went to Heaven.
I knocked at the door: Peter came with a bunch of Keys; and made such
rattling that he awoke God; who started up in haste, asking, 'What is
the matter?' 'Why,' says Peter, 'there is a great War on earth between
the Russians and the Turks.' 'And who commands my Russians?' said the
Supreme Being. 'Count Munnich,' answered Peter. 'Very well; I may go
to sleep again!'--But this was not the end of my dream," continued
the soldier; "I fell asleep and dreamt again, the very same as before,
except that the War was not Count Munnich's, but the one we are now in.
Accordingly, when God asked, 'Who commands my Russians?' Peter answered,
'Prince Galitzin.' 'Galitzin? Then get me my boots!' said the [Russian]
Supreme Being." [W. Richardson (then at Petersburg, Tutor to Excellency
Cathcart's Children; afterwards Professor at Glasgow, and a man of
Some reputation in his old age), _Anecdotes of the Russian Empire, in a
Series of Letters written a few years ago from St. Petersburg_ (London,
1784), p. 110: date of this Letter is "17th October, 1769."]




Chapter IV.--PARTITION OF POLAND.

These Polish phenomena were beginning to awaken a good deal of
attention, not all of it pleasant, on the part of Friedrich. From the
first he had, as usual, been a most clear-eyed observer of everything;
and found the business, as appears, not of tragical nature, but of
expensive-farcical, capable to shake the diaphragm rather than touch the
heart of a reflective on-looker. He has a considerable Poem on it,--WAR
OF THE CONFEDERATES by title (in the old style of the PALLADION,
imitating an unattainable JEANNE D'ARC),--considerable Poem, now
forming itself at leisure in his thoughts, ["LA GUERRE DES CONFEDERES
[_OEuvres,_ xiv. 183 et seq.], finished in November, 1771."] which
decidedly takes that turn; and laughs quite loud at the rabid
fanaticisms, blusterous inanities and imbecilities of these noisy
unfortunate neighbors:--old unpleasant style of the PALLADION and
PUCELLE; but much better worth reading; having a great deal of sharp
sense in its laughing guise, and more of real Historical Discernment
than you will find in any other Book on that delirious subject.

Much a laughing-stock to this King hitherto, such a "War of the
Confederates,"--consisting of the noisiest, emptiest bedlam tumults,
seasoned by a proportion of homicide, and a great deal of battery and
arson. But now, with a Russian-Turk War springing from it, or already
sprung, there are quite serious aspects rising amid the laughable. By
Treaty, this War is to cost the King either a 12,000 of Auxiliaries to
the Czarina, or a 72,000 pounds (480,000 thalers) annually; [_OEuvres
de Frederic,_ vi. 13.]--which latter he prefers to pay her, as the
alternative: not an agreeable feature at all; but by no means the worst
feature. Suppose it lead to Russian conquests on the Turk, to Austrian
complicacies, to one knows not what, and kindle the world round one
again! In short, we can believe Friedrich was very willing to stand well
with next-door neighbors at present, and be civil to Austria and its
young Kaiser's civilities.




FIRST INTERVIEW BETWEEN FRIEDRICH AND KAISER JOSEPH (Neisse, 25th-28th
August, 1769).

In 1766, the young Kaiser, who has charge of the Military Department,
and of little else in the Government, and is already a great traveller,
and enthusiastic soldier, made a pilgrimage over the Bohemian and Saxon
Battle-fields of the Seven-Years War. On some of them, whether on all
I do not know, he set up memorial-stones; one of which you still see
on the field of Lobositz;--of another on Prag field, and of reverent
salutation by Artillery to the memory of Schwerin there, we heard long
ago. Coming to Torgau on this errand, the Kaiser, through his Berlin
Minister, had signified his "particular desire to make acquaintance
with the King in returning;" to which the King was ready with the
readiest;--only that Kaunitz and the Kaiserinn, in the interim, judged
it improper, and stopped it. "The reported Interview is not to take
place," Friedrich warns the Newspapers; "having been given up, though
only from courtesy, on some points of ceremonial." ["FRIEDRICH TO ONE OF
HIS FOREIGN AMBASSADORS" (the common way of announcing in Newspapers):
Preuss, iv. 22 n.]

The young Kaiser felt a little huffed; and signified to Friedrich that
he would find a time to make good this bit of uncivility, which his
pedagogues had forced upon him. And now, after three years, August,
1769, on occasion of the Silesian Reviews, the Kaiser is to come across
from his Bohemian businesses, and actually visit him: Interview to be
at Neisse, 25th August, 1769, for three days. Of course the King was
punctual, everybody was punctual, glad and cordial after a sort,--no
ceremony, the Kaiser, officially incognito, is a mere Graf von
Falkenstein, come to see his Majesty's Reviews. There came with him four
or five Generals, Loudon one of them; Lacy had preceded: Friedrich is in
the palace of the place, ready and expectant. With Friedrich are: Prince
Henri; Prince of Prussia; Margraf of Anspach: Friedrich's Nephew (Lady
Craven's Margraf, the one remnant now left there); and some Generals and
Military functionaries, Seidlitz the notablest figure of these. And so,
FRIDAY, AUGUST 25th, shortly after noon--But the following Two Letters,
by an Eye-witness, will be preferable; and indeed are the only real
Narrative that can be given:--


No. 1. ENGINEER LEFEBVRE TO PERPETUAL SECRETARY FORMEY (at Berlin).

"NEISSE, 26th [partly 25th] August, 1769.

"MY MOST WORTHY FRIEND,-I make haste to inform you of the Kaiser's
arrival here at Neisse, this day, 25th August, 1769, at one in the
afternoon. The King had spent the morning in a proof Manoeuvre, making
rehearsal of the Manoeuvre that was to be. When the Kaiser was reported
just coming, the King went to the window of the grand Episcopal Saloon,
and seeing him alight from his carriage, turned round and said, 'JE L'AI
VU (I have seen him).' His Majesty then went to receive him on the
grand staircase [had hardly descended three or four steps], where they
embraced; and then his Majesty led by the hand his august Guest into
the Apartments designed for him, which were all standing open and
ready,"--which, however, the august Guest will not occupy except with
a grateful imagination, being for the present incognito, mere Graf von
Falkenstein, and judging that THE THREE-KINGS Inn will be suitabler.

"Arrived in the Apartments, they embraced anew; and sat talking together
for an hour and half.--[The talk, unknown to Lefebvre, began in this
strain. KAISER: "Now are my wishes fulfilled, since I have the honor to
embrace the greatest of Kings and Soldiers." KING: "I look upon this day
as the fairest of my life; for it will become the epoch of uniting Two
Houses which have been enemies too long, and whose mutual interests
require that they should strengthen, not weaken one another." KAISER:
"For Austria there is no Silesia farther." [Preuss, v. 23; _OEuvres de
Frederic,_ vi. 25, 26.] Talk, it appears, lasted an hour and half.]

--"The Kaiser [continues our Engineer] had brought with him the Prince
of Sachsen-Teschen [his august Brother-in-law, Duke of Teschen, son
of the late Polish Majesty of famous memory]: afterwards there came
Feldmarschall Lacy, Graf von Dietrichstein, General von Loudon," and
three others of no account to us. "At the King's table were the Kaiser,
the Prince of Prussia [dissolute young Heir-Apparent, of the polygamous
tendency], Prince Henri, the Margraf of Anspach [King's Nephew,
unfortunate Lady-Craven Margraf, ultimately of Hammersmith vicinity];
the above Generals of the Austrian suite, and Generals Seidlitz and
Tauentzien. The rest of the Court was at two other tables." Of the
dinner itself an Outside Individual will say nothing.

"The Kaiser, having expressly requested the King to let him lodge in an
Inn (THREE KINGS), under the name of Graf von Falkenstein, would not
go into the carriage which had stood expressly ready to conduct him
thither. He preferred walking on foot [the loftily scornful Incognito]
in spite of the rain; it was like a lieutenant of infantry stepping out
of his quarters. Some moments after, the King went to visit him; and
they remained together from 5 in the evening till 8. It was thought they
would be present (ASSISTER) at a Comic Opera which was to be played: but
after waiting till 7 o'clock, the people received orders to go on with
the Piece;"--both Majesties did afterwards look in; but finding it bad,
soon went their way again. (MAJOR LEFEBVRE STOPS WRITING FOR THE NIGHT.)

"This morning, 26th, the Manoeuvre [rehearsed yesterday] has been
performed before both their Majesties; the troops, by way of finish,
filing past them in the highest order. The Kaiser accompanied the King
to his abode; after which he returned to his own. This is all the news
I have to-day: the sequel by next Post (apparently a week hence). I am,
and shall ever be,--your true Friend, LEFEBVRE."


No. 2. SAME TO SAME.

"NEISSE, 2d September, 1769.

"MONSIEUR AND DEAREST FRIEND,--We had, as you heard, our first Manoeuvre
on Saturday, 26th, in presence of the Kaiser and the King, and of the
whole Court of each. That evening there was Opera; which their Majesties
honored by attending. Sunday was our Second Manoeuvre; OPERETTE in the
evening. Monday, 28th, was our last Manoeuvre; at the end of which the
two Majesties, without alighting from horseback, embraced each other;
and parted, protesting mutually the most constant and inviolable
friendship. One took the road for Breslau; the other that of
Konigsgratz. All the time the Kaiser was here, they have been
continually talking together, and exhibiting the tenderest
friendship,--from which I cannot but think there will benefit result.

"I am almost in the mind of coming to pass this Winter at Berlin; that
I may have the pleasure of embracing you,--perhaps as cordially as King
and Kaiser here. I am, and shall always be, with all my heart,--your
very good Friend, "LEFEBVRE." [Formey, _Souvenirs d'un Citoyen,_ ii.
145-148.]

The Lefebvre that writes here is the same who was set to manage the
last Siege of Schweidnitz, by Globes of Compression and other fine
inventions; and almost went out of his wits because he could not do it.
An expert ingenious creature; skilful as an engineer; had been brought
into Friedrich's service by the late Balbi, during Balbi's ascendency
(which ended at Olmutz long ago). At Schweidnitz, and often elsewhere,
Friedrich, who had an esteem for poor Lefebvre, was good to him; and
treated his excitabilities with a soft hand, not a rough. Once at Neisse
(1771, second year after these Letters), on looking round at the
works done since last review, in sight of all the Garrison he embraced
Lefebvre, while commending his excellent performance; which filled the
poor soul with a now unimaginable joy.

"HELAS," says Formey, "the poor Gentleman wrote to me of his endless
satisfaction; and how he hoped to get through his building, and retire
on half-pay this very season, thenceforth to belong to the Academy and
me; he had been Member for twenty years past." With this view, thinks
Formey, he most likely hastened on his buildings too fast: certain
it is, a barrack he was building tumbled suddenly, and some workmen
perished in the ruins. "Enemies at Court suggested," or the accident
itself suggested without any enemy, "Has not he been playing false,
using cheap bad materials?"--and Friedrich ordered him arrest in his own
Apartments, till the question were investigated. Excitable Lefebvre was
like to lose his wits, almost to leap out of his skin. "One evening at
supper, he managed to smuggle away a knife; and, in the course of the
night, gave himself sixteen stabs with it; which at length sufficed. The
King said, 'He has used himself worse than I should have done;' and was
very sorry." Of Lefebvre's scientific structures, globes of compression
and the rest, I know not whether anything is left; the above Two Notes,
thrown off to Formey, were accidentally a hit, and, in the great blank,
may last a long while.

The King found this young Kaiser a very pretty man; and could have
liked him considerably, had their mutual positions permitted. "He had a
frankness of manner which seemed natural to him," says the King; "in his
amiable character, gayety and great vivacity were prominent features."
By accidental chinks, however, one saw "an ambition beyond measure"
burning in the interior of this young man, [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ (in
_Memoires de 1763 jusqu'a_ 1775, a Chapter which yields the briefest,
and the one completely intelligible account we yet have of those
affairs), vi. 25.]--let an old King be wary. A three days, clearly,
to be marked in chalk; radiant outwardly to both; to a certain depth,
sincere; and uncommonly pleasant for the time. King and Kaiser were seen
walking about arm in arm. At one of the Reviews a Note was brought to
Friedrich: he read it, a Note from her Imperial Majesty; and handing it
to Kaiser Joseph, kissed it first. At parting, he had given Joseph,
by way of keepsake, a copy of Marechal de Saxe's REVERIES (a strange
Military Farrago, dictated, I should think, under opium ["MES REVERIES;
OUVRAGE POSTHUME, par" &c. (2 vols. 4to: Amsterdam et Leipzig, 1757).]):
this Book lay continually thereafter on the Kaiser's night-table; and
was found there at his death, Twenty-one years hence,--not a page of
it read, the leaves all sticking together under their bright gilding.
[Preuss, iv. 24 n.]

It was long believed, by persons capable of seeing into millstones,
that, under cover of this Neisse Interview, there were important
Political negotiations and consultings carried on;--that here, and in
a Second Interview or Return-Visit, of which presently, lay the real
foundation of the Polish Catastrophe. What of Political passed at the
Second Interview readers shall see for themselves, from an excellent
Authority. As to what passed at the present ("mutual word-of-honor:
should England and France quarrel, we will stand neutral" [_OEuvres
de Frederic,_ ubi supra.]), it is too insignificant for being shown to
readers. Dialogues there were, delicately holding wide of the mark, and
at length coming close enough; but, at neither the one Interview nor the
other, was Poland at all a party concerned,--though, beyond doubt, the
Turk War was; silently this first time, and with clear vocality on the
second occasion.

In spite of Galitzin's blunders, the Turk War is going on at a fine rate
in these months; Turks, by the hundred thousand, getting scattered
in panic rout:--but we will say nothing of it just yet. Polish
Confederation--horror-struck, as may be imagined, at its auxiliary
Brother of the Sun and Moon and his performances--is weltering in
violently impotent spasms into deeper and ever deeper wretchedness,
Friedrich sometimes thinking of a Burlesque Poem on

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