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History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 20

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Title: History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 20

Author: Thomas Carlyle


        
Release date: June 16, 2008 [eBook #2120]
                Most recently updated: July 14, 2008

Language: English

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Credits: Produced by D.R. Thompson and David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY OF FRIEDRICH II OF PRUSSIA — VOLUME 20 ***




Produced by D.R. Thompson





HISTORY OF FRIEDRICH II. OF PRUSSIA

FREDERICK THE GREAT

By Thomas Carlyle




BOOK XX.--FRIEDRICH IS NOT TO BE OVERWHELMED: THE SEVEN-YEARS WAR
GRADUALLY ENDS--25th April, 1760-15th February, 1763.




Chapter I.--FIFTH CAMPAIGN OPENS.

There were yet, to the world's surprise and regret, Three Campaigns
of this War; but the Campaign 1760, which we are now upon, was what
produced or rendered possible the other two;--was the crisis of them,
and is now the only one that can require much narrative from us here.
Ill-luck, which, Friedrich complains, had followed him like his shadow,
in a strange and fateful manner, from the day of Kunersdorf and earlier,
does not yet cease its sad company; but, on the contrary, for long
months to come, is more constant than ever, baffling every effort of
his own, and from the distance sending him news of mere disaster and
discomfiture. It is in this Campaign, though not till far on in it,
that the long lane does prove to have a turning, and the Fortune of War
recovers its old impartial form. After which, things visibly languish:
and the hope of ruining such a Friedrich becomes problematic, the effort
to do it slackens also; the very will abating, on the Austrian part,
year by year, as of course the strength of their resources is still
more steadily doing. To the last, Friedrich, the weaker in material
resources, needs all his talent,--all his luck too. But, as the
strength, on both sides, is fast abating,--hard to say on which side
faster (Friedrich's talent being always a FIXED quantity, while all
else is fluctuating and vanishing),--what remains of the once terrible
Affair, through Campaigns Sixth and Seventh, is like a race between
spent horses, little to be said of it in comparison. Campaign 1760
is the last of any outward eminence or greatness of event. Let us
diligently follow that, and be compendious with the remainder.

Friedrich was always famed for his Marches; but, this Year, they
exceeded all calculation and example; and are still the admiration of
military men. Can there by no method be some distant notion afforded
of them to the general reader? They were the one resource Friedrich had
left, against such overwhelming superiority in numbers; and they came
out like surprises in a theatre,--unpleasantly surprising to Daun.
Done with such dexterity, rapidity and inexhaustible contrivance and
ingenuity, as overset the schemes of his enemies again and again, and
made his one army equivalent in effect to their three.

Evening of April 25th, Friedrich rose from his Freyberg cantonments;
moved back, that is, northward, a good march; then encamped himself
between Elbe and the Hill-Country; with freer prospect and more
elbow-room for work coming. His left is on Meissen and the Elbe; his
right at a Village called the Katzenhauser, an uncommonly strong camp,
of which one often hears afterwards; his centre camp is at Schlettau,
which also is strong, though not to such a degree. This line extends
from Meissen southward about 10 miles, commanding the Reich-ward Passes
of the Metal Mountains, and is defensive of Leipzig, Torgau and the
Towns thereabouts. [Tempelhof, iv. 16 et seq.] Katzenhauser is but a
mile or two from Krogis--that unfortunate Village where Finck got his
Maxen Order: "ER WEISS,--You know I can't stand having difficulties
raised; manage to do it!"

Friedrich's task, this Year, is to defend Saxony; Prince Henri having
undertaken the Russians,--Prince Henri and Fouquet, the Russians and
Silesia. Clearly on very uphill terms, both of them: so that Friedrich
finds he will have a great many things to assist in, besides defending
Saxony. He lies here expectant till the middle of June, above seven
weeks; Daun also, for the last two weeks, having taken the field in a
sort. In a sort;--but comes no nearer; merely posting himself astride of
the Elbe, half in Dresden, half on the opposite or northern bank of the
River, with Lacy thrown out ahead in good force on that vacant side; and
so waiting the course of other people's enterprises.

Well to eastward and rearward of Daun, where we have seen Loudon about
to be very busy, Prince Henri and Fouquet have spun themselves out into
a long chain of posts, in length 300 miles or more, "from Landshut,
along the Bober, along the Queiss and Oder, through the Neumark,
abutting on Stettin and Colberg, to the Baltic Sea." [Tempelhof, iv.
21-24.] On that side, in aid of Loudon or otherwise, Daun can attempt
nothing; still less on the Katzenhauser-Schlettau side can he dream of
an attempt: only towards Brandenburg and Berlin--the Country on that
side, 50 or 60 miles of it, to eastward of Meissen, being vacant of
troops--is Daun's road open, were he enterprising, as Friedrich hopes
he is not. For some two weeks, Friedrich--not ready otherwise, it being
difficult to cross the River, if Lacy with his 30,000 should think of
interference--had to leave the cunctatory Feldmarschall this chance or
unlikely possibility. At the end of the second week ("June 14th," as we
shall mark by and by), the chance was withdrawn.

Daun and his Lacy are but one, and that by no means the most harassing,
of the many cares and anxieties which Friedrich has upon him in those
Seven Weeks, while waiting at Schlettau, reading the omens. Never
hitherto was the augury of any Campaign more indecipherable to him, or
so continually fluctuating with wild hopes, which proved visionary, and
with huge practical fears, of what he knew to be the real likelihood.
"Peace coming?" It is strange how long Friedrich clings to that fond
hope: "My Edelsheim is in the Bastille, or packed home in disgrace:
but will not the English and Choiseul make Peace? It is Choiseul's one
rational course; bankrupt as he is, and reduced to spoons and kettles.
In which case, what a beautiful effect might Duke Ferdinand produce,
if he marched to Eger, say to Eger, with his 50,000 Germans (Britannic
Majesty and Pitt so gracious), and twitched Daun by the skirt, whirling
Daun home to Bohemia in a hurry!" Then the Turks; the Danes,--"Might not
the Danes send us a trifle of Fleet to Colberg (since the English
never will), and keep our Russians at bay?"--"At lowest these hopes are
consolatory," says he once, suspecting them all (as, no doubt, he often
enough does), "and give us courage to look calmly for the opening of
this Campaign, the very idea of which has made me shudder!" ["To Prince
Henri:" in _Schoning,_ ii. 246 (3d April, 1760): ib. 263 (of the DANISH
outlook); &c. &c.]

Meanwhile, by the end of May, the Russians are come across the
Weichsel again, lie in four camps on the hither side; start about June
1st;--Henri waiting for them, in Sagan Country his head-quarter; and on
both hands of that, Fouquet and he spread out, since the middle of May,
in their long thin Chain of Posts, from Landshut to Colberg again, like
a thin wall of 300 miles. To Friedrich the Russian movements are, and
have been, full of enigma: "Going upon Colberg? Going upon Glogau; upon
Breslau?" That is a heavy-footed certainty, audibly tramping forward on
us, amid these fond visions of the air! Certain too, and visible to a
duller eye than Friedrich's; Loudon in Silesia is meditating mischief.
"The inevitable Russians, the inevitable Loudon; and nothing but
Fouquet and Henri on guard there, with their long thin chain of posts,
infinitely too thin to do any execution!" thinks the King. To whom their
modes of operating are but little satisfactory, as seen at Schlettau
from the distance. "Condense yourself," urges he always on Henri; "go
forward on the Russians; attack sharply this Corps, that Corps, while
they are still separate and on march!" Henri did condense himself, "took
post between Sagan and Sprottau; post at Frankfurt,"--poor Frankfurt, is
it to have a Kunersdorf or Zorndorf every year, then? No; the cautious
Henri never could see his way into these adventures; and did not attack
any Corps of the Russians. Took post at Landsberg ultimately,--the
Russians, as usual, having Posen as place-of-arms,--and vigilantly
watched the Russians, without coming to strokes at all. A spectacle
growing gradually intolerable to the King, though he tries to veil his
feelings.

Neither was Fouquet's plan of procedure well seen by Friedrich in the
distance. Ever since that of Regiment Manteuffel, which was a bit of
disappointment, Loudon has been quietly industrious on a bigger scale.
Privately he cherishes the hope, being a swift vehement enterprising
kind of man, to oust Fouquet; and perhaps to have Glatz Fortress taken,
before his Russians come! In the very end of May, Loudon, privately
aiming for Glatz, breaks in upon Silesia again,--a long way to eastward
of Fouquet, and as if regardless of Glatz. Upon which, Fouquet, in dread
for Schweidnitz and perhaps Breslau itself, hastened down into the Plain
Country, to manoeuvre upon Loudon; but found no Loudon moving that way;
and, in a day or two, learned that Landshut, so weakly guarded, had been
picked up by a big corps of Austrians; and in another day or two, that
Loudon (June 7th) had blocked Glatz,--Loudon's real intention now clear
to Fouquet. As it was to Friedrich from the first; whose anger and
astonishment at this loss of Landshut were great, when he heard of it in
his Camp of Schlettau. "Back to Landshut," orders he (11th June, three
days before leaving Schlettau); "neither Schweidnitz nor Breslau are in
danger: it is Glatz the Austrians mean [as Fouquet and all the world now
see they do!]; watch Glatz; retake me Landshut instantly!"

The tone of Friedrich, which is usually all friendliness to Fouquet, had
on this occasion something in it which offended the punctual and rather
peremptory Spartan mind. Fouquet would not have neglected Glatz; pity he
had not been left to his own methods with Landshut and it. Deeply hurt,
he read this Order (16th June); and vowing to obey it, and nothing but
it, used these words, which were remembered afterwards, to his assembled
Generals: "MEINE HERREN, it appears, then, we must take Landshut again.
Loudon, as the next thing, will come on us there with his mass of force;
and we must then, like Prussians, hold out as long as possible, think of
no surrender on open field, but if even beaten, defend ourselves to the
last man. In case of a retreat, I will be one of the last that leaves
the field: and should I have the misfortune to survive such a day,
I give you my word of honor never to draw a Prussian sword more."
[Stenzel, v. 239.] This speech of Fouquet's (June 16th) was two days
after Friedrich got on march from Schlettau. June 17th, Fouquet got to
Landshut; drove out the Austrians more easily than he had calculated,
and set diligently, next day, to repair his works, writing to Friedrich:
"Your Majesty's Order shall be executed here, while a man of us lives."
Fouquet, in the old Crown-Prince time, used to be called Bayard by his
Royal friend. His Royal friend, now darker of face and scathed by much
ill-weather, has just quitted Schlettau, three days before this recovery
of Landshut; and will not have gone far till he again hear news of
Fouquet.

NIGHT OF JUNE 14th-15th, Friedrich, "between Zehren and Zabel,"
several miles down stream,--his bridges now all ready, out of Lacy's
cognizance,--has suddenly crossed Elbe; and next afternoon pitches
camp at Broschwitz, which is straight towards Lacy again. To Lacy's
astonishment; who is posted at Moritzburg, with head-quarter in that
beautiful Country-seat of Polish Majesty,--only 10 miles to eastward,
should Friedrich take that road. Broschwitz is short way north of
Meissen, and lies on the road either to Grossenhayn or to Radeburg
(Radeburg only four miles northward of Lacy), as Friedrich shall see
fit, on the morrow. For the Meissen north road forks off there, in those
two directions: straight northward is for Grossenhayn, right hand is for
Badeburg. Most interesting to Lacy, which of these forks, what is quite
optional, Friedrich will take! Lacy is an alert man; looks well to
himself; warns Daun; and will not be caught if he can help it.
Daun himself is encamped at Reichenberg, within two miles of him,
inexpugnably intrenched as usual; and the danger surely is not great:
nevertheless both these Generals, wise by experience, keep their eyes
open.

The FIRST great Feat of Marching now follows, On Friedrich's part; with
little or no result to Friedrich; but worth remembering, so strenuous,
so fruitless was it,--so barred by ill news from without! Both this
and the Second stand recorded for us, in brief intelligent terms by
Mitchell, who was present in both; and who is perfectly exact on every
point, and intelligible throughout,--if you will read him with a Map;
and divine for yourself what the real names are, out of the inhuman
blotchings made of them, not by Mitchell's blame at all. [Mitchell,
_Memoirs and Papers,_ ii. 160 et seq.]

TUESDAY, JUNE 17th, second day of Friedrich's stay at Broschwitz,
Mitchell, in a very confidential Dialogue they had together, learned
from him, under seal of secrecy, That it was his purpose to march for
Radeburg to-morrow morning, and attack Lacy and his 30,000, who lie
encamped at Moritzburg out yonder; for which step his Majesty was
pleased farther to show Mitchell a little what the various inducements
were: "One Russian Corps is aiming as if for Berlin; the Austrians are
about besieging Glatz,--pressing need that Fouquet were reinforced in
his Silesian post of difficulty. Then here are the Reichs-people close
by; can be in Dresden three days hence, joined to Daun: 80,000 odd there
will then be of Enemies in this part: I must beat Lacy, if possible,
while time still is!"--and ended by saying: "Succeed here, and all may
yet be saved; be beaten here, I know the consequences: but what can I
do? The risk must be run; and it is now smaller than it will ever again
be."

Mitchell, whose account is a fortnight later than the Dialogue itself,
does confess, "My Lord, these reasons, though unhappily the thing seems
to have failed, 'appear to me to be solid and unanswerable.'" Much
more do they to Tempelhof, who sees deeper into the bottom of them than
Mitchell did; and finds that the failure is only superficial. [Mitchell,
_Memoirs and Papers,_ ii. 160 (Despatch, "June 30th, 1760"); Tempelhof,
iv. 44.] The real success, thinks Tempelhof, would be, Could the King
manoeuvre himself into Silesia, and entice a cunctatory Daun away with
him thither. A cunctatory Daun to preside over matters THERE, in
his superstitiously cautious way; leaving Saxony free to the
Reichsfolk,--whom a Hulsen, left with his small remnant in Schlettau,
might easily take charge of, till Silesia were settled?" The plan was
bold, was new, and completely worthy of Friedrich," votes Tempelhof;
"and it required the most consummate delicacy of execution. To lure Daun
on, always with the prospect open to him of knocking you on the head,
and always by your rapidity and ingenuity to take care that he never
got it done." This is Tempelhof's notion: and this, sure enough, was
actually Friedrich's mode of management in the weeks following; though
whether already altogether planned in his head, or only gradually
planning itself, as is more likely, nobody can say. We will look a very
little into the execution, concerning which there is no dubiety:--

WEDNESDAY, 18th JUNE, "Friedrich," as predicted to Mitchell, the night
before, "did start punctually, in three columns, at 3 A.M. [Sun just
rising]; and, after a hot march, got encamped on the southward side
of Radeburg: ready to cross the Rodern Stream there to-morrow, as
if intending for the Lausitz [should that prove needful for alluring
Lacy],--and in the mean while very inquisitive where Lacy might be. One
of Lacy's outposts, those Saxon light horse, was fallen in with; was
chased home, and Lacy's camp discovered, that night. At Bernsdorf, not
three miles to southward or right of us; Daun only another three to
south of him. Let us attack Lacy to-morrow morning; wind round to get
between Daun and him, [Tempelhof, iv. 47-49.]--with fit arrangements;
rapid as light! In the King's tent, accordingly, his Generals are
assembled to take their Orders; brief, distinct, and to be done with
brevity. And all are on the move for Bernsdorf at 4 next morning; when,
behold,--

"THURSDAY, 19th, At Bernsdorf there is no Lacy to be found. Cautions
Dorn has ordered him in,--and not for Lacy's sake, as appears, but for
his own: 'Hitherward, you alert Lacy; to cover my right flank here, my
Hill of Reichenberg,--lest it be not impregnable enough against that
feline enemy!' And there they have taken post, say 60,000 against
30,000; and are palisading to a quite extraordinary degree. No fight
possible with Lacy or Daun."

This is what Mitchell counts the failure of Friedrich's enterprise:
and certainly it grieved Friedrich a good deal. Who, on riding out to
reconnoitre Reichenberg (Quintus Icilius and Battalion QUINTUS part of
his escort, if that be an interesting circumstance), finds Reichenberg
a plainly unattackable post; finds, by Daun's rate of palisading, that
there will be no attack from Daun either. No attack from Daun;--and,
therefore, that Hulsen's people may be sent home to Schlettau again; and
that he, Friedrich, will take post close by, and wearisomely be content
to wait for some new opportunity.

Which he does for a week to come; Daun sitting impregnable, intrenched
and palisaded to the teeth,--rather wishing to be attacked, you would
say; or hopeful sometimes of doing something of the Hochkirch sort again
(for the country is woody, and the enemy audacious);--at all events,
very clear not to attack. A man erring, sometimes to a notable degree,
by over-caution. "Could hardly have failed to overwhelm Friedrich's
small force, had he at once, on Friedrich's crossing the Elbe, joined
Lacy, and gone out against him," thinks Tempelhof, pointing out the form
of operation too. [Tempelhof, iv. 42, 48.] Caution is excellent; but
not quite by itself. Would caution alone do it, an Army all of Druidic
whinstones, or innocent clay-sacks, incapable of taking hurt, would
be the proper one!--Daun stood there; Friedrich looking daily into
him,--visibly in ill humor, says Mitchell; and no wonder; gloomy and
surly words coming out of him, to the distress of his Generals: "Which
I took the liberty of hinting, one evening, to his Majesty;" hint
graciously received, and of effect perceptible, at least to my
imagining.

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 25th, After nearly a week of this, there rose, towards
sunset, all over the Reichenberg, and far and wide, an exuberant
joy-firing: "For what in the world?" thinks Friedrich. Alas, your
Majesty,--since your own messenger has not arrived, nor indeed ever
will, being picked up by Pandours,--here, gathered from the Austrian
outposts or deserters, are news for you, fatal enough! Landshut is done;
Fouquet and his valiant 13,000 are trodden out there. Indignant Fouquet
has obeyed you, not wisely but too well. He has kept Landshut six nights
and five days. On the morning of the sixth day, here is what befell:--

"LANDSHUT, MONDAY, 23d JUNE, About a quarter to two in the morning,
Loudon, who had gathered 31,000 horse and foot for the business, and
taken his measures, fired aloft, by way of signal, four howitzers into
the gray of the summer morning; and burst loose upon Fouquet, in various
columns, on his southward front, on both flanks, ultimately in his rear
too: columns all in the height of fighting humor, confident as three to
one,--and having brandy in them, it is likewise said. Fouquet and
his people stood to arms, in the temper Fouquet had vowed they would:
defended their Hills with an energy, with a steady skill, which Loudon
himself admired; but their Hill-works would have needed thrice the
number;--Fouquet, by detaching and otherwise, has in arms only 10,680
men. Toughly as they strove, after partial successes, they began to lose
one Hill, and then another; and in the course of hours, nearly all their
Hills. Landshut Town Loudon had taken from them, Landshut and its
roads: in the end, the Prussian position is becoming permeable, plainly
untenable;--Austrian force is moving to their rearward to block the
retreat.

"Seeing which latter fact, Fouquet throws out all his Cavalry, a poor
1,500, to secure the Passes of the Bober; himself formed square with the
wrecks of his Infantry; and, at a steady step, cuts way for himself with
bayonet and bullet. With singular success for some time, in spite of the
odds. And is clear across the Bober; when lo, among the knolls ahead,
masses of Austrian Cavalry are seen waiting him, besetting every
passage! Even these do not break him; but these, with infantry and
cannon coming up to help them, do. Here, for some time, was the fiercest
tug of all,--till a bullet having killed Fouquet's horse, and carried
the General himself to the ground, the spasm ended. The Lichnowski
Dragoons, a famed Austrian regiment, who had charged and again charged
with nothing but repulse on repulse, now broke in, all in a foam of
rage; cut furiously upon Fouquet himself; wounded Fouquet thrice; would
have killed him, had it not been for the heroism of poor Trautschke,
his Groom [let us name the gallant fellow, even if unpronounceable],
who flung himself on the body of his Master, and took the bloody strokes
instead of him; shrieking his loudest, 'Will you murder the Commanding
General, then!' Which brought up the Colonel of Lichnowski; a Gentleman
and Ritter, abhorrent of such practices. To him Fouquet gave his
sword;--kept his vow never to draw it again.

"The wrecks of Fouquet's Infantry were, many of them, massacred, no
quarter given; such the unchivalrous fury that had risen. His Cavalry,
with the loss of about 500, cut their way through. They and some
stragglers of Foot, in whole about 1,500 of both kinds, were what
remained of those 10,680 after this bloody morning's work. There had
been about six hours of it; 'all over by 8 o'clock.'" [_Hofbericht
von der am 23 Junius, 1760, bey Landshuth vorgefallenen Action_ (in
Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii. 669-671); _Helden-Geschichte,_ vi. 258-284;
Tempelhof, iv. 26-41; Stenzel, v. 241 (who, by oversight,--this Volume
being posthumous to poor Stenzel,--protracts the Action to "half-past 7
in the evening").]

Fouquet has obeyed to the letter: "Did not my King wrong me?" Fouquet
may say to himself. Truly, Herr General, your King's Order was a little
unwise; as you (who were on the ground, and your King not) knew it
to be. An unwise Order;--perhaps not inexcusable in the sudden
circumstances. And perhaps a still more perfect Bayard would have
preferred obeying such a King in spirit, rather than in letter, and
thereby doing him vital service AGAINST his temporary will? It is not
doubted but Fouquet, left to himself and his 13,000, with the Fortresses
and Garrisons about him, would have maintained himself in Silesia till
help came. The issue is,--Fouquet has probably lost this fine King
his Silesia, for the time being; and beyond any question, has lost him
10,000 Prussian-Spartan fighters, and a fine General whom he could ill
spare!--In a word, the Gate of Silesia is burst open; and Loudon has
every prospect of taking Glatz, which will keep it so.

What a thunder-bolt for Friedrich! One of the last pillars struck away
from his tottering affairs. "Inevitable, then? We are over with it,
then?" One may fancy Friedrich's reflections. But he showed nothing of
them to anybody; in a few hours, had his mind composed, and new plans on
the anvil. On the morrow of that Austrian Joy-Firing,--morrow, or some
day close on it (ought to have been dated, but is not),--there went
from him, to Magdeburg, the Order: "Have me such and such quantities of
Siege-Artillery in a state of readiness." [Tempelhof, iv. 51.] Already
meaning, it is thought, or contemplating as possible a certain Siege,
which surprised everybody before long! A most inventive, enterprising
being; no end to his contrivances and unexpected outbreaks; especially
when you have him jammed into a corner, and fancy it is all over with
him!

"To no other General," says Tempelhof, "would such a notion of besieging
Dresden have occurred; or if it had suggested itself, the hideous
difficulties would at once have banished it again, or left it only as a
pious wish. But it is strokes of this kind that characterize the great
man. Often enough they have succeeded, been decisive of great campaigns
and wars, and become splendid in the eyes of all mankind; sometimes, as
in this case, they have only deserved to succeed, and to be splendid in
the eyes of judges. How get these masses of enemies lured away, so
that you could try such a thing? There lay the difficulty; insuperable
altogether, except by the most fine and appropriate treatment. Of a
truth, it required a connected series of the wisest measures and most
secret artifices of war;--and withal, that you should throw over them
such a veil as would lead your enemy to see in them precisely the
reverse of what they meant. How all this was to be set in action, and
how the Enemy's own plans, intentions and moods of mind were to be used
as raw material for attainment of your object,--studious readers will
best see in the manoeuvres of the King in his now more than critical
condition; which do certainly exhibit the completest masterpiece in the
Art of leading Armies that Europe has ever seen."

Tempelhof is well enough aware, as readers should continue to be, that,
primarily, and onward for three weeks more, not Dresden, but the getting
to Silesia on good terms, is Friedrich's main enterprise: Dresden only
a supplement or substitute, a second string to his bow, till the first
fail. But, in effect, the two enterprises or strings coincide, or are
one, till the first of them fail; and Tempelhof's eulogy will apply
to either. The initiatory step to either is a Second Feat of
Marching;--still notabler than the former, which has had this poor
issue. Soldiers of the studious or scientific sort, if there are yet any
such among us, will naturally go to Tempelhof, and fearlessly encounter
the ruggedest Documents and Books, if Tempelhof leave them dubious on
any point (which he hardly will): to ingenuous readers of other sorts,
who will take a little pains for understanding the thing, perhaps the
following intermittent far-off glimpses may suffice. [Mitchell, ii. 162
et seq.; and Tempelhof (iv. 50-53 et seq.), as a scientific check on
Mitchell, or unconscious fellow-witness with him,--agreeing beautifully
almost always.]

On ascertaining the Landshut disaster, Friedrich falls back a little;
northward to Gross-Dobritz: "Possibly Daun will think us cowed by what
has happened; and may try something on us?" Daun is by no means sure of
this COWED phenomenon, or of the retreat it has made; and tries nothing
on it; only rides up daily to it, to ascertain that it is there; and
diligently sends out parties to watch the Northeastward parts, where
run the Silesian Roads. After about a week of this, and some
disappointments, Friedrich decides to march in earnest. There had, one
day, come report of Lacy's being detached, Lacy with a strong Division,
to block the Silesian roads; but that, on trial, proved to be false.
"Pshaw, nothing for us but to go ourselves!" concludes Friedrich,--and,
JULY 1st, sends off his Bakery and Heavy Baggage; indicating to
Mitchell, "To-morrow morning at 3!"--Here is Mitchell's own account;
accurate in every particular, as we find: [Mitchell, ii. 164; Tempelhof,
iv. 54.]

WEDNESDAY, JULY 2d. "From Gross-Dobritz to Quosdorf [to Quosdorf, a poor
Hamlet there, not QuoLsdorf, as many write, which is a Town far enough
from there]--the Army marched accordingly. In two columns; baggage,
bakery and artillery in a third; through a country extremely covered
with wood. Were attacked by some Uhlans and Hussars; whom a few
cannon-shot sent to the road again. March lasted from 3 in the morning
to 3 in the afternoon;" twelve long hours. "Went northeastward a space
of 20 miles, leaving Radeburg, much more leaving Reichenberg, Moritzburg
and the Daun quarters well to the right, and at last quite to rearward;
crossed the Roder, crossed the Pulsnitz," small tributaries or
sub-tributaries of the Elbe in those parts; "crossed the latter (which
divides Meissen from the Lausitz) partly by the Bridge of Krakau, first
Village in the Lausitz. Head-quarter was the poor Hamlet of Quosdorf,
a mile farther on. 'This march had been carefully kept secret,' says
Mitchell; 'and it was the opinion of the most experienced Officers,
that, had the Enemy discovered the King of Prussia's design, they might,
by placing their light troops in the roads with proper supports, have
rendered it extremely difficult, if not impracticable.'"

Daun very early got to know of Friedrich's departure, and whitherward;
which was extremely interesting to Daun: "Aims to be in Silesia before
me; will cut out Loudon from his fine prospects on Glatz?"--and had
instantly reinforced, perhaps to 20,000, Lacy's Division; and ordered
Lacy, who is the nearest to Friedrich's March, to start instantly on the
skirts of said March, and endeavor diligently to trample on the same.
For the purpose of harassing said March, Lacy is to do whatever he with
safety can (which we see is not much: "a few Uhlans and Hussars"); at
lowest, is to keep it constantly in sight; and always encamp as near it
as he dare; [Tempelhof, iv. 54.]--Daun himself girding up his loins; and
preparing, by a short-cut, to get ahead of it in a day or two. Lacy
was alert enough, but could not do much with safety: a few Uhlans and
Hussars, that was all; and he is now encamped somewhere to rearward, as
near as he dare.

THURSDAY, 3d JULY. "A rest-day; Army resting about Krakau, after such
a spell through the woody moors. The King, with small escort, rides out
reconnoitring, hither, thither, on the southern side or Lacy quarter: to
the top of the Keulenberg (BLUDGEON HILL), at last,--which is ten or a
dozen miles from Krakau and Quosdorf, but commands an extensive view.
Towns, village-belfries, courses of streams; a country of mossy woods
and wild agricultures, of bogs, of shaggy moor. Southward 10 miles is
Radeberg [not RadebUrg, observe]; yonder is the town of Pulsnitz on our
stream of Pulsnitz; to southeast, and twice as far, is Bischofswerda,
chasmy Stolpen (too well known to us before this): behind us,
Konigsbruck, Kamenz and the road from Grossenhayn to Bautzen: these and
many other places memorable to this King are discoverable from Bludgeon
Hill. But the discovery of discoveries to him is Lacy's Camp,--not very
far off, about a mile behind Pulsnitz; clearly visible, at Lichtenberg
yonder. Which we at once determine to attack; which, and the roads to
which, are the one object of interest just now,--nothing else visible,
as it were, on the top of the Keulenberg here, or as we ride homeward,
meditating it with a practical view. 'March at midnight,' that is the
practical result arrived at, on reaching home."

FRIDAY, JULY 4th. "Since the stroke of midnight we are all on march
again; nothing but the baggages and bakeries left [with Quintus to watch
them, which I see is his common function in these marches]; King himself
in the Vanguard,--who hopes to give Lacy a salutation. [Tempelhof, iv.
56.] 'The march was full of defiles,' says Mitchell: and Mitchell, in
his carriage, knew little what a region it was, with boggy intricacies,
lakelets, tangly thickets, stocks and stumps; or what a business to pass
with heavy cannon, baggage-wagons and columns of men! Such a march; and
again not far from twenty miles of it: very hot, as the morning broke,
in the breathless woods. Had Lacy known what kind of ground we had to
march in, and been enterprising--! thinks Tempelhof. The march being
so retarded, Lacy got notice of it, and vanished quite away,--to
Bischofswerda, I believe, and the protecting neighborhood of Daun.
Nothing of him left when we emerge, simultaneously from this hand and
from that, on his front and on his rear, to take him as in a vice, as in
the sudden snap of a fox-trap;--fox quite gone. Hardly a few hussars of
him to be picked up; and no chase possible, after such a march."

Friedrich had done everything to keep himself secret: but Lacy has
endless Pandours prowling about; and, I suppose, the Country-people
(in the Lausitz here, who ought to have loyalty) are on the Lacy side.
Friedrich has to take his disappointment. He encamps here, on the
Heights, head-quarter Pulsnitz,--till Quintus come up with the baggage,
which he does punctually, but not till nightfall, not till midnight the
last of him.

SATURDAY, JULY 5th. "To the road again at 3 A.M. Again to northward, to
Kloster (CLOISTER) Marienstern, a 15 miles or so,--head-quarter in the
Cloister itself. Daun had set off for Bautzen, with his 50 or 60,000,
in the extremest push of haste, and is at Bautzen this night; ahead
of Friedrich, with Lacy as rear-guard of him, who is also ahead of
Friedrich, and safe at Bischofswerda. A Daun hastening as never before.
This news of a Daun already at Bautzen awakened Friedrich's utmost
speed: 'Never do, that Daun be in Silesia before us! Indispensable to
get ahead of Bautzen and him, or to be waiting on the flank of his next
march!' Accordingly,

"SUNDAY, JULY 6th, Friedrich, at 3 A.M., is again in motion; in three
columns, streaming forward all day: straight eastward, Daun-ward.
Intends to cross the Spree, leaving Bautzen to the right; and take
post somewhere to northeast of Bautzen, and on the flank of Daun. The
windless day grows hotter and hotter; the roads are of loose sand,
full of jungles and impediments. This was such a march for heat and
difficulty as the King never had before. In front of each Column went
wagons with a few pontoons; there being many brooks and little streams
to cross. The soldier, for his own health's sake, is strictly forbidden
to drink; but as the burning day rose higher, in the sweltering close
march, thirst grew irresistible. Crossing any of these Brooks, the
soldiers pounce down, irrepressible, whole ranks of them; lift water,
clean or dirty; drink it greedily from the brim of the hat. Sergeants
may wag their tongues and their cudgels at discretion: 'showers of
cudgel-strokes,' says Archenholtz; Sergeants going like threshers on the
poor men;--'though the upper Officers had a touch of mercy, and affected
not to see this disobedience to the Sergeants and their cudgels,'
which was punishable with death. War is not an over-fond Mother, but a
sufficiently Spartan one, to her Sons. There dropt down, in the march
that day, 105 Prussian men, who never rose again. And as to intercepting
Daun by such velocity,--Daun too is on march; gone to Gorlitz, at almost
a faster pace, if at a far heavier,--like a cart-horse on gallop; faring
still worse in the heat: '200 of Daun's men died on the road this day,
and 300 more were invalided for life.' [Tempelhof, iv. 58; Archenholtz,
ii. 68; Mitchell, ii. 166.]

"Before reaching the Spree, Friedrich, who is in the Vanguard, hears
of this Gorlitz March, and that the bird is flown. For which he has,
therefore, to devise straightway a new expedient: 'Wheel to the right;
cross Spree farther down, holding towards Bautzen itself,' orders
Friedrich. And settles within two miles of Bautzen; his left being at
Doberschutz,--on the strong ground he held after Hochkirch, while Daun,
two years ago, sat watching so quiescent. Daun knows what kind of march
these Prussians, blocked out from relief of Neisse, stole on him THEN,
and saved their Silesia, in spite of his watching and blocking;--and
has plunged off, in the manner of a cart-horse scared into galloping, to
avoid the like." What a Sabbath-day's journey, on both sides, for those
Sons of War! Nothing in the Roman times, though they had less
baggage, comes up to such modern marching: nor is this the fastest of
Friedrich's, though of Daun's it unspeakably is. "Friedrich, having
missed Daun, is thinking now to whirl round, and go into Lacy,--which
will certainly bring Daun back, even better.

"This evening, accordingly, Ziethen occupies Bautzen; sweeps out certain
Lacy precursors, cavalry in some strength, who are there. Lacy has come
on as far as Bischofswerda: and his Horse-people seem to be wide ahead;
provokingly pert upon Friedrich's outposts, who determines to chastise
them the first thing to-morrow. To-morrow, as is very needful, is to be
a rest-day otherwise. For Friedrich's wearied people a rest-day; not at
all for Daun's, who continues his heavy-footed galloping yet another day
and another, till he get across the Queiss, and actually reach Silesia."

MONDAY, JULY 7th. "Rest-day accordingly, in Bautzen neighborhood;
nothing passing but a curious Skirmish of Horse,--in which Friedrich,
who had gone westward reconnoitring, seeking Lacy, had the main share,
and was notably situated for some time. Godau, a small town or village,
six miles west of Bautzen, was the scene of this notable passage:
actors in it were Friedrich himself, on the Prussian part; and, on the
Austrian, by degrees Lacy's Cavalry almost in whole. Lacy's Cavalry,
what Friedrich does not know, are all in those neighborhoods: and
no sooner is Godau swept clear of them, than they return in greater
numbers, needing to be again swept; and, in fact, they gradually
gather in upon him, in a singular and dangerous manner, after his first
successes on them, and before his Infantry have time to get up and
support.

"Friedrich was too impatient in this provoking little haggle, arresting
him here. He had ordered on the suitable Battalion with cannon; but
hardly considers that the Battalion itself is six miles off,--not
to speak of the Order, which is galloping on horseback, not going by
electricity:--the impatient Friedrich had slashed in at once upon Godau,
taken above 100 prisoners; but is astonished to see the slashed
people return, with Saxon-Dragoon regiments, all manner of regiments,
reinforcing them. And has some really dangerous fencing there;--issuing
in dangerous and curious pause of both parties; who stand drawn up,
scarcely beyond pistol-shot, and gazing into one another, for I know
not how many minutes; neither of them daring to move off, lest, on the
instant of turning, it be charged and overwhelmed. As the impatient
Friedrich, at last, almost was,--had not his Infantry just then got in,
and given their cannon-salvo. He lost about 200, the Lacy people hardly
so many; and is now out of a considerable personal jeopardy, which is
still celebrated in the Anecdote-Books, perhaps to a mythical extent.
'Two Uhlans [Saxon-Polish Light-Horse], with their truculent pikes, are
just plunging in,' say the Anecdote-Books: Friedrich's Page, who had got
unhorsed, sprang to his feet, bellowed in Polish to them: 'What are
you doing here, fellows?' 'Excellenz [for the Page is not in Prussian
uniform, or in uniform at all, only well-dressed], Excellenz, our horses
ran away with us,' answer the poor fellows; and whirl back rapidly." The
story, says Retzow, is true. [Retzow, ii. 215.]

This is the one event of July 7th,--and of July 8th withal; which day
also, on news of Daun that come, Friedrich rests. Up to July 8th, it is
clear Friedrich is shooting with what we called the first string of his
bow,--intent, namely, on Silesia. Nor, on hearing that Daun is forward
again, now hopelessly ahead, does he quit that enterprise; but, on the
contrary, to-morrow morning, July 9th, tries it by a new method, as we
shall see: method cunningly devised to suit the second string as well.
"How lucky that we have a second string, in case of failure!"--

TUESDAY, 8th JULY. "News that Daun reached Gorlitz yesternight; and
is due to-night at Lauban, fifty miles ahead of us:--no hope now
of reaching Daun. Perhaps a sudden clutch at Lacy, in the opposite
direction, might be the method of recalling Daun, and reaching him? That
is the method fallen upon.

"Sun being set, the drums in Bautzen sound TATTOO,--audible to listening
Croats in the Environs;--beat TATTOO, and, later in the night, other
passages of drum-music, also for Croat behoof (GENERAL-MARCH I think it
is); indicating That we have started again, in pursuit of Daun. And in
short, every precaution being taken to soothe the mind of Lacy and
the Croats, Friedrich silently issues, with his best speed, in Three
columns, by Three roads, towards Lacy's quarters, which go from that
village of Godau westward, in a loose way, several miles. In three
columns, by three routes, all to converge, with punctuality, on Lacy.
Of the columns, two are of Infantry, the leftmost and the rightmost, on
each hand, hidden as much as possible; one is of Cavalry in the middle.
Coming on in this manner--like a pair of triple-pincers, which are to
grip simultaneously on Lacy, and astonish him, if he keep quiet. But
Lacy is vigilant, and is cautious almost in excess. Learning by his
Pandours that the King seems to be coming this way, Lacy gathers himself
on the instant; quits Godau, by one in the morning; and retreats bodily,
at his fastest step, to Bischofswerda again; nor by any means stops
there." [Tempelhof, iv. 61-63.]

For the third time! "Three is lucky," Friedrich may have thought:
and there has no precaution, of drum-music, of secrecy or persuasive
finesse, been neglected on Lacy. But Lacy has ears that hear the grass
grow: our elaborately accurate triple-pincers, closing simultaneously
on Bischofswerda, after eighteen miles of sweep, find Lacy flown again;
nothing to be caught of him but some 80 hussars. All this day and
all next night Lacy is scouring through the western parts at an
extraordinary rate; halting for a camp, twice over, at different
places,--Durre Fuchs (THIRSTY FOX), Durre Buhle (THIRSTY SWEETHEART), or
wherever it was; then again taking wing, on sound of Prussian parties to
rear; in short, hurrying towards Dresden and the Reichsfolk, as if for
life.

Lacy's retreat, I hear, was ingeniously done, with a minimum of disorder
in the circumstances: but certainly it was with a velocity as if his
head had been on fire; and, indeed, they say he escaped annihilation by
being off in time. He put up finally, not at Thirsty Sweetheart, still
less at Thirsty Fox, successive Hamlets and Public Houses in the sandy
Wilderness which lies to north of Elbe, and is called DRESDEN HEATH;
but farther on, in the same Tract, at Weisse Hirsch (WHITE HART); which
looks close over upon Dresden, within two miles or so; and is a kind
of Height, and military post of advantage. Next morning, July 10th,
he crosses Dresden Bridge, comes streaming through the City; and takes
shelter with the Reichsfolk near there:--towards Plauen Chasm; the
strongest ground in the world; hardly strong enough, it appears, in the
present emergency.

Friedrich's first string, therefore, has snapt in two; but, on the
instant, he has a second fitted on:--may that prove luckier!




Chapter II.

FRIEDRICH BESIEGES DRESDEN.

From and after the Evening of Wednesday, July 9th, it is upon a Siege of
Dresden that Friedrich goes;--turning the whole war-theatre topsy-turvy;
throwing Daun, Loudon, Lacy, everybody OUT, in this strange and sudden
manner. One of the finest military feats ever done, thinks Tempelhof.
Undoubtedly a notable result so far, and notably done; as the impartial
reader (if Tempelhof be a little inconsistent) sees for himself.
These truly are a wonderful series of marches, opulent in continual
promptitudes, audacities, contrivances;--done with shining talent,
certainly; and also with result shining, for the moment. And in a
Fabulous Epic I think Dresden would certainly have fallen to Friedrich,
and his crowd of enemies been left in a tumbled condition.

But the Epic of Reality cares nothing for such considerations; and
the time allowable for capture of Dresden is very brief. Had Daun,
on getting warning, been as prompt to return as he was to go, frankly
fronting at once the chances of the road, he might have been at Dresden
again perhaps within a week,--no Siege possible for Friedrich, hardly
the big guns got up from Magdeburg. But Friedrich calculated there would
be very considerable fettling and haggling on Daun's part; say a good
Fortnight of Siege allowed;--and that, by dead-lift effort of all hands,
the thing was feasible within that limit. On Friedrich's part, as we can
fancy, there was no want of effort; nor on his people's part,--in spite
of his complainings, say Retzow and the Opposition party; who insinuate
their own private belief of impossibility from the first. Which is
not confirmed by impartial judgments,--that of Archenholtz, and others
better. The truth is, Friedrich was within an inch of taking Dresden by
the first assault,--they say he actually could have taken it by storm
the first day; but shuddered at the thought of exposing poor Dresden to
sack and plunder; and hoped to get it by capitulation.

One of the rapidest and most furious Sieges anywhere on record. Filled
Europe with astonishment, expectancy, admiration, horror:--must be very
briefly recited here. The main chronological epochs, salient points of
crisis and successive phases of occurrence, will sufficiently indicate
it to the reader's fancy.

"It was Thursday Evening, 10th July, when Lacy got to his Reichsfolk,
and took breath behind Plauen Chasm. Maguire is Governor of Dresden. The
consternation of garrison and population was extreme. To Lacy himself it
did not seem conceivable that Friedrich could mean a Siege of Dresden.
Friedrich, that night, is beyond the River, in Daun's old impregnability
of Reichenberg: 'He has no siege-artillery,' thinks Lacy; 'no means, no
time.'

"Nevertheless, Saturday, next day after to-morrow,--behold, there is
Hulsen, come from Schlettau to our neighborhood, on our Austrian side
of the River. And at Kaditz yonder, a mile below Dresden, are not
the King's people building their Pontoons; in march since 2 in the
morning,--evidently coming across, if not to besiege Dresden, then to
attack us; which is perhaps worse! We outnumber them,--but as to trying
fight in any form? Zweibruck leaves Maguire an additional 10,000;--every
help and encouragement to Maguire; whose garrison is now 14,000: 'Be of
courage, Excellenz Maguire! Nobody is better skilled in siege-matters.
Feldmarschall and relief will be here with despatch!'--and withdraws,
Lacy and he, to the edge of the Pirna Country, there to be well out of
harm's way. Lacy and he, it is thought, would perhaps have got beaten,
trying to save Dresden from its misery. Lacy's orders were, Not, on any
terms, to get into fighting with Friedrich, but only to cover Dresden.
Dresden, without fighting, has proved impossible to cover, and Lacy
leaves it bare." [Tempelhof, iv. 65.]

"At Kaditz," says Mitchell, "where the second bridge of boats took a
great deal of time, I was standing by his Majesty, when news to the
above effect came across from General Hulsen. The King was highly
pleased; and, turning to me, said: 'Just what I wished! They have saved
me a very long march [round by Dippoldiswalde or so, in upon the rear
of them] by going of will.' And immediately the King got on horseback;
ordering the Army to follow as fast as it could." [Mitchell, ii. 168.]
"Through Preisnitz, Plauen-ward, goes the Army; circling round the
Western and the Southern side of Dresden; [a dread spectacle from the
walls]; across Weistritz Brook and the Plauen Chasm [comfortably left
vacant]; and encamps on the Southeastern side of Dresden, at Gruna,
behind the GREAT GARDEN; ready to begin business on the morrow. Gruna,
about a mile to southeast of Dresden Walls, is head-quarter during this
Siege.

"Through the night, the Prussians proceed to build batteries, the best
they can;--there is no right siege-artillery yet; a few accidental
howitzers and 25-pounders, the rest mere field-guns;--but to-morrow
morning, be as it may, business shall begin. Prince von Holstein [nephew
of the Holstein Beck, or "Holstein SILVER-PLATE," whom we lost long
ago], from beyond the River, encamped at the White Hart yonder, is to
play upon the Neustadt simultaneously.

MONDAY 14th, "At 6 A.M., cannonade began; diligent on Holstein's part
and ours; but of inconsiderable effect. Maguire has been summoned: 'Will
[with such a garrison, in spite of such trepidations from the Court
and others] defend himself to the last man.' Free-Corps people [not
Quintus's, who is on the other side of the River], [Tempelhof, v. 67.]
with regulars to rear, advance on the Pirna Gate; hurl in Maguire's
Out-parties; and had near got in along with them,--might have done so,
they and their supports, it is thought by some, had storm seemed the
recommendable method.

"For four days there is livelier and livelier cannonading; new batteries
getting opened in the Moschinska Garden and other points; on the
Prussian part, great longing that the Magdeburg artillery were here.
The Prussians are making diligently ready for it, in the mean while
(refitting the old Trenches, 'old Envelope' dug by Maguire himself in
the Anti-Schmettau time; these will do well enough):--the Prussians
reinforce Holstein at the Weisse, Hirsch, throw a new bridge across
to him; and are busy day and night. Maguire, too, is most industrious,
resisting and preparing: Thursday shuts up the Weistritz Brook (a dam
being ready this long while back, needing only to be closed), and lays
the whole South side of Dresden under water. Many rumors about Daun:
coming, not coming;--must for certain come, but will possibly be
slowish."

FRIDAY 18th. "Joy to every Prussian soul: here are the heavy guns from
Magdeburg. These, at any rate, are come; beds for them all ready;
and now the cannonading can begin in right earnest. As it does with a
vengeance. To Mitchell, and perhaps others, 'the King of Prussia says He
will now be master of the Town in a few days. And the disposition he has
made of his troops on the other side of the River is intended not only
to attack Dresden on that side [and defend himself from Daun], but also
to prevent the Garrison from retiring.... This morning, Friday, 18th,
the Suburb of Pirna, the one street left of it, was set fire to, by
Maguire; and burnt out of the way, as the others had been. Many of the
wretched inhabitants had fled to our camp: "Let them lodge in Plauen,
no fighting there, quiet artificial water expanses there instead." Many
think the Town will not be taken; or that, if it should, it will cost
very dear,--so determined seems Maguire. [Mitchell, iii. 170, 171.] And,
in effect, from this day onwards, the Siege became altogether fierce,
and not only so, but fiery as well; and, though lasting in that violent
form only four, or at the very utmost seven, days more, had near ruined
Dresden from the face of the world."

SATURDAY, 19th, "Maguire, touched to the quick by these new artilleries
of the Prussians this morning, found good to mount a gun or two on the
leads of the Kreuz-Kirche [Protestant High Church, where, before now,
we have noticed Friedrich attending quasi-divine service more than
once];--that is to say, on the crown of Dresden; from which there is
view into the bottom of Friedrich's trenches and operations. Others say,
it was only two or three old Saxon cannon, which stand there, for firing
on gala-days; and that they hardly fired on Friedrich more than once.
For certain, this is one of the desirablest battery-stations,--if only
Friedrich will leave it alone. Which he will not for a moment; but
brings terrific howitzers to bear on it; cannon-balls, grenadoes; tears
it to destruction, and the poor Kreuz-Kirche along with it. Kirche
speedily all in flames, street after street blazing up round it, again
and again for eight-and-forty hours coming; hapless Dresden, during two
days and nights, a mere volcano henceforth." "By mistake all that, and
without order of mine," says Friedrich once;--meaning, I think, all that
of the Kreuz-Kirche: and perhaps wishing he could mean the bombardment
altogether, [Schoning, ii. 361 "To Prince Henri, at Giessen [Frankfurt
Country], 23d July, 1760."]--who nevertheless got, and gets, most of the
credit of the thing from a shocked outside world.

"This morning," same Saturday, 19th, "Daun is reported to have arrived;
vanguard of him said to be at Schonfeld, over in THIRSTY-SWEETHEART
Country yonder which Friedrich, going to reconnoitre, finds tragically
indisputable: 'There, for certain; only five miles from Holstein's post
at the WHITE HART, and no River between;--as the crow flies, hardly
five from our own Camp. Perhaps it will be some days yet before he do
anything?' So that Friedrich persists in his bombardment, only the more:
'By fire-torture, then! Let the bombarded Royalties assail Maguire, and
Maguire give in;--it is our one chance left; and succeed we will and
must!' Cruel, say you?--Ah, yes, cruel enough, not merciful at all. The
soul of Friedrich, I perceive, is not in a bright mood at this time, but
in a black and wrathful, worn almost desperate against the slings and
arrows of unjust Fate: 'Ahead, I say! If everybody will do miracles,
cannot we perhaps still manage it, in spite of Fate?'" Mitchell is very
sorry; but will forget and forgive those inexorable passages of war.

"I cannot think of the bombardment of Dresden without horror," says he;
"nor of many other things I have seen. Misfortunes naturally sour men's
temper [even royal men's]; and long continued, without interval, at
last extinguish humanity." "We are now in a most critical and dangerous
situation, which cannot long last: one lucky event, approaching to a
miracle, may still save all: but the extreme caution and circumspection
of Marshal Daun--!" [Mitchell, ii. 184, 185.]

If Daun could be swift, and end the miseries of Dresden, surely Dresden
would be much obliged to him. It was ten days yet, after that of the
Kreuz-Kirche, before Dresden quite got rid of its Siege: Daun never was
a sudden man. By a kind of accident, he got Holstein hustled across
the River that first night (July 19th),--not annihilated, as was very
feasible, but pushed home, out of his way. Whereby the North side of
Dresden is now open; and Daun has free communication with Maguire.

Maguire rose thereupon to a fine pitch of spirits; tried several things,
and wished Daun to try; but with next to no result. For two days after
Holstein's departure, Daun sat still, on his safe Northern shore;
stirring nothing but his own cunctations and investigations, leaving the
bombardment, or cannonade, to take its own course. One attempt he did
make in concert with Maguire (night of Monday 21st), and one attempt
only, of a serious nature; which, like the rest, was unsuccessful. And
would not be worth mentioning,--except for the poor Regiment BERNBURG'S
sake; Bernburg having got into strange case in consequence of it.

"This Attempt [night of 21st-22d July] was a combined sally and
assault--Sally by Maguire's people, a General Nugent heading them, from
the South or Plauen side of Dresden, and Assault by 4,000 of Daun's from
the North side--upon Friedrich's Trenches. Which are to be burst in upon
in this double way, and swept well clear, as may be expected.
Friedrich, however, was aware of the symptoms, and had people ready
waiting,--especially, had Regiment BERNBURG, Battalions 1st and 2d; a
Regiment hitherto without stain.

"Bernburg accordingly, on General Nugent's entering their trenches from
the south side, falls altogether heartily on General Nugent; tumbles him
back, takes 200 prisoners, Nudent himself one of them [who is considered
to have been the eye of the enterprise, worth many hundreds this night]
all this Bernburg, in its usually creditable manner, does, as expected
of it. But after, or during all this, when the Dann people from the
north come streaming in, say four to one, both south and north, Bernburg
looked round for support; and seeing none, had, after more or less
of struggle, to retire as a defeated Bernburg,--Austrians taking
the battery, and ruling supreme there for some time. Till Wedell, or
somebody with fresh Battalions, came up; and, rallying Bernburg to him,
retook their Battery, and drove out the Austrians, with a heavy loss of
prisoners. [Tempelhof, iv. 79.]

"I did not hear that Bernburg's conduct was liable to the least fair
censure. But Friedrich's soul is severe at this time; demanding miracles
from everybody: 'You runaway Bernburg, shame on you!'--and actually
takes the swords from them, and cuts off their Hat-tresses: 'There!'
Which excited such an astonishment in the Prussian Army as was seldom
seen before. And affected Bernburg to the length almost of despair, and
breaking of heart,--in a way that is not ridiculous to me at all,
but beautiful and pathetic. Of which there is much talk, now and long
afterwards, in military circles. 'The sorrows of these poor Bernburgers,
their desperate efforts to wash out this stigma, their actual washing
of it out, not many weeks hence, and their magnificent joy on the
occasion,--these are the one distinguishing point in Daun's relief of
Dresden, which was otherwise quite a cunctatory, sedentary matter."

Daun built three Bridges,--he had a broad stone one already,--but did
little or nothing with them; and never himself came across at all.
Merely shot out nocturnal Pandour Parties, and ordered up Lacy and the
Reichsfolk to do the like, and break the night's rest of his Enemy. He
made minatory movements, one at least, down the River, by his own shore,
on Friedrich's Ammunition-Boats from Torgau, and actually intercepted
certain of them, which was something; but, except this, and vague
flourishings of the Pandour kind, left Friedrich to his own course.

Friedrich bombarded for a day or two farther; cannonaded, out of more or
fewer batteries, for eight, or I think ten days more. Attacks from Daun
there were to be, now on this side, now on that; many rumors of attack,
but, except once only (midnight Pandours attempting the King's lodging,
"a Farm-house near Gruna," but to their astonishment rousing the whole
Prussian Army "in the course of three minutes" [Archenholtz, ii. 81 (who
is very vivid, but does not date); Rodenbeck, ii. 24 (quotes similar
account by another Eye-witness, and guesses it to be "night of July
22d-23d").]), rumor was mainly all. For guarding his siege-lines,
Friedrich has to alter his position; to shift slightly, now fronting
this way, now the other way; is "called always at midnight" (against
these nocturnal disturbances), and "never has his clothes off."
Nevertheless, continues his bombardment, and then his cannonading,
till his own good time, which I think is till the 26th. His
"ricochet-battery," which is good against Maguire's people, innocent
to Dresden, he continued for three days more;--while gathering
his furnitures about Plauen Country, making his arrangements at
Meissen;--did not march till the night of June 29th. Altogether calmly;
no Daun or Austrian molesting him in the least; his very sentries
walking their rounds in the trenches till daylight; after which they
also marched, unmolested, Meissen-ward.

Unfortunate Friedrich has made nothing of Dresden, then. After such a
June and July of it, since he left the Meissen Country; after all these
intricate manoeuvrings, hot fierce marchings and superhuman exertions,
here is he returning to Meissen Country poorer than if he had stayed.
Fouquet lost, Glatz unrelieved--Nay, just before marching off, what is
this new phenomenon? Is this by way of "Happy journey to you!" Towards
sunset of the 29th, exuberant joy-firing rises far and wide from the
usually quiet Austrian lines,--"Meaning what, once more?" Meaning that
Glatz is lost, your Majesty; that, instead of a siege of many weeks (as
might have been expected with Fouquet for Commandant), it has held out,
under Fouquet's Second, only a few hours; and is gone without remedy!
Certain, though incredible. Imbecile Commandant, treacherous Garrison
(Austrian deserters mainly), with stealthy Jesuits acting on them: no
use asking what. Here is the sad Narrative, in succinct form.




CAPTURE OF GLATZ (26th July, 1760).

"Loudon is a swift man, when he can get bridle; but the curb-hand of
Daun is often heavy on him. Loudon has had Glatz blockaded since June
7th; since June 23d he has had Fouquet rooted away, and the ground clear
for a Siege of Glatz. But had to abstain altogether, in the mean time;
to take camp at Landshut, to march and manoeuvre about, in support of
Daun, and that heavy-footed gallop of Daun's which then followed: on
the whole, it was not till Friedrich went for Dresden that the
Siege-Artillery, from Olmutz, could be ordered forward upon Glatz; not
for a fortnight more that the Artillery could come; and, in spite of
Loudon's utmost despatch, not till break of day, July 26th, that
the batteries could open. After which, such was Loudon's speed
and fortune,--and so diligent had the Jesuits been in those seven
weeks,--the 'Siege,' as they call it, was over in less than seven hours.

"One Colonel D'O [Piedmontese by nation, an incompetent person, known to
loud Trenck during his detention here] was Commandant of Glatz, and had
the principal Fortress,--for there are two, one on each side the Neisse
River;--his Second was a Colonel Quadt, by birth Prussian, seemingly
not very competent he either, who had command of the Old Fortress, round
which lies the Town of Glatz: a little Town, abounding in Jesuits;--to
whose Virgin, if readers remember, Friedrich once gave a new gown;
with small effect on her, as would appear. The Quadt-D'O garrison was
2,400,--and, if tales are true, it had been well bejesuited during those
seven weeks. [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ v. 55.] At four in the morning,
July 26th) the battering began on Quadt; Quadt, I will believe,
responding what he could,--especially from a certain Arrowhead Redoubt
(or FLECHE) he has, which ought to have been important to him. After
four or five hours of this, there was mutual pause,--as if both parties
had decided upon breakfast before going farther.

"Quadt's Fortress is very strong, mostly hewn in the rock; and he has
that important outwork of a FLECHE; which is excellent for enfilading,
as it extends well beyond the glacis; and, being of rock like the rest,
is also abundantly defensible. Loudon's people, looking over into
this FLECHE, find it negligently guarded; Quadt at breakfast, as would
seem:--and directly send for Harsch, Captain of the Siege, and even for
Loudon, the General-in-Chief. Negligently guarded, sure enough; nothing
in the FLECHE but a few sentries, and these in the horizontal position,
taking their unlawful rest there, after such a morning's work. 'Seize me
that,' eagerly orders Loudon; 'hold that with firm grip!' Which is
done; only to step in softly, two battalions of you, and lay hard hold.
Incompetent Quadt, figure in what a flurry, rushing out to recapture
his FLECHE,--explodes instead into mere anarchy, whole Companies of him
flinging down their arms at their Officers' feet, and the like. So
that Quadt is totally driven in again, Austrians along with him; and
is obliged to beat chamade;--D'O following the example, about an hour
after, without even a capitulation. Was there ever seen such a defence!
Major Unruh, one of a small minority, was Prussian, and stanch; here is
Unruh's personal experience,--testimony on D'O's Trial, I suppose,--and
now pretty much the one thing worth reading on this subject.

"MAJOR ULZRUH TESTIFIES: 'At four in the morning, 26th July, 1760, the
Enemy began to cannonade the Old Fortress [that of Quadt]; and about
nine, I was ordered with 150 men to clear the Envelope from Austrians.
Just when I had got to the Damm-Gate, halt was called. I asked the
Commandant, who was behind me, which way I should march; to the
Crown-work or to the Envelope? Being answered, To the Envelope, I
found on coming out at the Field-Gate nothing but an Austrian
Lieutenant-colonel and some men. He called to me, "There had been
chamade beaten, and I was not to run into destruction (MICH UNGLUCKLICH
MACHEN)!" I offered him Quarter; and took him in effect prisoner, with
20 of his best men; and sent him to the Commandant, with request that
he would keep my rear free, or send me reinforcement. I shot the Enemy a
great many people here; chased him from the Field-Gate, and out of
both the Envelope and the Redoubt called the Crane [that is the FLECHE
itself, only that the Austrians are mostly not now there, but gone
THROUGH into the interior there!]--Returning to the Field-Gate, I
found that the Commandant had beaten chamade a second time; there were
marching in, by this Field-Gate, two battalions of the Austrian Regiment
ANDLAU; I had to yield myself prisoner, and was taken to General Loudon.
He asked me, "Don't you know the rules of war, then; that you fire after
chamade is beaten?" I answered in my heat, "I knew of no chamade; what
poltroonery or what treachery had been going on, I knew not!" Loudon
answered, "You might deserve to have your head laid at your feet, Sir!
Am I here to inquire which of you shows bravery, which poltroonery?"'
[Seyfarth, ii. 652.] A blazing Loudon, when the fire is up!"--

After the Peace, D'O had Court-Martial, which sentenced him to death,
Friedrich making it perpetual imprisonment: "Perhaps not a traitor, only
a blockhead!" thought Friedrich. He had been recommended to his post by
Fouquet. What Trenck writes of him is, otherwise, mostly lies.

Thus is the southern Key of Silesia (one of the two southern Keys,
Neisse being the other) lost to Friedrich, for the first time; and
Loudon is like to drive a trade there; "Will absolutely nothing prosper
with us, then?" Nothing, seemingly, your Majesty! Heavier news Friedrich
scarcely ever had. But there is no help. This too he has to carry with
him as he can into the Meissen Country. Unsuccessful altogether; beaten
on every hand. Human talent, diligence, endeavor, is it but as lightning
smiting the Serbonian Bog? Smite to the last, your Majesty, at any rate;
let that be certain. As it is, and has been. That is always something,
that is always a great thing.

Friedrich intends no pause in those Meissen Countries. JULY 30th, on his
march northward, he detaches Hulsen with the old 10,000 to take Camp at
Schlettau as before, and do his best for defence of Saxony against the
Reichsfolk, numerous, but incompetent; he himself, next day, passes on,
leaving Meissen a little on his right, to Schieritz, some miles farther
down,--intending there to cross Elbe, and make for Silesia without loss
of an hour. Need enough of speed thither; more need than even Friedrich
supposes! Yesterday, July 30th, Loudon's Vanguard came blockading
Breslau, and this day Loudon himself;--though Friedrich heard nothing,
anticipated nothing, of that dangerous fact, for a week hence or more.

Soltikof's and Loudon's united intentions on Silesia he has well known
this long while; and has been perpetually dunning Prince Henri on the
subject, to no purpose,--only hoping always there would probably be
no great rapidity on the part of these discordant Allies. Friedrich's
feelings, now that the contrary is visible, and indeed all through the
Summer in regard to the Soltikof-Loudon Business, and the Fouquet-Henri
method of dealing with it, have been painful enough, and are growing
ever more so. Cautious Henri never would make the smallest attack on
Soltikof, but merely keep observing him;--the end of which, what can the
end of it be? urges Friedrich always: "Condense yourselves; go in
upon the Russians, while they are in separate corps;"--and is very
ill-satisfied with the languor of procedures there. As is the Prince
with such reproaches, or implied reproaches, on said languor. Nor is his
humor cheered, when the King's bad predictions prove true. What has it
come to? These Letters of King and Prince are worth reading,--if indeed
you can, in the confusion of Schoning (a somewhat exuberant man, loud
rather than luminous);--so curious is the Private Dialogue going
on there at all times, in the background of the stage, between the
Brothers. One short specimen, extending through the June and July just
over,--specimen distilled faithfully out of that huge jumbling sea of
Schaning, and rendered legible,--the reader will consent to.




DIALOGUE OF FRIEDRICH AND HENRI (from their Private Correspondence: June
7th-July 29th, 1760).

FRIEDRICH (June 7th; before his first crossing Elbe: Henri at Sagan;
he at Schlettau, scanning the waste of fatal possibilities). ...
Embarrassing? Not a doubt, of that! "I own, the circumstances both of
us are in are like to turn my head, three or four times a day." Loudon
aiming for Neisse, don't you think? Fouquet all in the wrong.--"One
has nothing for it but to watch where the likelihood of the biggest
misfortune is, and to run thither with one's whole strength."

HENRI... "I confess I am in great apprehension for Colberg:"--shall
one make thither; think you? Russians, 8,000 as the first instalment
of them, have ARRIVED; got to Posen under Fermor, June 1st:--so the
Commandant of Glogau writes me (see enclosed).

FRIEDRICH (June 9th). Commandant of Glogau writes impossibilities:
Russians are not on march yet, nor will be for above a week.

"I cross Elbe, the 15th. I am compelled to undertake something of
decisive nature, and leave the rest to chance. For desperate disorders
desperate remedies. My bed is not one of roses. Heaven aid us: for human
prudence finds itself fall short in situations so cruel and desperate as
ours." [Schoning, ii. 313 ("Meissen Camp, 7th June, 1760"); ib. ii. 317
("9th June").]

HENRI. Hm, hm, ha (Nothing but carefully collected rumors, and
wire-drawn auguries from them, on the part of Henri; very intense
inspection of the chicken-bowels,--hardly ever without a shake of the
head).

FRIEDRICH (June 26th; has heard of the Fouquet disaster).... "Yesterday
my heart was torn to pieces [news of Landshut, Fouquet's downfall
there], and I felt too sad to be in a state for writing you a sensible
Letter; but to-day, when I have come to myself a little again, I will
send you my reflections. After what has happened to Fouquet, it is
certain Loudon can have no other design but on Breslau [he designs Glatz
first of all]: it will be the grand point, therefore, especially if
the Russians too are bending thither, to save that Capital of Silesia.
Surely the Turks must be in motion:--if so, we are saved; if not so, we
are lost! To-day I have taken this Camp of Dobritz, in order to be more
collected, and in condition to fight well, should occasion rise,--and
in case all this that is said and written to me about the Turks is TRUE
[which nothing of it was], to be able to profit by it when the time
comes." [Schoning, ii. 341 ("Gross-Dobritz, 26th June, 1760").]

HENRI (simultaneously, June 26th: Henri is forward from Sagan, through
Frankfurt, and got settled at Landsberg, where he remains through the
rest of the Dialogue).... Tottleben, with his Cossacks, scouring
about, got a check from us,--nothing like enough. "By all my accounts,
Soltikof, with the gross of the Russians, is marching for Posen. The
other rumors and symptoms agree in indicating a separate Corps, under
Fermor, who is to join Tottleben, and besiege Colberg: if both these
Corps, the Colberg and the Posen one, act, in concert, my embarrassment
will be extreme.... I have just had news of what has befallen General
Fouquet. Before this stroke, your affairs were desperate enough; now I
see but too well what we have to look for." [Ib. ii. 339 ("Landsberg,
26th June, 1760").] (How comforting!)

FRIEDRICH. "Would to God your prayers for the swift capture of Dresden
had been heard; but unfortunately I must tell you, this stroke has
failed me.... Dresden has been reduced to ashes, third part of the
Altstadt lying burnt;--contrary to my intentions: my orders were, To
spare the City, and play the Artillery against the works. My Minister
Graf von Finck will have told you what occasioned its being set on
fire." [Schoning, ii. 361 ("2d-3d July").]

HENRI (July 26th; Dresden Siege gone awry).... "I am to keep the
Russians from Frankfurt, to cover Glogau, and prevent a besieging of
Breslau! All that forms an overwhelming problem;--which I, with my
whole heart, will give up to somebody abler for it than I am." [Ib. ii.
369-371 ("Landsherg, 26th July").]

FRIEDRICH (29th July; quits the Trenches of Dresden this night). ...
"I have seen with pain that you represent everything to yourself on the
black side. I beg you, in the name of God, my dearest Brother, don't
take things up in their blackest and worst shape:--it is this that
throws your mind into such an indecision, which is so lamentable. Adopt
a resolution rather, what resolution you like, but stand by it, and
execute it with your whole strength. I conjure you, take a fixed
resolution; better a bad than none at all.... What is possible to man,
I will do; neither care nor consideration nor effort shall be spared, to
secure the result of my plans. The rest depends on circumstances. Amid
such a number of enemies, one cannot always do what one will, but must
let them prescribe." [Ib. ii. 370-372 ("Leubnitz, before Dresden, 29th
July, 1760").]

An uncomfortable little Gentleman; but full of faculty, if one can
manage to get good of it! Here, what might have preceded all the above,
and been preface to it, is a pretty passage from him; a glimpse he has
had of Sans-Souci, before setting out on those gloomy marchings and
cunctatory hagglings. Henri writes (at Torgau, April 26th, just back
from Berlin and farewell of friends):--

"I mean to march the day after to-morrow. I took arrangements with
General Fouquet [about that long fine-spun Chain of Posts, where we are
to do such service?]--the Black Hussars cannot be here till to-morrow,
otherwise I should have marched a day sooner. My Brother [poor little
invalid Ferdinand] charged me to lay him at your feet. I found him
weak and thin, more so than formerly. Returning hither, the day before
yesterday, I passed through Potsdam; I went to Sans-Souci [April 24th,
1760]:--all is green there; the Garden embellished, and seemed to me
excellently kept. Though these details cannot occupy you at present,
I thought it would give you pleasure to hear of them for a moment."
[Schoning, ii. 233 ("Torgau, 26th April, 1760").] Ah, yes; all is so
green and blessedly silent there: sight of the lost Paradise, actually
IT, visible for a moment yonder, far away, while one goes whirling in
this manner on the illimitable wracking winds!--

Here finally, from a distant part of the War-Theatre, is another Note;
which we will read while Friedrich is at Schieritz. At no other place so
properly; the very date of it, chief date (July 31st), being by accident
synchronous with Schieritz:--




DUKE FERDINAND'S BATTLE OF WARBURG (31st July, 1760).

Duke Ferdinand has opened his difficult Campaign; and especially--just
while that Siege of Dresden blazed and ended--has had three sharp
Fights, which were then very loud in the Gazettes, along with it. Three
once famous Actions; which unexpectedly had little or no result, and are
very much forgotten now. So that bare enumeration of them is nearly
all we are permitted here. Pitt has furnished 7,000 new English, this
Campaign,--there are now 20,000 English in all, and a Duke Ferdinand
raised to 70,000 men. Surely, under good omens, thinks Pitt; and still
more think the Gazetteers, judging by appearances. Yes: but if Broglio
have 130,000, what will it come to? Broglio is two to one; and has,
before this, proved himself a considerable Captain.

Fight FIRST is that of KORBACH (July 10th): of Broglio, namely, who has
got across the River Ohm in Hessen (to Ferdinand's great disgust with
the General Imhof in command there), and is streaming on to seize the
Diemel River, and menace Hanover; of Broglio, in successive sections, at
a certain "Pass of Korbach," VERSUS the Hereditary Prince (ERBPRINZ of
Brunswick), who is waiting for him there in one good section,--and who
beautifully hurls back one and another of the Broglio sections; but
cannot hurl back the whole Broglio Army, all marching by sections that
way; and has to retire, back foremost, fencing sharply, still in a
diligently handsome manner, though with loss. [Mauvillon, ii. 105.] That
is the Battle of Korbach, fought July 10th,--while Lacy streamed through
Dresden, panting to be at Plauen Chasm, safe at last.

Fight SECOND (July 16th) was a kind of revenge on the Erbprinz's part:
Affair of EMSDORF, six days after, in the same neighborhood; beautiful
too, said the Gazetteers; but of result still more insignificant.
Hearing of a considerable French Brigade posted not far off, at that
Village of Emsdorf, to guard Broglio's meal-carts there, the indignant
Erbprinz shoots off for that; light of foot,--English horse mainly, and
Hill Scots (BERG-SCHOTTEN so called, who have a fine free stride, in
summer weather);--dashes in upon said Brigade (Dragoons of Bauffremont
and other picked men), who stood firmly on the defensive; but were cut
up, in an amazing manner, root and branch, after a fierce struggle, and
as it were brought home in one's pocket. To the admiration of military
circles,--especially of mess-rooms and the junior sort. "Elliot's
light horse [part of the new 7,000], what a regiment! Unparalleled for
willingness, and audacity of fence; lost 125 killed,"--in fact, the
loss chiefly fell on Elliot. [Ib. ii. 109 (Prisoners got "were
2,661, including General and Officers 179," with all their furnitures
whatsoever, "400 horses, 8 cannon," &c.).] The BERG-SCHOTTEN too,--I
think it was here that these kilted fellows, who had marched with such
a stride, "came home mostly riding:" poor Beauffremont Dragoons being
entirely cut up, or pocketed as prisoners, and their horses ridden in
this unexpected manner! But we must not linger,--hardly even on WARBURG,
which was the THIRD and greatest; and has still points of memorability,
though now so obliterated.

"Warburg," says my Note on this latter, "is a pleasant little Hessian
Town, some twenty-five miles west of Cassel, standing on the north or
left bank of the Diemel, among fruitful knolls and hollows. The famous
'BATTLE OF WARBURG,'--if you try to inquire in the Town itself, from
your brief railway-station, it is much if some intelligent inhabitant,
at last, remembers to have heard of it! The thing went thus: Chevalier
du Muy, who is Broglio's Rear-guard or Reserve, 30,000 foot and horse,
with his back to the Diemel, and eight bridges across it in case of
accident, has his right flank leaning on Warburg, and his left on a
Village of Ossendorf, some two miles to northwest of that. Broglio,
Prince Xavier of Saxony, especially Duke Ferdinand, are all vehemently
and mysteriously moving about, since that Fight of Korbach; Broglio
intent to have Cassel besieged, Du Muy keeping the Diemel for him;
Ferdinand eager to have the Diemel back from Du Muy and him.

"Two days ago (July 29th), the Erbprinz crossed over into these
neighborhoods, with a strong Vanguard, nearly equal to Du Muy; and,
after studious reconnoitring and survey had, means, this morning (July
31st), to knock him over the Diemel again, if he can. No time to be
lost; Broglio near and in such force. Duke Ferdinand too, quitting
Broglio for a moment, is on march this way; crossed the Diemel, about
midnight, some ten miles farther down, or eastward; will thence bend
southward, at his best speed, to support the Erbprinz, if necessary, and
beset the Diemel when got;--Erbprinz not, however, in any wise, to
wait for him; such the pressure from Broglio and others. A most busy
swift-going scene that morning;--hardly worth such describing at this
date of time.

"The Erbprinz, who is still rather to northeastward, that is to
rightward, not directly frontward, of Du Muy's lines; and whose plan of
attack is still dark to Du Muy, commences [about 8 A.M., I should guess]
by launching his British Legion so called,--which is a composite body,
of Free-Corps nature, British some of it ('Colonel Beckwith's people,'
for example), not British by much the most of it, but an aggregate of
wild strikers, given to plunder too:--by launching his British Legion
upon Warburg Town, there to take charge of Du Muy's right wing. Which
Legion, 'with great rapidity, not only pitched the French all out, but
clean plundered the poor Town;' and is a sad sore on Du Muy's right, who
cannot get it attended to, in the ominous aspects elsewhere visible.
For the Erbprinz, who is a strategic creature, comes on, in the style
of Friedrich, not straight towards Du Muy, but sweeps out in two
columns round northward; privately intending upon Du Muy's left wing
and front--left wing, right wing, (by British Legion), and front, all
three;--and is well aided by a mist which now fell, and which hung on
the higher ground, and covered his march, for an hour or more. This mist
had not begun when he saw, on the knoll-tops, far off on the right, but
indisputable as he flattered himself,--something of Ferdinand emerging!
Saw this; and pours along, we can suppose, with still better step and
temper. And bursts, pretty simultaneously, upon Du Muy's right wing
and left wing, coercing his front the while; squelches both these wings
furiously together; forces the coerced centre, mostly horse, to plunge
back into the Diemel, and swim. Horse could swim; but many of the Foot,
who tried, got drowned. And, on the whole, Du Muy is a good deal wrecked
[1,600 killed, 2,000 prisoners, not to speak of cannon and flags], and,
but for his eight bridges, would have been totally ruined.

"The fight was uncommonly furious, especially on Du Muy's left;
'Maxwell's Brigade' going at it, with the finest bayonet-practice,
musketry, artillery-practice; obstinate as bears. On Du Muy's right, the
British Legion, left wing, British too by name, had a much easier job.
But the fight generally was of hot and stubborn kind, for hours, perhaps
two or more;--and some say, would not have ended so triumphantly, had
it not been for Duke Ferdinand's Vanguard, Lord Granby and the English
Horse; who, warned by the noise ahead, pushed on at the top of their
speed, and got in before the death. Granby and the Blues had gone at the
high trot, for above five miles; and, I doubt not, were in keen humor
when they rose to the gallop and slashed in. Mauvillon says, 'It was
in this attack that Lord Granby, at the head of the Blues, his own
regiment, had his hat blown off; a big bald circle in his head rendering
the loss more conspicuous. But he never minded; stormed still on,' bare
bald head among the helmets and sabres; 'and made it very evident that
had he, instead of Sackville, led at Minden, there had been a different
story to tell. The English, by their valor,' adds he, 'greatly
distinguished themselves this day. And accordingly they suffered by far
the most; their loss amounting to 590 men:' or, as others count,--out
of 1,200 killed and wounded, 800 were English." [Mauvillon, ii. 114.
Or better, in all these three cases, as elsewhere, Tempelhof's specific
Chapter on Ferdinand (Tempelhof, iv. 101-122). Ferdinand's Despatch
(to King George), in _Knesebeck,_ ii. 96-98;--or in the Old Newspapers
(_Gentleman's Magazine,_ xxx. 386, 387), where also is Lord Granby's
Despatch.]

This of Granby and the bald head is mainly what now renders Warburg
memorable. For, in a year or two, the excellent Reynolds did a
Portrait of Granby; and by no means forgot this incident; but gives him
bare-headed, bare and bald; the oblivious British connoisseur not now
knowing why, as perhaps he ought. The portrait, I suppose, may be in
Belvoir Castle; the artistic Why of the baldness is this BATTLE OF
WARBURG, as above. An Affair otherwise of no moment. Ferdinand had soon
to quit the Diemel, or to find it useless for him, and to try other
methods,--fencing gallantly, but too weak for Broglio; and, on the
whole, had a difficult Campaign of it, against that considerable Soldier
with forces so superior.




Chapter III.--BATTLE OF LIEGNITZ.

Friedrich stayed hardly one day in Neissen Country; Silesia, in the jaws
of destruction, requiring such speed from him. His new Series of Marches
thitherward, for the next two weeks especially, with Daun and Lacy, and
at last with Loudon too, for escort, are still more singular than
the foregoing; a fortnight of Soldier History such as is hardly to be
paralleled elsewhere. Of his inward gloom one hears nothing. But the
Problem itself approaches to the desperate; needing daily new invention,
new audacity, with imminent destruction overhanging it throughout. A
March distinguished in Military Annals;--but of which it is not for us
to pretend treating. Military readers will find it in TEMPELHOF, and
the supplementary Books from time to time cited here. And, for our own
share, we can only say, that Friedrich's labors strike us as abundantly
Herculean; more Alcides-like than ever,--the rather as hopes of any
success have sunk lower than ever. A modern Alcides, appointed to
confront Tartarus itself, and be victorious over the Three-headed Dog.
Daun, Lacy, Loudon coming on you simultaneously, open-mouthed, are a
considerable Tartarean Dog! Soldiers judge that the King's resources of
genius were extremely conspicuous on this occasion; and to all men it is
in evidence that seldom in the Arena of this Universe, looked on by the
idle Populaces and by the eternal Gods and Antigods (called Devils), did
a Son of Adam fence better for himself, now and throughout.

This, his Third march to Silesia in 1760, is judged to be the most
forlorn and ominous Friedrich ever made thither; real peril, and ruin
to Silesia and him, more imminent than even in the old Leuthen days.
Difficulties, complicacies very many, Friedrich can foresee: a Daun's
Army and a Lacy's for escort to us; and such a Silesia when we do
arrive. And there is one complicacy more which he does not yet know of;
that of Loudon waiting ahead to welcome him, on crossing the Frontier,
and increase his escort thenceforth!--Or rather, let us say, Friedrich,
thanks to the despondent Henri and others, has escaped a great Silesian
Calamity;--of which he will hear, with mixed emotions, on arriving at
Bunzlau on the Silesian Frontier, six days after setting out. Since the
loss of Glatz (July 26th), Friedrich has no news of Loudon; supposes
him to be trying something upon Neisse, to be adjusting with his slow
Russians; and, in short, to be out of the dismal account-current just at
present. That is not the fact in regard to Loudon; that is far from the
fact.




LOUDON IS TRYING A STROKE-OF-HAND ON BRESLAU, IN THE GLATZ FASHION, IN
THE INTERIM (July 30th-August 3d).

Hardly above six hours after taking Glatz, swift Loudon, no Daun now
tethering him (Daun standing, or sitting, "in relief of Dresden" far
off), was on march for Breslau--Vanguard of him "marched that same
evening (July 26th):" in the liveliest hope of capturing Breslau;
especially if Soltikof, to whom this of Glatz ought to be a fine
symbol and pledge, make speed to co-operate. Soltikof is in no violent
enthusiasm about Glatz; anxious rather about his own Magazine at Posen,
and how to get it carted out of Henri's way, in case of our advancing
towards some Silesian Siege. "If we were not ruined last year, it was
n't Daun's fault!" growls he often; and Montalembert has need of all
his suasive virtues (which are wonderful to look at, if anybody cared
to look at them, all flung into the sea in this manner) for keeping the
barbarous man in any approach to harmony. The barbarous man had, after
haggle enough, adjusted himself for besieging Glogau; and is surly to
hear, on the sudden (order from Petersburg reinforcing Loudon), that it
is Breslau instead. "Excellenz, it is not Cunctator Daun this time, it
is fiery Loudon." "Well, Breslau, then!" answers Soltikof at last, after
much suasion. And marches thither; [Tempelhof, iv. 87-89 ("Rose from
Posen, July 26th").] faster than usual, quickened by new temporary
hopes, of Montalembert's raising or one's own: "What a place-of-arms,
and place of victual, would Breslau be for us, after all!"

And really mends his pace, mends it ever more, as matters grow
stringent; and advances upon Breslau at his swiftest: "To rendezvous
with Loudon under the walls there,--within the walls very soon, and
ourselves chief proprietor!"--as may be hoped. Breslau has a garrison of
4,000, only 1,000 of them stanch; and there are, among other bad items,
9,000 Austrian Prisoners in it. A big City with weak walls: another
place to defend than rock-hewn little Glatz,--if there be no better than
a D'O for Commandant in it! But perhaps there is.

"WEDNESDAY, 30th JULY, Loudon's Vanguard arrived at Breslau; next day
Loudon himself;--and besieged Breslau very violently, according to his
means, till the Sunday following. Troops he has plenty, 40,000 odd,
which he gives out for 50 or even 60,000; not to speak of Soltikof,
'with 75,000' (read 45,000), striding on in a fierce and dreadful manner
to meet him here. 'Better surrender to Christian Austrians, had not
you?' Loudon's Artillery is not come up, it is only struggling on from
Glatz; Soltikof of his own has no Siege-Artillery; and Loudon judges
that heavy-footed Soltikof, waited on by an alert Prince Henri, is a
problematic quantity in this enterprise. 'Speedy oneself; speedy
and fiery!' thinks Loudon: 'by violence of speed, of bullying and
bombardment, perhaps we can still do it!' And Loudon tried all these
things to a high stretch; but found in Tauentzien the wrong man.

"THURSDAY, 31st, Loudon, who has two bridges over Oder, and the
Town begirt all round, summons Tauentzien in an awful sounding tone:
'Consider, Sir: no defence possible; a trading Town, you ought not to
attempt defence of it: surrender on fair terms, or I shall, which God
forbid, be obliged to burn you and it from the face of the world!'
'Pooh, pooh,' answers Tauentzien, in brief polite terms; 'you yourselves
had no doubt it was a Garrison, when we besieged you here, on the heel
of Leuthen; had you? Go to!'--Fiery Loudon cannot try storm, the Town
having Oder and a wet ditch round it. He gets his bombarding batteries
forward, as the one chance he has, aided by bullying. And to-morrow,

"FRIDAY, AUGUST 1st, sends, half officially, half in the friendly way,
dreadful messages again: a warning to the Mayor of Breslau (which was
not signed by Loudon), 'Death and destruction, Sir, unless'--!--warning
to the Mayor; and, by the same private half-official messenger, a new
summons to Tauentzien: 'Bombardment infallible; universal massacre by
Croats; I will not spare the child in its mother's womb.' 'I am not with
child,' said Tauentzien, 'nor are my soldiers! What is the use of such
talk?' And about 10 that night, Loudon does accordingly break out into
all the fire of bombardment he is master of. Kindles the Town in various
places, which were quenched again by Tauentzien's arrangements; kindles
especially the King's fine Dwelling-house (Palace they call it), and
adjacent streets, not quenchable till Palace and they are much ruined.
Will this make no impression? Far too little.

"Next morning Loudon sends a private messenger of conciliatory tone:
'Any terms your Excellency likes to name. Only spare me the general
massacre, and child in the mother's womb!' From all which Tauentzien
infers that you are probably short of ammunition; and that his outlooks
are improving. That day he gets guns brought to bear on General Loudon's
own quarter; blazes into Loudon's sitting-room, so that Loudon has
to shift else-whither. No bombardment ensues that night; nor next day
anything but desultory cannonading, and much noise and motion;--and at
night, SUNDAY, 3d, everything falls quiet, and, to the glad amazement
of everybody, Loudon has vanished." [Tempelhof, iv. 90-100; Archenholtz,
ii. 89-94; HOFBERICHT VON DER BELAGERUNG VON BRESLAU IM AUGUST 1760 (in
Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii. 688-698); also in _Helden-Geschichte,_ vi.
299-309: in _Anonymous of Hamburg_ (iv. 115-124), that is, in the OLD
NEWSPAPERS, extremely particular account, How "not only the finest Horse
in Breslau, and the finest House [King's Palace], but the handsomest
Man, and, alas, also the prettiest Girl [poor Jungfer Muller,
shattered by a bomb-shell on the streets], were destroyed in this short
Siege,"--world-famous for the moment. Preuss, ii. 246.]

Loudon had no other shift left. This Sunday his Russians are still five
days distant; alert Henri, on the contrary, is, in a sense, come to
hand. Crossed the Katzbach River this day, the Vanguard of him did, at
Parchwitz; and fell upon our Bakery; which has had to take the road.
"Guard the Bakery, all hands there," orders Loudon; "off to Striegau
and the Hills with it;"--and is himself gone thither after it, leaving
Breslau, Henri and the Russians to what fate may be in store for them.
Henri has again made one of his winged marches, the deft creature,
though the despondent; "march of 90 miles in three days [in the last
three, from Glogau, 90; in the whole, from Landsberg, above 200], and
has saved the State," says Retzow. "Made no camping, merely bivouacked;
halting for a rest four or five hours here and there;" [Retzow, ii.
230 (very vague); in Tempelhof (iv. 89, 90, 95-97) clear and specific
account.] and on August 5th is at Lissa (this side the Field of
Leuthen); making Breslau one of the gladdest of cities.

So that Soltikof, on arriving (village of Hundsfeld, August 8th), by the
other side of the River, finds Henri's advanced guards intrenched
over there, in Old Oder; no Russian able to get within five miles of
Breslau,--nor able to do more than cannonade in the distance, and ask
with indignation, "Where are the siege-guns, then; where is General
Loudon? Instead of Breslau capturable, and a sure Magazine for us, here
is Henri, and nothing but steel to eat!" And the Soltikof risen into
Russian rages, and the Montalembert sunk in difficulties: readers can
imagine these. Indignant Soltikof, deaf to suasion, with this dangerous
Henri in attendance, is gradually edging back; always rather back, with
an eye to his provisions, and to certain bogs and woods he knows of. But
we will leave the Soltikof-Henri end of the line, for the opposite end,
which is more interesting.--To Friedrich, till he got to Silesia itself,
these events are totally unknown. His cunctatory Henri, by this winged
march, when the moment came, what a service has he done!--

Tauentzien's behavior, also, has been superlative at Breslau; and was
never forgotten by the King. A very brave man, testifies Lessing of him;
true to the death: "Had there come but three, to rally with the King
under a bush of the forest, Tauentzien would have been one." Tauentzien
was on the ramparts once, in this Breslau pinch, giving orders; a
bomb burst beside him, did not injure him. "Mark that place," said
Tauentzien; and clapt his hat on it, continuing his orders, till a more
permanent mark were put. In that spot, as intended through the next
thirty years, he now lies buried. [_Militair-Lexikon,_ iv. 72-75;
Lessing's _Werke;_ &c. &c.]




FRIEDRICH ON MARCH, FOR THE THIRD TIME, TO RESCUE SILESIA (August
1st-15th).

AUGUST 1st, Friedrich crossed the Elbe at Zehren, in the Schieritz
vicinity, as near Meissen as he could; but it had to be some six miles
farther down, such the liabilities to Austrian disturbance. All are
across that morning by 5 o'clock (began at 2); whence we double back
eastward, and camp that night at Dallwitz,--are quietly asleep there,
while Loudon's bombardment bursts out on Breslau, far away! At Dallwitz
we rest next day, wait for our Bakeries and Baggages; and SUNDAY, AUGUST
3d, at 2 in the morning, set forth on the forlornest adventure in the
world.

The arrangements of the March, foreseen and settled beforehand to the
last item, are of a perfection beyond praise;--as is still visible in
the General Order, or summary of directions given out; which, to this
day, one reads with a kind of satisfaction like that derivable from
the Forty-seventh of Euclid: clear to the meanest capacity, not a word
wanting in it, not a word superfluous, solid as geometry. "The Army
marches always in Three Columns, left Column foremost: our First Line of
Battle [in case we have fighting] is this foremost Column; Second Line
is the Second Column; Reserve is the Third. All Generals' chaises,
money-wagons, and regimental Surgeons' wagons remain with their
respective Battalions; as do the Heavy Batteries with the Brigades to
which they belong. When the march is through woody country, the Cavalry
regiments go in between the Battalions [to be ready against Pandour
operations and accidents].

"With the First Column, the Ziethen Hussars and Free-Battalion Courbiere
have always the vanguard; Mohring Hussars and Free-Battalion Quintus
[speed to you, learned friend!] the rear-guard. With the Second Column
always the Dragoon regiments Normann and Krockow have the vanguard;
Regiment Czetteritz [Dragoons, poor Czetteritz himself, with his lost
MANUSCRIPT, is captive since February last], the rear-guard. With the
Third Column always the Dragoon regiment Holstein as head, and the ditto
Finkenstein to close the Column.--During every march, however, there
are to be of the Second Column 2 Battalions joined with Column Third; so
that the Third Column consists of 10 Battalions, the Second of 6, while
on march.

"Ahead of each Column go three Pontoon Wagons; and daily are 50
work-people allowed them, who are immediately to lay Bridge, where it is
necessary. The rear-guard of each Column takes up these Bridges again;
brings them on, and returns them to the head of the Column, when the
Army has got to camp. In the Second Column are to be 500 wagons, and
also in the Third 500, so shared that each battalion gets an equal
number. The battalions--" [In TEMPELHOF (iv. 125, 126) the entire
Piece.]... This may serve as specimen.

The March proceeded through the old Country; a little to left of the
track in June past: Roder Water, Pulsnitz Water; Kamenz neighborhood,
Bautzen neighborhood,--Bunzlau on Silesian ground. Daun, at
Bischofswerda, had foreseen this March; and, by his Light people, had
spoiled the Road all he could; broken all the Bridges, HALF-felled the
Woods (to render them impassable). Daun, the instant he heard of the
actual March, rose from Bischofswerda: forward, forward always, to be
ahead of it, however rapid; Lacy, hanging on the rear of it, willing to
give trouble with his Pandour harpies, but studious above all that it
should not whirl round anywhere and get upon his, Lacy's, own throat.
One of the strangest marches ever seen. "An on-looker, who had observed
the march of these different Armies," says Friedrich, "would have
thought that they all belonged to one leader. Feldmarschall Daun's he
would have taken for the Vanguard, the King's for the main Army, and
General Lacy's for the Rear-guard." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ v. 56.]
Tempelhof says: "It is given only to a Friedrich to march on those
terms; between Two hostile Armies, his equals in strength, and a Third
[Loudon's, in Striegau Country] waiting ahead."

The March passed without accident of moment; had not, from Lacy or Daun,
any accident whatever. On the second day, an Aide-de-Camp of Daun's
was picked up, with Letters from Lacy (back of the cards visible to
Friedrich). Once,--it is the third day of the March (August 6th, village
of Rothwasser to be quarter for the night),--on coming toward Neisse
River, some careless Officer, trusting to peasants, instead of examining
for himself and building a bridge, drove his Artillery-wagons into the
so-called ford of Neisse; which nearly swallowed the foremost of them in
quicksands. Nearly, but not completely; and caused a loss of five or six
hours to that Second Column. So that darkness came on Column Second in
the woody intricacies; and several hundreds of the deserter kind took
the opportunity of disappearing altogether. An unlucky, evidently too
languid Officer; though Friedrich did not annihilate the poor fellow,
perhaps did not rebuke him at all, but merely marked it in elucidation
of his qualities for time coming." This miserable village of Rothwasser"
(head-quarters after the dangerous fording of Neisse), says Mitchell,
"stands in the middle of a wood, almost as wild and impenetrable as
those in North America. There was hardly ground enough cleared about it
for the encampment of the troops." [Mitchell, ii. 190; Tempelhof, iv.
131.] THURSDAY, AUGUST 7th, Friedrich--traversing the whole Country,
but more direct, by Konigsbruck and Kamenz this time--is at Bunzlau
altogether. "Bunzlau on the Bober;" the SILESIAN Bunzlau, not the
Bohemian or any of the others. It is some 30 miles west of Liegnitz,
which again lies some 40 northwest of Schweidnitz and the Strong Places.
Friedrich has now done 100 miles of excellent marching; and he has still
a good spell more to do,--dragging "2,000 heavy wagons" with him, and
across such impediments within and without. Readers that care to study
him, especially for the next few days, will find it worth their while.

Tempelhof gives, as usual, a most clear Account, minute to a degree;
which, supplemented by Mitchell and a Reimann Map, enables us as it were
to accompany, and to witness with our eyes. Hitherto a March toilsome in
the extreme, in spite of everything done to help it; starting at 3 or
at 2 in the morning; resting to breakfast in some shady place, while
the sun is high, frugally cooking under the shady woods,--"BURSCHEN
ABZUKOCHEN here," as the Order pleasantly bears. All encamped now, at
Bunzlau in Silesia, on Thursday evening, with a very eminent week's work
behind them. "In the last five days, above 100 miles of road, and such
road; five considerable rivers in it"--Bober, Queiss, Neisse, Spree,
Elbe; and with such a wagon-train of 2,000 teams. [Tempelhof, iv.
123-150.]

Proper that we rest a day here; in view of the still swifter marchings
and sudden dashings about, which lie ahead. It will be by extremely
nimble use of all the limbs we have,--hands as well as feet,--if any
good is to come of us now! Friedrich is aware that Daun already holds
Striegau "as an outpost [Loudon thereabouts, unknown to Friedrich],
these several days;" and that Daun personally is at Schmottseifen, in
our own old Camp there, twenty or thirty miles to south of us, and has
his Lacy to leftward of him, partly even to rearward: rather in advance
of US, both of them,--if we were for Landshut; which we are not. "Be
swift enough, may not we cut through to Jauer, and get ahead of Daun?"
counts Friedrich: "To Jauer, southeast of us, from Bunzlau here, is 40
miles; and to Jauer it is above 30 east for Daun: possible to be
there before Daun! Jauer ours, thence to the Heights of Striegau
and Hohenfriedberg Country, within wind of Schweidnitz, of Breslau:
magazines, union with Prince Henri, all secure thereby?" So reckons the
sanguine Friedrich; unaware that Loudon, with his corps of 35,000, has
been summoned hitherward; which will make important differences! Loudon,
Beck with a smaller Satellite Corps, both these, unknown to Friedrich,
lie ready on the east of him: Loudon's Army on the east; Daun's,
Lacy's on the south and west; three big Armies, with their Satellites,
gathering in upon this King: here is a Three-headed Dog, in the Tartarus
of a world he now has! On the fourth side of him is Oder, and
the Russians, who are also perhaps building Bridges, by way of a
supplementary or fourth head.

AUGUST 9th (BUNZLAU TO GOLDBERG), Friedrich, with his Three Columns
and perfect arrangements, makes a long march: from Bunzlau at 3 in the
morning; and at 5 afternoon arrives in sight of the Katzbach Valley,
with the little Town of Goldberg some miles to right. Katzbach River
is here; and Jauer, for to-morrow, still fifteen miles ahead. But on
reconnoitring here, all is locked and bolted: Lacy strong on the Hills
of Goldberg; Daun visible across the Katzbach; Daun, and behind him
Loudon, inexpugnably posted: Jauer an impossibility! We have bread only
for eight days; our Magazines are at Schweidnitz and Breslau: what is to
be done? Get through, one way or other, we needs must! Friedrich encamps
for the night; expecting an attack. If not attacked, he will make
for Liegnitz leftward; cross the Katzbach there, or farther down at
Parchwitz:--Parchwitz, Neumarkt, LEUTHEN, we have been in that country
before now:--Courage!

AUGUST 10th-11th (TO LIEGNITZ AND BACK). At 5 A.M., Sunday, August 10th,
Friedrich, nothing of attack having come, got on march again: down
his own left bank of the Katzbach, straight for Liegnitz; unopposed
altogether; not even a Pandour having attacked him overnight. But no
sooner is he under way, than Daun too rises; Daun, Loudon, close by, on
the other side of Katzbach, and keep step with us, on our right; Lacy's
light people hovering on our rear:--three truculent fellows in buckram;
fancy the feelings of the way-worn solitary fourth, whom they are
gloomily dogging in this way! The solitary fourth does his fifteen miles
to Liegnitz, unmolested by them; encamps on the Heights which look down
on Liegnitz over the south; finds, however, that the Loudon-Daun people
have likewise been diligent; that they now lie stretched out on their
right bank, three or four miles up-stream or to rearward, and what is
far worse, seven miles downwards, or ahead: that, in fact, they are a
march nearer Parchwitz than he;--and that there is again no possibility.
"Perhaps by Jauer, then, still? Out of this, and at lowest, into some
vicinity of bread, it does behoove us to be!" At 11 that night Friedrich
gets on march again; returns the way he came. And,

AUGUST 11th, At daybreak, is back to his old ground; nothing now to
oppose him but Lacy, who is gone across from Goldberg, to linger as rear
of the Daun-Loudon march. Friedrich steps across on Lacy, thirsting
to have a stroke at Lacy; who vanishes fast enough, leaving the ground
clear. Could but our baggage have come as fast as we! But our baggage,
Quintus guarding and urging, has to groan on for five hours yet; and
without it, there is no stirring. Five mortal hours;--by which time,
Daun, Lacy, Loudon are all up again; between us and Jauer, between us
and everything helpful;--and Friedrich has to encamp in Seichau,--"a
very poor Village in the Mountains," writes Mitchell, who was painfully
present there, "surrounded on all sides by Heights; on several of which,
in the evening, the Austrians took camp, separated from us by a deep
ravine only." [Mitchell, ii. 194.]

Outlooks are growing very questionable to Mitchell and everybody. "Only
four days' provisions" (in reality six), whisper the Prussian Generals
gloomily to Mitchell and to one another: "Shall we have to make for
Glogau, then, and leave Breslau to its fate? Or perhaps it will be
a second Maxen to his Majesty and us, who was so indignant with poor
Finck?" My friends, no; a Maxen like Finck's it will never be: a very
different Maxen, if any! But we hope better things.

Friedrich's situation, grasped in the Three-lipped Pincers in this
manner, is conceivable to readers. Soltikof, on the other side of Oder,
as supplementary or fourth lip, is very impatient with these three. "Why
all this dodging, and fidgeting to and fro? You are above three to one
of your enemy. Why don't you close on him at once, if you mean it at
all? The end is, He will be across Oder; and it is I that shall have the
brunt to bear: Henri and he will enclose me between two fires!" And in
fact, Henri, as we know, though Friedrich does not or only half does,
has gone across Oder, to watch Soltikof, and guard Breslau from any
attempts of his,--which are far from HIS thoughts at this moment;--a
Soltikof fuming violently at the thought of such cunctations, and of
being made cat's-paw again. "Know, however, that I understand you,"
violently fumes Soltikof, "and that I won't. I fall back into the
Trebnitz Bog-Country, on my own right bank here, and look out for my
own safety."--"Patience, your noble Excellenz," answer they always; "oh,
patience yet a little! Only yesterday (Sunday, 10th the day after his
arrival in this region), we had decided to attack and crush him; Sunday
very early: [Tempelhof, iv. 137, 148-150.] but he skipped away to
Liegnitz. Oh, be patient yet a day or two: he skips about at such a
rate!" Montalembert has to be suasive as the Muses and the Sirens.
Soltikof gloomily consents to another day or two. And even, such
his anxiety lest this swift King skip over upon HIM, pushes out a
considerable Russian Division, 24,000 ultimately, under Czernichef,
towards the King's side of things, towards Auras on Oder, namely,--there
to watch for oneself these interesting Royal movements; or even to join
with Loudon out there, if that seem the safer course, against them.
Of Czernichef at Auras we shall hear farther on,--were these Royal
movements once got completed a little.

MORNING OF AUGUST 12th, Friedrich has, in his bad lodging at Seichau,
laid a new plan of route: "Towards Schweidnitz let it be; round by
Pombsen and the southeast, by the Hill-roads, make a sweep flankward
of the enemy!"--and has people out reconnoitring the Hill-roads. Hears,
however, about 8 o'clock, That Austrians in strength are coming between
us and Goldberg! "Intending to enclose us in this bad pot of a Seichau;
no crossing of the Katzbach, or other retreat to be left us at all?"
Friedrich strikes his tents; ranks himself; is speedily in readiness
for dispute of such extremity;--sends out new patrols, however,
to ascertain. "Austrians in strength" there are NOT on the side
indicated;--whereupon he draws in again. But, on the other hand, the
Hill-roads are reported absolutely impassable for baggage; Pombsen an
impossibility, as the other places have been. So Friedrich sits down
again in Seichau to consider; does not stir all day. To Mitchell's
horror, who, "with great labor," burns all the legationary ciphers and
papers ("impossible to save the baggage if we be attacked in this hollow
pot of a camp"), and feels much relieved on finishing. [Mitchell, ii.
144; Tempelhof, iv. 144.]

Towards sunset, General Bulow, with the Second Line (second column of
march), is sent out Goldberg-way, to take hold of the passage of the
Katzbach: and at 8 that night we all march, recrossing there about 1
in the morning; thence down our left bank to Liegnitz for the second
time,--sixteen hours of it in all, or till noon of the 13th. Mitchell
had been put with the Cavalry part; and "cannot but observe to your
Lordship what a chief comfort it was in this long, dangerous and painful
March," to have burnt one's ciphers and dread secrets quite out of the
way.

And thus, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 13th, about noon, we are in our old Camp;
Head-quarter in the southern suburb of Liegnitz (a wretched little
Tavern, which they still show there, on mythical terms): main part of
the Camp, I should think, is on that range of Heights, which reaches two
miles southward, and is now called "SIEGESBERG (Victory Hill)," from
a modern Monument built on it, after nearly 100 years. Here Friedrich
stays one day,--more exactly, 30 hours;--and his shifting, next time, is
extremely memorable.




BATTLE, IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD OF LIEGNITZ, DOES ENSUE (Friday morning,
15th August, 1760).

Daun, Lacy and Loudon, the Three-lipped Pincers, have of course
followed, and are again agape for Friedrich, all in scientific postures:
Daun in the Jauer region, seven or eight miles south; Lacy about
Goldberg, as far to southwest; Loudon "between Jeschkendorf and
Koischwitz," northeastward, somewhat closer on Friedrich, with the
Katzbach intervening. That Czernichef, with an additional 24,000, to
rear of Loudon, is actually crossing Oder at Auras, with an eye to
junction, Friedrich does not hear till to-morrow. [Tempelhof, iv.
148-151; Mitchell, ii. 197.]

The scene is rather pretty, if one admired scenes. Liegnitz, a square,
handsome, brick-built Town, of old standing, in good repair (population
then, say 7,000), with fine old castellated edifices and aspects:
pleasant meeting, in level circumstances, of the Katzbach valley with
the Schwartz-wasser (BLACK-WATER) ditto, which forms the north rim of
Liegnitz; pleasant mixture of green poplars and brick towers,--as seen
from that "Victory Hill" (more likely to be "Immediate-Ruin Hill!")
where the King now is. Beyond Liegnitz and the Schwartzwasser,
northwestward, right opposite to the King's, rise other Heights called
of Pfaffendorf, which guard the two streams AFTER their uniting. Kloster
Wahlstatt, a famed place, lies visible to southeast, few miles off.
Readers recollect one Blucher "Prince of Wahlstatt," so named from one
of his Anti-Napoleon victories gained there? Wahlstatt was the scene of
an older Fight, almost six centuries older, [April 9th, 1241 (Kohler,
REICHS-HISTORIE).]--a then Prince of Liegnitz VERSUS hideous Tartar
multitudes, who rather beat him; and has been a CLOISTER Wahlstatt ever
since. Till Thursday, 14th, about 8 in the evening, Friedrich continued
in his Camp of Liegnitz. We are now within reach of a notable Passage of
War.

Friedrich's Camp extends from the Village of Schimmelwitz, fronting
the Katzbach for about two miles, northeastward, to his Head-quarter in
Liegnitz Suburb: Daun is on his right and rearward, now come within
four or five miles; Loudon to his left and frontward, four or five,
the Katzbach separating Friedrich and him; Lacy lies from Goldberg
northeastward, to within perhaps a like distance rearward: that is the
position on Thursday, 14th. Provisions being all but run out; and three
Armies, 90,000 (not to count Czernichef and his 24,000 as a fourth)
watching round our 30,000, within a few miles; there is no staying here,
beyond this day. If even this day it be allowed us? This day, Friedrich
had to draw out, and stand to arms for some hours; while the Austrians
appeared extensively on the Heights about, apparently intending an
attack; till it proved to be nothing: only an elaborate reconnoitring by
Daun; and we returned to our tents again.

Friedrich understands well enough that Daun, with the facts now before
him, will gradually form his plan, and also, from the lie of matters,
what his plan will be: many are the times Daun has elaborately
reconnoitred, elaborately laid his plan; but found, on coming to
execute, that his Friedrich was off in the interim, and the plan gone
to air. Friedrich has about 2,000 wagons to drag with him in these
swift marches: Glogau Magazine, his one resource, should Breslau and
Schweidnitz prove unattainable, is forty-five long miles northwestward.
"Let us lean upon Glogau withal," thinks Friedrich; "and let us be out
of this straightway! March to-night; towards Parchwitz, which is towards
Glogau too. Army rest till daybreak on the Heights of Pfaffendorf
yonder, to examine, to wait its luck: let the empty meal-wagons jingle
on to Glogau; load themselves there, and jingle back to us in Parchwitz
neighborhood, should Parchwitz not have proved impossible to our
manoeuvrings,--let us hope it may not!"--Daun and the Austrians having
ceased reconnoitring, and gone home, Friedrich rides with his Generals,
through Liegnitz, across the Schwartzwasser, to the Pfaffendorf Heights.
"Here, Messieurs, is our first halting-place to be: here we shall halt
till daybreak, while the meal-wagons jingle on!" And explains to them
orally where each is to take post, and how to behave. Which done, he too
returns home, no doubt a wearied individual; and at 4 of the afternoon
lies down to try for an hour or two of sleep, while all hands are busy
packing, according to the Orders given.

It is a fact recorded by Friedrich himself, and by many other people,
That, at this interesting juncture, there appeared at the King's Gate,
King hardly yet asleep, a staggering Austrian Officer, Irish by nation,
who had suddenly found good to desert the Austrian Service for the
Prussian--("Sorrow on them: a pack of"--what shall I say?)--Irish
gentleman, bursting with intelligence of some kind, but evidently deep
in liquor withal. "Impossible; the King is asleep," said the Adjutant
on duty; but produced only louder insistence from the drunk Irish
gentleman. "As much as all your heads are worth; the King's own safety,
and not a moment to lose!" What is to be done? They awaken the King:
"The man is drunk, but dreadfully in earnest, your Majesty." "Give him
quantities of weak tea [Tempelhof calls it tea, but Friedrich merely
warm water]; then examine him, and report if it is anything." Something
it was: "Your Majesty to be attacked, for certain, this night!" what his
Majesty already guessed:--something, most likely little; but nobody to
this day knows. Visible only, that his Majesty, before sunset, rode
out reconnoitring with this questionable Irish gentleman, now in a very
flaccid state; and altered nothing whatever in prior arrangements;--and
that the flaccid Irish gentleman staggers out of sight, into dusk, into
rest and darkness, after this one appearance on the stage of history.
[_OEuvres de Frederic,_ v. 63; Tempelhof, iv. 154.]

From about 8 in the evening, Friedrich's people got on march, in their
several columns, and fared punctually on; one column through the streets
of Liegnitz, others to left and to right of that; to left mainly, as
remoter from the Austrians and their listening outposts from beyond the
Katzbach River;--where the camp-fires are burning extremely distinct
to-night. The Prussian camp-fires, they too are all burning uncommonly
vivid; country people employed to feed them; and a few hussar sentries
and drummers to make the customary sounds for Daun's instruction, till
a certain hour. Friedrich's people are clearing the North Suburb of
Liegnitz, crossing the Schwartzwasser: artillery and heavy wagons all
go by the Stone-Bridge at Topferberg (POTTER-HILL) there; the lighter
people by a few pontoons farther down that stream, in the Pfaffendorf
vicinity. About one in the morning, all, even the right wing from
Schimmelwitz, are safely across.

Schwartzwasser, a River of many tails (boggy most of them, Sohnelle or
SWIFT Deichsel hardly an exception), gathering itself from the southward
for twenty or more miles, attains its maximum of north at a place called
Waldau, not far northwest of Topferberg. Towards this Waldau, Lacy is
aiming all night; thence to pounce on our "left wing,"--which he will
find to consist of those empty watch-fires merely. Down from Waldau,
past Topferberg and Pfaffendorf (PRIEST-town, or as we should call it,
"Preston"), which are all on its northern or left bank, Schwartzwasser's
course is in the form of an irregular horse-shoe; high ground to its
northern side, Liegnitz and hollows to its southern; till in an angular
way it do join Katzbach, and go with that, northward for Oder the rest
of its course. On the brow of these horse-shoe Heights,--which run
parallel to Schwartzwasser one part of them, and nearly parallel to
Katzbach another (though above a mile distant, these latter, from
IT),--Friedrich plants himself: in Order of Battle; slightly altering
some points of the afternoon's program, and correcting his Generals,
"Front rather so and so; see where their fires are, yonder!" Daun's
fires, Loudon's fires; vividly visible both:--and, singular to say,
there is nothing yonder either but a few sentries and deceptive drums!
All empty yonder too, even as our own Camp is; all gone forth, even as
we are; we resting here, and our meal-wagons jingling on Glogau way!

Excellency Mitchell, under horse-escort, among the lighter baggage,
is on Kuchelberg Heath, in scrubby country, but well north behind
Friedrich's centre: has had a dreadful march; one comfort only, that
his ciphers are all burnt. The rest of us lie down on the grass;--among
others, young Herr von Archenholtz, ensign or lieutenant in Regiment
FORCADE: who testifies that it is one of the beautifulest nights, the
lamps of Heaven shining down in an uncommonly tranquil manner; and that
almost nobody slept. The soldier-ranks all lay horizontal, musket under
arm; chatting pleasantly in an undertone, or each in silence revolving
such thoughts as he had. The Generals amble like observant spirits,
hoarsely imperative. [Archenholtz, ii. 100-111.] Friedrich's line, we
observed, is in the horse-shoe shape (or PARABOLIC, straighter than
horse-shoe), fronting the waters. Ziethen commands in that smaller
Schwartzwasser part of the line, Friedrich in the Katzbach part, which
is more in risk. And now, things being moderately in order, Friedrich
has himself sat down--I think, towards the middle or convex part of his
lines--by a watch-fire he has found there; and, wrapt in his cloak, his
many thoughts melting into haze, has sunk ito a kind of sleep. Seated on
a drum, some say; half asleep by the watch-fire, time half-past 2,--when
a Hussar Major, who has been out by the Bienowitz, the Pohlschildern
way, northward, reconnoitring, comes dashing up full speed: "The King?
where is the King?" "What is it, then?" answers the King for himself.
"Your Majesty, the Enemy in force, from Bienowitz, from Pohlschildern,
coming on our Left Wing yonder; has flung back all my vedettes: is
within 500 yards by this time!"

Friedrich springs to horse; has already an Order speeding forth,
"General Schenkendorf and his Battalion, their cannon, to the crown
of the Wolfsberg, on our left yonder; swift!" How excellent that every
battalion (as by Order that we read) "has its own share of the heavy
cannon always at hand!" ejaculate the military critics. Schenkendorf,
being nimble, was able to astonish the Enemy with volumes of case-shot
from the Wolfsberg, which were very deadly at that close distance. Other
arrangements, too minute for recital here, are rapidly done; and our
Left Wing is in condition to receive its early visitors,--Loudon or
whoever they may be. It is still dubious to the History-Books whether
Friedrich was in clear expectation of Loudon here; though of course he
would now guess it was Loudon. But there is no doubt Loudon had not the
least expectation of Friedrich; and his surprise must have been intense,
when, instead of vacant darkness (and some chance of Prussian baggage,
which he had heard of), Prussian musketries and case-shot opened on him.

Loudon had, as per order, quitted his Camp at Jeschkendorf, about the
time Friedrich did his at Schimmelwitz; and, leaving the lights all
burning, had set forward on his errand; which was (also identical with
Friedrich's), to seize the Heights of Pfaffendorf, and be ready there
when day broke, scouts having informed him that the Prussian Baggage was
certainly gone through to Topferberg,--more his scouts did not know, nor
could Loudon guess,--"We will snatch that Baggage!" thought Loudon; and
with such view has been speeding all he could; no vanguard ahead, lest
he alarm the Baggage escort: Loudon in person, with the Infantry of the
Reserve, striding on ahead, to devour any Baggage-escort there may be.
Friedrich's reconnoitring Hussar parties had confirmed this belief:
"Yes, yes!" thought Loudon. And now suddenly, instead of Baggage to
capture, here, out of the vacant darkness, is Friedrich in person, on
the brow of the Heights where we intended to form!--

Loudon's behavior, on being hurled back with his Reserve in this manner,
everybody says, was magnificent. Judging at once what the business was,
and that retreat would be impossible without ruin, he hastened instantly
to form himself, on such ground as he had,--highly unfavorable ground,
uphill in part, and room in it only for Five Battalions (5,000) of
front;--and came on again, with a great deal of impetuosity and good
skill; again and ever again, three times in all. Had partial successes;
edged always to the right to get the flank of Friedrich; but could not,
Friedrich edging conformably. From his right-hand, or northeast part,
Loudon poured in, once and again, very furious charges of Cavalry; on
every repulse, drew out new Battalions from his left and centre,
and again stormed forward: but found it always impossible. Had his
subordinates all been Loudons, it is said, there was once a fine chance
for him. By this edging always to the northeastward on his part and
Friedrich's, there had at last a considerable gap in Friedrich's Line
established itself,--not only Ziethen's Line and Friedrich's Line now
fairly fallen asunder, but, at the Village of Panten, in Friedrich's own
Line, a gap where anybody might get in. One of the Austrian Columns was
just entering Panten when the Fight began: in Panten that Column has
stood cogitative ever since; well to left of Loudon and his struggles;
but does not, till the eleventh hour, resolve to push through. At
the eleventh hour;--and lo, in the nick of time, Mollendorf (our
Leuthen-and-Hochkirch friend) got his eye on it; rushed up with infantry
and cavalry; set Panten on fire, and blocked out that possibility and
the too cogitative Column.

Loudon had no other real chance: his furious horse-charges and attempts
were met everywhere by corresponding counter-fury. Bernburg, poor
Regiment Bernburg, see what a figure it is making! Left almost alone,
at one time, among those horse-charges; spending its blood like water,
bayonet-charging, platooning as never before; and on the whole, stemming
invincibly that horse-torrent,--not unseen by Majesty, it may be hoped;
who is here where the hottest pinch is. On the third repulse, which
was worse than any before, Loudon found he had enough; and tried it no
farther. Rolled over the Katzbach, better or worse; Prussians catching
6,000 of him, but not following farther: threw up a tine battery at
Bienowitz, which sheltered his retreat from horse:--and went his ways,
sorely but not dishonorably beaten, after an hour and half of uncommonly
stiff fighting, which had been very murderous to Loudon. Loss of 10,000
to him: 4,000 killed and wounded; prisoners 6,000; 82 cannon, 28 flags,
and other items; the Prussian loss being 1,800 in whole. [Tempelhof, iv.
159.] By 5 o'clock, the Battle, this Loudon part of it, was quite over;
Loudon (35,000) wrecking himself against Friedrich's Left Wing (say half
of his Army, some 15,000) in such conclusive manner. Friedrich's Left
Wing alone has been engaged hitherto. And now it will be Ziethen's turn,
if Daun and Lacy still come on.

By 11 last night, Daun's Pandours, creeping stealthily on, across
the Katzbach, about Schimmelwitz, had discerned with amazement that
Friedrich's Camp appeared to consist only of watch-fires; and had shot
off their speediest rider to Daun, accordingly; but it was one in the
morning before Daun, busy marching and marshalling, to be ready at the
Katzbach by daylight, heard of this strange news; which probably
he could not entirely believe till seen with his own eyes. What
a spectacle! One's beautiful Plan exploded into mere imbroglio of
distraction; become one knows not what! Daun's watch-fires too had
all been left burning; universal stratagem, on both sides, going on;
producing--tragically for some of us--a TRAGEDY of Errors, or the
Mistakes of a Night! Daun sallied out again, in his collapsed, upset
condition, as soon as possible: pushed on, in the track of Friedrich;
warning Lacy to push on. Daun, though within five miles all the while,
had heard nothing of the furious Fight and cannonade; "southwest wind
having risen," so Daun said, and is believed by candid persons,--not by
the angry Vienna people, who counted it impossible: "Nonsense; you were
not deaf; but you loitered and haggled, in your usual way; perhaps not
sorry that, the brilliant Loudon should get a rebuff!"

Emerging out of Liegnitz, Daun did see, to northeastward, a vast pillar
or mass of smoke, silently mounting, but could do nothing with it.
"Cannon-smoke, no doubt; but fallen entirely silent, and not wending
hitherward at all. Poor Loudon, alas, must have got beaten!" Upon which
Daun really did try, at least upon Ziethen; but could do nothing.
Poured cavalry across the Stone-bridge at the Topferberg: who drove in
Ziethen's picket there; but were torn to pieces by Ziethen's cannon.
Ziethen across the Schwartzwasser is alert enough. How form in order
of battle here, with Ziethen's batteries shearing your columns
longitudinally, as they march up? Daun recognizes the impossibility;
wends back through Liegnitz to his Camp again, the way he had come.
Tide-hour missed again; ebb going uncommonly rapid! Lacy had been about
Waldau, to try farther up the Schwartzwasser on Ziethen's right: but the
Schwartzwasser proved amazingly boggy; not accessible on any point to
heavy people,--"owing to bogs on the bank," with perhaps poor prospect
on the other side too!

And, in fact, nothing of Lacy more than of Daun, could manage to get
across: nothing except two poor Hussar regiments; who, winding up far to
the left, attempted a snatch on the Baggage about Hummeln,--Hummeln,
or Kuchel of the Scrubs. And gave a new alarm to Mitchell, the last of
several during this horrid night; who has sat painfully blocked in
his carriage, with such a Devil's tumult, going on to eastward, and no
sight, share or knowledge to be had of it. Repeated hussar attacks there
were on the Baggage here, Loudon's hussars also trying: but Mitchell's
Captain was miraculously equal to the occasion; and had beaten them all
off. Mitchell, by magnanimous choice of his own, has been in many Fights
by the side of Friedrich; but this is the last he will ever be in or
near;--this miraculous one of Liegnitz, 3 to 4.30 A.M., Friday, August
15th, 1760.

Never did such a luck befall Friedrich before or after. He was clinging
on the edge of slippery abysses, his path hardly a foot's-breadth, mere
enemies and avalanches hanging round on every side: ruin likelier at no
moment, of his life;--and here is precisely the quasi-miracle which
was needed to save him. Partly by accident too; the best of management
crowned by the luckiest of accidents. [Tempelhof, iv. 151-171;
Archenholtz, ubi supra; HO BERICHT VON DER SCHLACHT SO AM 15 AUGUST,
1760, BEY LIEGNITZ, VORGEFALLEN (Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii. 696-703); &c.
&c.]

Friedrich rested four hours on the Battle-field,--if that could be
called rest, which was a new kind of diligence highly wonderful.
Diligence of gathering up accurately the results of the Battle; packing
them into portable shape; and marching off with them in one's pocket,
so to speak. Major-General Saldern had charge of this, a man of many
talents; and did it consummately. The wounded, Austrian as well as
Prussian, are placed in the empty meal-wagons; the more slightly wounded
are set on horseback, double in possible cases: only the dead are left
lying: 100 or more meal-wagons are left, their teams needed for drawing
our 82 new cannon;--the wagons we split up, no Austrians to have them;
usable only as firewood for the poor Country-folk. The 4 or 5,000 good
muskets lying on the field, shall not we take them also? Each cavalry
soldier slings one of them across his back, each baggage driver one:
and the muskets too are taken care of. About 9 A.M., Friedrich, with
his 6,000 prisoners, new cannon-teams, sick-wagon teams, trophies,
properties, is afoot again. One of the succinctest of Kings.

I should have mentioned the joy of poor Regiment Bernburg; which
rather affected me. Loudon gone, the miracle of Battle done, and this
miraculous packing going on,--Friedrich riding about among his people,
passed along the front of Bernburg, the eye of him perhaps intimating,
"I saw you, BURSCHE;" but no word coming from him. The Bernburg
Officers, tragically tressless in their hats, stand also silent, grim as
blackened stones (all Bernburg black with gunpowder): "In us also is
no word; unless our actions perhaps speak?" But a certain Sergeant,
Fugleman, or chief Corporal, stept out, saluting reverentially:
"Regiment Bernburg, IHRO MAJESTAT--?" "Hm; well, you did handsomely.
Yes, you shall have your side-arms back; all shall be forgotten and
washed out!" "And you are again our Gracious King, then?" says the
Sergeant, with tears in his eyes.--"GEWISS, Yea, surely!" [Tempelhof,
iv. 162-164.] Upon which, fancy what a peal of sound from the ecstatic
throat and heart of this poor Regiment. Which I have often thought of;
hearing mutinous blockheads, "glorious Sons of Freedom" to their own
thinking, ask their natural commanding Officer, "Are not we as good as
thou? Are not all men equal?" Not a whit of it, you mutinous blockheads;
very far from it indeed!

This was the breaking of Friedrich's imprisonment in the deadly
rock-labyrinths; this success at Liegnitz delivered him into free field
once more. For twenty-four hours more, indeed, the chance was still full
of anxiety to him; for twenty-four hours Daun, could he have been rapid,
still had the possibilities in hand;--but only Daun's Antagonist was
usually rapid. About 9 in the morning, all road-ready, this latter
Gentleman "gave three Salvos, as Joy-fire, on the field of Liegnitz;"
and, in the above succinct shape,--leaving Ziethen to come on, "with
the prisoners, the sick-wagons and captured cannon," in the
afternoon,--marched rapidly away. For Parchwitz, with our best speed:
Parchwitz is the road to Breslau, also to Glogau,--to Breslau, if it be
humanly possible! Friedrich has but two days' bread left; on the Breslau
road, at Auras, there is Czernichef with 24,000; there are, or there
may be, the Loudon Remnants rallied again, the Lacy Corps untouched, all
Daun's Force, had Daun made any despatch at all. Which Daun seldom did.
A man slow to resolve, and seeking his luck in leisure.

All judges say, Daun ought now to have marched, on this enterprise
of still intercepting Friedrich, without loss of a moment. But he
calculated Friedrich would probably spend the day in TE-DEUM-ing on the
Field (as is the manner of some); and that, by to-morrow, things would
be clearer to one's own mind. Daun was in no haste; gave no orders,--did
not so much as send Czernichef a Letter. Czernichef got one, however.
Friedrich sent him one; that is to say, sent him one TO INTERCEPT.
Friedrich, namely, writes a Note addressed to his Brother Henri:
"Austrians totally beaten this day; now for the Russians, dear Brother;
and swift, do what we have agreed on!" [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ v. 67.]
Friedrich hands this to a Peasant, with instructions to let himself be
taken by the Russians, and give it up to save his life. Czernichef, it
is thought, got this Letter; and perhaps rumor itself, and the delays of
Daun, would, at any rate, have sent him across. Across he at once went,
with his 24,000, and burnt his Bridge. A vanished Czernichef;--though
Friedrich is not yet sure of it: and as for the wandering Austrian
Divisions, the Loudons, Lacys, all is dark to him.

So that, at Parchwitz, next morning (August 16th), the question,
"To Glogau? To Breslau?" must have been a kind of sphinx-enigma to
Friedrich; dark as that, and, in case of error, fatal. After some brief
paroxysm of consideration, Friedrich's reading was, "To Breslau, then!"
And, for hours, as the march went on, he was noticed "riding much
about," his anxieties visibly great. Till at Neumarkt (not far from the
Field of LEUTHEN), getting on the Heights there,--towards noon, I
will guess,--what a sight! Before this, he had come upon Austrian
Out-parties, Beck's or somebody's, who did not wait his attack: he saw,
at one point, "the whole Austrian Army on march (the tops of its
columns visible among the knolls, three miles off, impossible to say
whitherward);" and fared on all the faster, I suppose, such a bet
depending;--and, in fine, galloped to the Heights of Neumarkt for a
view: "Dare we believe it? Not an Austrian there!" And might be, for the
moment, the gladdest of Kings. Secure now of Breslau, of junction
with Henri: fairly winner of the bet;--and can at last pause, and take
breath, very needful to his poor Army, if not to himself, after such
a mortal spasm of sixteen days! Daun had taken the Liegnitz accident
without remark; usually a stoical man, especially in other people's
misfortunes; but could not conceal his painful astonishment on this
new occasion,--astonishment at unjust fortune, or at his own sluggardly
cunctations, is not said.

Next day (August 17th), Friedrich encamps at Hermannsdorf, head-quarter
the Schloss of Hermannsdorf, within seven miles of Breslau; continues a
fortnight there, resting his wearied people, himself not resting much,
watching the dismal miscellany of entanglements that yet remain, how
these will settle into groups,--especially what Daun and his Soltikof
will decide on. In about a fortnight, Daun's decision did become
visible; Soltikof's not in a fortnight, nor ever clearly at all. Unless
it were To keep a whole skin, and gradually edge home to his
victuals. As essentially it was, and continued to be; creating endless
negotiations, and futile overtures and messagings from Daun to
his barbarous Friend, endless suasions and troubles from poor
Montalembert,--of which it would weary every reader to hear mention,
except of the result only.

Friedrich, for his own part, is little elated with these bits of
successes at Liegnitz or since; and does not deceive himself as to
the difficulties, almost the impossibilities, that still lie ahead. In
answer to D'Argens, who has written ("at midnight," starting out of bed
"the instant the news came"), in zealous congratulation on Liegnitz,
here is a Letter of Friedrich's: well worth reading,--though it has been
oftener read than almost any other of his. A Letter which D'Argens
never saw in the original form; which was captured by the Austrians or
Cossacks; [See _OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 198 (D'Argens himself, "19th
October" following), and ib. 191 n.; Rodenbeck, ii. 31, 36;--mention
of it in Voltaire, Montalembert, &c.] which got copied everywhere, soon
stole into print, and is ever since extensively known.


FRIEDRICH TO MARQUIS D'ARGENS (at Berlin).

"HERMANNSDORF, near Breslau, 27th August, 1760.

"In other times, my dear Marquis, the Affair of the 15th would have
settled the Campaign; at present it is but a scratch. There will be
needed a great Battle to decide our fate: such, by all appearance, we
shall soon have; and then you may rejoice, if the event is favorable to
us. Thank you, meanwhile, for all your sympathy. It has cost a deal
of scheming, striving and much address to bring matters to this point.
Don't speak to me of dangers; the last Action costs me only a Coat
[torn, useless, only one skirt left, by some rebounding cannon-ball?]
and a Horse [shot under me]: that is not paying dear for a victory.

"In my life, I was never in so bad a posture as in this Campaign.
Believe me, miracles are still needed if I am to overcome all the
difficulties which I still see ahead. And one is growing weak withal.
'Herculean' labors to accomplish at an age when my powers are forsaking
me, my weaknesses increasing, and, to speak candidly, even hope, the
one comfort of the unhappy, begins to be wanting. You are not enough
acquainted with the posture of things, to know all the dangers that
threaten the State: I know them, and conceal them; I keep all the fears
to myself, and communicate to the Public only the hopes, and the trifle
of good news I may now and then have. If the stroke I am meditating
succeed [stroke on Daun's Anti-Schweidnitz strategies, of which anon],
then, my dear Marquis, it will be time to expand one's joy; but till
then let us not flatter ourselves, lest some unexpected bit of bad news
depress us too much.

"I live here [Schloss of Hermannsdorf, a seven miles west of Breslau]
like a Military Monk of La Trappe: endless businesses, and these done,
a little consolation from my Books. I know not if I shall outlive this
War: but should it so happen, I am firmly resolved to pass the remainder
of my life in solitude, in the bosom of Philosophy and Friendship. When
the roads are surer, perhaps you will write me oftener. I know not where
our winter-quarters this time are to be! My House in Breslau is burnt
down in the Bombardment [Loudon's, three weeks ago]. Our enemies grudge
us everything, even daylight, and air to breathe: some nook, however,
they must leave us; and if it be a safe one, it will be a true pleasure
to have you again with me.

"Well, my dear Marquis, what has become of the Peace with France
[English Peace]! Your Nation, you see, is blinder than you thought:
those fools will lose their Canada and Pondicherry, to please the Queen
of Hungary and the Czarina. Heaven grant Prince Ferdinand may pay
them for their zeal! And it will be the innocent that suffer, the poor
officers and soldiers, not the Choiseuls and--... But here is business
come on me. Adieu, dear Marquis; I embrace you.--F." [_OEuvres de
Frederic,_ xix. 191.]

Two Events, of opposite complexion, a Russian and a Saxon, Friedrich had
heard of while at Hermannsdorf, before writing as above. The Saxon Event
is the pleasant one, and comes first.

HULSEN ON THE DURRENBERG, AUGUST 20th. "August 20th, at Strehla, in that
Schlettau-Meissen Country, the Reichsfolk and Austrians made attack
on Hulsen's Posts, principal Post of them the Durrenberg (DRY-HILL)
there,--in a most extensive manner; filling the whole region with vague
artillery-thunder, and endless charges, here, there, of foot and
horse; which all issued in zero and minus quantities; Hulsen standing
beautifully to his work, and Hussar Kleist especially, at one point,
cutting in with masterly execution, which proved general overthrow
to the Reichs Project; and left Hulsen master of the field and of his
Durrenberg, PLUS 1,217 prisoners and one Prince among them, and one
cannon: a Hulsen who has actually given a kind of beating to the
Reichsfolk and Austrians, though they were 30,000 to his 10,000, and had
counted on making a new Maxen of it." [Archenholts, ii. 114; BERICHT
VON DER OM 20 AUGUST 1780 BEY STREHLA VORGEFALLONEN ACTION (Seyfarth,
_Beylagen,_ ii. 703-719).] Friedrich writes a glad laudatory Letter
to Hulsen: "Right, so; give them more of that when they apply next!"
[Letter in SCHONING, ii. 396, "Hermsdorf" (Hermannsdorf), "27th August,
1760."]

This is a bit of sunshine to the Royal mind, dark enough otherwise.
Had Friedrich got done here, right fast would he fly to the relief of
Hulsen, and recovery of Saxony. Hope, in good moments, says, "Hulsen
will be able to hold out till then!" Fear answers, "No, he cannot,
unless you get done here extremely soon!"--The Russian Event, full of
painful anxiety to Friedrich, was a new Siege of Colberg. That is the
sad fact; which, since the middle of August, has been becoming visibly
certain.

SECOND SIEGE OF COLBERG, AUGUST 26th. "Under siege again, that poor
Place; and this time the Russians seem to have made a vow that take it
they will. Siege by land and by sea; land-troops direct from Petersburg,
15,000 in all (8,000 of them came by ship), with endless artillery; and
near 40 Russian and Swedish ships-of-war, big and little, blackening the
waters of poor Colberg. August 26th [the day before Friedrich's writing
as above], they have got all things adjusted,--the land-troops covered
by redoubts to rearward, ships moored in their battering-places;--and
begin such a bombardment and firing of red-hot balls upon Colberg as was
rarely seen. To which, one can only hope old Heyde will set a face of
gray-steel character, as usual; and prove a difficult article to deal
with, till one get some relief contrived for him. [Archenholtz, ii. 116:
in _Helden-Geschichte,_ (vi.73-83), "TAGEBUCH of Siege, 26th August-18th
September," and other details.]




Chapter IV.--DAUN IN WRESTLE WITH FRIEDRICH IN THE SILESIAN HILLS.

In spite of Friedrich's forebodings, an extraordinary recoil, in all
Anti-Friedrich affairs, ensued upon Liegnitz; everything taking the
backward course, from which it hardly recovered, or indeed did not
recover at all, during the rest of this Campaign. Details on the
subsequent Daun-Friedrich movements--which went all aback for Daun, Daun
driven into the Hills again, Friedrich hopeful to cut off his bread, and
drive him quite through the Hills, and home again--are not permitted us.
No human intellect in our day could busy itself with understanding these
thousand-fold marchings, manoeuvrings, assaults, surprisals, sudden
facings-about (retreat changed to advance); nor could the powerfulest
human memory, not exclusively devoted to study the Art Military under
Friedrich, remember them when understood. For soldiers, desirous not
to be sham-soldiers, they are a recommendable exercise; for them I do
advise Tempelhof and the excellent German Narratives and Records. But in
regard to others--A sample has been given: multiply that by the ten, by
the threescore and ten; let the ingenuous imagination get from it what
will suffice. Our first duty here to poor readers, is to elicit from
that sea of small things the fractions which are cardinal, or which give
human physiognomy and memorability to it; and carefully suppress all the
rest.

Understand, then, that there is a general going-back on the Austrian and
Russian part. Czernichef we already saw at once retire over the Oder.
Soltikof bodily, the second day after, deaf to Montalembert, lifts
himself to rearward; takes post behind bogs and bushy grounds more and
more inaccessible; ["August 18th, to Trebnitz, on the road to
Militsch" (Tempelhof, iv. 167).] followed by Prince Henri with his best
impressiveness for a week longer, till he seem sufficiently remote and
peaceably minded: "Making home for Poland, he," thinks the sanguine
King; "leave Goltz with 12,000 to watch him. The rest of the Army over
hither!" Which is done, August 27th; General Forcade taking charge,
instead of Henri,--who is gone, that day or next, to Breslau, for his
health's sake. "Prince Henri really ill," say some; "Not so ill, but in
the sulks," say others:--partly true, both theories, it is now thought;
impossible to settle in what degree true. Evident it is, Henri sat
quiescent in Breslau, following regimen, in more or less pathetic humor,
for two or three months to come; went afterwards to Glogau, and had
private theatricals; and was no more heard of in this Campaign. Greatly
to his Brother's loss and regret; who is often longing for "your
recovery" (and return hither), to no purpose.

Soltikof does, in his heart, intend for Poland; but has to see the Siege
of Colberg finish first; and, in decency even to the Austrians, would
linger a little: "Willing I always, if only YOU prove feasible!" Which
occasions such negotiating, and messaging across the Oder, for the next
six weeks, as--as shall be omitted in this place. By intense suasion of
Montalembert, Soltikof even consents to undertake some sham movement
on Glogau, thereby to alleviate his Austrians across the River; and
staggers gradually forward a little in that direction:--sham merely; for
he has not a siege-gun, nor the least possibility on Glogau; and Goltz
with the 12,000 will sufficiently take care of him in that quarter.

Friedrich, on junction with Forcade, has risen to perhaps 50,000; and is
now in some condition against the Daun-Loudon-Lacy Armies, which cannot
be double his number. These still hang about, in the Breslau-Parchwitz
region; gloomy of humor; and seem to be aiming at Schweidnitz,--if that
could still prove possible with a Friedrich present. Which it by no
means does; though they try it by their best combinations;--by "a
powerful Chain of Army-posts, isolating Schweidnitz, and uniting Daun
and Loudon;" by "a Camp on the Zobtenberg, as crown of the same;"--and
put Friedrich on his mettle. Who, after survey of said Chain, executes
(night of August 30th) a series of beautiful manoeuvres on it, which
unexpectedly conclude its existence:--"with unaccountable hardihood," as
Archenholtz has it, physiognomically TRUE to Friedrich's general style
just now, if a little incorrect as to the case in hand, "sees good
to march direct, once for all, athwart said Chain; right across its
explosive cannonadings and it,--counter-cannonading, and marching
rapidly on; such a march for insolence, say the Austrians!" [Archenholtz
(ii. 115-116); who is in a hurry, dateless, and rather confuses a
subsequent DAY (September 18th) with this "night of August 30th." See
RETZOW, ii. 26; and still better, TEMPELHOF, iv. 203.] Till, in this
way, the insolent King has Schweidnitz under his protective hand again;
and forces the Chain to coil itself wholly together, and roll into the
Hills for a safe lodging. Whither he again follows it: with continual
changes of position, vying in inaccessibility with your own; threatening
your meal-wagons; trampling on your skirts in this or the other
dangerous manner; marching insolently up to your very nose, more than
once ("Dittmannsdorf, September 18th," for a chief instance), and
confusing your best schemes. [Tempelhof, iv. 193-231; &c. &c.: in
_Anonymous of Hamburg,_ iv. 222-235, "Diary of the AUSTRIAN Army" (3-8th
September).]

This "insolent" style of management, says Archenholtz, was practised
by Julius Caesar on the Gauls; and since his time by nobody,--till
Friedrich, his studious scholar and admirer, revived it "against another
enemy." "It is of excellent efficacy," adds Tempelhof; "it disheartens
your adversary, and especially his common people, and has the reverse
effect on your own; confuses him in endless apprehensions, and details
of self-defence; so that he can form no plan of his own, and his
overpowering resources become useless to him." Excellent efficacy,--only
you must be equal to doing it; not unequal, which might be very fatal to
you!

For about five weeks, Friedrich, eminently practising this style, has
a most complex multifarious Briarean wrestle with big Daun and his
Lacy-Loudon Satellites; who have a troublesome time, running hither,
thither, under danger of slaps, and finding nowhere an available mistake
made. The scene is that intricate Hill-Country between Schweidnitz and
Glatz (kind of GLACIS from Schweidnitz to the Glatz Mountains): Daun,
generally speaking, has his back on Glatz, Friedrich on Schweidnitz;
and we hear of encampings at Kunzendorf, at BUNZELWITZ, at
BURKERSDORF--places which will be more famous in a coming Year. Daun
makes no complaint of his Lacy-Loudon or other satellite people; who are
diligently circumambient all of them, as bidden; but are unable, like
Daun himself, to do the least good; and have perpetually, Daun and they,
a bad life of it beside this Neighbor. The outer world, especially
the Vienna outer world, is naturally a little surprised: "How is this,
Feldmarschall Daun? Can you do absolutely nothing with him, then; but
sit pinned in the Hills, eating sour herbs!"

In the Russians appears no help. Soltikof on Glogau, we know what that
amounts to! Soltikof is evidently intending home, and nothing else.
To all Austrian proposals,--and they have been manifold, as poor
Montalembert knows too well,--the answer of Soltikof was and is: "Above
90,000 of you circling about, helping one another to do Nothing. Happy
were you, not a doubt of it, could WE be wiled across to you, to get
worried in your stead!" Daun begins to be extremely ill-off; provisions
scarce, are far away in Bohemia; and the roads daily more insecure,
Friedrich aiming evidently to get command of them altogether. Think of
such an issue to our once flourishing Campaign 1760! Daun is vigilance
itself against such fatality; and will do anything, except risk a Fight.
Here, however, is the fatal posture: Since September 18th, Daun sees
himself considerably cut off from Glatz, his provision-road more and
more insecure;--and for fourteen days onward, the King and he have got
into a dead-lock, and sit looking into one another's faces; Daun in a
more and more distressed mood, his provender becoming so uncertain, and
the Winter season drawing nigh. The sentries are in mutual view: each
Camp could cannonade the other; but what good were it? By a tacit
understanding they don't. The sentries, outposts and vedettes forbear
musketry; on the contrary, exchange tobaccoes sometimes, and have a
snatch of conversation. Daun is growing more and more unhappy. To which
of the gods, if not to Soltikof again, can he apply?

Friedrich himself, successful so far, is abundantly dissatisfied with
such a kind of success;--and indeed seems to be less thankful to his
stars than in present circumstances he ought. Profoundly wearied we find
him, worn down into utter disgust in the Small War of Posts: "Here we
still are, nose to nose," exclaims he (see Letters TO HENRI), "both of
us in unattackable camps. This Campaign appears to me more unsupportable
than any of the foregoing. Take what trouble and care I like, I
can't advance a step in regard to great interests; I succeed only in
trifles.... Oh for good news of your health: I am without all assistance
here; the Army must divide again before long, and I have none to intrust
it to." [Schoning, ii. 416.]

And TO D'ARGENS, in the same bad days: "Yes, yes, I escaped a great
danger there [at Liegnitz]. In a common War it would have signified
something; but in this it is a mere skirmish; my position little
improved by it. I will not sing Jeremiads to you; nor speak of my fears
and anxieties, but can assure you they are great. The crisis I am in
has taken another shape; but as yet nothing decides it, nor can the
development of it be foreseen. I am getting consumed by slow fever; I am
like a living body losing limb after limb. Heaven stand by us: we
need it much. [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 193 ("Dittmannsdorf, 18th
September," day after, or day of finishing, that cannonade).]... You
talk always of my person, of my dangers. Need I tell you, it is not
necessary that I live; but it is that I do my duty, and fight for my
Country to save it if possible. In many LITTLE things I have had luck: I
think of taking for my motto, MAXIMUS IN MINIMIS, ET MINIMUS IN MAXIMIS.
A worse Campaign than any of the others: I know not sometimes what will
become of it. But why weary you with such details of my labors and my
sorrows? My spirits have forsaken me. All gayety is buried with the
Loved Noble Ones whom my heart was bound to. Adieu."

Or, again, TO HENRI: Berlin? Yes; I am trying something in bar of that.
Have a bad time of it, in the interim." Our means, my dear Brother, are
so eaten away; far too short for opposing the prodigious number of our
enemies set against us:--if we must fall, let us date our destruction
from the infamous Day of Maxen!"

Is in such health, too, all the while: "Am a little better, thank
you; yet have still the"--what shall we say (dreadful biliary
affair)?--"HEMORRHOIDES AVEUGLES: nothing that, were it not for the
disquietudes I feel: but all ends in this world, and so will these.
... I flatter myself your health is recovering. For these three days
in continuance I have had so terrible a cramp, I thought it would choke
me;--it is now a little gone. No wonder the chagrins and continual
disquietudes I live in should undermine and at length overturn the
robustest constitution." [Schoning, ii. 419: "2d October." Ib. ii. 410:
"16th September." Ib. ii. 408.]

Friedrich, we observe, has heard of certain Russian-Austrian intentions
on Berlin; but, after intense consideration, resolves that it will
behoove him to continue here, and try to dislodge Daun, or help Hunger
to dislodge him; which will be the remedy for Berlin and all things
else. There are news from Colberg of welcome tenor: could Daun be sent
packing, Soltikof, it is probable, will not be in much alacrity for
Berlin!--September 18th, at Dittmannsdorf, was the first day of Daun's
dead-lock: ever since, he has had to sit, more and more hampered, pinned
to the Hills, eating sour herbs; nothing but Hunger ahead, and a
retreat (battle we will not dream of), likely to be very ruinous, with a
Friedrich sticking to the wings of it. Here is the Note on Colberg:--

SEPTEMBER 18th, COLHERG SIEGE RAISED. "The same September 18th, what
a day at Colberg too! it is the twenty-fourth day of the continual
bombardment there. Colberg is black ashes, most of its houses ruins, not
a house in it uninjured. But Heyde and his poor Garrison, busy day and
night, walk about in it as if fire-proof; with a great deal of battle
still left in them. The King, I know not whether Heyde is aware, has
contrived something of relief; General Werner coming:--the fittest of
men, if there be possibility. When, see, September 18th, uneasy motion
in the Russian intrenchments (for the Russians too are intrenched
against attack): Something that has surprised the Russians yonder.
Climb, some of you, to the highest surviving steeple, highest
chimney-top if no steeple survive:--Yonder IS Werner come to our relief,
O God the Merciful!"

"Werner, with 5,000, was detached from Glogau (September 5th), from
Goltz's small Corps there; has come as on wings, 200 miles in thirteen
days. And attacks now, as with wings, the astonished Russian 15,000,
who were looking for nothing like him,--with wings, with claws, and with
beak; and in a highly aquiline manner, fierce, swift, skilful, storms
these intrenched Russians straightway, scatters them to pieces,--and
next day is in Colberg, the Siege raising itself with great
precipitation; leaving all its artilleries and furnitures, rushing
on shipboard all of it that can get,--the very ships-of-war, says
Archenholtz, hurrying dangerously out to sea, as if the Prussian Hussars
might possibly take THEM. A glorious Werner! A beautiful defence, and
ditto rescue; which has drawn the world's attention." [Seyfarth, ii.
634; Archenholtz, ii. 116: in _Helden-Geschichte,_ (vi. 73-83), TAGEBUCH
of Siege.]

Heyde's defence of Colberg, Werner's swift rescue of it, are very
celebrated this Autumn. Medals were struck in honor of them at Berlin,
not at Friedrich's expense, but under Friedrich's patronage; who
purchased silver or gold copies, and gave them about. Veteran Heyde had
a Letter from his Majesty, and one of these gold Medals;--what an honor!
I do not hear that Heyde got any other reward, or that he needed any.
A beautiful old Hero, voiceless in History; though very visible in that
remote sphere, if you care to look.

That is the news from Colberg; comfortable to Friedrich; not likely to
inspire Soltikof with new alacrity in behalf of Daun. It remains to
us only to add, that Friedrich, with a view to quicken Daun, shot out
(September 24th, after nightfall, and with due mystery) a Detachment
towards Neisse,--4,000 or so, who call themselves 15,000, and affect to
be for Mahren ultimately. "For Mahren, and my bit of daily bread!" Daun
may well think; and did for some time think, or partly did. Pushed
off one small detachment really thither, to look after Mahren; and
(September 29th) pushed off another bigger; Lacy namely, with 15,000,
pretending to be thither,--but who, the instant they were out of
Friedrich's sight, have whirled, at a rapid pace, quite into the
opposite direction: as will shortly be seen! Daun has now other irons in
the fire. Daun, ever since this fatal Dead-lock in the Hills, has been
shrieking hoarsely to the Russians, day and night; who at last take pity
on him,--or find something feasible in his proposals.




THE RUSSIANS MAKE A RAID ON BERLIN, FOR RELIEF OF DAUN AND THEIR OWN
BEHOOF (October 3d-12th, 1760).

Powerful entreaties, influences are exercised at Petersburg, and here in
the Russian Camp: "Noble Russian Excellencies, for the love of Heaven,
take this man off my windpipe! A sally into Brandenburg: oh, could not
you? Lacy shall accompany; seizure of Berlin, were it only for one day!"
Soltikof has falleu sick,--and, indeed, practically vanishes from our
affairs at this point;--Fermor, who has command in the interim, finally
consents: "Our poor siege of Colberg, what an end is come to it! What
an end is the whole Campaign like to have! Let us at least try this of
Berlin, since our hands are empty." The joy of Daun, of Montalembert,
and of everybody in Austrian Court and Camp may be conceived.

Russians to the amount of 20,000, Czernichef Commander; Tottleben Second
in command, a clever soldier, who knows Berlin: these are to start from
Sagan Country, on this fine Expedition, and to push on at the very
top of their speed. September 20th, Tottleben, with 3,000 of them as
Vanguard, does accordingly cross Oder, at Beuthen in Sagan Country; and
strides forward direct upon Berlin: Lacy, with 15,000, has started from
Silesia, we saw how, above a week later (September 29th), but at a
still more furious rate of speed. Soltikof,--theoretically Soltikof,
but practically Fermor, should the dim German Books be ambiguous to
any studious creature,--with the Main Army (which by itself is still a
20,000 odd), moves to Frankfurt, to support the swift Expedition, and
be within two marches of it. Here surely is a feasibility! Berlin, for
defence, has nothing but weak palisades; and of effective garrison 1,200
men.

And feasible, in a sort, this thing did prove; indisputably delivering
Daun from strangulation in the Silesian Mountains; filling the Gazetteer
mind with loud emotion of an empty nature; and very much affecting many
poor people in Berlin and neighborhood. Making a big Chapter in Berlin
Local History; though compressible to small bulk for strangers, who have
no specific sympathies in that locality.

"FRIDAY, 3d OCTOBER, 1760, Tottleben, with his hasty Vanguard of 3,000,
preceded by hastier rumor, comes circling round Berlin environs; takes
post at the Halle Gate [West side of the City]; summons Rochow [the same
old Commandant of Haddick's time];--requires instant admittance; ransom
of Four million Thalers, and other impossible things. Berlin has been
putting itself in some posture; repairing its palisades, throwing up
bits of redoubts in front of the gates, and, though sounding with alarms
and uncertainties, shows a fine spirit of readiness for the emergency.
Rochow is still Commandant, the same old Rochow who shrunk so
questionably in Haddick's time: but Rochow has no Court to tremble for
at present; Queen and Royal Family, Archives, Principal Ministries,
Directorium in a body, went all to Magdeburg again, on the Kunersdorf
Disaster last year, and are safe from such insults. The spirit of the
population, it appears, even of the rich classes, some of whom are
very rich, is extraordinary. Besides Rochow, moreover, there are,
by accident, certain Generals in Berlin: Seidlitz and two others,
recovering from their Kunersdorf hurts, who step into the breach with
heart admirably willing, if with limbs still lame. Then there is old
Field-marshal Lehwald [Anti-Russian at Gross Jagersdorf, but dismissed
as too old], who is official Governor of Berlin, who succeeded poor
Keith in that honorable office: all these were strong for defence;--and
do not now grudge, great men as they are, to take each his Gate of
Berlin, his small redoubt thrown up there, and pass the night and the
day in doing his utmost with it.

"Rochow refuses the surrender, and the Four Millions pure specie;
and Tottleben, about 3 P.M. in an intermittent way, and about 5 in a
constant, begins bombarding--grenadoes, red-hot balls, what he can;--and
continues the s&me till 3 next morning. Without result to speak of;
Seidlitz and Consorts making good counter-play; the poor old 1,200 of
Garrison growing almost young again with energy, under their Seidlitzes;
and the population zealously co-operating, especially quenching all
fires that rose. What greatly contributed withal was the arrival of
Prince Eugen overnight. Eugen of Wurtemberg [cadet of that bad Duke] had
been engaged driving home the Swedes, but instantly quitted that with a
5,000 he had; and has marched this day,--his Vanguard has, mostly Horse,
whom the Foot will follow to-morrow,--a distance of forty miles, on this
fine errand. Delicate manoeuvring, by these wearied horsemen, to enter
Berlin amid uncertain jostlings, under the shine of Russian bombardment;
ecstatic welcome to them, when they did get in,--instant subscription
for fat oxen to them; a just abundance of beef to them, of generous beer
I hope not more than an abundance: phenomena which, with others of
the like, could be dwelt on, had we room. [Tempelhof, iv. 266-290;
Archenholtz, ii. 122-148; _Helden-Geschichte,_ vi. 103-149, 350-352; &c.
&c.]'

"Tottleben, under these omens, found it would not do; wended off towards
his Czernichef next morning; eastward again as far as Copenik, Prince
Eugen attending him in a minatory manner: and, in Berlin for the moment,
the bad ten hours were over. For four days more, the fate of things hung
dubious; hope soon fading again, but not quite going out till the fifth
day. And this, in fact, was mainly all of bombardment that the City
had to suffer; though its fate of capture was not to be averted. Is not
Tottleben gone? Yes; but Lacy, marching at a rate he never did before
(except from Bischofswerda), is arrived in the environs this same
evening, cautious but furious. The King is far away; what are Eugen's
5,000 against these?

"On the other hand, Hulsen, leaving his Saxon affairs to their
chance,--which, alas, are about extinct, at any rate; except Wittenberg,
all Saxony gone from us!--Hulsen is on winged march hitherward with
about 9,000. 'How would the King come on wings, like an eagle from the
Blue, if he were but aware!' thought everybody, and said. Hulsen did
arrive on the 8th; so that there are now 14,000 of us. Hulsen did;--but
no King could; the King is just starting (October 4th, the King, on
these bad rumors about Saxony, about Berlin, quitted the attempt on
Daun; October 7th, got on march hitherward; has finished his first
march hitherward,--Daun gradually preparing to attend him in the
distance),--when Hulsen arrives. And here are all their Lacys,
Czernichefs fairly assembled; five to two of us,--35,000 of them against
our 14,000.

"Hulsen and Eugen, drawn out in their skilfulest way, manoeuvred about,
all this Wednesday, 8th; attempted, did not attempt; found on candid
examination, That 14,000 VERSUS 35,000 ran a great risk of being
worsted; that, in such case, the fate of the City might be still
more frightful; and that, on the whole, their one course was that of
withdrawing to Spandau, and leaving poor Berlin to capitulate as
it could. Capitulation starts again with Tottleben that same night;
Gotzkowsky, a magnanimous Citizen and Merchant-Prince, stepping forth
with beautiful courageous furtherances of every kind; and it ends better
than one could have hoped: Ransom--not of Four Millions pure specie
(which would have been 600,000 pounds): 'Gracious Sir, it is beyond our
utmost possibility!'--but of One and a Half Million in modern Ephraim
coin; with a 30,000 pounds of douceur-money to the common man, Russian
and Austrian, for his forbearance;--'for the rest, we are at your
Excellency's mercy, in a manner!' And so,

"THURSDAY, OCTOBER 9th, about 7 in the morning, Tottleben marches in;
exactly six days since he first came circling to the Halle Gate and
began bombarding. Tottleben, knowing Friedrich, knew the value of
despatch; and, they say, was privately no enemy to Berlin, remembering
old grateful days here. For Tottleben has himself been in difficulties;
indeed, was never long out of them, during the long stormy life he
had. Not a Russian at all; though I suppose Father of the now Russian
Tottlebens whom one hears of: this one was a poor Saxon Gentleman, Page
once to poor old drunken Weissenfels, whom, for a certain fair soul's
sake, we sigh to remember! Weissenfels dying, Tottleben became a soldier
of Polish Majesty's;--acceptable soldier, but disagreed with Bruhl, for
which nobody will like him worse. Disagreed with Bruhl; went into the
Dutch service (may have been in Fontenoy for what I know); was there
till Aix-la-Chapelle, till after Aix-la-Chapelle; kindly treated, and
promoted in the Dutch Army; but with outlooks, I can fancy, rather
dull. Outlooks probably dull in such an element,--when, being a
handsome fellow in epaulettes (Major-General, in fact, though poor), he,
diligently endeavoring, caught the eye of a Dutch West-Indian Heiress;
soft creature with no end of money; whom he privately wedded, and ran
away with. To the horror of her appointed Dutch Lover and Friends; who
prosecuted the poor Major-General with the utmost rigor, not of Law
only. And were like to be the ruin of his fair West-Indian and him; when
Friedrich, about 1754 as I guess, gave him shelter in Berlin; finding
no insupportable objection in what the man had done. The rather, as
his Heiress and he were rich. Tottleben gained general favor in Berlin
society; wished, in 1756, to take service with Friedrich on the breaking
out of this War. 'A Colonel with me, yes,' said Friedrich. But Tottleben
had been Major-General among the Dutch, and could not consent to sink;
had to go among the Russians for a Major-Generalcy; and there
and elsewhere, for many years coming, had many adventures, mostly
troublesome, which shall not be memorable to us here. [Sketch of
Tottleben's Life; in RODENBECK, ii. 69-72.]

"Lacy, who, after hovering about in these vicinities for four days, had
now actually come up, so soon as Eugen and Hulsen withdrew,--was deeply
disgusted at the Terms of Capitulation; angry to find that Tottleben
had concluded without him; and, in fact, flew into open rage at
the arrangements Tottleben had made for himself and for others. 'No
admittance, except on order from his Excellency!' said the Russian
Sentry to Lacy's Austrians: upon which, Lacy forced the Gate,
and violently marched in. Took lodging, to his own mind, in the
Friedrichstadt quarter; and was fearfully truculent upon person and
property, during his short stay. A scandal to be seen, how his Croats
and loose hordes went openly ravening about, bent on mere housebreaking,
street-robbery and insolent violence. So that Tottleben had fairly to
fire upon the vagabonds once or twice; and force on the unwilling
Lacy some coercion of them within limits. For the three days of his
continuance,--it was but three days in all,--Lacy was as the evil genius
of Berlin; Tottleben and his Russians the good. Their discipline was so
excellent; all Cossacks and loose rabble strictly kept out beyond the
Walls. To Bachmann, Russian Commandant, the Berliners, on his departure,
had gratefully got ready a money-gift of handsome amount: 'By no means,'
answered Bachmann: 'your treatment was according to the mildness of our
Sovereign Czarina. For myself, if I have served you in anything, the
fact that for three days I have been Commandant of the Great Friedrich's
Capital is more than a reward to me.'

"Tottleben and Lacy, during those three days of Russian and Austrian
joint dominion, had a stormy time of it together. 'Destroy the
LAGER-HAUS,' said Lacy: Lager-Haus, where they manufacture their
soldiers' uniforms; it is the parent of all cloth-manufacturing in
Prussia; set up by Friedrich Wilhelm,--not on free-trade principles.
'The Lager-Haus, say you? I doubt, it is now private property; screened
by our Capitulation;'--which it proves to be. 'You shall blow up the
Arsenal!' said Lacy, with vehemence and truculence. A noble edifice, as
travellers yet know: fancy its fragments flying about among the populous
streets, plunging through the roofs of Palaces, and great houses all
round. Lacy was inexorable; Tottleben had to send a Russian Party (one
wishes they had been Croats) on this sad errand. They proceeded to the
Powder-Magazine for explosive material, as preliminary; they were rash
in handling the gunpowder there, which blew up in their hands; sent
itself and all of them into the air; and saved the poor Arsenal: 'Not
powder enough now left for our own artillery uses,' urged Tottleben.

"Saxon and Austrian Parties were in the Palaces about,--at Potsdam,
at Charlottenburg, Schonhausen (the Queen's), at Friedrichsfeld (the
Margraf Karl's), some of whom behaved well, some horribly ill. In
Charlottenburg, certain Saxon Bruhl-Dragoons, who by their conduct might
have been Dragoons of Attila, smashed the furnitures, the doors, cutting
the Pictures, much maltreating the poor people; and, what was reckoned
still more tragical, overset the poor Polignac Collection of Antiques
and Classicalities; not only knocking off noses and arms, but beating
them small, lest reparation by cement should be possible. Their
Officers, Pirna people, looking quietly on. A scandalous proceeding,
thought everybody, friend or foe,--especially thought Friedrich; whose
indignation at this ruin of Charlottenburg came out in way of reprisal
by and by. At Potsdam, on the other hand, Prince Esterhazy, with perhaps
Hungarians among his people, behaved like a very Prince; received
from the Castellan an Attestation that he had scrupulously respected
everything; and took, as souvenir, only one Picture of little value;
Prince de Ligne, who was under him, carrying off, still more daintily,
one goose-quill, immortal by having been a pen of the Great Friedrich's.

"Tottleben, with no feeling other than Official tempered by Human, was
in great contrast with Lacy, and very beneficent to Berlin during the
three days it lay under the TRIBULA, or harrow of War. But the Tutelary
Angel of Berlin, then and afterwards for weeks and months, till all
scores got settled, was the Gotzkowsky mentioned above." Whom we shall
see again helpful at Leipzig; a man worth marking in these tumults. "If
Tottleben was the temporal Armed King, this Gotzkowsky was the Spiritual
King, PAPA or Universal Father, armed only with charities, pieties,
prayers, ever shiningly attended by self-sacrifices on Gotzkowsky's
part; which averted woes innumerable (Lager-Haus only one of a long
list); and which 'surpassed all belief,' write the Berlin Magistracy,
as if in tears over such heroism. Truly a Prince of Merchants, this
Gotzkowsky, not for his vast enterprises, and the mere 1,500 workmen he
employs, but for the still greater heart that dwells in him. Had
begun as a travelling Pedler; used to call at Reinsberg, with female
haberdasheries exquisitely chosen ('GALLANTERIE wares' the Germans call
them), for the then Princess Royal; not unnoticed by Friedrich, who
recognized the broad sense, solidity and great thoughts of the man. Of
all which Friedrich has known far more since then, in various branches
of Prussian commerce improved by Gotzkowsky's managements. A truly
notable Gotzkowsky; became bankrupt at last, one is sorry to hear; and
died in affliction and neglect,--short of the humblest wages for so much
good work done in the world! [Preuss, ii. 257, &c. &c.; GESCHICHTE EINES
PATRIOTISCHEN KAUFMANNS (Berlin, 1769, by Gotzkowsky himself).]

"Gotzkowsky's House was like a general storeroom for everybody's
preciosities; his time, means, self were the refuge of all the needy.
In Zorndorf time, when this Czernichef [if readers can remember], who
is now so supreme,--Czernichef, Soltikof and others,--had nothing for
it but to lodge in the cellars of burnt Custrin, Gotzkowsky, with ready
money, with advice, with assuagement, had been their DEUS EX MACHINA:
and now Czernichef remembers it; and Gotzkowsky, as Papa, has to go with
continual prayers, negotiations, counsellings, expedients, and be the
refuge of all unjustly suffering men Berlin has immensities of trade in
war-furnitures: the capitals circulating are astonishing to Archenholtz;
million on the back of million; no such city in Germany for trade. The
desire of the Three-days Lacy Government is towards any Lager-Haus;
any mass of wealth, which can be construed as Royal or connected with
Royalty. Ephraim and Itzig, mint-masters of that copper-coinage; rolling
in foul wealth by the ruin of their neighbors; ought not these to bleed?
Well, yes,--if anybody; and copiously if you like! I should have said
so: but the generous Gotzkowsky said in his heart, 'No;' and again
pleaded and prevailed. Ephraim and Itzig, foul swollen creatures, were
not broached at all; and their gratitude was, That, at a future day,
Gotzkowsky's day of bankruptcy, they were hardest of any on Gotzkowsky.

"Archenholtz and the Books are enthusiastically copious upon Gotzkowsky
and his procedures; but we must be silent. This Anecdote only, in regard
to Freedom of the Press,--to the so-called 'air we breathe, not having
which we die!' Would modern Friends of Progress believe it? Because,
in former stages of this War, the Berlin Newspapers have had offensive
expressions (scarcely noticeable to the microscope in our day, and below
calculation for smallness) upon the Russian and Austrian Sovereigns or
Peoples,--the Able Editors (there are only Two) shall now in person,
here in the market-place of Berlin, actually run the gantlet for
it,--'run the rods (GASSEN-LAUFEN'), as the fashion now is; which is
worse than GANTLET, not to speak of the ignominy. That is the barbaric
Russian notion: 'who are you, ill-formed insolent persons, that give a
loose to your tongue in that manner? Strip to the waistband, swift! Here
is the true career opened for you: on each hand, one hundred sharp rods
ranked waiting you; run your courses there,--no hurry more than you
like!' The alternative of death, I suppose, was open to these Editors;
Roman death at least, and martyrdom for a new Faith (Faith in the Loose
Tongue), very sacred to the Democratic Ages now at hand. But nobody
seems to have thought of it; Editors and Public took the thing as a
'sorrow incident to this dangerous Profession of the Tongue Loose (or
looser than usual); which nobody yet knew to be divine. The Editors made
passionate enough lamentation, in the stript state; one of then, with
loud weeping, pulled off his wig, showed ice-gray hair; 'I am in my 68th
year!' But it seems nothing would have steaded them, had not Gotzkowsky
been busy interceding. By virtue of whom there was pardon privately
in readiness: to the ice-gray Editor complete pardon; to the junior
quasi-complete; only a few switches to assert the principle, and
dismissal with admonition." [_Helden-Geschichte_, vi. 103-148; Rodenbeck,
ii. 41-54; Archenholtz, ii. 130-147; Preuss, UBI SUPRA: &c. &c.]

The pleasant part of the fact is, that Gotzkowsky's powerful
intercessions were thenceforth no farther needed. The same day,
Saturday, October 11th, a few hours after this of the GASSEN-LAUFEN,
news arrived full gallop: "The King is coming!" After which it was
beautiful to see how all things got to the gallop; and in a no-time
Berlin was itself again. That same evening, Saturday, Lacy took the
road, with extraordinary velocity, towards Torgau Country, where the
Reichsfolk, in Hulsen's absence, are supreme; and, the second evening
after, was got 60 miles thitherward. His joint dominion had been of
Two days. On the morning of Sunday, 12th, went Tottleben, who had
businesses, settlements of ransom and the like, before marching.
Tottleben, too, made uncommon despatch; marched, as did all these
invasive Russians, at the rate of thirty miles a day; their Main Army
likewise moving off from Frankfurt to a safer distance. Friedrich was
still five marches off; but there seemed not a moment to lose.

The Russian spoilings during the retreat were more horrible than ever:
"The gallows gaping for us; and only this one opportunity, if even
this!" thought the agitated Cossack to himself. Our poor friend Nissler
had a sad tale to tell of them; [In Busching, _Beitrage,_ i. 400,
401, account of their sacking of Nussler's pleasant home and estate,
"Weissensee, near Berlin."] as who had not? Terror and murder,
incendiary fire and other worse unnamable abominations of the Pit. One
old Half-pay gentleman, whom I somewhat respect, desperately barricaded
himself, amid his domestics and tenantries, Wife and Daughters
assisting: "Human Russian Officers can enter here; Cossacks no, but
shall kill us first. Not a Cossack till all of us are lying dead!"
[Archenholtz, ii. 150.] And kept his word; the human Russians owning it
to be proper.

In Guben Country, "at Gross-Muckro, October 15th," the day after passing
Guben, Friedrich first heard for certain, That the Russians had been in
Berlin, and also that they were gone, and that all was over. He made two
marches farther,--not now direct for Berlin, but direct for Saxony AND
it;--to Lubben, 50 or 60 miles straight south of Berlin; and halted
there some days, to adjust himself for a new sequel. "These are the
things," exclaims he, sorrowfully, to D'Argens, "which I have been in
dread of since Winter last; this is what gave the dismal tone to my
Letters to you. It has required not less than all my philosophy to
endure the reverses, the provocations, the outrages, and the whole scene
of atrocious things that have come to pass." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_
xix. 199; "22d October."] Friedrich's grief about Berlin we need not
paint; though there were murmurs afterwards, "Why did not he start
sooner?" which he could not, in strict reason, though aware that these
savageries were on march. He had hoped the Eugen-Hulsen appliances, even
should all else fail, might keep them at bay. And indeed, in regard to
these latter, it turned only on a hair. Montalembert calculating, vows,
on his oath, "Can assure you, M. l'Ambassadeur, PUIS BIEN VOUS ASSURER
COMME SI J,ETAIS DEVANT DIEU, as if I stood before God," [Montalembert,
ii. 108.] that, from first to last, it was my doing; that but for me, at
the very last, the Russians, on sight of Hulsen and Eugen, and no Lacy
come, would have marched away!

Friedrich's orderings and adjustings, dated Lubben, where his Army
rested after this news from Berlin, were manifold; and a good deal still
of wrecks from the Berlin Business fell to his share. For instance, one
thing he had at once ordered: "Your Bill of a Million-and-half to the
Russians, don't pay it, or any part of it! When Bamberg was ransomed,
Spring gone a year,--Reich and Kaiser, did they respect our Bill we had
on Bamberg? Did not they cancel it, and flatly refuse?" Friedrich is
positive on the point, "Reprisal our clear remedy!" But Berlin itself
was in alarm, for perhaps another Russian visit; Berlin and Gotzkowsky
were humbly positive the other way. Upon which a visit of Gotskowsky
to the Royal Camp: "Merchants' Bills are a sacred thing, your Majesty!"
urged Gotzkowsky. Who, in his zeal for the matter, undertook dangerous
visits to the Russian Quarters, and a great deal of trouble, peril and
expense, during the weeks following. Magnanimous Gotzkowsky, "in mere
bribes to the Russian Officials, spent about 6,000 pounds of his own,"
for one item. But he had at length convinced his Majesty that Merchants'
Bills were a sacred thing, in spite of Bamberg and desecrative
individualities; and that this Million-and-half must be paid. Friedrich
was struck with Gotzkowsky and his view of the facts. Friedrich,
from his own distressed funds, handed to Gotzkowsky the necessary
Million-and-half, commanding only profound silence about it; and to
Gotzkowsky himself a present of 150,000 thalers (20,000 pounds odd);
[Archenholtz, ii. 146.] and so the matter did at last end.

It had been a costly business to Berlin, and to the King, and to the
poor harried Country. To Berlin, bombardment of ten hours; alarm of
discursive siege-work in the environs for five days; foreign yoke for
three days; lost money to the amounts above stated; what loss in wounds
to body or to peace of mind, or whether any loss that way, nobody has
counted. The Berlin people rose to a more than Roman height of temper,
testifies D'Argens; [_ OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 195-199: "D'Argens
to the King: Berlin, 19th October, 1760,"--an interesting Letter of
details.] so that perhaps it was a gain. The King's Magazines and
War-furnitures about Berlin are wasted utterly,--Arsenal itself not
blown up, we well know why;--and much Hunnish ruin in Charlottenburg,
with damage to Antiques,--for which latter clause there shall, in a few
months, be reprisal: if it please the Powers!

Of all this Montalembert declares, "Before God, that he, Montalembert,
is and was the mainspring." And indeed, Tempelhof, without censure
of Montalembert and his vocation, but accurately computing time and
circumstance, comes to the same conclusion;--as thus: "OCTOBER 8th,
seeing no Lacy come, Czernichef, had it not been for Montalembert's
eloquence, had fixed for returning to Copenik: whom cautious Lacy would
have been obliged to imitate. Suppose Czernichef had, OCTOBER 9th, got
to Copenik,--Eugen and Hulsen remain at Berlin; Czernichef could
not have got back thither before the 11th; on the 11th was news of
Friedrich's coming; which set all on gallop to the right about."
[Tempelhof, iv. 277.] So that really, before God, it seems Montalembert
must have the merit of this fine achievement:--the one fruit, so far
as I can discover, of his really excellent reasonings, eloquences,
patiences, sown broadcast, four or five long years, on such a field as
fine human talent never had before. I declare to you, M. l'Ambassadeur,
this excellent vulture-swoop on Berlin, and burning or reburning of the
Peasantry of the Mark, is due solely to one poor zealous gentleman!--

What was next to follow out of THIS,--in Torgau neighborhood, where
Daun now stands expectant,--poor M. de Montalembert was far from
anticipating; and will be in no haste to claim the merit of before God
or man.




Chapter V.--BATTLE OF TORGAU.

After Hulsen's fine explosion on the Durrenberg, August 20th, on the
incompetent Reichs Generals, there had followed nothing eminent; new
futilities, attemptings and desistings, advancings and recoilings, on
the part of the Reich; Hulsen solidly maintaining himself, in defence of
his Torgau Magazine and Saxon interests in those regions, against such
overwhelming odds, till relief and reinforcement for them and him
should arrive; and gaining time, which was all he could aim at in such
circumstances. Had the Torgau Magazine been bigger, perhaps Hulsen might
have sat there to the end. But having solidly eaten out said Magazine,
what could Hulsen do but again move rearward? [_Hogbericht von dem
Ruckzug des General-Lieutenants von Hulsen aus dem Lager bey Torgau _
(in Seyfarth, _Beylagen,_ ii. 755-784).] Above all, on the alarm from
Berlin, which called him off double-quick, things had to go their old
road in that quarter. Weak Torgau was taken, weak Wittenberg besieged.
Leipzig, Torgau, Wittenberg, all that Country, by the time the Russians
left Berlin, was again the Reich's. Eugen and Hulsen, hastening for
relief of Wittenberg, the instant Berlin was free, found Wittenberg a
heap of ruins, out of which the Prussian garrison, very hunger urging,
had issued the day before, as prisoners of war. Nothing more to be done
by Eugen, but take post, within reach of Magdeburg and victual, and wait
new Order from the King.

The King is very unquestionably coming on; leaves Lubben thitherward
October 20th. [Rodenbeck, ii. 35: in _Anonymous of Hamburg_ (iv.
241-245) Friedrich's Two Marches, towards and from Berlin (7th-17th
October, to Lubben; thence, 20th October-3d November, to Torgau).] With
full fixity of purpose as usual; but with as gloomy an outlook as ever
before. Daun, we said, is now arrived in those parts: Daun and the
Reich together are near 100,000; Daun some 60,000,--Loudon having stayed
behind, and gone southward, for a stroke on Kosel (if Goltz will permit,
which he won't at all!),--and the Reich 35,000. Saxony is all theirs;
cannot they maintain Saxony? Not a Town or a Magazine now belongs
to Friedrich there, and he is in number as 1 to 2. "Maintain Saxony;
indisputably you can!" that is the express Vienna Order, as Friedrich
happens to know. The Russians themselves have taken Camp again, and
wait visibly, about Landsberg and the Warta Country, till they see Daun
certain of executing said Order; upon which they intend, they also, to
winter in those Elbe-Prussian parts, and conjointly to crush Friedrich
into great confinement indeed. Friedrich is aware of this Vienna Order;
which is a kind of comfort in the circumstances. The intentions of the
hungry Russians, too, are legible to Friedrich; and he is much resolved
that said Order shall be impossible to Daun. "Were it to be possible, we
are landless. Where are our recruits, our magazines, our resources for
a new Campaign? We may as well die, as suffer that to be possible!" Such
is Friedrich's fixed view. He says to D'Argens:--

"You, as a follower of Epicurus, put a value on life; as for me, I
regard death from the Stoic point of view. Never shall I see the moment
that forces me to make a disadvantageous Peace; no persuasion, no
eloquence, shall ever induce me to sign my dishonor. Either I will bury
myself under the ruins of my Country, or if that consolation appears too
sweet to the Destiny that persecutes me, I shall know how to put an end
to my misfortunes when it is impossible to bear them any longer. I
have acted, and continue to act, according to that interior voice of
conscience and of honor which directs all my steps: my conduct shall be,
in every time, conformable to those principles. After having sacrificed
my youth to my Father, my ripe years to my Country, I think I have
acquired the right to dispose of my old age. I have told you, and I
repeat it, Never shall my hand sign a humiliating Peace. Finish this
Campaign I certainly will, resolved to dare all, and to try the most
desperate things either to succeed or to find a glorious end (FIN
GLORIEUSE)." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 202 ("Kemberg, 28th October,
1760," a week and a day before Torgau).]

Friedrich had marched from Lubben, after three days, settling of
affairs, OCTOBER 20th; arrived at Jessen, on the Elbe, within wind of
Wittenberg, in two days more. "He formed a small magazine at Duben,"
says Archenholtz; "and was of a velocity, a sharpness,"--like lightning,
in a manner! Friedrich is uncommonly dangerous when crushed into a
corner, in this way; and Daun knows that he is. Friedrich's manoeuvrings
upon Daun--all readers can anticipate the general type of them. The
studious military reader, if England boasts any such, will find punctual
detail of them in TEMPELHOF and the German Books. For our poor objects,
here is a Summary which may suffice:--

From Lubben, having winded up these bad businesses,--and reinforced
Goltz, at Glogau, to a 20,000 for Silesia's sake, to look towards Kosel
and Loudon's attempts there,--Friedrich gathered himself into proper
concentration; and with all the strength now left to him pushed forward
(20th October) towards Wittenberg, and recovery of those lost Saxon
Countries. To Wittenberg from Lubben is some 60 miles;--can be done,
nearly, in a couple of days. With the King, after Goltz is furnished,
there are about 30,000; Eugen and Hulsen, not idle for their own part,
wait in those far Western or Ultra-Wittenberg regions (in and beyond
Dessau Country), to join him with their 14,000, when they get signal.
Joined with these, he will be 44,000; he will then cross Elbe somewhere,
probably not where Daun and the Reich imagine, and be in contact with
his Problem; with what a pitch of willingness nobody need be told! Daun,
in Torgau Country, has one of the best positions; nor is Daun a man for
getting flurried.

The poor Reichs Army, though it once flattered itself with intending to
dispute Friedrich's passage of the Elbe, and did make some detachings
and manoeuvrings that way, on his approach to Wittenberg (October
22d-23d),--took a safer view, on his actual arrival there, on his
re-seizure of that ruined place, and dangerous attitude on the right
bank below and above. Safer view, on salutary second thoughts;--and fell
back Leipzig-way, southward to Duben, 30 or 40 miles. Whence rapidly to
Leipzig itself, 30 or 40 more, on his actually putting down his bridges
over Elbe. Friedrich's crossing-place was Schanzhaus, in Dessau Country,
between Roslau and Klikau, 12 or 15 miles below Wittenberg; about midway
between Wittenberg and the inflow of the Mulda into Elbe. He crossed
OCTOBER 26th, no enemy within wind at all; Daun at Torgau in his
inexpugnable Camp, Reichsfolk at Duben, making towards Leipzig at their
best pace. And is now wholly between Elbe and Mulda; nothing but Mulda
and the Anhall Countries and the Halle Country now to rear of him.

At Jonitz, next march southward, he finds the Eugen-Hulsen people ready.
We said they had not been idle while waiting signal: of which here
is one pretty instance. Eugen's Brother, supreme Reigning Duke of
Wurtemberg,--whom we parted with at Fulda, last Winter, on sore
terms; but who again, zealous creature, heads his own little Army in
French-Austrian service, in still more eclipsed circumstances ("No
subsidy at all, this Year, say your august Majesties? Well, I must do
without: a volunteer; and shall need only what I can make by forced
contributions!" which of course he is diligent to levy wherever
possible),--has latterly taken Halle Country in hand, very busy raising
contributions there: and Eugen hears, not without interest, that certain
regiments or detachments of his, pushed out, are lying here, there,
superintending that salutary work,--within clutch, perhaps, of Kleist
the Hussar! Eugen despatches Kleist upon him; who pounces with his usual
fierce felicity upon these people. To such alarm of his poor Serenity
and poor Army, that Serenity flies off homeward at once, and out of
these Wars altogether; where he never had other than the reverse of
business to be, and where he has played such a farce-tragedy for four
years back. Eugen has been heard to speak,--theoretically, and in
excited moments,--of "running such a fellow through the body," were one
near him:: but it is actually Eugen in person that sends him home
from these Wars: which may be counted a not unfraternal or unpatriotic
procedure; being of indisputable benefit to the poor Sovereign man
himself, and to everybody concerned with him.

Hearing that Friedrich was across, Daun came westward that same day
(October 26th), and planted himself at Eilenburg; concluding that the
Reichsfolk would now be in jeopardy first of all. Which was partly the
fact; and indeed this Daun movement rather accelerated the completion
of it. Without this the Reichs Army might have lived another day. It had
quitted Duben, and gone in all haste for Leipzig, at 1 in the morning
(not by Eilenburg, of which or of Daun's arrival there it knows
nothing),--"at 1 in the morning of the 27th," or in fact, so soon as
news could reach it at the gallop, That Friedrich was across. And now
Friedrich, seeing Daun out in this manner, judged that a junction was
contemplated; and that one could not be too swift in preventing it.
October 29th, with one diligent march, Friedrich posted himself at
Duben; there, in a sort now between Daun and the Reichsfolk, detached
Hulsen with a considerable force to visit these latter in Leipzig
itself; and began with all diligence forming "a small Magazine in
Duben," Magdeburg and the current of the Elbe being hitherto his only
resource in that kind. By the time of Hulsen's return, this little
operation will be well forward, and Daun will have declared himself a
little.

Hulsen, evening of October 30th, found Leipzig in considerable emotion,
the Reichsfolk taking refuge in it: not the least inclined to stand
a push, when Hulsen presented himself. Night of 30th-31st, there was
summoning and menacing; Reich endeavoring to answer in firm style;
but all the while industriously packing up to go. By 5 in the morning,
things had come to extremity;---morning, happily for some of us, was
dark mist. But about 5 o'clock, Hulsen (or Hulsen's Second) coming on
with menace of fire and sword upon these poor Reichspeople, found the
Reichspeople wholly vanished in the mist. Gone bodily; in full march for
the spurs of the Metal-Mountain Range again;--concluding, for the fourth
time, an extremely contemptible Campaign. Daun, with the King ahead
of him, made not the least attempt to help them in their Leipzig
difficulty; but retired to his strong Camp at Torgau; feels his work to
lie THERE,--as Friedrich perceives of him, with some interest.

Hulsen left a little garrison in Leipzig (friend Quintus a part of it);
[Tempelhof, iv. 290.] and returned to the King; whose small Magazine
at Duben, and other small affairs there,--Magdeburg with boats, and
the King with wagons, having been so diligent in carrying grain
thither,--are now about completed. From Daun's returning to Torgau,
Friedrich infers that the cautious man has got Order from Court to
maintain Torgau at all costs,--to risk a battle rather than go. "Good:
he shall have one!" thinks Friedrich. And, NOVEMBER 2d, in four columns,
marches towards Torgau; to Schilda, that night, which is some seven
miles on the southward side of Torgau. The King, himself in the vanguard
as usual, has watched with eager questioning eye the courses of Daun's
advanced parties, and by what routes they retreat; discerns for certain
that Daun has no views upon Duben or our little Magazine; and that the
tug of wrestle for Torgau, which is to crown this Campaign into conquest
of Saxony, or shatter it into zero like its foregoers on the Austrian
part, and will be of death-or-life nature on the Prussian part, ought to
ensue to-morrow. Forward, then!

This Camp of Torgau is not a new place to Daun. It was Prince Henri's
Camp last Autumn; where Daun tried all his efforts to no purpose; and
though hugely outnumbering the Prince, could make absolutely nothing of
it. Nothing, or less; and was flowing back to Dresden and the Bohemian
Frontier, uncheered by anything, till that comfortable Maxen Incident
turned up. Daun well knows the strength of this position. Torgau and the
Block of Hill to West, called Hill of Siptitz:--Hulsen, too, stood here
this Summer; not to mention Finck and Wunsch, and their beating the
Reichspeople here. A Hill and Post of great strength; not unfamiliar to
many Prussians, nor to Friedrich's studious considerations, though his
knowledge of it was not personal on all points;--as To-morrow taught
him, somewhat to his cost.

"Tourists, from Weimar and the Thuringian Countries," says a Note-book,
sometimes useful to us, "have most likely omitted Rossbach in their
screaming railway flight eastward; and done little in Leipzig but
endeavor to eat dinner, and, still more vainly, to snatch a little
sleep in the inhuman dormitories of the Country. Next morning, screaming
Dresden-ward, they might, especially if military, pause at Oschatz, a
stage or two before Meissen, where again are objects of interest. You
can look at Hubertsburg, if given that way,--a Royal Schloss, memorable
on several grounds;--at Hubertsburg, and at

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