The Writings of Samuel Adams - Volume 3
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Title: The Writings of Samuel Adams - Volume 3
Author: Samuel Adams
Editor: Harry Alonzo Cushing
Release date: March 1, 2000 [eBook #2093]
Most recently updated: April 3, 2015
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/2093
Credits: Prepared by: Regina Azucena and Daniel Moore
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS - VOLUME 3 ***
Ver.04.29.93*END*
Prepared by:
Regina Azucena
razucena@netway.com
Daniel Moore
mooreds@whitman.edu
THE WRITINGS OF SAMUEL ADAMS
COLLECTED AND EDITED BY
HARRY ALONSO CUSHING
VOLUME III
1773-1777
CONTENTS OF VOLUME III.
1773.
To James Otis, March 19th . . .
Political Activity of Mr. Bacon.
To the Town of Boston, March 23rd . . .
Report of Resolutions in Reply to Governor--Legality of Town
Meetings--Right of Petition--Supremacy of Parliament.
To John Dickinson, March 27th . . .
Controversy with Governor.
To Committee of Correspondence of Littleton, March 31st . . .
Acknowledgment of Co-operation.
To Nathan Sparhawk, March 31st . . .
Political Activity of Rutland.
To Thomas Mighill, April 7th . . .
Political Activity of Rowley.
To Arthur Lee, April 9th . . .
Election to Society of Bill of Rights--Effects of November Town-
Meeting--Controversy with Governor--Attitude of Lord Dartmouth--
Position of Hancock.
To Richard Henry Lee, April 10th . . .
Position of Colonies--Activity of Friends of Liberty--Resolves of
Virginia--Courts in Rhode Island.
Article Signed "Candidus," April 12th . . .
November Town-Meeting--Controversy with Governor.
To John Wadsworth, April 13th . . .
Action of Duxbury.
To Ezra Whitmarsh, April 13th . . .
Political Activity of Weymouth.
To Joseph North, April 13th . . .
Votes of Gardnerstown.
To Josiah Stone, April 13th . . .
Political Activity of Framingham.
To Arthur Lee, April 22nd . . .
Position of Hancock and of Otis.
To Arthur Lee, May 6th . . .
Practice of Instructing Representatives--Controversy with
Governor.
To Selectmen of Boston, May 14th . . .
Declining Election as Moderator.
To Arthur Lee, May 17th . . .
Meeting of General Assembly--Letters of Hutchinson.
To Arthur Lee, June 14th . . .
Letters of Hutchinson and Oliver.
To Elijah Morton, June 19th . . .
Resolves of Harfield--Unity of Colonists.
To Arthur Lee, June 21st . . .
Letters of Hutchinson--Action of House of Representatives.
To the King, June 23rd . . .
Petition for Removal of Hutchinson and Oliver.
To Arthur Lee, June 28th . . .
Action of House of Representatives on Letters--Attitude of
Public--Independence of Judiciary.
To Committee of Correspondence of Worcester, September 11th . . .
Activity of Committees of Correspondence--Independence of
Judiciary.
To Joseph Hawley, October 4th . . .
Disposition of Administration--Controversy with Governor--
Grievances of Colonists.
To Joseph Hawley, October 13th . . .
Character of Lord Dartmouth--Plans of Administration.
To Committees of Correspondence, October 21st . . .
Circular of Massachusetts Committee--Attitude of Ministry and
Parliament--Rights of Colonists.
Resolutions of Town of Boston, November 5th . . .
Duty upon Tea.
To Committee of Correspondence of Roxbury, November 9th . . .
Activity of Troops--Call for Conference.
To Arthur Lee, November 9th . . .
Political Situation.
To Selectmen of Boston, November 17th . . .
Petition for Town-Meeting for Action upon Tea.
To Committee of Plymouth, December 17th . . .
Report on Tea.
To Committees of Correspondence, December 17th . . .
Report on Disposal of Tea.
To Arthur Lee, December 25th . . .
Recommending John Scollay.
To Arthur Lee, December 31st . . .
Boston Town-Meeting--Action on Tea.
1774.
To John Pickering, January 8th . . .
Petition of Negroes.
To Arthur Lee, January 25th . . .
Destruction of Tea.
Resolution of House of Representatives, March 1st . . .
Refusing Grant to Peter Oliver.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, March 24th . . .
Proposal of Continental Post.
To Elbridge Gerry, March 25th . . .
Political Disorders in Marblehead.
To Benjamin Franklin, March 31st . . .
Independence of Judiciary--Controversy with Governor--Rights of
Colonists.
To James Warren, March 31st . . .
Political Comments--Continental Post.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, April 2nd . . .
Local Politics in Marblehead--Effect of Committee's Resignation.
To Arthur Lee, April 4th . . .
Independence of Judiciary--Attitude of Governor--Relations with
England.
To Arthur Lee, April . . .
Disposition of Lord Dartmouth.
To John Dickinson, April 21st . . .
Oration of Hancock--Course of Massachusetts.
To Elbridge Gerry, May 12th . . .
Duty of Political Service.
To Committee of Correspondence of Portsmouth, May 12th . . .
Action of Boston on Port Bill.
To the Colonies, May 13th . . .
Appeal of Boston--The Port Act--Arrival of Gage.
To Committee of Correspondence of Philadelphia, May 13th . . .
Port Act.
To James Warren, May 14th . . .
Port Act--Attitude of Public--Action of Boston.
To Silas Deane, May 18th . . .
Response to Connecticut Committee--Co-operation of Colonists.
To Stephen Hopkins, May 18th . . .
Port Act--Need of Co-operation.
To Arthur Lee, May 18th . . .
Port Act.
To Elbridge Gerry, May 20th . . .
Port Act--Attitude of New York.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, May 22nd . . .
Attitude of New York.
To Charles Thomson, May 30th . . .
Function of Committee of Correspondence--Dependence upon
Merchants--Address to Hutchinson.
To Silas Deane, May 31st . . .
Political Plans--Adjournment of Legislature.
To William Checkley, June 1st . . .
Birth of Daughter--Position of Boston.
Resolution of House of Representatives, June 17th . . .
Need of Relief of Boston and Charlestown.
To Elbridge Gerry, June 22nd . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
Article Signed "Candidus," June 27th . . .
Trade Policy.
To Charles Thomson, June 30th . . .
Disposal of Donations.
To Committee of Correspondence of Norwich, July 11th . . .
Acknowledgment of Support.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 13th . . .
Port Act--Policy of Lord North--Attitude of Public.
To Noble Wymberly Jones, July 16th . . .
Acknowledgment of Co-operation.
To Christopher Gadsen, July 18th . . .
To Christopher Gadsen and L. Clarkson, July 18th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance--Efforts of Colonists.
To Committee of Correspondence of Colrain, July 18th . . .
Non-Consumption Agreement.
To Andrew Elton Wells, July 25th . . .
Condition of Boston.
To Peter Timothy, July 27th . . .
Boston Circular Letter--Shipment of Axes.
To Fisher Gay, July 29th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Ezekiel Williams, July 29th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Committee of Correspondence of Marblehead, August 2nd . . .
Attitude of Colonists to Boston.
To Joseph Gilbert, August 3rd . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Fisher Gay, August 4th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Committee of Correspondence of Boston, September 14th . . .
Proceedings of Continental Congress--Middlesex Resolves--
Opposition to Administration--Position of Committee.
To Charles Chauncy, September 19th . . .
Suffolk Resolves.
To Joseph Warren, September . . .
Government in Massachusetts.
To Joseph Warren, September 25th. . .
Need of Co-operation--Action of Continental Congress.
To General Gage, October . . .
Petition of Continental Congress--Acts of Parliament--
Fortifications at Boston--Indignities to Citizens.
To Thomas Young, October 17th . . .
Military Preparation--Resolves of Continental Congress.
To Peter V. Livingston, November 21st . . .
Shipment from South Carolina.
To Union Club, December 16th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
1775.
To Peter T. Curtenius, January 9th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To the Public, January 13th . . .
Statement of Donations Committee--Reply to Criticisms.
To Arthur Lee, January 29th . . .
Port Act--Massachusetts Act--Effects of Military Force--Attitude
of Colonists.
To Stephen Collins, January 31st . . .
Report of Personal Disagreements--Religious Liberty.
To Edward Archer, February 1st . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Richard Randolph, February 1st . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance--Virginia Resolves of 1765.
To Benjamin Watkins and Archibald Cary, February 1st . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Jonathan Tabb, February 7th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance--Attitude of Colonists to Boston.
To Arthur Lee, February 14th . . .
English Politics--Attitude of Colonists.
To Joseph Nye, February 21st . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To John Brown, February 21st . . .
Enclosing letter to Quebec.
To Inhabitants of Quebec, February 21st . . .
Statement of Situation by Committee of Correspondence--Design and
Conduct of Ministry--Acts of Parliament--Letters of Bernard and
Hutchinson--Quebec Act--Attitude of Jamaica--King's Speech.
To George Read, February 24th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Isaac Van Dam, February 28th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To William Black,. . .
Shipment from Virginia--Advice concerning Captain Hatch.
To Charles Dick, March . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Arthur Lee, March 4th. . .
Conduct of Military Force--Action of Marshfield--Disaffection in
New York--Correspondence with Canada--Tories.
To ----------, March 12th . . .
Attitude of South Carolina--Spirit in Boston--Massacre Oration.
To Jonathan Upshaw, March 14th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance--Attitude of Virginia.
To Samuel Purviance, March 14th . . .
Acknowledgment of Remittance.
To Jonathan Hanson, March 15th . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance.
To Jonathan Veazey, March 15th . . .
Directions as to Donations.
To Richard Henry Lee, March 21st . . .
Military Force in Boston--Massacre Oration--Conduct of Troops--
Course of Administration.
To Jonathan Augustine Washington, March 21st . . .
Acknowledgment of Assistance--Purpose of Boston.
To the Mohawk Indians, March . . .
Address of Massachusetts Delegates.
To Mrs. Adams, May 7th . . .
Reception in New York.
To Mrs. Adams, June 10th . . .
Family Affairs.
To Mrs. Adams, June 16th . . .
Personal Comments--Family Affairs.
To Elbridge Gerry, June 22nd . . .
Recommendations to Washington.
To James Warren, June 22nd . . .
Recommendations to Washington.
To Mrs. Adams, June 28th . . .
Engagement at Bunker Hill--Death of Joseph Warren--Proclamation
of Gage.
To Mrs. Adams, July 30th . . .
Recess of Congress--Election to Legislature.
From Moses Gill, September 4th . . .
Receipt of Amounts paid to Adams.
To Elbridge Gerry, September 26th . . .
Journey to Philadelphia--Need of Information--Character of
Officers.
To Mrs. Adams, October 20th . . .
Affairs of the Country--Schuler and Arnold.
To Elbridge Gerry, October 29th . . .
Militia Bill--Continental Army--Need of Legislation.
To James Warren, November 4th . . .
Need of Powder--Military Affairs--Governments of New Hampshire
and South Carolina--Trade Regulations--Government of
Massachusetts.
To Mrs. Adams, November 7th . . .
Conduct of Enemy.
To James Bowdoin, November 16th . . .
Petition of Congress--Plans of Administration.
To James Otis, November 23rd . . .
Opinion of Delegates as to Militia Legislation.
To James Warren, December 26th . . .
Government of Massachusetts--Character of the People.
1776.
To Elbridge Gerry, January 2nd . . .
Legislative Control of Military Force--Character of
Representatives.
Resolutions of Continental Congress, January 5th . . .
Imprisonment of James Lovell.
To James Warren, January 7th . . .
Establishment of Militia--Powder--Confederation--Attack on
Norfolk.
To James Warren, January 10th . . .
Trade Regulations--Imprisonment of Lovell.
To John Pitts, January 12th . . .
To James Sullivan, January 12th . . .
King's Speech.
To John Adams, January 15th . . .
Portsmouth Instructions--Independence--Pay of Massachusetts
Troops.
Article Signed "Candidus," February 3rd . . .
Dependence of the Colonies.
To Mrs. Adams, February 26th . . .
Duty in Congress--Oration on Montgomery.
To James Warren, March 8th . . .
Political Comments on Colleague.
To Mrs. Adams, March 10th . . .
Personal Affairs.
To Joseph Palmer, April 2nd . . .
Effect of Adopting New England Army--Military Affairs--Evacuation
of Boston.
To Samuel Cooper, April 3rd . . .
Plans of Administration--Evacuation of Boston--Foreign Affairs--
Independence.
To Joseph Hawley, April 15th . . .
Military Affairs--Necessity for Declaration of Independence.
To Samuel Cooper, April 30th . . .
Views of Independence--Formation of State Governments.
To John Scollay, April 30th . . .
Evacuation of Boston--Public Morals--Defenceless Condition of New
England.
To James Warren, May 12th . . .
Safety of Boston--State of the Eastern District.
To George Washington, May 15th . . .
Proposed Road to Montreal--Defences of Boston.
To Horatio Gates, June 10th . . .
Military Affairs at Boston--Purposes of the Enemy.
To Perez Morton, June . . .
Allowance for Services.
To Joseph Hawley, July 9th . . .
Reverses in Canada--New Jersey Campaign--Declaration of
Independence.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 15th . . .
Schuyler and Gates--Arrival of Howe--Declaration of Independence-
-Confederation.
To James Warren, July 16th . . .
Effect of Declaration of Independence--Constitution of Virginia.
To James Warren, July 17th . . .
Urgent Need of Troops.
To John Pitts, July 17th . . .
Declaration of Independence.
To Samuel Cooper, July 20th . . .
South Carolina Campaign--Howe's Circular Letter.
To Benjamin Kent, July 27th . . .
Work of Congress--Declaration of Independence--New State
Governments.
To Joseph Trumbull, August 3rd . . .
Affairs of the Northern Department--Legislation on Commissary
Department.
To John Adams, August 13th . . .
Military Affairs.
To John Adams, August 16th . . .
Military Affairs--The Northern Campaign.
To John Adams, September 16th . . .
Form of Government of Massachusetts--Military Affairs--
Negotiations with Howe.
To John Adams, September 30th . . .
Conference with Howe--Public Attitude toward Independence.
To Samuel Mather, October 26th . . .
Military Affairs at New York.
To Mrs. Adams, November 14th . . .
Northern Campaign--Military Affairs--Application of Brother-in-
law--Exchange of Lovell.
To Mrs. Adams, November 29th . . .
Character of Americans--Howe's Proclamation.
To James Warren, November 29th . . .
Supply of Clothing--New York Campaign.
To James Warren, December 4th . . .
Massachusetts Legislature--Conduct of the Colonists--Conditions
in Pennsylvania.
To Mrs. Adams, December 9th . . .
Personal Reflections.
To George Washington, December 12th . . .
Rhode Island Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, December 19th . . .
Adjournment of Congress to Baltimore--Inaction of the Population-
-New Jersy Campaign.
To James Warren, December 25th . . .
Military Operations.
To Mrs. Adams, December 26th . . .
Aid of Samuel Purviance--Attitude of New Jersey.
To Council of Massachussetts, December 30th . . .
Need of Ordnance.
To Walter Stewart, December 30th . . .
Instructions as to Ordnance.
To James Warren, December 31st . . .
Foreign Relations--Military Affairs.
1777.
To Arthur Lee, January 2nd . . .
Resumption of Correspondence--Political Situation.
To James Warren, January 8th . . .
Military Operations.
To John Adams, January 9th . . .
Removal of Congress--Military Operations.
To James Warren, January 16th . . .
Representation in Congress--Attitude of Massachusetts
Legislature.
To Mrs. Adams, January 29th . . .
Correspondence--Effect of War News--Charity--Death of Mr.
Checkley.
To James Warren, February 1st . . .
Conference of New England Committees--Management of War Supplies.
To Samuel Cooper, February 4th . . .
King's Speech.
To James Warren, February 10th . . .
Account of Expenses.
To Walter Stewart, February 12th . . .
Price of Ordnance.
To Jonathan Trumbull, February 12th . . .
Use of Connecticut Ordnance.
To John Pitts, February 15th . . .
Activity of Tories.
To James Warren, February 16th . . .
Activity of Tories--Case of General Lee.
To Mrs. Adams, March 19th . . .
News from France--Attitude toward Son--Effect of Trade
Legislation.
To John Scollay, March 20th . . .
Regulating Act.
To Mrs. Adams, April 1st . . .
Assistance from France--Arrest of Spy.
To Nathaniel Greene, May 12th . . .
Military Policy.
To Mrs. Adams, June 17th . . .
Military Operations.
To James Warren, June 18th . . .
Introducing William Whipple--Massachusetts Election-Military
Affairs.
To James Warren, June 23rd . . .
New Jersey Campaign.
To Richard Henry Lee, June 26th . . .
New Jersey Campaign--Progress in Congress.
To James Warren, June 30th . . .
Postal Facilities--Confederation--Massachusetts Constitutional
Convention.
To Arthur Lee, July 4th . . .
New Jersey Campaign.
To Samuel Hewes, July 7th . . .
Major Ward--New Jersey Campaign.
To John Pitts, July 8th . . .
Interruption of Correspondence.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 15th . . .
New Jersey Campaign--Schuyler and Gates.
To Samuel Cooper, July 15th . . .
Northern Campaign.
To Richard Henry Lee, July 22nd . . .
Confederation--Northern Campaign--Distribution of Forces.
To Paul Revere, July 28th . . .
Ranking of Artillery Regiments.
To James Warren, July 31st . . .
Attitude of Congress to Schuyler--Northern Campaign--
Participation of New England--Hostile Fleet.
To James Warren, August 1st . . .
Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 2nd . . .
Course of Hostile Fleet.
To Samuel Freeman, August 5th . . .
Foreign Relations--Northern Campaign.
To John Langdon, August 7th . . .
Course of Hostile Fleet--Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 8th . . .
Appointment of Gates.
To Roger Sherman, August 11th . . .
Northern Campaign--Letters of Schuyler.
To James Warren, August 12th . . .
Letter of Schuyler.
To William Heath, August 13th . . .
Northern Campaign.
To Mrs. Adams, August 19th . . .
Course of a Hostile Fleet.
To Henry Bromfield, September 2nd . . .
Introducing Henry Crouch--Howe's Army.
To Mrs. Adams, September 17th . . .
Northern Campaign.
To Arthur Lee, October 26th . . .
Resumption of Correspondence--LaFayette.
To Horatio Gates, . . . . . .
Surrender of Burgoyne.
Resolution of Continental Congress, November 1st . . .
Thanksgiving.
To John Adams, December 8th . . .
Re-election to Congress--Conduct of Colleagues--Work of
Massachusetts Legislature.
To Henry Laurens, December . . .
Articles of Confederation.
______
THE WRITINGS OF
SAMUEL ADAMS.
______
TO JAMES OTIS.
[MS., copy in Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 19th 1773
SIR
I have the honor of joining with my brethren the Committee of
Correspondence for the town in a letter to you, which the bearer
of this is chargd with & will deliver to you.
The occasion is somewhat singular. Our Brother Mr William
Molineux, a few days ago receiv'd an ANONYMOUS letter dated
Barnstable &.c, in which mention is made of some rude Aspersions
cast upon the characters of himself and several others of our
Committee by your Representative Mr Bacon in a public meeting of
your Town. As the intelligence was thus uncertain the Committee
would fain hope that it was impossible for one of Mr Bacon's
station in life to act so unjustifiable a part; especially after
the handsome things which he had the credit of saying of every
one of Committee upon a late occasion in the House of
Representatives. Admitting however, that this might be the case,
they thought it prudent to address you, as the Moderator of your
meeting, and it is their desire, if you judge there is a proper
foundation for this letter AND NOT OTHERWISE, to obtain the
consent of the Town that it should be openly read in the meeting
at the ensuing adjournment. This the Committee refer to your
known discretion, as they cannot place a full dependence upon an
anonymous letter, although there are some circumstances that may
seem to corroborate it.
As there is no measure which tends more to disconcert the Designs
of the enemies of the public liberty, than the raising Committees
of Correspondence in the several towns throughout the Province,
it is not to be wondered at that the whole strength of their
opposition is aim'd against it. Whether Mr B. is of this
character is a question in which his Constituents ought certainly
to satisfy themselves beyond a reasonable doubt. A man's
professions may be as he pleases; but I honestly confess I cannot
easily believe him to be a sincere friend to his Country, who can
upon any consideration be prevail'd upon to associate with so
detestable an enemy to it as I take a BOSTON BORN (I cannot say
educated) Commissioner of Customs to be.
I am with great regard for your family and conexions in
B[arnstable.]
Sir your assured Friend
& most humble servant
P. S. If there is not foundation for what is asserted in the
anonymous letter, we desire that you will not only not read our
letter in your meeting but also not let the original or a copy
of it go out of your hands, but return it by the first
opportunity.
ut supra
REPORT TO THE TOWN OF BOSTON, MARCH 23, 1773.
[MS., Boston Public Library; the text, with slight variations,
was printed in the Boston Gazette, March 29, 1773, in the
Massachusetts Spy, March 25, 1773, and in Boston Record
Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 120-125.]
At a legal Meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of
the Town of Boston, at Faneuil-Hall on Monday the 8th of March
1773, and continued by Adjournment to the 23d instant.
Mr. Samuel Adams acquainted the Moderator, that he was directed
by a Committee (of which he was Chairman) to make a report; and
the same was read as follows, viz.1
The Committee appointed "to consider what is proper to be done,
to vindicate the Town from the gross Misrepresentations &
groundless Charges in his Excellencys Message to both Houses" of
the General Assembly "respecting the Proceedings of the Town at
their last Meeting", beg Leave to report.
That having carefully looked over the several Speeches of the
Governor of the Province, to the Council and House of
Representatives, in the last Session of the General Assembly,
they find that his Excellency has plainly insinuated;
First, that the said Meeting of the Town was illegal in itself.
Secondly, that the Points therein determind were such, as the Law
gives the Inhabitants of Towns in their Corporate Capacity no
Power to act upon; and therefore that the Proceedings of said
Meeting were against Law. And,
Thirdly, that the Inhabitants thus assembled advanced and
afterwards publishd to the World, such Principles as have a
direct Tendency to alienate the Affections of the People from
their Sovereign: And he plainly asserts, that they "denied in the
most express terms the Supremacy of Parliament, and invited every
other Town & District in the Province to adopt the same
Principles."
We have therefore thought it necessary to recur to the Methods
taken for calling said Meeting. And they find that three
Petitions were prefer'd to the Select Men, signd by 198
respectable Freeholders and Inhabitants, making Mention of a
Report that then prevaild, & which since appears to have been
well grounded, that Salaries were allowd to be paid to the
Justices of the Superior Court of the Province by Order of the
Crown; whereby they were to be made totally independent of the
General Assembly and absolutely dependent on the Crown; and
setting forth their Apprehensions that such an Establishment
would give a finishing Stroke to the System of Tyranny already
begun, and compleat the Ruin of the Liberties of the People. And
therefore earnestly requesting the Selectmen to call a Meeting,
that this Matter might be duly considerd by the Town, and such
Measures taken as the Necessity and Importance thereof required.
Whereupon the Selectmen issued a Warrant for calling a Meeting
accordingly. All which was strictly agreable to the Laws of this
Province, and the Practice of this and other Towns from the
earliest times.
By an Act of this Province made in the fourth year of William &
Mary it is enacted, that "when and so often as there shall be
Occasion of a Town Meeting for any Business of publick
Concernment to the Town there to be done, the Constable or
Constables of such Town, by Order of the Selectmen or major Part
of them, or of the Town Clerk by their Order in each respective
Town within this Province shall warn a Meeting of such Town" &c.2
And by another Act made in the 2 Geo. I. it is enacted that "When
and so often as ten or more of the Freeholders of any Town shall
signify under their hands to the Selectmen their desire to have
any Matter or thing inserted into a Warrant for calling a Town
Meeting, the Selectmen are hereby required to insert the same in
the next Warrant they shall issue for the Calling a Town
Meeting."3
But were there no such Laws of the Province or should our Enemies
pervert these & other Laws made for the same Purpose, from their
plain and obvious Intent and Meaning, still there is the great
and perpetual Law of Self preservation to which every natural
Person or corporate Body hath an inherent Right to recur. This
being the Law of the Creator, no human Law can be of force
against it: And indeed it is an Absurdity to suppose that any
such Law could be made by Common Consent, which alone gives
validity to human Laws. If then the "MATTER OR THING" viz the
fixing Salaries to the Offices of the Judges of the Superior
Court as aforesaid, was such as threatned the Lives, Liberties
and Properties of the People, which we have the Authority of the
greatest Assembly of the Province to affirm, The Inhabitants of
this or any other Town had certainly an uncontrovertable right to
meet together, either in the Manner the Law has prescribed, or in
any other orderly Manner, joyntly to consult the necessary Means
of their own Preservation and Safety. The Petitioners wisely
chose the Rule of the province Law, by applying to the Selectmen
for a Meeting; and they, as it was their Dudty to do, followed
the same Rule and called a Meeting accordingly. We are therefore
not a little suprizd, that his Excellency, speaking of this and
other principal Towns, should descend to such an artful Use of
Words, that a "NUMBER of Inhabitants have assembled together, and
having ASSUMED the Name of legal Town Meetings" &c. Thereby
appearing to have a Design to lead an inattentive Reader to
believe, that no Regard was had to the Laws of the Province in
calling these Meetings, and consequently to consider them as
illegal & disorderly.
The Inhabitants being met, and for the Purpose aforesaid, the
Points determind, his Excellency says, "were such as the Law
gives the Inhabitants of Towns in their CORPORATE Capacity no
Power to act upon." It would be a sufficient Justification of the
Town to say, that no Law FORBIDS the Inhabitants of Towns in
their corporate Capacity to determine such Points as were then
determined. And if there was no positive legal Restraint upon
their Conduct, it was doing them an essential injury, to
represent it to the World as ILLEGAL. Where the Law makes no
special Provision for the common Safety, the People have a Right
to consult their own Preservation; and the necessary Means to
withstand a most dangerous attack of arbitrary Power.4 At such a
time, it is but a pitiful Objection to their thus doing, that the
Law has not expressly given them a Power to act upon such Points.
This is the very language of Tyranny: And when such Objections
are offerd, to prevent the Peoples meeting together in a Time of
publick Danger, it affords of it self just Grounds of Jealousy
that a Plan is laid for their Slavery.
The Town enterd upon an Inquiry into the Grounds of a Report, in
which the common Safety was very greatly interested. They made
their Application to the Governor, a fellow Citizen as well as
the first Magistrate of the Province; but they were informd by
his Excellency, that "it was by no means proper for him" "to
acquaint them whether he had or had not receivd any Advices
relating to the publick Affairs of the Government of the
Province." Their next Determination was, to petition the
Governor, that the General Assembly might be allowd to meet at
the time to which it them stood prorogud: But his Excellency
refused to grant this Request, lest it should be "encouraging the
Inhabitants of other Towns to assemble" "to consider of the
Necessity or Expediency of a Session of the General Assembly."
Hitherto the Town had determind upon no Point but only that of
petitioning the Governor. And will his Excellency or any one else
affirm, that the Inhabitants of this or any other Town, have not
a Right in their corporate Capacity to petition for a Session of
the General Assembly, merely because the Law of this Province,
that authorizes Towns to assemble, does not expressly make that
the Business of a Town Meeting? It is the Declaration of the Bill
of Rights, founded in5 Reason, that it is the Right of the
Subjects to petition the King: But it is apparent in his
Excellencys Answer, that the Inhabitants of this Town were in
Effect, denied, in one Instance at least, the Right of
petitioning his Majestys Representative. Which was the more
grievous to them, because the Prayer of their Petition was
nothing more, than that the General Assembly might have
the Opportunity of enquiring of the Governor into the Grounds of
the Report of an intollerable Grievance, which his Excellency had
before strongly intimated to them, it was not in his Power to
inform THEM of, "consistent with Fidelity to the Trust which his
Majesty had reposed in him."
We have been the more particular in reciting the Transactions of
that Meeting thus far, in order that the Propriety and Necessity
of the further proceedings of the same Meeting may appear in a
true Point of light.
His Excellency having thus frownd upon the reasonable Petitions
of the Town; And they, having the strongest Apprehensions, that
in Addition to, or rather in Consequence of other Grievances not
redressd, a mortal Wound would very soon be given to the civil
Constitution of the province; and no Assurance of the timely
Interposition of the General Assembly, to whose Wisdom they were
earnestly sollicitous to refer the whole Matter, The Town thought
it expedient to state as far as they were able the Rights of the
Colonists & of this Province; to enumerate the Infringements on
those Rights, & in a circular Letter to each of the Towns &
Districts in the province, to submit the same to their
Consideration: That the Subject might be weighd as its Importance
required, & the collected Wisdom of the whole people as far as
possible obtaind. At the same [time], NOT "calling upon" those
Towns & Districts "to adopt their Principles" as his Excellency
in one of his Speeches affirms, but only informing them that "a
free Communication of THEIR Sentiments to this Town of our common
Danger was earnestly sollicited & would be gratefully receivd. We
may justly affirm that the Town had a Right at that Meeting, to
communicate their Sentiments of Matters which so nearly concernd
the publick Liberty & consequently their own Preservation. They
were matters of "publick Concernment" to this & every other Town
& even Individual in the province. Any Attempt therefore to
obstruct the Channel of publick Intelligence in this way, argues
in our opinion, a Design to keep the people in Ignorance of their
Danger that they may be the more easily & speedily enslaved. It
is notorious to all the World, that the Liberties of this
Continent & especially of this province, have been systematically
& successfully invaded from Step to Step; Is it not then, to say
the least justifiable, in any Town as PART OF THE GREAT WHOLE,
when the last Effort of Tyranny is about to be made, to spread
the earliest Notice of it far & wide, & hold up the INIQUITOUS
SYSTEM in full View. It is a great Satisfaction to us, that so
many of the respectable Towns in the province, and we may add
Gentlemen of figure in other Colonies, have expressd, & continue
to express themselves much pleasd with the Measure; and we
encourage ourselves from the MANIFEST DISCOVERY of an Union of
Sentiments in this province, which has been one happy fruit of
the Measure, there will be the united Efforts of THE WHOLE in all
constitutional & proper Methods to prevent the entire ruin of our
Liberties.
His Excellency is pleasd to say in one of his Speeches, that the
Town have "denied in the most express Terms the Supremacy of
Parliament." It is fortunate for the town that they made Choice
of the very Mode of Expression, which the present House of
Representatives in their Wisdom made use of in stating the Matter
of Controversy between the Governor & them: And after what they
have advanced upon the Subject, it appears to us impossible to be
shown that the Parliament of Great Britain can exercise "the
Powers of Legislation for the Colonists in all Cases whatever"
consistently with the Rights which belong to the Colonists as Men
as Christians & as Subjects, or without destroying the foundation
of their own Constitution.--If the Assertion that the Parliament
hath no right to exercise a Power in cases where it is plain they
have no right, hath a direct Tendency to alienate the Affections
of the People from their Sovereign, because He is a constituent
part of that parliament, as seems to be his Excellencys Manner of
reasoning, it follows as we conceive, that there must never be a
complaint of any assumption of power in the Parliamt, or petition
for the repeal of any Law made repugnant to the Constitution,
lest it should tend to alienate the Affections of the People
from their Sovereign; but we have a better Opinion of our fellow
Subjects than to concede to such Conclusions. We are assured they
can clearly see, that a Mistake in Principle may consist with
Integrity of Heart; And for our parts we shall ever be inclined
to attribute the Grievances of various Kinds which his Majestys
American Subjects have so long sufferd, to the Weakness or
Wickedness of his Ministers & Servants, and not to any
Disposition in HIM to injure them. And we yet perswade our selves
that could the Petitions of his much aggrievd Subjects be
transmitted to his Majesty thro the Hands of an honest impartial
Minister, we should not fail of ample redress.
His Excellencys Argument seems to us to be rather straind, when
he is attempting to show, that we have "invited every other Town
& District to adopt our Principles". It is this. The Town says If
it should be the general Voice of the Province that the Rights as
stated do not belong [to] them, trusting however that this cannot
be the Case, they shall lament the Extinction of Ardor for civil
& religious Liberty; THEREFORE says his Excellency The Town
invited them to ADOPT their principles. Could it possibly be
supposd that when his Excy had declared to the whole Province
that we had invited every other Town and District in the province
to adopt the same Principles he intended to avail himself of such
an Explanation! Much the same Way of reasoning follows, (though
it would not be to the Reputation of the other Towns if it should
have any Weight). That because THEIR consequent Doings were
similar to those of this Town THEREFORE they understood that they
were invited to ADOPT the same Principles, & therefore they were
thus invited to adopt them.
Upon the whole, There can be no room to doubt but that every Town
which has thought it expedient to correspond with this on the
Occasion have acted their own Judgment & expressd their own
principles: It is an unspeakeable Satisfaction to us that their
Sentiments so nearly accord with ours, and it adds a Dignity to
our Proceedings, that when the House of Representatives were
called upon by the Governor to bear their Testimony against them,
as "of a dangerous Nature & Tendency," they saw reason to declare
that "they had not discoverd that the Principles advanced by the
Town of Boston were unwarrantable by the constitution."6
The foregoing Report was accepted in the Meeting, Nemine
Contradicente, and ordered to be recorded in the Town's Book, as
the Sense of the Inhabitants of this Town.
It was also Voted, That said Report be printed in the several
News-Papers, and that the Committee of Correspondence be directed
to transmit a printed Copy thereof to such Towns and Districts as
they have or may correspond with.
Attest.
WILLIAM COOPER, Town-Clerk.
_________________________________________________________________
1The preceding portion is in the Gazette, but not in the
manuscript draft.
2Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, vol. i.,
pp. 64, 68.
3Ibid., p. 30.
4At this point the draft originally included the words: "when
they see it approaching them with hasty Strides."
5At this point the draft originally included the words: "Nature
and."
6The following portion, from the Gazette is not in the autograph
draft by Adams.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 27 1773
SIR,
I take the Liberty of inclosing an Oration delivered by Dr
Benjamin Church on the Anniversary of the 5th of March 1770,
which I beg the favor of you to accept.
The Proceedings of our General Assembly at their last Session,
you may perhaps have seen in the News papers. Our Governor in a
manner forcd the Assembly to express their Sentiments of so
delicate though important a Subject as the supreme Authority of
the Parliament of Great Britain over the Colonies. The Silence of
the other Assemblies of late upon every Subject that concerns the
joynt Interest of the Colonies, renderd it somewhat difficult to
determine what to say with Propriety. As the Sense of the
Colonies might possibly be drawn from what might be advanced by
this Province, you will easily conceive, that the Assembly would
rather have chosen to have been silent till the Sentiments of at
least Gentlemen of Eminence out of this province could be known;
at the same time that Silence would have been construed as the
Acknowledgment of the Governor's Principles and a Submission to
the fatal Effects of them. What will be the Consequence of this
Controversy, Time must determine. If the Governor enterd into it
of his own Motion, as I am apt to believe he did, he may not have
the Approbation of the Ministry for counteracting what appears to
me to have been for two years past their favorite Design, to keep
the Americans quiet & lull them into Security. Could your Health
or Leisure admit of it, a publication of your Sentiments on this
& other Matters of the most interresting Importance would be of
substantial Advantage to your Country. Your Candor will excuse
the freedom I take in this repeated Request. An Individual has
some Right, in behalf of the publick, still to urge the
Assistance of those who have heretofore approvd themselves its
ablest advocates.
I shall take it as a favor if you will present the other inclosed
Oration to Mr Reed, whom I once had the pleasure of conversing
with in this place, & to whom I would have wrote by this
unexpected Opportunity, but am prevented by the Hurry of the
Bearer.
I am Sir with sincere Regards
Your most humble servt
Mr J[osiah] Q[uincy] a young Gentl but eminent here in the
profession of the law is soon expected to arrive at Philadelphia
from South Carolina. Could he be introducd into the Company of Mr
Dickinson & Mr Reed he would esteem himself honord and his
Conversation mt not be unentertaining even to them.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF LITTLETON.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 31 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston gratefully
acknowledge your Letter of the 2 Instant accompanied with the
declared Sentiments of the Town of Littleton at a legal meeting
on the first of February.
The Sense which that Town has expressd of the Excellency of the
British Constitution of Government, which appears eminently to
have its foundation in nature, and of the Rights which are
secured to the Inhabitants of this province by the Charter, is an
evident token of their readiness "always to joyn in every regular
& constitutional method to preserve the common Liberty."
We are perswaded that the Town whom we have the Honor to serve,
although calumniated by the virulent Enemies of the province and
of America, have nothing in view but to assist in "endeavoring to
preserve our happy civil Constitution free from Innovation &
maintain it inviolate" and we esteem our selves happy that the
Town has receivd the Approbation of so many of their respectable
Brethren in the Country, & particularly the Inhabitants of
Littleton. The agreable manner in which you have communicated to
us their Sentiments lays [us] under great obligation. We heartily
joyn with you in wishing that Peace & Unity may be established in
America, upon the permanent Foundations of Liberty & Truth.
________________________________________________________________
1Adressed "To Deacon Oliver Hoar Cap Jonathan Reed & Mr Aaron
Savit a Come of Correspondence of the Town of Littletown."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO NATHAN SPARHAWK.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, March 31 1773
SIR
Your attested Copy of the proceedings of Rutland District has
been receivd and read by the Come of Correspondence for the Town
of Boston. It affords us an unspeakeable Satisfaction to find so
great a Number of the Towns & Districts in the province
expressing a just Resentment at the repeated Attacks that have
been made on the publick Liberty by a corrupt Administration and
their wretched Tools & Dependents. Your District, in the Opinion
of this Committee has very justly held up the publick Grievances
of America in one short but full View; first the power assumed by
the British parliament (in which we cannot be represented) to tax
us at pleasure; and then their appropriating such taxes, to
render the executive power of the province independent of the
Legislature, or more properly speaking absolutely dependent on
the Crown. It was impossible for the Conspirators against our
invalueable Rights, with all their Art & Assiduity, to prevent
our sensible Brethren in the Country from seeing the fatal
Tendency of so dangerous an Innovation: And in a Virtuous Country
it requires only a Sight of such daring Incroachments, to produce
a manly & effectual Opposition to them. We applaud the patriotick
Determination of the District of Rutland "that it is of the
utmost Importance that the Inhabitants of this province stand
firm as one man to support & maintain all their just Rights &
Privileges." Such a resolution when general among the people can
seldom fail to reduce the most haughty Invaders of the common
Rights to a Submission to Reason.
________________________________________________________________
1Clerk of the District of Rutland, Worcester County.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THOMAS MIGHILL.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 7 1773
SIR
We the Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston,
acknowledge the very obliging Letter to said town, signd by
yourself & transmitted to us by order of the Town of Rowley.
It gives us great pleasure to find that the proceedings of the
Town we have the Honor to serve, have been so acceptable to our
worthy & much esteemed Brethren of Rowley. This cannot fail to
animate the Metropolis in every laudable Exertion for the common
Cause of Liberty. The ardent Zeal of your Town for that all
interresting Cause, expressd in their Letter and their judicious
Instructions to their Representative which accompany it, afford
us a very strong Assurance of the high Esteem they have of our
invalueable Rights & their deep Sense of the Grievances we labour
under. We joyn with them in supplicating Almighty God for his
Direction Assistance & Blessing in every laudable Effort that may
be made for the securing to our Selves & posterity the free &
full Enjoyment of those precious Rights & privileges for which
our renowned forefathers expended so much Treasure & Blood.
_________________________________________________________________
1Addressed as "late Moderator of a Meeting of the Freeholders &
other Inhabitants of the Town of Rowley held by Adjournment the
third of February 1773."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with
modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp.
197-203; printed also in the Boston Gazette, May 23, 1774.]
BOSTON, 9 April 1773
MY DEAR SIR
I must by no means omit to request you to present my most
respectful Complimts to the Society of the Bill of Rights and
return them my hearty Thanks for the great Honor they have done
me in admitting me one of their Members. The Gentlemen may be
assured that this unexpected mark of their Respect adds to the
Obligation which I have ever held myself under, to employ the
small Share of Ability which God has given me, in vindicating
the Rights of my Country & Mankind.
I can now assure you, that the Efforts of this Town at their
Meeting in November last, have had Effects which are extremely
mortifying to our petty Tyrants. Every Art & every Instrument was
made use of to prevent the Meetings of the Towns in the Country
but to no purpose. It is no Wonder that a Measure calculated to
promote a Correspodence and a free Communication among the
people, should awaken Apprehensions; for they well know that it
must detect their Falshood in asserting that the people of this
Country were satisfied with the Measures of the British
parliament and the Administration of Government. Our Governor has
in my Opinion merited greatly of the Ministry by his constant
Endeavors, though in vain, to sooth & quiet the people & perswade
them to think there were no Grievances that might "be seen felt
or understood." And when the House of Representatives in the last
May Session, by almost a unanimous Vote remonstrated against his
Independency, he, without the least Foundation in Truth, & for no
other Reason that I can conceive but to give Countenance to his
Patron Hillsborough, or to establish himself in his Governmt
which he recd with so great RELUCTANCE, did not scruple in his
Speech at the Close of that Session, to insinuate that the House
was under the Influence of a few factious members. No Speech of
Bernards ever gave greater Disgust to the People, nor with more
reason.
There has been another Session of the Genl Assembly, wch began
unexpectedly on the 6th of Jany last. It is my Opinion that it
would have been postponed, as usual of late, till near the Close
of our political Year, had it not been for the Boston Town
Meeting; I mean to prevent the designd Effects of it, by giving
an occasion to the small Jobbers in the Country to say, that
"however expedient it might have been for them to have had their
meetings before, it now becomes unnecessary & improper since
their representatives are soon to meet in Genl Assembly." This
had an Influence in some Towns; and his EXCELLENCY, I suppose
judgd it more probable that he should be able to mannage the
Members of the House and prevail upon them "to joyn with him in
bearing Testimony against the UNWARRANTABLE Proceedings of
Boston," if they came together without having the explicit
Sentiments of their Constituents.
At the Meeting of the Assembly, he thought proper to open a
Controversy with the two Houses, for which I think Hillsbro would
not thank him; for he has thereby defeated the favorite Design of
the Ministry, which was to lull the people into Security, and for
the effecting of which Design, he had before thought himself, or
endeavord to make Administration believe he was entitled to so
great a Share of Merit. It has been publishd in most of the
Newspapers in the Continent & engages much of the Attention of
the other Colonies. This, together with ye proceedings of a
CONTEMPTIBLE Town meeting, has awakned the Jealousy of all, & has
particularly raised ye Spirit of the most ancient & patriotick
Colony of Virginia. Their manly Resolves have been transmitted to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives in a printed Sheet of
their Journals; and our Come of Correspondence have circulated
Copies of them into every Town & District through the Province.1
I wish I could hear more of Lord D. to qualify him for his high
office, than merely that he is a GOOD Man. Goodness I confess is
an essential, tho too rare a Qualification of a Minister of
State. Possibly I may not have been informd of the whole of his
Lordships Character. Without a Greatness of Mind adequate to the
Importance of his Station, I fear he may find himself embarrassd
with his present Connections. It can easily be conceivd what
principle induced Lord North to recommend to that Department a
Nobleman characterized in America for Piety; but what could
prevail on his Lordship to joyn with such Connections, unless he
had a Consciousness that his own Abilities were sufficient to
defeat the plans of a corrupt Administration, I am not able to
conceive. It might be well for his Lordship to be assured, that
there is now a fairer prospect than ever of an Union among the
Colonies, which his predecessor did & had reason to dread, tho he
affected to despise it. Should the Correspondence proposd by
Virginia produce a Congress; and that an ASSEMBLY OF STATES, it
would require the Head of a very able Minister to treat with so
respectable a Body. This perhaps is a mere fiction in the Mind of
a political Enthusiast. Ministers of State are not to be disturbd
with Dreams.
I must now acknowledge your agreeable Letter of the 24 of Decr.2
I cannot wonder that you almost depair of the British Nation. Can
that people be saved from Ruin, who carry their Liberties to
market & sell them to the highest Bidder? But America "shall rise
full plumed and glorious from her Mothers Ashes."
Our House of Representatives have sent a Letter to Lord
Dartmouth. This must without Question be a wise measure, though I
must own I was not in it. I feard it would lead the people to a
false Dependence; I mean upon a Minister of State, when it ought
to be placed, with Gods Assistance, upon THEMSELVES. You cannot
better prepare him for the representatives of the House, than as
you propose, by giving him a proper Idea of Hutchinson. I am much
obligd to you for your Intention to hold up to the publick the
Generosity of my esteemed friend Mr. Otis. I wish I could assure
you that he is perfectly recoverd.
April 12.
This day I have the pleasure of receiving yours of the 25 of
Jany.3 Your putting me in mind of the Honor done me by the
Society of the Bill of Rights is very kind. I ought sooner to
have acknowledgd it. My omitting it was owing to being in a Hurry
when I last wrote to you. I am sensible I am not one of the most
regular Correspondents; perhaps not so as I should be. I duly
recd tho I think not by Mr Storey, the Letter which inclosed the
Answer to the Resolution of the Govr & Council against Junius
Americanus, which I immediately publishd in the Boston Gazette.
It was read with great Satisfaction by Men of Sense & Virtue. I
am heartily glad to find that the proceedings of this Town are so
pleasing to you. I have heard that Ld Dartmouth recd one of our
pamphlets with Coolness & expressd his Concern that the Town had
come into such Measures. His Lordship probably will be much
surprizd to find a very great Number of the Towns in this
province(& the Number is daily increasing)concurring fully in
Sentiments with this Metropolis; expressing Loyalty to the King &
Affection to the Mother Country but at the same time a firm
Resolution to maintain their constitutional Rights & Liberties. I
send you the proceedings of one town, which if you think proper
you may publish as a Specimen of the whole, for the Inspection of
an Administration either misinformd & credulous to the greatest
Degree of human Weakness, or Obstinate in wilfull Error. They
have lately employd Eight Regiments of British Troops to bring an
handful of unfortunate Carribs to a Treaty dishonorable to the
Nation. How many Regiments will be thought necessary to penetrate
the Heart of a populus Country & subdue a sensible enlightned &
brave people to the ignominious Terms of Slavery? Or will his
Lordships superior Wisdom direct to more salutory Measures, and
by establishing Freedom in every part of the Kings extensive
Dominions, restore that mutual Harmony & Affection which alone is
wanting to build up the greatest Empire the World has ever yet
seen.
Mr. Wilkes was certainly misinformd when he was told that Mr H.
had deserted the Cause of Liberty. Great pains had been taken to
have it thought to be so; and by a scurvy Trick of lying the
Adversaries effected a Coolness between that Gentn & some others
who were zealous in that Cause. But it was of short Continuance,
for their falsehood was soon detected. Lord Hillsbro I suppose
was early informd of this imaginary Conquest; for I have it upon
such Grounds as I can rely upon, that he wrote to the Govr
telling him that he had it in Command from the HIGHEST AUTHORITY
to enjoyn him to promote Mr H. upon every Occasion. Accordingly,
tho he had been before frownd upon & often negativd both by
Bernard & Hutchinson the latter, who can smile sweetly even upon
the Man he hates, when he is instructed or it is his Interest so
to do, fawnd & flatterd one of the HEADS OF THE FACTION, & at
length approvd of him when he was elected a Councellor last May.
To palliate this inconsistent Conduct it was previously given out
that Mr H had deserted the faction, & became as they term each
other, a Friend to Governmt. But he had Spirit enough to refuse a
Seat at the Board, & continue a Member of the House, where he has
in every Instance joyned with the friends of the Constituion in
Opposition to the Measures of a Corrupt Administration; & in
particular no one has discoverd more firmness against the
Independency of the Govr & the Judges than he.
I have mentiond to Mr Cushing the Hint in your last concerning
his not answering your Letter. I believe he will write to you
soon. The Gratitude of the friends to Liberty towards Mr Otis for
his eminent Services in times past induces them to take all
Occasions to show him Respect. I am much obligd to you for the
friendship you have discoverd for him, in holding up to the View
of the Publick his Generosity to Robinson.
Your Brother in Virginia has lately honord me with a Letter; & I
intend to Cultivate a Correspondence with him, which I am sure
will be much to my Advantage.
As you have confided in me to recommend one or more Gentlemen of
this place as Candidates for the Society of the Bill of Rights, I
my two worthy & intimate Friends J Adams & J Warren Esqrs; the
one eminent in the profession of the Law & the other equally so
in that of physick. Both of them men of an unblemishd moral
Character & Zealous Advocates for the Common Rights of Mankind.
_________________________________________________________________
1An original print of this circular letter, dated April 9, 1773,
is in the Lenox Library.
2R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 224-226.
3R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 226-228.
_______________________________________________________________
TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.
[MS., American Philosophical Society; a text is in R. H. Lee,
Life of Richard Henry Lee, vol. I., pp. 88-90, and a draft in in
the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 10 1773
SIR---
Your Letter to me of the 4th Feb last, I receivd with singular
Pleasure; not only because I had long wishd for a Correspondence
with some Gentleman in Virginia, but more particularly because I
had frequently heard of your Character and Merit, as a warm
Advocate for Virtue and Liberty.
I have often thought it a Misfortune, or rather a Fault in the
Friends of American Independence and Freedom, their not taking
Care to open every Channel of Communication. The Colonies are all
embarkd in the same bottom. The Liberties of all are alike
invaded by the same haughty Power: The Conspirators against their
common Rights have indeed exerted their brutal Force, or applied
their insidious Arts, differently in the several Colonies, as
they thought would best serve their Purpose of Oppression and
Tyranny. How necessary then is it; that ALL should be early
acquainted with the particular Circumstances of EACH, in Order
that the Wisdom & Strength of the whole may be employd upon every
proper Occasion. We have heard of Bloodshed & even civil War in
our Sister Colony North Carolina; And how strange is it, that the
best Intelligence we have had of that tragical Scene, has been
brought to us from England!
This Province, and this Town especially, have sufferd a great
Share of Ministerial Wrath and Insolence: But God be thanked,
there is, I trust, a Spirit prevailing, which will never submit
to Slavery. The Compliance of New York in making annual Provision
for a military Force designed to carry Acts of Tyranny into
Execution: The Timidity of some Colonies and the Silence of
others is discouraging: But the active Vigilance, the manly
Generosity and the Steady Perseverance of Virginia and South
Carolina, gives us Reason to hope, that the Fire of true
Patriotism will at length spread throughout the Continent; the
Consequence of which must be the Acquisition of all we wish for.
The Friends of Liberty in this Town have lately made a successful
Attempt to obtain the explicit political Sentiments of a great
Number of the Towns in this Province; and the Number is daily
increasing. The very Attempt was alarming to the Adversaries; and
the happy Effects of it are mortifying to them. I would propose
it for your Consideration, Whether the Establishment of
Committees of Correspondence among the several Towns in every
Colony, would not tend to promote that General Union, upon which
the Security of the whole depends.
The Reception of the truly patriotick Resolves of the House of
Burgesses of Virginia gladdens the Hearts of all who are Friends
to Liberty. Our Committee of Correspondence had a special Meeting
upon this Occasion, and determined immediately to circulate
printed Copies in every Town in this Province, in order to make
them as extensively useful as possible. I am desired by them to
assure you of their Veneration for your most ancient Colony, and
their unfeigned Esteem for the Gentlemen of your Committee. This
indeed is a small Return; I hope you will have the hearty
Concurence of every Assembly on the Continent. It is a Measure
that I think must be attended with great and good Consequences.
Our General Assembly is dissolved; and Writs will soon be issued
according to the Charter for a new Assembly to be held on the
last Wednesday in May next. I think I may almost assure you that
there will be a Return of such Members as will heartily cooperate
with you in your spirited Measures.
The most enormous Stride in erecting what may properly be called
a Court of Inquisition in America, is sufficient to excite
Indignation even in the Breast the least capable of feeling. I am
expecting an authentick Copy of that Commission, which I shall
send to you by the first opportunity after I shall have receivd
it. The Letter from the new Secretary of State to the Governor of
Rhode Island, which possibly you may have seen in the News
papers, may be depended upon as genuine. I receivd it from a
Gentleman of the Council in that Colony, who took it from the
Original. I wish the Assembly of that little Colony had acted
with more firmness than they have done; but as the Court of
Enquiry is adjournd, they may possibly have another Tryal.
I have a thousand things to say to you, but am prevented by Want
of Time; having had but an hours Notice of this Vessels sailing.
I cannot however conclude without assuring you, that a Letter
from you as often as your Leisure will permit of it, will lay me
under great
Obligations.---
I am in strict Truth
Sir
Your most humble servt
ARTICLE SIGNED "CANDIDUS."
[Boston Gazette, April 12, 1773.]
Messieurs EDES & GILL,
PERHAPS no measure that has been taken by the Town of Boston
during our present Struggles for Liberty, has thwarted the
designs of our enemies more than their Votes and Proceedings on
the 20th of November last.1 If we take a Retrospect of two or
three Years past, we shall find that what our "PRETENDED
patriots", as they were stiled in the Court Gazette, so zealously
forewarn'd us of, has since turn'd out to be a Fact; that every
art would be made use of to lull the people of this Province and
Continent into Security, in order that the Conspirators against
our Rights and Liberties might carry on their Schemes and
compleat their system of Tyranny without Opposition or
Molestation. The first part of their plan, they imagin'd they had
finish'd; that is, the Establishment of a Revenue: And though
this was far from being sufficient to answer their whole purpose,
they thought that if they could put the people to sleep, they
might the more easily add to this revenue, at some future time,
and plead the present submission for a precedent. They therefore
began upon the second and equally important part of their plan,
which was to appropriate the revenue they had rais'd, to set up
an Executive, absolutely independent of the legislative, which is
to say the least, the nearest approach to absolute Tyranny.
The Governor, who was the first American PENSIONER, had now an
exhorbitant Salary allowed him out of the monies extorted from
the people: And although this was directly repugnant to the
obvious meaning, if not the very letter of the Charter, much was
said by CHRONUS and the Tribe of ministerial Writers in Mr.
DRAPER'S paper, to reconcile it to the people. But the people,
whom they generally in their incubrations treated with an air of
contempt, as an unthinking herd, had a better understanding of
things than they imagined they had. They were almost universally
disgusted with the Innovation, while the advocates for it were
yet endeavoring to make the world believe, that the opposition to
it arose from a few men only, of "no property" and "desperate
fortunes," who were "endeavoring to bring things into confusion,
that they might have the advantage of bettering their fortunes
by plunder." Little did they think that it was then known, as it
now appears in fact, that those who were assiduously watching for
places, preferment and pensions, were in truth the very men of NO
PROPERTY, and had no other way of mending thier shattered
fortunes, but by being the sharers in the spoils of their
country.
Scarcely had the General Assembly the opportunity of expressing
their full Sentiments of the mischievous tendency, of having a
Governor absolutely dependent on the Crown for his being and
support, before the alarming News arriv'd of the Judges of the
Superior Court being placed in the same Situation. This Insolence
of Administration was so quickly repeated, no doubt from a full
perswasion of the truth of the accounts received from their
infatuated tools on this side of the atlantick, that the temper
of the people would now admit of the experiment. But the News was
like Thunder in the ears of all but a detestable and detested
few: Even those who had been inclin'd to think favorably of the
Governor and the Judges were alarm'd at it. And indeed what
honest and sensible man or woman could contemplate it without
horror! We all began to shudder at the Prospect of the same
tragical Scenes being acted in this Country, which are recorded
in the English History as having been acted when their Judges
were the meer Creatures, Dependents and tools of the Crown. Such
an indignation was discover'd and express'd by almost every one,
at so daring an Insult upon a free people, that it was difficult
to keep our Resentment within its proper bounds. Many were ready
to call for immediate Vengeance, perhaps with more zeal than
discretion: How soon human Prudence and Fortitude, directed by
the wise and righteous Governor of the world, may point out the
time and the means of successfully revenging the wrongs of
America, I leave to those who have been the Contrivers and
Abbettors of these destructive Measures, seriously to consider. I
hope and believe that I live in a Country, the People of which
are too intelligent and too brave to submit to Tyrants: And let
me remind the greatest of them all, "there is a degree of
patience beyond which human Nature will not bear"!
Amidst the general Anxiety the memorable Meeting was called, with
Design that the Inhabitants might have the Opportunity, of
expressing their Sense calmly and dispassionately; for it is from
such a Temper of Mind, that we are to expect a rational, manly
and successful Opposition to the ruinous Plans of an abandoned
Administration: And it is for this Reason alone, that the petty
Tyrants of this Country have always dreaded and continue still to
dread, a regular Assembly of the People.
The desirable Effects of this Meeting, contemptible as it was at
first represented to be, together with the Prospect of what may
be further expected from it, my possibly be the subject of a
future Paper.
Your's,
CANDIDUS.
April 10, 1773.
_________________________________________________________________
1Volume II., page 350. [back]
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOHN WADSWORTH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
The Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston have
receivd a Letter from the respectable Inhabitants of the Town of
Duxborough. Nothing can afford us greater pleasure than to find
so noble a Spirit of Opposition to the Efforts of arbitrary power
prevailing in so great a number of Towns in this province. And it
gives us a particular Satisfaction that our worthy Brethren of
Duxborough, who are settled upon the very spot which was first
cultivated by our renowned Ancestors, inherit so great a Share of
their heroick Virtues. It is as you justly observe an Affront to
the Understanding of our Ancestors to suppose, that when they
took possession of this Country, they consented, even tacitly, to
be subject to the unlimited Controul of a Government without a
Voice in it, the merciless Oppression of which was intollerable
even when they had a Voice there. Your just Resentment of the
Injuries done to us by the British parliament more especially in
giving & granting our property & appropriating it to the most
destructive purposes, without our Consent, and your resolution to
oppose Tyranny in all its forms is worthy the Imitation of this
Metropolis. We wish for & hope soon to see that Union of
Sentiments in the several Towns throughout this province & in the
American Colonies which shall strike a Terror in the hearts of
those who would enslave us; and together with a Spirit of union
may God inspire us with that ardent Zeal for the support of
religious & civil Liberty which animated the Breasts of the first
Settlers of the old Colony of Plymouth from whom the native
Inhabitants of Duxborough have lineally descended. After the
Example of those renowned Heroes, whose memory we revere, let us
gloriously defend our Rights & Liberites, & resolve to transmit
the fair Inheritance they purchased for us with Treasure & Blood
to their latest posterity.
_________________________________________________________________
1Town Clerk of Duxbury.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO EZRA WHITMARSH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
[April 13, 1773.]
SIR
The Selectmen of this Town have handed to us an attested Copy of
a letter directed to them by order of the ancient Town of
Weymouth. As it is the particular Department of the Committee of
Correspondence appointed by the Town, to return an Answer to this
Letter we chearfully embrace the Opportunity; and acknowledge the
Candor of our Brethren of Weymouth in giving any Attention to the
proceedings of this Town. The Town of Boston are deeply sensible
that our publick Affairs as you justly observe are in a critical
Scituation: yet our Intention was, not to obtrude THEIR Opinions
upon their Fellow-Countrymen, as has been injuriously said, but
to be informd, if possible of their real Sentiments, at a time
when it was publickly & repeatedly given out that this Country in
general was perfectly reconciled to the measures of the British
Administration. It affords us pleasure to find it to be the Sense
of the Town of Weymouth that "Encroachments are made upon our
Rights & Liberties," & that they are "disposed at all times to
unite in every lawful & proper measure for obtaining a redress of
our Grievances." Many of the Towns in this province have expressd
a just Abhorrence of the Attempts that have been & still are made
to deprive us of our inestimable rights. Their good Sense &
generous Zeal for the common Liberty is highly animating & we
would wish to emulate it. We are sensible that "much Wisdom is
necessary to conduct us right," and we joyn in earnestly
supplicating "that Wisdom which is from above." The Friendship to
this Town expressd in your Letter lays us under great
Obligations. No greater Blessing can be desired by this Community
than "Peace Prosperity & Happiness," and the Enjoyment of this
Blessing depends upon CIVIL & RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
________________________________________________________________
1Town Clerk of Weymouth.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOSEPH NORTH.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
The Votes of the plantation of Gardnerstown have been laid before
the Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston by Mr
Samuel Adams to whom you were so kind as to transmit them. The
notice which your plantation have taken of the State of the
Rights & Grievances of this people publishd by this metropolis
gives us great pleasure. So thorough a Sense of Liberty civil &
religious so early discoverd in an Infant Body, affords an
agreable prospect that the good Cause will be nobly defended &
maintaind by it, when it shall arrive to a State of Maturity. We
wish you the Blessings of Heaven in your Settlement; and we will
exert our small Share of Influence in getting you protected from
the savage hand of Tyranny, with which the whole British America
has so long been contending. The resolves of the patriotick
Assembly of Virginia accompany this Letter, & we doubt not you
will partake of the general Joy they have given to all the
friends of American Independence & freedom.
_________________________________________________________________
1Clerk of the "plantation" of Gardnerstown. [back]
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO JOSIAH STONE.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, April 13 1773
SIR
Your attested Copy of the proceedings of the Town of Framingham
at a legal meeting on the 15th of March last has been receivd by
the Committee of Correspondence of the Town of Boston.
The just resentment which your Town discovers at the power of
Legislation for the Colonists assumed by the British Parliament,
and its exerting that power in raising a revenue and applying it
to purposes repugnant to the common Safety, and the resolution of
that town to defend our rights & Liberties purchasd with so much
Blood & Treasure, must do them honor in the Estimation of all who
place a true Value upon those inestimable Blessings. May HE who
gave this Land to our worthy forefathers, animate us their
posterity to defend it at all Hazards; and while we would not
lose the Character of loyal subjects to a prince resolvd to
protect us, we will yet never forfeit that of Men determined to
be free.
________________________________________________________________
1Town Clerk of Framingham.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 203, 204.]
BOSTON, April 22nd. 1773.
MY ESTEEMED FRIEND,---I have written you a long epistle by this
conveyance, and yet as the vessel is detained by a contrary wind,
I cannot help indulging the mood I am in to chat a little more
with you. When I mentioned Mr. Hancock in my last, I forgot to
tell you that he is colonel of a company, called the governor's
company of cadets. Perhaps in this view only he was held up to
Mr. Wilkes, when he was informed that he had deserted the cause.
But it should be known it is not in the power of the governor to
give a commission for that company to whom he pleases as their
officers are chosen by themselves. Mr. Hancock was elected by an
unanimous vote; and a reluctance at the idea of giving offence to
an hundred gentlemen, might very well account for the governor
giving the commission to Mr. H., without taking into
consideration that most powerful of all other motives, AN
INSTRUCTION, especially at a time when he vainly hoped he should
gain him over. I have been the more particular, because I know
our adversaries avail themselves much by propagating reports that
persons who have signalized themselves as patriots have at length
forsaken their country. Mr. Otis yesterday was engaged in a cause
in the admiralty on the side of Dawson, commander of one of the
king's cutters. At this some of the minions of power triumph, and
say they have got over to their side the greatest champion of our
cause. I have not yet discovered in the faces of their masters,
an air of exultation at this event; and indeed how can they boast
of the acquisition of one, whom they themselves have been the
most ready to expose as distracted.
I send you a complete printed copy of our controversy with the
governor, at the end of which you will observe some errors noted
which escaped the press.
This letter goes under care of Mr. Cushing's to Dr. Franklin. The
franks you favoured me with I shall make use of as necessity
shall require.
I am yours affectionately,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 204, 205.]
BOSTON, May 6th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,---My last letter to you I sent by Capt. Symmes, who
sailed a few days ago. This town met yesterday, and made choice
of their representatives for the year ensuing. Enclosed is a copy
of the town's instructions.1 It is a very common practice for
this town to instruct their representatives; which among other
good purposes serves to communicate their sentiments and spirit
to the other towns, and may be looked upon as fresh appeals to
the world. I perceive by the late London newspapers that the
governor's first speech had arrived there, and had been very
sensibly remarked upon by Junius Americanus. This warm and
judicious advocate for the province I apprehend was mistaken in
saying, that the supreme authority of the British parliament to
legislate forces has been always acknowledged here; when he reads
the answer of the house to the speech, he will find the contrary
clearly shown, even from Gov. Hutchinson's history. What will be
the consequence of this controversy, time must discover; it must
be placed to the credit of the governor, that he has quickened a
spirit of enquiry into the nature and end of government, and the
connexion of the colonies with Great Britain, which has for some
time past been prevailing among the people. MAGNA EST VERITAS ET
PREVALEBIT; I believe it will be hardly in the power even of that
powerful nation to hold so inquisitive and increasing a people
long in a state of slavery.
Pray write to me as often as you can find leisure, and be assured
I am sincerely your friend and servant,
_________________________________________________________________
1The text is in Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii.,
pp. 131-134.
TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.
[W. V. Wells, Life of Samuel Adams, vol. ii., p. 70; printed also
in the Historical Magazine, vol. vii., p. January, 20, 1863.]
BOSTON, May 14, 1773.
GENTLEMEN,---
I must beg the favor of you to present my unfeigned regards to
the town, and acquaint them that, by reason of bodily
indisposition, I am unable to discharge the duty they have been
pleased to assign me as moderator of their meeting, which is to
be held this day by adjournment. I am much obliged to the town
for the honor done me, and esteem it a very great misfortune
whenever it is not in my power to render them services
proportionate to my own inclination.
With all due respect, I remain, gentlemen,
Your friend and fellow-citizen,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with
modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, pp. 205, 206.]
BOSTON, May 17, 1773.
DEAR SIR/
My last went by Cap Calef, and inclosd a Copy of the Instructions
of this Town to their representatives. Our General Assembly will
meet next Week, what kind of a Budget the Govr will then open is
uncertain; It is whispered that he intends to bring about a
Coalition of parties, but how he will attempt it I am at a loss
to conceive. Surely he cannot think that the Body of this people
will be quieted till there is an End put to the Oppressions they
are under; and he dares not to propose a Coalition on these Terms
because it would disgust those who are the Instruments of &
Sharers in the Oppression. Besides I am inclined to think he
never will be able to recover so much of the Confidence of the
people as to make his Administration easy. A few of his Letters
we have seen, but are restraind at present from publishing them.
Could they be made generally known, his Friends must desert him.
It is a pity when the most important Intelligence is communicated
with such Restrictions, as that it serves rather to gratify the
Curiosity of a few than to promote the publick good. I wish we
could see the Letters he has written since his Advancement to the
Government. His friends give out that they are replete with
tenderness to the province; If so, I SPEAK WITH ASSURANCE, they
are the reverse of those he wrote before.
I send you for your Amusement the Copy of a Vote passd by this
Town at the Adjournment of their Meeting a few days ago and
remain with Sincerity your friend.
You cannot write me too often.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., p. 192, under date of
June 14, 1772.]
BOSTON, June 14th, [1773.]
DEAR SIR,-----I now enclose letters written by Thomas Hutchinson
and Oliver-----and others of less importance, the originals of
which have been laid before the house of representatives.1 The
house have already resolved, by a majority of 101 out of 106
members, that the design and tendency of them is to subvert the
constitution and introduce arbitrary power into the province.
They are now in the hands of a committee to consider them
farther, and report what is still proper to be done.
I think there is now a full discovery of a combination of persons
who have been the principal movers, in all the disturbance
misery, and bloodshed, which has befallen this unhappy country.
The friends of our great men are much chagrined.
I am much engaged at present, and will write you more fully by
the next opportunity. In the mean time believe me to be with
great esteem your unfeigned friend,
Wednesday, June 16th, 1773.---The enclosed resolves are to be
considered by the house this afternoon.
________________________________________________________________
1See Journal of the House of Representatives, 1773-1774, under
dates of June 2, 3, 10, 16, 21, 22, 26, 28, 1773; cf.
Bigelow, Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin, vol. v., pp. 147-
150, 152, 153, 205-207.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO ELIJAH MORTON.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON June 19 1773
SIR
The judicious and manly Resolves of the Town of Hatfield, passd
at the Adjournment of a legal meeting on the 31 of May last, have
been laid before the Come of Correspondence for the Town of
Boston. It affords us very great Satisfaction to find that the
Attempts of this Town to state the common Rights of this Colony &
the many grievances we labor under have been judgd by our
Brethren of Hatfield to be an acceptable Service; and the Thanks
of that Town does great Honor to the metropolis. It has been the
unremitted Endeavor of the Invaders of our Rights & the Tools
they have employed, to prevail on the people to believe that
there have been no Infringements made upon them; and the artful
Publications which have frequently issued from one of the presses
in this Town in particular, had perhaps in some degree answerd
their purpose. But we have the pleasure to assure you, that the
Letters we have lately receivd from every part of the province,
breath the true Sentiments & Spirit of Liberty. There seems to be
in every town, an apprehension of fatal Consequences from "the
illegal & unconstitutional measures which have been ADOPTED, (as
you justly express it) by the British ministry." Your Expression
is indeed pertinent; for it has as we think abundantly appeard
since you wrote, by some extraordinary Letters which have been
publishd, that the plan of our Slavery was concerted here, &
properly speaking "adopted by the British ministry." The plan
indeed is concise; first to take the people's money from them
without their Consent & then to appropriate that money for the
purpose of supporting an Executive independent of them and under
the absolute Controul of the Crown or rather the ministry. It was
formerly the saying of an English Tyrant "Let me have Judges at
my Command & make what Laws you please." And herein he judgd
wisely for his purpose, for what Security can the people expect
from the most salutary Laws if they are to be executed by the
absolute Dependents of a monarch. The nation cannot then wonder
that not only the several Towns of this province in their more
private Departments, but the Representative body of the people in
General Court assembled, are so greatly alarmd at this finishing
Stroke of the System of Tyranny. That Union of Sentiments among
the freemen of this Colony, that firmness, and Resolution to make
every constitutional Stand against the Efforts of a corrupt
administration which appears in the proceedings of so many Towns
already publishd to the World, must afford full conviction to the
Earl of Dartmouth that the opposition is not, as was represented
to his predecessor in office, an expiring Faction. That the
People of this province thus animated with a laudable Zeal, may
be directed to the wisest measures for the Defence & Support of
their common Liberty is the ardent wish of this Committee.
We are with the warmest affection for our Country, and a due
regard to the Town of Hatfield
Sir
your assured friends
& humble Servants,
_________________________________________________________________
1Town Clerk of Hatfield. [back]
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with
modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp.
206, 207.]
BOSTON June 21 1773
Sir
I wrote in very great Haste a few days ago, and then inclosd a
printed Copy of Letters signd Tho Hutchinson, Andw Oliver &
others, with a Copy of certain Resolutions formd by a Committee
and brot into the House of Representatives. Those Resolutions
have been since considerd by the House and with little Variation
adopted as youl see by the inclosd. Upon the last Resolve there
was a Division 85 to 28 since which five of the minority alterd
their minds, and two other members came into the House and desird
to be counted so that finally there were 93 in favor & 22 against
it. Many if not most of the latter voted for all the other
resolves. A Petition & Remonstrance against Hutchinson & Oliver
will be brot in I suppose this Week. I should think enough
appears by these Letters to show that the plan for the ruin of
American Liberty was laid by a few men born & educated amongst
us, & governd by Avarice & a Lust of power. Could they be removed
from his Majestys Service and Confidence here, effectual Measures
might then be taken to restore, "placidam sub Libertate Quietam."
Perhaps however you may think it necessary that some on your side
the Water should be impeachd & brot to condign punishment. In
this I shall not differ with you.
I send you our last Election Sermon delivered by Mr Turner. The
Bishop of St Asaphs I have read with singular pleasure.
I remain sincerely your friend,
PETITION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS TO THE
KING.
JUNE 23, 1773.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Province of Massachusetts Bay June 23 17731
To the Kings most Excellent Majesty
Most Gracious Sovereign
We your Majestys most loyal Subjects the Representatives of your
ancient Colony, in General court legally assembled, by Virtue of
your Majestys Writ under the Hand and Seal of the Governor beg
leave to lay this our humble Petition before your Majesty;
earnestly beseeching that in your Royal Clemency, your Majesty
would . . .
Nothing but a Sense of the Duty we owe to our Sovereign, and the
Obligation we are under to consult the Peace and Safety of the
Province, could induce us to remonstrate to your Majesty, the
MalConduct of those, who, having been born & educated and
constantly resident in the Province and who formerly have had ye
Confidence & were loaded with ye honours of this People, your
Majesty, we conceive, from the purest Motives of rendering the
People most happy, was graciously pleasd to advance to the
highest places of Trust and Authority in the province.
It has been with the greatest Concern and Anxiety, that your
Majestys humble Petitioners have seen Discords & Animositites too
long subsisting between your Subjects of the Parent State & those
of the Colonies: And we have trembled with Apprehensions that the
Consequences naturally arising therefrom must at length prove
fatal to both Countries.
Your Majesty will permit us humbly to suggest, that your Subjects
here have been naturally inducd to believe, that the Grievances
they have sufferd and still continue to suffer by the late
measures of the British Administration, have been occasioned by
your Majestys ministers & principal Servants being unfortunately
for us, either under strong prejudices against us, or misinformd
in certain Facts of very interresting Importance to us. It is for
this Reason that former Houses of Representatives have from time
to time prepared a true State of facts to be laid before your
Majesty; but their Petitions it is presumed, have by some means
been prevented from reaching your Royal Hand.
Your Majestys Petitioners have at length had before them certain
Papers, from which, they conceive it2 may be made manifestly to
appear that there has long been a Combination3 of evil Men in
this province, who have contemplated Measures and formd a Plan,
to raise their own Fortunes and advance themselves to Posts of
Power Honor & Profit, to the Destruction of the Character of the
province, at the Expence of the Quiet of the Nation and to the
annihilating of the Rights & Liberties of the American Colonies.
And we do with all due Submission to your Majesty, beg Leave
particularly to complain of the Conduct of his Excellency Thomas
Hutchinson Esqr Governor, and the Honbe Andrew Oliver Esqr
Lieutenant Governor of this province, as having a natural &
efficacious Tendency to interrupt & alienate the Affections of
your Majesty our Rightful Sovereign from this your loyal
province; to destroy that Harmony & Good Will between Great
Britain and this Colony which every honest Subject would wish to
establish; to excite the Resentment of the British Administration
against this Province; to defeat the Endeavors of our Agents &
Friends to serve us by a fair Representation of our State of
facts; and to prevent our humble and repeated Petitions from
reaching the Ear of your Majesty & having their desired Effect.
And finally that the said Thos Hutchinson & Andrew Oliver have
been some of the chiefe Instruments in the Introduction of a
Fleet and Army into this province to establish & perpetuate their
plans; whereby they have not only been greatly instrumental of
disturbing the peace & Harmony of the Government and causing
unnatural & hateful Discords and Animosities between the several
parts of your Majestys Dominions, but are justly chargeable with
all that Corruption of Morals in this Province, and all that
Confusion Misery and Bloodshed which have been the natural
Effects of the posting of Troops in a populous Town.
We do therefore most humbly beseech your Majesty, to give order
that Time may be allowed to us to support these our complaints by
our Agents and Council. And as the said Thos Hutchinson Esqr and
Andrew Oliver Esqr have by their above mentiond Conduct and
otherwise rendered themselves justly obnoxious to your Majestys
loving Subjects, we pray that your Majesty will be graciously
pleasd to remove them from their posts in this Government, and
place such good and faithful men in their Stead as, your Majesty
in your great Wisdom shall think fit----------
_________________________________________________________________
1Adopted by the House of Representatives by a vote of 80 to 11,
after a motion to refer its consideration to the
next session had been defeated by a vote of 73 to13.
2As an alternative to the following six words, the draft has
also, interlined, "is most reasonable to Suppose."
3The draft has also "Conspiracy," interlined.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text with
modifications is in R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp.
207, 208.]
BOSTON June 28, 1773.
Dear Sir,
My last was by Cap. Collson by the way of Bristol, inclosd in a
frankd Cover. I then informd you of the passing of a Number of
Resolves in the House of Representatives upon certain Letters
that had been under their Consideration. Since which the House
have by a Division of 82/12, voted a Petition & Remonstrance to
the King praying that Govr Hutchinson & Lt Govr Oliver may be
removd from their Posts. A Copy of which is sent to Dr Franklin
by this Vessel, who is directed to apply to Arthur Lee, Esqr and
any other Gentleman as Council. Upon my motion the Dr was
directed to make application to you solely; but the next Day it
was questiond in the House whether you were yet initiated into
the Practice of Law, and the Addition was made upon a Doubt which
I was sorry I had it not in my Power to remove. However, you must
be applyd to; Every Friend of Liberty, or which is the same
thing, nine-tenths of the House having the greatest Confidence in
your Integrity and Abilities.
You have herewith inclosd a Copy of the proceedings of the
Council upon the same Subject.
The People are highly incensd against the two impeachd Gentlemen.
They have entirely lost the Esteem of the publick. Even some of
their few friends are ashamd to countenance them. The Govr, as he
has been one of the most obligd, has provd himself to be a most
ungrateful man. He appears to me to be totally disconcerted. I
wish I could say humbled.
The House are now considering the Independency of the Judges; A
Matter which every day grows still more serious, and employs much
of the Attention of the People without Doors, as well as of the
Members of the House. I wish Lord Dartmouth & the rest of the
Great officers of the Crown could be prevaild upon duly to
consider that British Americans cannot long endure a State of
Tyranny.
I expect the Genl Assembly will be up in a few Days.1 I will then
write you more particularly. In the mean time I remain
Your Friend,
_________________________________________________________________
1The General Court was prorogued June 29, to meet September 15;
but the next session did not begin until
January 26, 1774.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF WOCESTER.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Septemr 11, 1773
GENTLEMEN
The happy fruit of the Appointment of Committees of
Correspondence in almost every Town in this province, is the
Advantage that Each has of communicating any Matter of common
Concern & Importance to a chosen Number of Men zealous for the
publick Liberty, in any particular Town or County, where it may
be specially requisite that such Intelligence shd be given. In
order to support our Cause, it is necessary that we attend to
every part of the plan which our enemies have concerted against
it. In making Laws & raising revenues from us without our
Consent, a Design is evidently apparent to render an American
Legislative of little Weight; and in appropriating such revenues
to the support of Governor & Judges, it as evidently appears that
there is a fixd Design to make our Executive dependent upon them
& subservient to their own purposes. Every method is therefore to
be usd that is practicable, in opposition to these two capital
Grievances, which are the fountain from whence every other
Grievance flows. All the Judges of the Superior Court, except the
Chiefe Justice have receivd the Grants out of the province
Treasury in full; but this by no means makes it certain whether
they intend for the future to depend upon the Crown for Support
or upon the Grants of the Genl Assembly. Indeed one of them viz
Mr Trowbridge has explicitly declared to the Speaker of the House
of Representatives that he will receive his Salary from the
province only, so long as he shall hold his Commission. The
Chiefe Justice (Oliver) has been totally silent. So that neither
of them except Mr Trowbridge has yet thought proper to comply
with the just Expectation & Demand of the House of
Representatives, upon which the Safety, & therefore we trust the
Quiet of this people depends.
The Court is now sitting here; and the Grand Jury have presented
a Memorial to them, setting forth as we are informd, the Contempt
with which the Grand Juries of the province have been treated in
the Letters of Govr Hutchinson & others; asserting the
Independence of Grand Juries as being accountable to none but God
& their own Consciences for their Conduct; claiming to themselves
equal protection with the Court, & expecting that effectual
measures will be taken to secure that most valueable Branch of
our civil Constitution, from further Contempt. They have also
represented to the Court, the great Uneasiness in the Minds of
the people of this County & as they conceive of the whole
province, by reason of the uncertainty that yet remains,
respecting the Dependence of the Judges on the Crown for Support,
& their own Doubts & Difficulties on this Account; & they pray
that the Court wd come to an explicit & publick Declaration
thereupon.
This is the Substance of the Matter. We shall endeavor to obtain
a correct Copy, & in that Case you will see it publishd in the
newspapers. In the mean time we would propose to you whether it
would not be serving the Cause if every County would take similar
Measures. And as the Court is to sit next in your County,1 &
yours is the principal Town we have written to your Committee
only on this Subject, leaving it to your Discretion & good
Judgment to take such methods as shall be most proper.
_______________________________________________________________
1Cf. Columbia University Studies in History, Economics and Public
Law, vol. vii., p. 58.
TO JOSEPH HAWLEY.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Oct. 4th 1773
MY DEAR SIR/
I can not omit this Opportunity of submitting to your Judgment,
the Ideas I have of the present Disposition of the British
Administration towards this Country; and I the rather do it at
this time, because as Matters seem to me to be drawing to a
Crisis, it is of the greatest Importance that we should have a
right Understanding of their Sentiments and Designs. The "wild
and extravagant Notions" (as they have been lately called) of the
supreme Authority of Parliament "flowing from the Pen of an House
of Representatives" has greatly chagrind them; as they apprehend
it has been the means of awakning that Spirit of Opposition to
their Measures, which from the Information their Tools on this
side of the Water had given them, and the Confidence they had
placed in the Art and Address of Mr Hutchinson, they had flatterd
themselves, had subsided, & would soon be extinguished. At the
same time they are very sensible, that the impartial Part of the
Nation, considering that the House were in a Manner forced to
express their own Sentiments on the Subject, be they what they
might, with Freedom are ready to exculpate them, and lay the
whole Blame, if there be any, upon the Governor, for his
Imprudent Zeal in bringing a Matter into open Controversy which
the Ministry had hoped to have settled in a silent Way. It is my
Opinion that the present Administration even though the very good
Lord Darmouth is one of them, are as fixed in their Resolutions
to carry this favorite point as any of their Predecessors have
been; I mean to gain from us an implicit Acknowledgment of the
Right of Parliament to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases
whatever. The King who you know determines by their Advice, has
expressd his Displeasure at our late petitions because they held
up Rights repugnant to this Right. Some of our Politicians would
have the People believe that Administration are disposd or
determind to have all the Grievances which we complain of
redressd, if we will only be quiet. But this I apprehend would be
a fatal Delusion; for I have the best Assurances, that if the
King himself should make any Concessions or take any Steps
contrary to the Right of Parliamt to tax us, he would be in
Danger of embroiling himself with the Ministry; and that under
the present Prejudices of all about him, even the recalling an
Instruction to the Governor is not yet likely to be advisd. Lord
Dartmouth has indeed lately said in the House of Lords as I have
it from a Gentleman in London who receivd the Information from a
peer who was present, that "he had formd his plan of Redress,
which he was determind to carry AT THE HAZARD OF HIS OFFICE." But
his Lordship might very safely make this Promise; for from all
that I have heard, his Plan of Redress is built very much upon
the Hopes that we may be prevaild upon, at least implicitly to
yield up the Right, of which his Lordship is as fixd in his
Opinion, as any other Minister. This I conceive they have had
in view from the year 1763; and we may well remember, that when
the Stamp Act was repeald, our Friends in Parliamt submitted as a
Condition of the Repeal, that the declaratory Act as it is called
should be passed, declaratory of the Right & Authority of
Parliament to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever.
Till that time the Dispute had been limitted to the Right of
Taxation. By assuming the Power of making Laws for America IN ALL
CASES, at the time when the Stamp Act was repeald it was probably
their Design to secure, as far as they could do it by an Act of
their own, this particular Right of Taxation thinking at the same
time that if they could once establish the Precedent in an
Instance of so much importance to us, as that of taking our Money
from us, they should thenceforward find it very easy to exercise
their pretended Right in every other Case. For this Purpose in
the very next Session if I mistake not, they passed another
revenue Act, for America; which they have been endeavoring to
support by military parade, as well as by other Means, at an
Expence to the Nation, as it is said of more than the revenue
yielded. And yet, in order to induce us to acquiesce in or
silently to submit to their Exercise of this Right, they have
even condescended to meet us half way (as it was artfully given
out) and lessened this Revenue by taking off the Duty on Glass &
several other Articles. Mr George Grenville declared that he
would be satisfied with a PEPER CORN, but that he must have
THREE; which shows that he had a stronger Sense of the Importance
of establishing the Power of Parliament, or as his own Words
were, "of securing the Obedience of the Colonies" than barely of
a Revenue. The Acknowledgment on our part of the Right of
Parliament has been their invariable Object: And could they now
gain this Acknowledgment from us, tho it were but implicitly,
they would willingly sacrifice the PRESENT revenue by a repeal of
the Acts, and FOR THE PRESENT redress all our Grievances. I have
been assured that a Question has of late been privately put by
one in Administration upon whom much Dependence is had by some
persons, to a Gentleman well acquainted with the Sentiments of
the People of this Province, Whether the present House of
Representatives could not be prevaild on to rescind the Answers
of the last House to the Governors Speeches relative to the
supreme Authority of Parliament; which Answers have been lookd
upon as a Bar in the Way of a Reconciliation and being informd
that such a measure on our part could by no means be expected, I
am apprehensive that Endeavors will be used to draw us into an
incautious mode of Conduct which will be construed as in Effect
receding from the Claim of Rights of which we have hitherto been
justly so tenacious. It has been given out, I suspect from the
Secrets of the Cabinet, that if we will now send home decent
temperate & dutiful petitions, even our imaginary Grievances
shall be redressd; but let us consider what Ideas Administration
have of Decency Temperance & Dutifulness as applyd to this Case.
Our late petitions against the Independency of the Governor &
Judges were deemd indecent intemperate & undutiful, not because
they were expressd in exceptionable Words, but because it was
therein said that by the Charter it plainly appeard to us to be
intended by the Royal Grantors that the General Assembly should
be the constituted Judge of the adequate Support of the
Government of the province and the Ways & Means of providing for
the same; and further that this operation of an Act of
parliament, by which the People are taxed & the money is
appropriated & used for that purpose, derogates from one of the
most sacred Rights granted in the Charter, & most essential to
the Freedom of the Constituion, & divests the Genl Assembly of a
most important part of legislative Power and Authority expressly
granted therein, and necessary for the Good and Welfare of the
province & the Support and Government of the same. The Subject
Matter of our Complaint was, not that a Burden greater than our
proportion was laid upon us by Parliament; such a Complaint we
might have made salva Authoritate parliamentaria: But that the
Parliament had assumed & exercisd the power of taxing us & thus
appropriating our money, when by Charter it was the exclusive
right of the General Assembly. We could not otherwise have
explaind to his Majesty the Grievance which we meant to complain
of; and yet he is pleasd in his answer to declare that he has
well weighd the Subject Matter of the petitions--and is
determined to support the Constitution and to resist with
firmness every Attempt to derogate from the Authority of the
supreme Legislature. Does not this imply that the parliament is
the supreme Legislature & its Authority over the Colonies of the
Constitution? And that until we frame our petitions so as that it
may fairly be construed that we have at least tacitly conceded to
it we may expect they will be still disregarded or frownd upon as
being not decent temperate and dutifull? We may even be allowd to
claim certain Rights and exercise subordinate powers of
Legislation like the Corporations in England, subject to the
universal Controul of Parliamt, and if we will implicitly
acknowledge its Right to make Laws binding upon us in all Cases
whatever, that is, its absolute Sovereignty over us the Acts we
shall them complain of as burdensome to us, shall be repeald, all
Grievances redressd, and Administration will flatter us that the
right shall never be exercisd but in a Case of absolute necessity
which shall be apparent to every judicious man in the Empire. To
induce us to be thus submissive beyond the bounds of reason &
Safety their Lordships will condescend to be familiar with us and
treat us with Cakes & Sugar plumbs. But who is to determine when
the necessity shall be thus apparent? Doubtless the Parliamt,
which is supposd to be the supreme Legislature will claim that
prerogative; and then they will for ever make Laws for us when
they think proper. Or if the several Colony Assemblies are to
signify that such necessity is apparent to every wise man within
their respective Jurisdictions before the parliamt shall exercise
the Right, the point will be given up to us in Effect, that the
Parliamt shall not make a Law binding upon us in any Case until
we shall consent to it, which their Lordships can in no wise be
thought to intend.
But I must break off this abruptly. I intend to write you
further. In the meantime I must beg to be indulgd with your Thots
on these matters & remain with great regard,
Sir,
________________________________________________________________
1The political leader of Northhampton, Massachusetts. His "Broken
Hints" is in Niles, Principles and Acts, p. 324.
TO JOSEPH HAWLEY.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Octob 13 1773
MY DEAR SIR/
I lately wrote you a long Epistle upon our political Affairs; and
although I fear I have put your patience on the Tryal, I can not
withstand a strong Inclination to communicate more of my mind to
you on the same Subject. Perhaps it may be of Service to you, as
it may afford you an opportunity of exercising that Charity or
Candor which "beareth all things."
I have taken some pains to enquire into the true Character of the
Minister in the American Department. And I find that all allow
him to be a good man. Goodness has rarely I fear been of late the
Chracteristick of his Majestys Ministers; for which reason his
Lordship is to be sure the more highly to be prizd. But it seems
very necessary that Men in such elevated Stations should be great
as well as good. The Promotion of a nobleman to this Department,
who is famed in America for his Piety is easily accounted for on
the principles of modern Policy. However illy we may deserve it,
the great men in England have an opinion of us as being a
mightily religious People. Surely than it must be supposd that we
shall place an entire Confidence in a Minister of the same
Character. We find it so in fact. How many were filled with the
most sanguine Expectations, when they heard that the good Lord
Dartmouth was entrusted with a Share in Administration? Little
did they think that if his Lordship did not come in upon express
terms, which however is doubted by some, yet without a Greatness
of mind equal, perhaps superior to his Goodness, it will be
impossible for him singly to stem the Torrent of Corruption. This
requires much more Fortitude than I yet believe he is possesd of.
Fain would I have him treated with great Decency & Respect, both
for the Station he is in and the Character he sustains; but
considering with whom he is connected, I confess that in regard
to any power he will have substantially to serve us, I am an
Infidel.
I do not agree with some of our Politicians who tell us that the
Ministry are "sick of their Measures." I cannot but wonder that
any prudent Man should believe this, while he sees not the least
Relaxation of measures; but instead of it new Insult & Abuse. Is
the Act of Parliament, made the last year, and the Appointment of
Commissioners with Instructions to put it in full Execution in
the Rhode Island Affair, a Ground of such a Beliefe? Can we think
the East India Company are so satisfied that Administration are
disposd to give up their Designs of establishing Arbitrary Power,
when no longer ago than the last Session of Parliament they
effected the Deprivation of their Charter Rights, whereby they
have acquired so great an Addition of Power & Influence to the
Crown? Or are such Hopes to be gatherd from the Treatment given
to our own Petitions the last May, when they were discountenancd
for no other Reason but because the Rights of our Charter were
therein pleaded as a Reason against a measure which if a little
while persisted in, will infallibly establish a Despotism in the
End? Surely this is not a time for us to testify the least
Confidence in the Spirit of the British Government, or from
flattering Hopes that their designs are to alter measures, to
trust to their Discretion or good Will.
I am apt to think that Ministry have two great Events in
Contemplation both which in all probability will take place
shortly. The one is a War & the other a new Election of
Parliament Men. In order to improve these Events to their own
purpose, it will become necessary to sooth & flatter the
Americans with Hopes of Reliefe. In Case of a War, America if in
good Humour will be no contemptible Ally. She will be able by her
Exertions to annoy the Enemy much. Her aid will therefore be
courted. And to bring her into this good Humour, the Ministry
must be lavish in promises of great things to be done for her.
Perhaps some Concessions will be made; but these Concessions will
flow from policy not from Justice. Should they recall their
Troops from the Castle, or do twenty other seemingly kind things,
we ought never to think their Designs are benevolent toward us,
while they continue to exercise the pretended Right to tax us at
their pleasure, and appropriate our money to their own purposes.
And this they have certainly no Thought at present of yielding
up. With regard to the Election of another House of Commons, that
will not take place within these Eighteen months unless a
Dissolution of parliamt should happen before; which has indeed
been hinted, & may be the movement in order suddenly to bring on
the Election before the People are prepared for it. We are to
suppose that an Attempt will be made to purchase the Votes of the
whole Kingdom. This will require much Time and dexterous
Management. The Ministry have in a great Measure lost the
Influence of London and other great Corporations as well as that
of the East India Company by their late Treatment of that
powerful Body, whom Lord North now finds it necessary to coax and
pascify. They will therefore be glad to sooth America into a
State of Quietness, if they can do it without conceding to our
Rights, that they may have the Aid of the Friends of America when
the new Election comes on. And that America has many Friends
among the Merchants & Manufacturers the Country Gentlemen &
especially the Dissenters from the establishd Church I am so well
informd that I cannot doubt. The last of these are so from
generous the others from private & selfish Principles. Such
Considerations as these will be strong Inducements [to] them to
make us fair & flattering Promises for the present; but Nothing I
think will be so dangerous as for the Americans to withdraw their
Dependence upon themselves & place it upon those whose constant
Endeavor for ten years past has been to enslave us, & who, if
they can obtain a new Election of old Members, it is to be feard,
unless we keep up a perpetual Watchfulness, will, in another
seven years, effect their Designs. The Safety of the Americans in
my humble opinion depends upon their pursuing their wise Plan of
Union in Principle & Conduct. If we persevere in asserting our
Rights, the Time must come probably a Time of War, when our just
Claims must be attended to & our Complaints regarded. But if we
discoverd the least Disposition to submit our Claims to their
Decision, it is my opinion that our Injuries will be increasd
then fold. I conclude at present with assuring you that I am with
sincere regard
Sir your Friend & hbl servt,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS TO OTHER
COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
PRO OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY
BOSTON Octob 21 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Committee of Correspondence appointed by the House of
Representatives of this Province have been not altogether
inattentive to the Design of their Institution. We have been
waiting for Intelligence from Great Britain from whose
injudicious Councils the common Grievances of the Colonies have
sprang; in hopes that a Change in the American Department would
have producd a happy Change in the measures of Administration;
But we are sorry to say, that from the best Accounts that we have
obtaind the Ministry have been hitherto so far from radically
redressing American Grievances that even the least Relaxation has
not been advisd if thought of. On the Contrary, the British
Parliament have been prorogud without taking the least Notice of
the Affairs of America; while they have been curtailing the
Charter of the East India Company in such a Manner & in such a
Degree, as to indicate that they are much more intent upon
increasing the power & Influence of the Crown than securing
Liberties of the Subject. At the same time, this Province has had
a very recent Discovery of the unalterd Resolution of the
Ministry to pursue their plan of arbitrary Power, in the Kings
Answer to the Petitions of our Assembly against the appropriation
of the Revenue raisd from the Colonies, for the purpose of
rendering our Governor & Judges dependent on the Crown. In his
Majestys Answer, we have nothing explicit, but his Resolution to
support the supreme Authority of the British parliamt to make
Laws binding on the Colonies (altho the petitions were supported
by the express Declarations of the Charter of the province) and
his great Displeasure, that principles repugnant to that Right
were therein held forth. Such an Answer to such a petition
affords the strongest Grounds to conclude, that the Ministry are
as firmly resolvd as ever to continue the Revenue Acts & apply
the tribute extorted by Virtue of them from the Colonies, to
maintain the executive powers of the several Governments of
America absolutely independent of their respective Legislatures;
or rather absolutely dependent on the Crown, which will, if a
little while persisted in, end in absolute Despotism.
Such being still the temper of the British Ministry, Such the
Disposition of the parliament of Britain under their Direction &
Influence, to consider themselves as THE SOVEREIGN of America, Is
it not of the utmost Importance that our Vigilance should
increase, that the Colonies should be united in their Sentiments
of the Measures of Oppposition necessary to be taken by them, and
that in whichsoever of the Colonies any Infringments are or shall
be made on the common Rights of all, that Colony should have the
united Efforts of all for its Support. This we take to be the
true Design of the Establishment of our Committees of
Correspondence.
There is one thing which appears to us to be an Object worthy of
the immediate Attention of the Colonies. Should a War take place,
which is thought by many to be near at hand, America will then be
viewd by Administration in a Light of Importance to Great
Britain. Her Aids will be deemd necessary; her Friendship
therefore will perhaps be even courted. Would it not then be the
highest Wisdom in the several American Assemblies, absolutely to
withhold all kinds of Aid in a general War, untill the Rights &
Liberties which THEY OUGHT TO ENJOY are restored, & secured to
them upon the most permanent foundation? This has always been the
Usage of a spirited House of Commons in Britain, and upon the
best Grounds; for certainly protection & Security ought to be the
unalterable Condition when Supplys are called for. With Regard to
the Extent of Rights which the Colonies ought to insist upon, it
is a Subject which requires the closest Attention & Deliberation;
and this is a strong Reason why it should claim the earliest
Consideration of, at least, every Committee; in order that we may
be prepared when time & Circumstances shall give to our Claim the
surest prospect of Success. And when we consider how one great
Event has hurried on, upon the back of another, such a time may
come & such Circumstances take place sooner than we are now aware
of. There are certain Rights which every Colony has explicitly
asserted, & we trust they will never give up. THAT in particular,
that they have the sole & unalienable Right to give & grant their
own money & appropriate it to such purposes as they judge proper,
is justly deemd to be of the last Importance. But whether even
this Right, so essential to our Freedom & Happiness, can remain .
. . to us, while a Right is claimed by the British parliament to
make Laws binding upon us in all Cases whatever, you will
certainly consider with Seriousness. It would be debasing to us
after so manly a Struggle for our Rights to be contented with a
mere TEMPORARY reliefe. We take the Liberty to present you with
the State of a Controversy upon that Subject, between the
Governor of this province and the Assembly. And as the Assembly
of this or some other Colony may possibly be called into further
Consideration of it, we should think our selves happy in a
Communication of such further Thoughts upon it, as we are
perswaded will upon a . . . occur to your Minds. We are far from
desiring that the Connection between Britain & America should be
broken. ESTO PERPETUA, is our ardent wish; but upon the Terms
only of Equal Liberty. If we cannot establish an Agreement upon
these terms, let us leave it to another & wiser Generation. But
it may be worth Consideration that the work is more likely to be
well done, at a time when the Ideas of Liberty & its Importance
are strong in Mens Minds. There is Danger that these Ideas will
hereafter grow faint & languid. Our Posterity may be accustomd to
bear the Yoke & being inured to Servility they may even bow the
Shoulder to the Burden. It can never be expected that a people,
however NUMEROUS, will form & execute a wise plan to perpetuate
their Liberty, when they have lost the Spirit & feeling of it.
We cannot close without mentioning a fresh Instance of the temper
& Design of the British Ministry; and that is in allowing the
East India Company, with a View of pacifying them, to ship their
Teas to America. It is easy to see how aptly this Scheme will
serve both to destroy the Trade of the Colonies & increase the
revenue. How necessary then is it that Each Colony should take
effectual methods to prevent this measure from having its
designd Effects.2
GENTLEMEN
The foregoing Letter was unanimously agreed to by the Committee
of Correspondence, and is in their name and by their order
Transmitted to you by your most respectfull friends and humble
Servants,
T: CUSHING
S: ADAMS
W: HEATH
P.S. It is the request of the Committee that the Contents of this
Letter be not made publick least our Common Enemies should
counteract and prevent its design.
________________________________________________________________
1The origin of this letter appears in the manuscript journal,
preserved in the Boston Public Library, of the Committee of
Correspondence, consisting of fifteen members, appointed by the
House of Representatives of Massachusetts. At a meeting of the
committee on June 28, 1773, a sub-committee, consisting of Adams,
Hancock, Cushing, Phillips, and Heath, was appointed, to write to
the Connecticut Committee of Correspondence and also to the
committee of each assembly. The letter to Connecticut appears to
have been approved at a meeting of the sub-committee on July 4.
At a meeting of the sub-committee on July 15 Adams was asked to
draft a letter on general government to the committees of the
neighboring governments. This letter was still unwritten on
August 19, and on September 29 the sub-committee called a meeting
of the full committee for October 20. On that date it was voted
expedient to write a circular letter to the other committees, and
in the afternoon of the same day Adams and Warren were appointed
a sub-committee to draft such a letter. At the afternoon meeting
on October 21 a draft was reported, read several times, and
accepted; and it was voted that the chairman, with Adams and
Heath, should sign the letters. The Journal is printed in
Proceedings of Massachusetts Historical Society, 2d ser., vol.
iv., pp. 85-90.
2The remainder is not in the autograph of Adams.
RESOLUTIONS OF THE TOWN OF BOSTON, NOVEMBER 5, 1773.
[Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 142, 143;
a draft of the preamble, in the handwriting of Adams, is in the
Mellen Chamberlain collection, Boston Public Library.]
Whereas it appears by an Act of the British Parliament passed in
the last Sessions, that the East India Company are by the said
Act allowed to export their Teas into America, in such Quantities
as the Lord of the Treasury shall Judge proper1: And some People
with an evil intent to amuse the People, and others thro'
inattention to the true design of the Act, have so contrued the
same, as that the Tribute of three Pence on every Pound of Tea is
not to be enacted by the detestable Task Masters there2---Upon
the due consideration thereof, RESOLVED, That the Sense of the
Town cannot be better expressed on this Occasion, than in the
words of certain Judicious Resolves lately entered into by our
worthy Brethren the Citizens of Philadelphia---wherefore
RESOLVED, that the disposal of their own property is the Inherent
Right of Freemen; that there can be no property in that which
another can of right take from us without our consent; that the
Claim of Parliament to tax America, is in other words a claim of
Right to buy3 Contributions on us at pleasure-----
2d. That the Duty imposed by Parliament upon Tea landed in
America, is a tax on the Americans, or levying Contributions on
them without their consent-----
3d. That the express purpose for which the Tax is levied on the
Americans, namely for the support of Government, the
Administration of Justice, and the defence of His Majestys
Dominions in America, has a direct tendency to render Assemblies
useless, and to introduce Arbitrary Government and Slavery-----
4th. That a virtuous and steady opposition to the Ministerial
Plan of governing America, is absolutely necessary to preserve
even the shadow of Liberty, and is a duty which every Freeman in
America owes to his Country to himself and to his Posterity-----
5th. That the Resolutions lately come by the East India Company,
to send out their Teas to America Subject to the payment of
Duties on its being landed here, is an open attempt to enforce
the Ministerial Plan, and a violent attack upon the Liberties of
America-----
6th. That is is the Duty of every American to oppose this
attempt-----
7th. That whoever shall directly or indirectly countenance this
attempt, or in any wise aid or abet in unloading receiving or
vending the Tea sent or to be sent out by the East India Company
while it remains subject to the payment of a duty here is an
Enemy to America-----
8th. That a Committee be immediately chosen to wait on those
Gentlemen, who it is reported are appointed by the East India
Company to receive and sell said Tea, and to request them from a
regard to their own characters and the peace and good order of
this Town and Province immediately to resign their appointment.
________________________________________________________________
1At this point the draft includes the words, "without the same
having been exposed to sale in the Kingdom of
Great Britain."
2The draft reads "here."
3The town record should apparently read "lay."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF ROXBURY.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Novr 9, 1773.
GENTLEMEN
The Town of Boston has for a few days past been greatly alarmd
with hearing of the marching of the Soldiers posted at Castle
Island from day to day in Companies through the neighboring Towns
armd. The pretence is that they are sickly & require such
Exercise; But why then should they be thus armd? It is justly to
be apprehended there are other Designs, which may be dangerous to
our common Liberty. It is therefore the Request of the Committee
of Correspondence for this Town, that you would give us your
Company at Faneuil Hall on Thursday next at three o'Clock,
joyntly to consult with them on this alarming occasion-----
We are Gentn
your Fellow Countrymen,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 208, 209.]
BOSTON, Nov. 9th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,---I have but just time to enclose you a newspaper,
by which you will see that Lord Sh-----ne was not mistaken when
he said that "things began to wear a very serious aspect in this
part of the world." I wish that Lord Dartmouth would believe,
that the people here begin to think that they have borne
oppression long enough, and that if he has a plan of
reconciliation he would produce it without delay; but his
lordship must know, that it must be such as will satisfy
Americans. One cannot foresee events; but from all the
observation I am able to make, my next letter will not be upon a
trifling subject.
I am with great respect, your friend,
TO THE SELECTMEN OF BOSTON.
[MS., Mellen Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library.1]
BOSTON, Decr 17, 1773
GENTLEMEN
Whereas the Freeholders & other Inhabitants of this Town did at
their last Meeting make application to Richard Clarke Esqr & Sons
who are supposd to be the persons to whom the East India Companys
Tea is to come consignd; And request them to resign their
Appointment to which they returnd for Answer that they were
uncertain upon what Terms the said Tea would be sent to them, and
what Obligations they should be laid under. And Whereas by a
Vessell now arrived from London (in which is come a Passenger a
Son of the said Mr Clarke) there is Advice that said Tea is very
soon expected.
It is therefore the Desire of us the Subscribers that a Meeting
of the Town may be called, that another Application may be made
to the same persons requesting as before; it being probable that
they can now return a definite Anwer.
We are Gentlemen
Your humble servts
_________________________________________________________________
1All in the autograph of Adams, and signed by Adams and twenty-
four others. Cf., Boston Record
Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., p. 147.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
PLYMOUTH.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, Decr 17, 1773
GENTLEMEN
The Come of Correspondence for this Town duly recd your Letter of
the 14th & note the important contents. We inform you in great
Haste that every Chest of Tea on board the three Ships in this
Town was destroyed the last Evening without the least Injury to
the Vessels or any other property. Our Enemies must acknowledge
that these people have acted upon pure & upright Principle. The
people at the Cape will we hope behave with propriety and as
becomes Men resolved to save their Country.1
______________________________________________________________
1At the foot of the draft is written the following, also in the
handwriting of Adams: & to Sandwich with this Addition--"We trust
you will afford them your immediate Assistance & Advice."
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO OTHER COMMITTEES OF
CORRESPONDENCE.
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.1]
BOSTON 17th of Decer 1773.
GENTLEMEN,
Yesterday we had a greater meeting of the Body than ever, the
Country coming in from twenty miles round, & every step was
taken, that was practicable for returning the Teas. The moment it
was known out of doors that Mr Rotch could not obtain a pass for
his Ship by the Castle, a number of people huzza'd in the Street,
and in a very little time every ounce of the Teas on board of the
Capts Hall, Bruce & Coffin, was immersed in the Bay, without the
least injury to private property. The Spirit of the People on
this occasion surprisd all parties who view'd the Scene.
We conceived it our duty to afford you the most early advice of
this interesting event by express which departing immediately
obliges us to conclude.
In the Name of the Come,
_________________________________________________________________
1Merely the subscription and addresses are in the autograph of
Adams. Noted as sent "by Mr Revere" to "Mr Mifflin & Geo Clymer"
at Philadelphia and "Phillip Livingston & Sam Broom" at New York.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 212, 213.]
BOSTON, Dec. 25th, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,---I wrote you a few days past by Capt. Scott, and
then promised to write farther by the next opportunity; but not
having heard of the sailing of this vessel till this moment, I
have only time to recommend a letter written and directed to you
by John Scollay, Esq. a worthy gentleman and one of the selectmen
of this town. He desires me to apologise for his addressing a
letter to one who is a perfect stranger to him, and to assure you
that he is persuaded there is no gentleman in London who has the
liberties of Amercia more warmly at heart, or is more able to
vindicate them than yourself. You see the dependence we have upon
you.
Excuse this SHORT EPISTLE, and be assured that as I am a friend
to every one possessed of public virtue, with affection I must be
constantly yours,
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp 209-212.]
BOSTON, Dec. 31, 1773.
MY DEAR SIR,---I am now to inform you of as remarkable an event
as had yet happened since the commencement of our struggle for
American liberty. The meeting of the town of Boston, an account
of which I enclosed in my last, was succeeded by the arrival of
the ship Falmouth, Captain Hall, with 114 chests of the East
India Company's tea, on the 28th of November last. The next day
the people met in Faneuil hall, without observing the rules
prescribed by law for calling them together; and although that
hall is capable of holding 1200 or 1300 men, they were soon
obliged for the want of room to adjourn to the Old South meeting-
house; where were assembled upon this important occasion 5000,
some say 6000 men, consisting of the respectable inhabitants of
this and the adjacent towns. The business of the meeting was
conducted with decency, unanimity, and spirit. Their resolutions
you will observe in an enclosed printed paper. It naturally fell
upon the correspondence for the town of Boston to see that these
resolutions were carried into effect. This committee, finding
that the owner of the ship after she was unloaded of all her
cargo except the tea, was by no means disposed to take the
necessary steps for her sailing back to London, thought it best
to call in the committees of Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline,
Roxbury, and Dorchester, all of which towns are in the
neighborhood of this, for their advice and assistance. After a
free conference and due consideration, they dispersed. The next
day, being the 14th, inst. the people met again at the Old South
church, and having ascertained the owner, they COMPELLED him to
apply at the custom house for a clearance for his ship to London
with the tea on board, and appointed ten gentlemen to see it
performed; after which they adjourned till Thursday the 16th. The
people then met, and Mr. Rotch informed them that he had
according to their injunction applied to the collector of the
customs for a clearance, and received in answer from the
collector that he could not consistently with his duty grant him
a clearance, until the ship should be discharged of the dutiable
article on board. It must be here observed that Mr. Rotch had
before made a tender of the tea to the consignees, being told by
them that it was not practicable for them at that time to receive
the tea, by reason of a constant guard kept upon it by armed men;
but that when it might be practicable, they would receive it. He
demanded the captain's bill of lading and the freight, both which
they refused him, against which he entered a regular protest. The
people then required Mr. Rotch to protest the refusal of the
collector to grant him a clearance under these circumstances, and
thereupon to wait upon the governor for a permit to pass the
castle in her voyage to London, and then adjourned till the
afternoon. They then met, and after waiting till sun-setting, Mr.
Rotch returned, and acquainted them that the governor had refused
to grant him a passport, thinking it inconsistent with the laws
and his duty to the king, to do it until the ship should be
qualified, notwithstanding Mr. Rotch had acquainted him with the
circumstances above mentioned. You will observe by the printed
proceedings, that the people were resolved that the tea should
not be landed, but sent back to London in the same bottom; and
the property should be safe guarded while in port, which they
punctually performed. It cannot therefore be fairly said that the
destruction of the property was in their contemplation. It is
proved that the consignees, together with the collector of the
customs, and the governor of the province, prevented the safe
return of the East India Company's property (the danger of the
sea only excepted) to London. The people finding all their
endeavours for this purpose thus totally frustrated, dissolved
the meeting, which had consisted by common estimation of at least
seven thousand men, many of whom had come from towns at the
distance of twenty miles. In less than four hours every chest of
tea on board three ships which had by this time arrived, THREE
HUNDRED AND FORTY-TWO chests, or rather the contents of them, was
thrown into the sea, without the least injury to the vessels or
any other property. The only remaining vessel which was expected
with this detested article, is by the act of righteous heaven
cast on shore on the back of Cape Cod, which has often been the
sad fate of many a more valuable cargo. For a more particular
detail of facts, I refer you to our worthy friend, Dr. Hugh
Williamson, who kindly takes the charge of this letter. We have
had great pleasure in his company for a few weeks past; and he
favoured the meeting with his presence.
You cannot imagine the height of joy that sparkles in the eyes
and animates the countenances as well as the hearts of all we
meet on this occasion; excepting the disappointed, disconcerted
Hutchinson and his tools. I repeat what I wrote you in my last;
if lord Dartmouth has prepared his plan let him produce it
speedily; but his lordship must know that it must be such a plan
as will not barely amuse, much less farther irritate but
conciliate the affection of the inhabitants.
I had forgot to tell you that before the arrival of either of
these ships, the tea commissioners had preferred a petition to
the governor and council, praying "to resign themselves and the
property in their care, to his excellency and the board as
guardians and protectors of the people, and that measures may be
directed for the landing and securing the tea," &c. I have
enclosed you the result of the council on that petition. He (the
governor) is now, I am told, consulting HIS lawyers and books to
make out that the resolves of the meeting are treasonable. I duly
received your favours of the 23d June, of the 21st July and 13th
October,1 and shall make the best use I can of the important
contents.
Believe me to be affectionately your friend,
P. S.---Your letter of the 28th August is but this moment come to
hand. I hope to have leisure to write you by the next vessel. Our
friend Dr. Warren has written to you by this2; you will find him
an agreeable and useful correspondent.
________________________________________________________________
1Under date of October 13, 1773, Lee had written Adams: "Every
day gives us new light and new strength. At first it was a tender
point to question the authority of parliament over us in any case
whatsoever; time and you have proved that their right is equally
questionable in all cases whatsoever. It was certainly a great
stroke, and has succeeded most happily." R. H. Lee, Life of
Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 236, 237.
2Under date of December 21, 1773. The text is Ibid., vol. ii.,
pp. 262, 263.
Regina Azucena
razucena@gis.net
TO JOHN PICKERING, JUNIOR.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON Jany 8 1774
SIR/
As the General Assembly will undoubtedly meet on the 26th of this
Month, the Negroes whose Petition lies on file and is referrd for
Consideration, are very sollicitous for the Event of it. And
having been informd that you intended to consider it at your
Leisure Hours in the Recess of the Court, they earnestly wish you
would compleat a Plan for their Reliefe. And in the mean time, if
it be not too much Trouble, they ask it as a favor that you would
by a Letter enable me to communicate to them the general outlines
of your Design.
I am with sincere Regard,
Sir, your humble Servt
_________________________________________________________________
1Of Salem Mass. Upon a letter from Pickering to Adams is endorsed
in the autograph of Adams: "Letter from Mr J Pickerin an honest &
sensible Friend of ye Liberty of his Country."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
Jan 25 1774
The sending the East India Companies Tea into America appears
evidently to have been with Design of the British Administration,
and to complete the favorite plan of establishing a Revenue in
America. The People of Boston and the other adjacent Towns
endeavored to have the Tea sent back to the place from whence it
came & then to prevent the Design from taking Effect. Had this
been done in Boston, as it was done in New York & Philadelphia,
the Design of the Ministry would have been as effectually
prevented here as in those Colonies and the property would have
been saved. Governor Hutchinson & the other Crown officers having
the Command of the Castle by which the Ships must have passed, &
other powers in their Hands, made use of these Powers to defeat
the Intentions of the people & succeeded; in short the Governor
who for Art & Cunning as well as an inveterate hatred of the
people was inferior to no one of the Cabal; both encouragd &
provoked the people to destroy the Tea. By refusing to grant a
Passport he held up to them the alternative of destroying the
property of the East India Company or suffering that to be the
sure means of unhinging the Security of property in general in
America, and by delaying to call on the naval power to protect
the Tea, he led them to determine their Choice of Difficulties.
In this View of the Matter the Question is easily decided who
ought in Justice to pay for the Tea if it ought to be paid for at
all.
The Destruction of the Tea is the pretence for the unprecedented
Severity shown to the Town of Boston but the real Cause is the
opposition to Tyranny for which the people of that Town have
always made themselves remarkeable & for which I think this
Country is much obligd to them. They are suffering the Vengeance
of Administration in the Common Cause of America.
RESOLUTION OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF MASSACHUSETTS.
MARCH 1,1774.1
[Journal of the House of Representatives, 1773, 1774 p. 219.]
Whereas Peter Oliver,2 Esq; Chief Justice of the Superior Court
of Judicature, &c. hath declined any more to receive the Grants
of this House for his Services, and hath informed this House by a
Writing under his Hand, that he hath taken and received a Grant
from his Majesty for his Services, from the fifth Day of July
1772, to the fifth day of January 1774; and that he is resolved
for the future to receive the Grants from his Majesty that are or
shall be made for his said Services, while he shall continue in
this Province as Chief Justice:
Therefore, RESOLVED, That this House will not proceed to make a
Grant to the said Peter Oliver, Esq; for his Services for the
Year past.
______________________________________________________________
1On March 1, 1774, the House of Representatives voted that Adams
should prepare a resolution stating the reason for omitting the
usual grant to Peter Oliver. He reported the same day, and his
report was accepted.
2For the articles of impeachment against Peter Oliver, see
Massachusetts Gazette, March 3, 1774, and Annual Register, 1774,
pp. 224-227.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 24 1774
GENTLEMEN
The Bearer of this Mr Wm Goddard has brot us Letters from our
worthy Brethren the Committees of Correspondence of New York
Newport and Providence, recommending to our Consideration the
Expediency of making an Effort to constitute & support a Post
throughout America in the room of that which is now establishd by
an Act of the British Parliament. When we consider the Importance
of a Post, by which not only private Letters of Friendship and
Commerce but PUBLICK INTELLIGENCE is conveyd from Colony to
Colony, it seems at once proper & necessary that such an one
should be establishd as shall be under the Direction of the
Colonies; more especially when we further consider that the
British Administration & their Agents have taken every Step in
their Power to prevent an Union of the Colonies which is so
necessary for our making a successful opposition to their
arbitrary Designs, and which depends upon a free Communication of
the Circumstances and Sentiments of each to the others, and their
mutual Councils Besides, the present Post Office is founded on an
Act of the British Parliament and raises a revenue from us
without our Consent, in which View it is equally as obnoxious as
any other revenue Act, and in the time of the Stamp Act as well
as since it has been pleaded as a Precedent against us. And
though we have appeard to acquiesce in it, because the office was
thought to be of publick Utility, yet, if it is now made use of
for the purpose of stopping the Channels of publick Intelligence
and so in Effect of aiding the measures of Tyranny, as Mr Goddard
informs us it is, the necessity of substituting another office in
its Stead must be obvious. The Practicability of doing this
throughout the Continent is to be considerd. We by no means
despair of it. But as it depends upon joynt Wisdom & Firmness our
Brethren of New York are sollicitous to know the Sentiments of
the New England Colonies. It is therefore our earnest Request
that you would take this matter so interresting to America into
your consideration, & favor us by the return of Mr Goddard with
your own Sentiments, and as far as you shall be able to collect
them, the Sentiments of the Gentlemen of your Town & more
particularly the Merchants and Traders. And we further request
that you would, if you shall judge it proper, communicate your
Sentiments in a Letter by Mr Goddard to the Committees of
Correspondence of New York & Philadelphia &c. It is our present
opinion that when a plan is laid for the effectual Establishment
and Regulation of a Post throughout the Colonies upon a
constitutional Footing, the Inhabitants of this Town will
heartily joyn in carrying it into Execution. We refer you for
further particulars to Mr Goddard, who seems to be deeply engagd
in this attempt, not only with a View of serving himself as a
Printer, but equally from the more generous motive of serving the
Common Cause of America. We wish Success to the Design and are
with cordial Esteem,
Gentlemen,
Your Friends & fellow Countrymen,
_____________________________________________________________
1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence at Salem,
Portsmouth and Newbury Port.
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 36-39.]
BOSTON, March 25, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
While the general court was sitting I received a letter from you
relating to the unhappy circumstances the town of Marblehead was
then in; but a great variety of business, some of which was very
important, prevented my giving you a convincing proof at that
time, of the regard with which I am ever disposed to treat your
favours. Besides, if it had been in my power to have aided you
with advice, I flattered myself, from the information I
afterwards had, that the storm, though it raged with so much
violence, would soon spend itself, and a calm would ensue. The
tumult of the people is very properly compared to the raging of
the sea. When the passions of a multitude become headstrong, they
generally will have their course: a direct opposition only tends
to increase them; and as to reasoning, one may as well expect
that the foaming billows will hearken to a lecture of morality
and be quiet. The skilful pilot will carefully keep the helm, and
so steer the ship while the storm continues, as to prevent, if
possible, her receiving injury.
When your petition was read in the house, I was fearful that our
enemies would make an ill improvement of it. I thought I could
discover in the countenances of some a kind of triumph in finding
that the friends of liberty themselves, were obliged to have
recourse even to military aid, to protect them from the fury of
an ungoverned mob. They seemed to me to be disposed to confound
the distinction, between a lawless attack upon property in a case
where if there had been right there was remedy, and the people's
rising in the necessary defence of their liberties, and
deliberately, and I may add rationally destroying property, after
trying every method to preserve it, and when the men in power had
rendered the destruction of that property the only means of
securing the property of ALL.
It is probable that such improvement may have been made of the
disorders in Marblehead, to prejudice or discredit our manly
opposition to the efforts of tyranny; but I hope the friends of
liberty will prevent any injury thereby to the common cause: and
yet, I cannot but express some fears, that parties and
animosities have arisen among the brethren; because I have just
now heard from a gentleman of your town, that your committee of
correspondence have resolved no more to act! I am loath to
believe, nay, I cannot yet believe, that the gentlemen of
Marblehead, who have borne so early and so noble a testimony to
the cause of American freedom, will desert that cause, only from
a difference of sentiments among themselves concerning a matter
which has no relation to it. If my fears are groundless, pray be
so kind as to relieve them, by writing to me as soon as you have
an opportunity. I shall take it as the greatest act of friendship
you can do me. Indeed the matter will soon be put to the trial;
for our committee, without the least jealousy, have written a
letter to your's, by Mr. Goddard, who is the bearer of this. The
contents we think of great importance, and therefore I hope they
will have the serious consideration of the gentlemen of your
committee.
I am, with strict truth,
Your's affectionately,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF MASSACHUSETTS TO BENJAMIN
FRANKLIN.1
[Seventy-Six Society Publications. Papers Relating to
Massachusetts, pp. 186-192. A draft is in the Committee of
Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library. A manuscript text, with
autograph signatures, is in the library of the Massachusetts
Historical Society.]
BOSTON, March 31st, 1774.
SIR:
By the inclosed Papers you will observe the proceedings of the
two Houses of Assembly in the late session with regard to the
Justices of the Superior Court. The conduct of Administration in
advising an annual Grant of the Crown to the Governor and the
Judges whereby they are rendered absolutely dependent on the
Crown for their being and support, had justly and very
thouroughly alarmed the apprehensions of the people. They clearly
saw that this measure would complete the Tragedy of American
Freedom, for they could conceive of no state of slavery more
perfect, than for a Parliament in which they could have no voice
to claim a power of making Laws to bind them in all cases
whatever, and to exercise that assumed Power in taking their
money from them and appropriating it for the support of Judges
who are to execute such laws as that parliament should see fit to
make binding upon them, and a Fleet and Army to enforce their
subjection to them. No discerning Minister could expect that a
people who had not entirely lost the Spirit and Feeling of that
Liberty wherewith they had before been made free, would tamely
and without a struggle submit to be thus disgraced and enslaved
by the most powerful and haughty Nation on Earth. They heard with
astonishment that his Majesty, THEIR OWN SOVEREIGN as well as the
sovereign of Britain, had been advised by his servants to signify
his displeasure at the decent temperate and humble Petitions of
their Representatives, for the redress of this intolerable
Grievance merely because they held up principles founded in
nature, and confirmed to British Subjects by the British
Constitution, and to the subjects in this Province by a sacred
charter granted to the inhabitants by his illustrious
predecessors for themselves their Heirs and successors forever.
They regretted that the Influence of the good Lord Dartmouth upon
whose exertions they had placed a confidence could not prevail to
gain the Royal attention to their just Complaints being assured
that could his Majesty be truly informed, that the express
intention of the Royal Charter was to establish and confirm to
his subjects in this Province all the liberties of his natural
born subjects within the Realm, to all Intents, Purposes and
Constructions whatsoever, they should soon rejoice in the full
redress of their Grievances and that he would revoke his Grants
to his Governor and Judges and leave the Assembly to support his
Governor in the Province in the way and manner prescribed in the
Charter according to ancient and uninterrupted usage and
conformable to the true spirit of the British Constitution.
The People however forbore to take any extraordinary Measures for
the Removal of this dangerous innovation, and trusted to the
Prudence and fortitude of their Representatives by whose
Influence four of the Judges have been prevailed upon to renounce
the Grants of the Crown and to declare their Resolution to depend
upon the Grants of the Assembly for their future services. The
Chief Justice has acted a different part. The House of
Representatives have addressed the Governor and Council to remove
him from his Office; they have impeached him of High Crimes and
misdemeanors, the Governor has refused, even though requested by
the Council, to appoint a time to determine on the matter, and
finally the House have Resolved that they have done all in their
Power in their capacity to effect his removal and that the
Governor's refusal was presumed to be because he received HIS
support from the Crown.
As the Papers inclosed contain so fully the Sentiments of the two
Houses concerning this important matter, it is needless to make
any observations thereon. The Assembly is prorogued and it is
expected will soon be Dissolved. Doubtless the People who in
general are greatly agitated with the conduct of the Governor,
will AT LEAST speculate very freely upon a subject so interesting
to them. They see with resentment the effect of the Governor's
independency, That he is resolved to save a favorite (with whom
he has a connection by the intermarriage of their children) and
therein to set a precedent for future Independent Governors to
establish any corrupt officers against the remonstrances of the
Representative Body. They despair of any Constitutional remedy,
while the Governor of the Province is thus dependant upon
Ministers of State against the most flagrant oppressions of a
corrupt Officer. They take it for certain that SUCH a Governor
will forever screen the conduct of SUCH an officer from
examination and prevent his removal, if he has reason to think it
is expected he should so do by those upon whose favor he depends.
On the other hand his Majesty's Ministers, unless they are
blinded by the plausible Colourings of designing men may see,
that by the present measures the People are provoked and
irritated to such a degree, that it is not in the Power of a
Governor(whom they look upon as a mere Instrument of Power)
though born and educated in the Country, and for a long time
possessed of a great share of the confidence and affections of
the People now to carry a single point which they the ministers
can recommend to him. And this will always be the case let who
will be Governor while by being made totally dependent on the
Crown or perhaps more strictly speaking upon the Ministry, he is
thus aliened from the People whose good he is and ought to be
appointed. In such a state what is to be expected but warm and
angry Debates between the Governor and the two Houses (while the
Assembly is sitting instead of the joint consultation for the
public Welfare) and violent commotions among the People? It will
be in vain for any to expect that the people of this Country will
now be contented with a partial and temporary relief, or that
they will be amused by Court promises while they see not the
least relaxation of Grievances. By the vigilance and activity of
Committees of Correspondence among the several towns in the
Province they have been wonderfully enlightened and animated.
They are united in sentiment and their opposition to
unconstitutional Measures of Government in become systematical,
Colony communicates freely with Colony. There is a common
Affection * * * * * * * * * * * * * whole continent is now become
united in sentiment and opposition to tyranny. Their old good
will and affection for the Parent Country is not however lost, if
she returns to her former moderation and good humor their
affection will revive. They wish for nothing more than permanent
union with her upon the condition of equal liberty. This is all
they have been contending for and nothing short of this will or
ought to satisfy them. When formerly the Kings of England have
encroached upon the Liberties of their Subjects, the subjects
have thought it their Duty to themselves and their Posterity to
contend with them until they were restored to the footing of the
Constitution. The events of such struggles have sometimes proved
fatal to Crowned Heads--perhaps they have never issued but
Establishments of the People's Liberties. In those times it was
not thought reasonable to say, that since the King had claimed
such or such a Power the People MUST yield it to him because it
would not be for the Honor of his Majesty to recede from his
Claim. If the People of Britain must needs flatter themselves
that they collectively are the Sovereign of America, America will
never consent that they should govern them arbitrarily, or
without known and stipulated Rules. But the matter is not so
considered here: Britain and the Colonies are considered as
distinct Governments under the King. Britain has a Constitution
the envy of all Foreigners, to which it has ever been the safety
as well of Kings as of subjects steadfastly to adhere. Each
Colony has also a Constitution in its Charter or other
Institution of Government; all of which agree in this that the
fundamental Laws of the British Constitution shall be the Basis.
That Constitution by no means admits of Legislation without
representation. Why then should the Parliament of Britain which
notwithstanding all its Ideas of transcendant Power must forever
be circumscribed within the limits of that Constitution, insist
upon the right of legislation for the people of America without
their having Representation there? It cannot be justified by
their own Constituion. The Laws of Nature and Reason abhor it;
yet because she has claimed such a Power, her Honor truly is
concerned still to assert and excise it, and she may not recede.
Will such kind of reasoning bear the test of Examination! Or
rather will it not be an eternal disgrace to any nation which
considers her Honor concerned to employ Fleets and Armies for the
Support of a claim which she cannot in Reason defend, merely
because she has once in anger made such a Claim? It is the
misfortune of Britain and the Colonies that flagitious Men on
both sides the Water have made it their Interest to foment
divisions, Jealousies, and animosities between them, which
perhaps will never subside until the Extent of Power and Right on
each part is more explicitly stipulated than has ever yet been
thought necessary, and although such a stipulation should prove a
lasting advantage on each side, yet considering that the views
and designs of those men were to do infinite mischief and to
establish a Tyranny upon the Ruins of a free constitution they
deserve the vengeance of the public, and till the memory of them
shall be erased by time, they will most assuredly meet with the
execrations of Posterity.
Our Lieutenant Governor Oliver is now dead.2 This event affords
the Governor a Plea for postponing his voyage to England till
further orders. Had the Government by the absence of BOTH
devolved on the Council, his Majesty's service (which has been
frequently pleaded to give a Colouring to measures destructive of
the true Interests of his Subjects) would we are persuaded, have
been really promoted. Among other things the Grants of the House
which in the late session were repeated for the services of our
Agents would have been passed. There is a degree of Insult in the
Governor's refusal of his consent to those Grants, for as his
refusal is grounded upon the Hopes that our Friends will thereby
be discouraged from further serving us, it is as much as to say
that there will be no Agents unless the Assembly will be content
with such as he shall prescribe for their choice. The House by a
Message urged the Governor to enable them to do their Agents
Justice but in vain. This and other instances serve to show that
the Powers vested in the Governor are exercised to injure and
Provoke the People.
We judge it to be the expectation of the House of Representatives
that you should warmly solicit the Earl of Dartmouth for his
Interest that as well as other instructions which are grievous to
us, more particularly those which relate to the disposition of
our public * * * * * that which restrains the Governor from
consenting * * * * * to the Agents may be recalled. And his
Lordship ought to consider his Interest in this particular not as
a PERSONAL favor done to you but as a piece of Justice done to
the Province; and in the same light we strongly recommend it to
your own Consideration especially as we hope for a change in the
Government.
We now write to you by the direction of the House of
Representatives to the Committee of Correspondence, and are with
very great Regard,
In the name of the Committe
Sir,
Your most humble servants,
______________________________________________________________
1Signed by Samuel Adams, John Hancock, William Phillips and
William Heath. [back]
2Cf. Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, vol. i., pp. 436, 437.
TO JAMES WARREN.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON March 31 1774
MY DEAR SIR,
I have been for some time past waiting for the Arrival of a ship
from London, that I might have something of Importance to
communicate to you. No ship has yet arrived. I cannot however
omit writing to you by our worthy Friend Mr Watson, by whom I
recd your obliging Letter of the 27 Instant.
Altho we have had no Arrival from Londn directly to this place,
we have heard from thence by the way of Philadelphia as you have
observd in the News papers. The Account they first receivd of our
opposition to the East India Act, as it is called, particularly
the transactions at Liberty Tree, they treated with Scorn &
Ridicule; but when they heard of the Resolves of the Body of the
people at the old South Meeting house, the place from whence the
orders issued for the removal of the Troops in 1770, they put on
grave Countenances. No Notice is taken of America in the Kings
Speech. Our Tories tell us to expect Regiments [to be] quarterd
among us. What Measures an unjudicious Ministry, (to say the
least of them) will take, cannot easily at present be foreseen;
it will be wise for us to be ready for ALL EVENTS, that WE MAY
MAKE THE BEST IMPROVEMENT OF THEM. It is probable that Mr
Hutchinson will make the Death of his Brother Oliver a plea for
postponing a Voyage to London, and if Troops should arrive IT MAY
BE BEST THAT HE SHOULD BE HERE.--I never suffer my Mind to be
ever much disturbd with Prospects. Sufficient for the Day is the
Evil thereof. It is our Duty at all Hazards to preserve the
publick Liberty. Righteous Heaven will graciously smile on every
manly and rational Attempt to secure that best of all his Gifts
to Man, from the ravishing Hand of lawless & brutal Power.
Mr Watson will inform you, what Steps [the] Come of
Correspondence have taken with regard to the Establishment of a
Post Office upon constitutional Principles. Mr Goddard, who brot
us Letters from New York, Newport & Providence relating to that
Subject, is gone with Letters from us to the principal trading
Towns as far as Portsmouth. I will acquaint you with the State of
the Affair when he returns, and our Come will I doubt not, then
write to yours. The Colonies must unite to carry thro such [a]
Project, and when the End is effected it will be a pretty grand
Acquisition.
I refer you also to Mr Watson, who can inform you respecting one
of your Protecters who has been in Town. The Tryumph of your
Tories as well as ours will I hope be short. We must not however
boast as he that putteth off the Harness. H--n is politically
sick and [I] fancy despairs of returning Health. The "law
learning" Judge I am told is in the Horrors and the late
Lieutenant (joynt Author of a late Pamphlet intitled Letters &c.)
a few Weeks ago "died & was buried"--Excuse me from enlarging at
present. I intend to convince you that I am "certainly a Man of
my Word"--In the mean time with Assurance of unfeigned Friendship
for Mrs Warren and your agreable Family, in which Mrs Adams
joyns, I remain
Yours Affectionately,
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF MARBLEHEAD.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library; a text,
with slight modifications, is in J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge
Gerry, vol. i. pp. 39-42.]
BOSTON April 2d 1774
GENTLEMEN
Yesterday we receivd your Letter dated the 22d of March, wherein
we have the disagreeable Intelligence of your "having resignd the
several offices in which you have acted for the Town" of
Marblehead, and that you shall "accept them no more--without
material Alteration in the Conduct of the Inhabitants."
When we heard of the unhappy Circumstances of that Town--The
Contest that had arisen to so great a Degree of Violence on
Account of the Hospital lately erected there, it gave us great
Concern and Anxiety, lest it might issue to the Prejudice of the
Common Cause of American Freedom. We were apprehensive that the
Minds of the Zealous Friends of that good Cause, being warmly
agitated in such a Controversy, would become thereby disaffected
to each other, and that the Advantage which we have hitherto
experienced from their united Efforts would cease. We are
confirmd that our Fears were not ill grounded, by your
relinquishing a Post, which, in our Opinion, and we dare say in
the Opinion of your Fellow Townsmen you sustaind with Honor to
your selves and Advantage to your Country. But Gentlemen, Suffer
us to ask, Whether you well considerd, that although you derivd
your Being as a Committee of Correspondence from that particular
Town which appointed you, yet in the Nature of your office, while
they continued you in it you stood connected in a peculiar
Relation with your Country. If this be a just View of it, Should
the ill Conduct of the Inhabitants of Marblehead towards you,
influence you to decline serving the publick in this office, any
more than that of the Inhabitants of this or any other Town? And
would you not therefore have continued in that office, though you
had been obligd to resign every other office you held under the
Town, without Injury to your own Reputation? Besides will the
Misfortune end in this Resignation? Does not the Step naturally
lead you to withdraw your selves totally from the publick
Meetings of the Town, however important to the Common Cause, by
which the other firm Friends to that honorable Cause may feel the
Want of your Influence and Aid, at a time when, as you well
express it "a FATAL Thrust may be aimed at our Rights and
Liberties," and it may be necessary that all should appear, & "as
one Body" oppose the Design & defeat the Rebel Intent? Should not
the Disorders that have prevaild and still prevail in the Town of
Marblehead, have been a weighty Motive rather for your taking
Measures to strengthen your Connections with the People than
otherwise; that you might in Conjunction with other prudent Men,
have employed your Influence & Abilities in reducing to the
Exercise of Reason those who had been governd by Prejudice and
Passion, & they have brought the Contest to an equitable &
amicable Issue, which would certainly have been to your own
Satisfaction. If Difficulties stared you in the Face, it is a
good Maxim NIL DESPERANDUM; and are you sure that it was
impracticable for you, by Patience and Assiduity, to have
restored "Order & Distinction" and renderd the publick offices of
the Town again respectable?
It is difficult to enumerate all the Instances in which our
Enemies, as watchful as they are inveterate, will make an ill
Improvement of your Letter of resignation. And therefore we
earnestly wish that a Method may yet be contrived for the
Recalling of it consistent with your own Sentiments. We assure
our Selves that personal Considerations will not be sufferd to
have an undue Weight in your Minds, when the publick Liberty in
which is involvd the Happiness of your own as well as the
Children of those who have ill treated you, & whom to rescue from
Bondage will afford you the most exalted Pleasure, is in Danger
of suffering Injury.
We wish most ardently that by the Exercise of Moderation &
Prudence the Differences subsisting among the good People of
Marblehead may be settled upon righteous Terms. And as we are
informd that the Town at their late Meeting did not see Cause to
make Choice of other Gentlemen in your Room in Consequence of
your declining to serve any longer as a Committee of
Correspondence, we beg Leave still to consider & address you in
that Character.
We are with unfeigned Respect,
________________________________________________________________
1Addressed to "Azor Orne Esqr & other Gentlemen of the Committee
of Correspondence for Marblehead."
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 215-220.]
BOSTON, April 4th, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,--My last letter to you I delivered to the care of
Dr. Williamson, who sailed with Capt. ----------in December last.
The general assembly has since been sitting, and the important
subject of the judges of the superior court being made dependent
on the crown for thier salaries, was again taken up by the house
of representatives with spirit and firmness. The house had in a
former session passed divers resolutions expressing their sense
of the dangerous tendency of this innovation, and declaring that
unless the justices should renounce the salaries from the crown,
and submit to a constitutional dependence upon the the assembly
for their support, they would proceed to impeach them before the
governor and council. One of them, Mr. Trowbridge, very early in
the session, in a letter to the speaker, expressed his former
compliance with that resolve, which letter was communicated to
the house and voted satisfactory. The other four had taken no
notice of the resolve. The house therefore having waited from the
26th of January, which was the first day of the session, till the
1st of February, then came to a resolution, that unless they
should conform to their order on or before the fourth of the same
month, farther proceedings would be had on such neglect. The
effect of this resolve was, that three of them, viz:--Hutchinson,
(a brother to him who is called governor), --------, ----------,
made similar declarations to that of Trowbridge, which were also
voted satisfactory. Mr. Justice Oliver, who is a brother of the
lieutenant-governor, and is connected with the governor by the
marriage of their children, came to a different determination;
which occasioned a controversy between the governor and the two
houses, inserted at large in the enclosed papers. Therein you
will see that the governor has treated the petitions, complaints,
and remonstrances of the representative body, with haughty
contempt. The people view it with deep resentment as an effect of
his independency; whereby he is aliened from them, and become a
fitter instrument in the hands of the ministry to carry into
effect their destructive plans. They are irritated to the highest
degree, and despair of any constitutional remedy against the
oppressions of a corrupt officer, while the governor, BE HE WHO
HE MAY, is thus dependent on ministers of state. They have ever
since the trial of Preston and his soldiers been murmuring at the
conduct of the superior court, and the partiality which many say
is so clearly discovered in causes between revenue officers and
the government, abettors, and other subjects. Indeed, the house
of representatives two or three years ago passed a resolution
that such conduct in several instances had been observed, as
appears in their printed journals. To give you some idea of what
the temper of that court has been, a lawyer1 of great eminence in
the province, and a member of the house of representatives, was
thrown over the bar a few days ago, because he explained in a
public newspaper the sentiments he had advanced in the house when
he had been misrepresented; and a young lawyer of great genius in
this town, who had passd the regular course of study, (which is
more than can be said of the chief-justice) has been and is still
refused by the governor, only because he mentioned the name of
Hutchinson with freedom, and that not in court, but in a Boston
town-meeting some years before. And to show you from whence this
influence springs, I must inform you that not long ago the
governor, the lieutenant-governor, and three of the judges, which
make a majority of the bench, were nearly related; and even now
the governor has a brother there, and is brother-in-law to the
chief-justice. Such combinations are justly formidable, and the
people view them with a jealous eye. They clearly see through a
system formed for their destruction. That the parliament of
Britain is to make laws, binding them in all cases whatsoever;
that the colonies are to be taxed by that parliament without
their own consent; and the crown enabled to appropriate money for
the support of the executive and arbitrary powers; that this
leaves their own assembly a body of very little significance;
while the officers of government and judges, are to be totally
independent of the legislature, and altogether under the control
of the king's ministers and counselors; and there an union will
be effected, as dangerous as it will be powerful; the whole power
of government will be lifted from the hands into which the
constitution has placed it, into the hands of the king's
ministers and their dependents here. This is in a great measure
the case already; and the consequences will be, angry debates in
our senate, and perpetual tumults and confusions abroad; until
these maxims are entirely altered, or else, which God forbid, the
spirits of the people are depressed, and they become inured to
disgrace and servitude. This has long been the prospect in the
minds of speculative men. The body of the people are now in
council. Their opposition grows into a system. They are united
and resolute. And if the British administration and government do
not return to the principles of moderation and equity, the evil
which they profess to aim at preventing by their rigorous
measures, will the sooner be brought to pass, viz:--THE ENTIRE
SEPARATION AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE COLONIES.
Mr. Cushing obliged me with a sight of your letter to him of the
22d Dec. last. I think I am not so clearly of opinion as you seem
to be, that "the declaratory act is a mere nullity," and that
therefore "if we can obtain a repeal of the revenue acts from
1764, without their pernicious appendages, it will be enough."
Should they retract the exercise of their assumed power, you ask
when will they be able to renew it? I know not when, but I fear
they will soon do it, unless, as your worthy brother in Virginia
in a letter I yesterday received from him expresses himself, "we
make one uniform, steady effort to secure an explicit bill of
rights for British America." Let the executive power and right on
each side be therein stipulated, that Britain may no longer have
a power or right to make laws to bind us, in all cases
whatsoever. While the claim is kept up, she may exercise the
power as often as she pleases; and the colonies have experienced
her disposition to do it too plainly since she in anger made the
claim. Even imaginary power beyond right begets insolence. The
people here I am apt to think will be satisfied on no other terms
but those of redress; and they will hardly think they are upon
equitable terms with the mother country, while by a solemn act
she continues to claim a right to enslave them, whenever she
shall think fit to exercise it. I wish for a permanent union with
the mother country, but only on the principles of liberty and
truth. No advantage that can accrue to America from such an union
can compensate for the loss of liberty. The time may come sooner
than they are aware of it, when the being of the British nation,
I mean the being of its importance, however strange it may now
appear to some, will depend on her union with America. It
requires but a small portion of the gift of discernment for any
one to foresee, that providence will erect a mighty empire in
America; and our posterity will have it recorded in history, that
their fathers migrated from an ISLAND in a distant part of the
world, the inhabitants of which had long been revered for wisdom
and valour. They grew rich and powerful; these emigrants
increased in numbers and strength. But they were at last absorbed
in luxury and dissipation; and to support themselves in their
vanity and extravagance they coveted and seized the honest
earnings of those industrious emigrants. This laid a foundation
of distrust, animosity and hatred, till the emigrants, feeling
their own vigour and independence, dissolved every former band of
connexion between them, and the ISLANDERS sunk into obscurity and
contempt.
May I whisper in your ear that you paid a compliment to the
speaker when you told him you "always spoke under the correction
of his better judgment." I admire what you say to him, and I hope
it will have a good impression on his mind; THAT WE SHALL BE
RESPECTED IN ENGLAND EXACTLY IN PROPORTION TO THE FIRMNESS AND
STRENGTH OF OUR OPPOSITION.
I am sincerely your friend,
As Capt. Wood is now about to sail, there is not time to have
copies of the papers; I will send them by the next opportunity.
In the mean time I refer you to Dr. Franklin, to whom they are
sent by this vessel.
________________________________________________________________
1Joseph Hawley, Esq., of North Hampton. [back]
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 220, 221.]
BOSTON, April , 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,--Capt. Wood being still detained, I have the
opportunity of acknowledging your favour of the 22d Dec. last,1
which is just now come to my hand. As Mr. Cushing received your
letter of the same date near three weeks ago, I am at a loss to
conjecture the reason of my not receiving it at the same time.
I do not depend much upon Lord Dartmouth's inclination to relieve
America, upon terms which we shall think honourable; upon his
ability to do it, I have no dependence at all. He might have said
with safety, when called upon by Lord Shelburne, that he had
prepared a plan to pursue at the hazard of his office; for I have
reason to believe it was grounded upon the hopes that we could be
prevailed upon, at least impliedly, to renounce our claims. This
would have been an acceptable service to the ministry, and would
have secured to him his office. No great advantage can be made
against us from the letter which you mention to Lord Dartmouth
from the two houses of our assembly; for upon a review of it I
think the most that is said in it is, that if we are brought back
to the state we were in at the close of the last war, we shall be
as easy as we then were. I do not like any thing that looks like
accommodating our language to the humour of a minister; and am
fully of your opinion that "the harmony and concurrence of the
colonies, is of a thousand times more importance in our dispute,
than the friendship or patronage of any great man in England."
At the request of our friend, Mr. Hancock, I beg your acceptance
of an oration delivered by him on the fifth of March last. I
intend to write to you again very soon; in the mean time I remain
your assured friend,
_________________________________________________________________
1R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. i., pp. 238-240.
TO JOHN DICKINSON.
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON April 21 1774.
SIR/
I take the Liberty to inclose an Oration deliverd on the last
Anniversary of the 5th of March 1770, by Mr Hancock; which I beg
you to accept as a Token of my great Regard for you. This
Institution in a great Measure answers the Design of it, which
is, to preserve in the Minds of the People a lively Sense of the
Danger of standing Armies. We are again threatned with that great
Evil; the British Ministry being highly provoked at the Conduct
of the People here in destroying the East India Companys Tea.
They shut their Eyes to what might appear obvious to them, that
the Governors Refusal to suffer it to repass our Castle,
compelled to that Extremity. The Disappointment of the Ministry,
and, no doubt, the Govrs aggravated Representations, have
inflamed them to the highest Degree. May God prepare this People
for the Event, by inspiring them with Wisdom and Fortitude! At
the same time they stand in Need of all the Countenance that
their Sister Colonies can afford them; with whom to cultivate and
strengthen an Union, was a great object in View. WE have borne a
double Share of ministerial Resentment, in every Period of the
Struggle for American Freedom. I hope this is not to be
attributed to our having, in general, imprudently acted our Part.
Is it not rather owing to our having had constantly, Governors
and other Crown officers residing among us, whose Importance
depended solely upon their blowing up the flame of Contention? We
are willing to submit our Conduct to the Judgment of our Friends,
& would gladly receive their Advice.
Coll Lee the Bearer of this Letter and Mr Dalton his Companion,
are travelling as far as Maryland. They are Gentlemen of Fortune
and Merit; and will be greatly disappointed if they should miss
the Pleasure of seeing the common Friend of America, The
Pennsylvania Farmer. Allow me, Sir, to recommend them to you, and
to assure you that I am with great Sincerity,
Your affectionate Friend and humble servt,
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.
[J. T. Austin, Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. i., pp. 45, 46.]
BOSTON, May 12, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
I duly received your excellent letter of this day, while I was in
town-meeting. I read it there, to the great satisfaction of my
fellow townsmen, in as full a town-meeting as we have ever had. I
think you and the worthy colonel Orne must by no means refuse to
come to the general assembly. Every consideration is to give way
to the public. I cannot see how you can reconcile a refusal to
your own principles. Excuse my honest freedom. I can write no
more at present, being now in committee of correspondence upon
matters of great importance. This waits on you by Mr. Oliver
Wendel, who is one of a committee of this town to communicate
with the gentlemen of Salem and Marblehead, upon the present
exigency.
I am, in haste, your friend,
TO THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF PORTSMOUTH, NEW HAMPSHIRE.
[MS., Public Record Office, London.1]
BOSTON 12th May 1774.
GENTLEMEN
I am Desired by the freeholders and other Inhabitants of this
Town to enclose you an attested copy of their Vote passed in Town
meeting Legally Assembled this day--The Occasion of this meeting
is most Alarming: we have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the
British Parliament--which is inclosed, wherein it appears that
the Inhabitants of this Town have been Tryed condemn'd and are to
be punished by shutting up the Harbour and otherways, without
their having been called to Answer for, nay, for ought that
appears without their having been accused of any crime committed
by them, for no such crime is alleged in the Act--the town of
Boston is now Suffering the stroke of Vengeance in the Common
cause of America, I hope they will sustain the Blow with Becoming
Fortitude, and that the Effect of this cruel act Intended to
intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will by the
joint efforts of all be frustrated.
The people receive this Edict with indignation; it is expected by
their Enemies, and fear'd by some of their Friends, that this
town singly will not be able to support the cause under so severe
a Tryal--as the very Being of every Colony considered as a free
people depends upon the event a thought so Dishonorable to our
Brethren cannot be entertain'd as that this town will be left to
struggle alone.
Your Hume St
_________________________________________________________________
1The copy from which the text is printed was an enclosure in a
letter of Governor Wentworth, dated June 8, 1774.
THE TOWN OF BOSTON TO THE COLONIES.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13th : 1774
I am Desired by the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of this
Town to enclose you an Attested Copy of their Vote passed in Town
meeting legally assembled this day.2 The Occasion of this Meeting
is most Alarming: We have receiv'd a Copy of an Act of the
British Parliament (which is also inclos'd) wherein it appears
that the Inhabitants of this Town have been tryed and condemned
and are to be punished by the shutting up of the Harbour, and
other Ways, without their having been called to answer for, nay,
for aught that appears without their having been even accused of
any crime committed by them; for no such Crime is alleged in the
Act.
The Town of Boston is now Suffering the Stroke of Vengeance in
the Common Cause of America. I hope they will sustain the Blow
with becoming fortitude; and that the Effects of this cruel Act,
intended to intimidate and subdue the Spirits of all America will
by the joynt Efforts of all be frustrated.
The People receive this Edict with Indignation. It is expected by
their Enemies and feard by some of their Friends, that this Town
singly will not be able to support the Cause under so severe a
Tryal. As the very being of every Colony, considerd as a free
People depends upon the Event, a Thought so dishonorable to our
Brethren cannot be entertaind, as that this Town will now be left
to struggle alone.
General Gage is just arrivd here, with a Commission to supercede
Govr Hutchinson. It is said that the Town of Salem about twenty
Miles East of this Metropolis is to be the Seat of Government--
that the Commissioners of the Customs and their numerous Retinue
are to remove to the Town of Marblehead a Town contiguous to
Salem and that this if the General shall think proper is to be a
Garrisond Town. Reports are various and contradictory.
I am &c.
Sent to the Come of Correspondence for
Connecticutt New York New Jersey & Philadelphia
by Mr Revere--and in that sent to Philadelphia there were Copies
of the Vote of the Town inclosd for the Colonies to the
Southward of them which they were desired to forward with all
possible Dispatch with their own Sentiments.
to
Rhode Island Providence p Post Portsmouth p Ditto
to Peyton Randolph Esqr to be communicated by him to the
Gentlemen in Virginia which was sent by Mr Perez Moulton as far
as Philadelphia to be thence forwarded by the Post.
_______________________________________________________________
1The letter was signed by Adams, but only the annotations at the
end are in his autograph. Another draft is also in the Committee
of Correspondence Papers. The final text of the letter as sent to
the Committee of Correspondence of Connecticut, with the
subscription and signature in the autograph of Adams and the body
of the letter in the autograph of Thomas Cushing, is in Emmet
MS., No. 344, Lenox Library, and is printed in Bulletin of New
York Public Library, vol. ii., p. 201.
2Boston Record Commissioner's Report, vol. xviii., pp. 173, 174.
THE COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE OF BOSTON TO THE COMMITTEE OF
CORRESPONDENCE OF PHILADELPHIA.1
[MS., Committee of Correspondence Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 13 1774
GENTLEMEN
We have just receivd the Copy of an Act of the British Parliament
passd in the present Session whereby the Town of Boston is
treated in a Manner the most ignominious cruel and unjust. The
Parliament have taken upon them, from the Representations of our
Governor & other Persons inimical to and deeply prejudiced,
against the Inhabitants, to try, condemn and by an Act to punish
them, UNHEARD; which would have been in Violation of NATURAL
JUSTICE even if they had an acknowledgd Jurisdiction. They have
orderd our port to be entirely shut up, leaving us barely so much
of the Means of Subsistance as to keep us from perishing with
Cold and Hunger; and it is said, that [a] Fleet of British Ships
of War is to block up our Harbour, until we shall make
Restitution to the East India Company, for the Loss of their Tea,
which was destroyed therein the Winter past, Obedience is paid to
the Laws and Authority of Great Britain, and the Revenue is duly
collected. This Act fills the Inhabitants with Indignation. The
more thinking part of those who have hitherto been in favor of
the Measures of the British Government, look upon it as not to
have been expected even from a barbarous State. This Attack,
though made immediately upon us, is doubtless designd for every
other Colony, who will not surrender their sacred Rights &
Liberties into the Hands of an infamous Ministry. Now therefore
is the Time, when ALL should be united in opposition to this
Violation of the Liberties of ALL. Their grand object is to
divide the Colonies. We are well informd, that another Bill is to
be brought into Parliament, to distinguish this from the other
Colonies, by repealing some of the Acts which have been complaind
of and ease the American Trade; but be assured, YOU will be
called upon to surrender your Rights, if ever they should succeed
in their Attempts to suppress the Spirit of Liberty HERE. The
single Question then is, Whether YOU consider Boston as now
suffering in the Common Cause, & sensibly feel and resent the
Injury and Affront offerd to her? If you do, (and we cannot
believe otherwise) May we not from your Approbation of our former
Conduct, in Defence of American Liberty, rely on your suspending
your Trade with Great Britain at least, which, it is acknowledgd,
will be a great, but necessary Sacrifice, to the Cause of
Liberty, and will effectually defeat the Design of this Act of
Revenge. If this should be done, you will please to consider it
will be, though a voluntary Suffering, greatly short of what we
are called to endure under the immediate hand of Tyranny.
We desire your Answer by the Bearer; and after assuring you,
that, not in the least intimidated by this inhumane Treatment we
are still determind to maintain to the utmost of our Abilities
the Rights of America we are,
Gentlemen,
your Friends & Fellow Countrymen,
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1Intended also for the Committees of Correspondence of New York,
New Jersey, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Portsmouth. An
endorsement upon the draft also states that it was written with
the concurrence of the Committees of Correspondence of
Charlestown, Cambridge, Brookline, Newton, Roxbury, Dorchester,
Lexington, and Lynn. Cf. Proceedings, Bostonian Society, 1891,
pp. 39, 40.
TO JAMES WARREN.
[Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, 4th ser., vol.
iv., pp. 390-392; a draft, with several variances, is in the
Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON, May 14, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,
This Town has received the Copy of an Act of the British
Parliament, wherein it appears that we have been tried and
condemned, and are to be punished, by the shutting up of the
harbor and other marks of revenge, until we shall disgrace
ourselves by servilely yielding up, in effect, the just and
righteous claims of America. If the Parliament had a Right to
pass such an EDICT, does it not discover the want of every moral
principle to proceed to the destruction of a community, without
even the accusation of any crime committed by such community? And
for any thing that appears, this is in fact the case. There is no
crime alleged in the Act, as committed by the Town of Boston.
Outrages have been committed within the Town, and therefore the
community, as such, are to be destroyed, without duly inquiring
whether it deserved any punishment at all. Has there not often
been the same kind of reason why the Port of London should be
shut up, to the starving of hundreds of thousands, when their own
mobs have surrounded the Kings Palace? But such are the councils
of a nation, once famed and revered for the character of humane
just and brave.
The people receive this cruel edict with abhorrence and
indignation. They consider themselves as suffering the stroke
ministerial--I may more precisely say, Hutchinsonian vengeance,
in the common cause of America. I hope they will sustain the blow
with a becoming fortitude, and that the cursed design of
intimidating and subduing the spirits of all America, will, by
the joint efforts of ALL, be frustrated. It is the expectation of
our enemies, and some of our friends are afraid, that this Town,
SINGLY, will not be able to support the cause under so severe a
trial. Did not the very being of every sea-port town, and indeed
of every Colony, considered as a free people, depend upon it, I
would not even then entertain a thought so dishonorable of them
as that they would leave us now to struggle alone.
I enclose you a copy of a vote, passed by this Town at a very
full meeting yesterday, which stands adjourned till Wednesday
next, to receive the report of a committee appointed to consider
what is proper further to be done. The inhabitants in general
abhor the thought of paying for the tea, which is one condition
upon which we are to be restored to the grace and favor of Great
Britain. Our Committee of Correspondence have written letters to
our friends in the Southern Colonies, and they are about writing
to the several towns in this Province. The merchants of
Newburyport have exhibited a noble example of public spirit, in
resolving that, if the other sea-port Towns in this Province
alone, will come into the measure, they will not trade to the
southward of South Carolina, nor to any part of Great Britain and
Ireland, till the harbor of Boston is again open and free; or
till the disputes between Britain and the Colonies are settled,
upon such terms as all rational men ought to contend for. This is
a manly and generous resolution. I wish Plymouth, which has
hitherto stood foremost, would condescend to second Newburyport.
Such a determination put into practice would alter the views of a
nation, who are in full expectation that Boston will be unthought
of by the rest of the continent, and even of this Province, and
left, as they are devoted, to ruin. The heroes who first trod on
your shore, fed on clams and muscles, and were contented. The
country which they explored, and defended with their richest
blood, and which they transmitted as an inheritance to their
posterity, affords us a superabundance of provision. Will it not
be an eternal disgrace to this generation, if it should now be
surrendered to that people who, if we might judge of them by one
of their laws, are barbarians. IMPIUS HAEC TAM CULTA NOVALIA
MILES HABEBIT? BARBARUS HAS SEGETES? If our brethren feel and
resent the affront and injury now offered to this town; if they
realize of how great importance it is to the liberties of all
America that Boston should sustain this shock with dignity; if
they recollect their own resolutions, to defend the public
liberty AT THE EXPENSE OF THEIR FORTUNES AND LIVES, they cannot
fail to contribute their aid by a temporary suspension of their
trade.
I am your friend,
TO SILAS DEANE.1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text, with
variations, is in Correspondence of Samuel B. Webb, W. C. Ford,
vol. i., pp. 23, 24.]
BOSTON May 18 1774
SIR
The Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Boston have had
before them a Letter signd by yourself in behalf of the Committee
of the Honbl House of Deputies of the Colony of Connecticutt, and
I am desired by our Committee to return them their hearty Thanks,
for the readiness they discover to support this Town, now called
to stand in the Gap and suffer the vengeful Stroke of the hand of
Tyranny, or, which God forbid, succumb under it. I trust in God,
we shall never be so servile as to submit to the ignominious
Terms of the cruel Edict; aided by our Sister Colonies, we shall
be able to acquit ourselves, under this severe Tryal, with
Dignity. But that Aid must be speedy, otherwise we shall not be
able to keep up the Spirits of the more irresolute amongst us,
before whom the crafty Adversaries are already holding up the
grim Picture of Want and Misery. It is feard by the Committee
that a Conferrence of Committees of Correspondence from all the
Colonies, cannot be had speedily enough to answer for the present
Emergency. If your honbl Committee shall think it proper to use
their Influence with the Merchants in the Sea port Towns in
Connecticutt to withhold--& prevail with those of each town for
themselves--their Trade with Great Britain and Ireland and every
Part of the West Indies, to commence at a certain time (say on
the 14th June next) it will be a great Sacrifice indeed, but not
greater than Americans have given the World Reason to expect from
them when called to offer it for the preservation of the publick
Liberty.One years virtuous forbearance wd succeed to our wishes.
2What would this be in Comparison with the Sacrifice our renowned
Ancestors made that they might quietly enjoy their Liberties
civil & religious? They left, many of them, affluence in their
Native Country, crossd an untryed Ocean, encounterd the
Difficulties of cultivating a howling wilderness, defended their
Infant Settlements against a most barbarous Enemy with their
richest Blood.
Your Sentiment that Boston is "suffering in the common Cause" is
just and humane. Your obliging Letter has precluded any Necessity
of urging your utmost Exertions, that Connecticut may at this
Juncture act her part in the Support of that common Cause,
though the Attack is made more immediately on the Town of Boston.
Being at present pressd for time I cannot write so largely as I
feel disposd to do. I must therefore conclude with assuring you
that I am with very great Regard for your Come
Sir
your sincere Friend and Fellow Countryman,
______________________________________________________________
1Addressed to Deane at Hartford, Connecticut.
2The following two sentences are stricken out in the draft.
TO STEPHEN HOPKINS1
[MS., Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library.]
BOSTON May 18 1774
SIR
You have without Doubt heard of the Edict of the British
Parliament to shut up the Harbour of Boston, the Injustice &
Cruelty of which cannot be parralled [sic] in the English
History. Injustice, in trying condemning and punishing upon the
mere Representations of interrested Men, without calling the
Party to answer; and Cruelty in the Destruction of a whole
Community only because it is alledgd that Outrage has been
committed in it, without the least Enquiry whether the Community
have been to blame. The Town of Boston now suffer the Stroke of
ministerial Vengeance in the Common Cause of America; and I hope
in God they will sustain the Shock with Dignity. They do not
conceive that their Safety consists in their Servile Compliance
with the ignominious Terms of this barbarous Act. Supported by
their Brethren of the Sister Colonies I am perswaded they will
nobly defeat the diabolical Designs of the common Enemies. If the
Spirit of American Liberty is suppressd in this Colony, which is
undoubtedly the Plan, where will the Victory lead to and end? I
need not urge upon YOU the Necessity of the joynt Efforts of all
in the Defence of this single Post. I know your great Weight and
Influence in the Colony of Rhode Island, and intreat that you
would now employ it for the common Safety of America. I write in
great Haste and am with sincere affection,
Your friend,
I shall esteem a Letter from you a very great favor.
________________________________________________________________
1See vol. ii. page 389. Cf. Frothingham, Life of Joseph Warren,
pp. 312, 313.
TO ARTHUR LEE.
[R. H. Lee, Life of Arthur Lee, vol. ii., pp. 221-223; a draft is
in the Samuel Adams Papers, Lenox Library; a text is in Force,
American Archives, 4th ser., vol. i., p. 332.]
BOSTON, May 18th, 1774.
MY DEAR SIR,--The edict of the British parliament, commonly
called the Boston Port Act, came safely to my hand. For flagrant
injustice and barbarity, one might search in vain among the
archives of Constantinople to find a match for it. But what else
could have been expected from a parliament, too long under the
dictates and control of an administration, which seems to be
totally lost to all sense and feeling of morality, and governed
by passion, cruelty, and revenge. For us to reason against SUCH
an act, would be idleness. Our business is to find means to evade
its malignant design. The inhabitants view it, not with
astonishment, but indignation. They discover the utmost contempt
of the framers of it; while they are yet disposed to consider the
body of the nation (though represented by such a parliament) in
the character they have sustained heretofore, humane and
generous. They resent the behaviour of the merchants in London,
those I mean who receive their bread from them, in infamously
deserting their cause at the time of extremity. They can easily
believe that the industrious manufacturers, whose time is wholly
spent in their various employments, are misled and imposed upon
by such miscreants as have ungratefully devoted themselves to an
abandoned ministry, not regarding the ruin of those who have been
their best benefactors. But the inhabitants of this town must and
will look to their own safety, which they see does not consist in
a servile compliance with the ignominious terms of this barbarous
edict. Though the means of preserving their liberties should
distress and even ruin the British manufacturers, they are
resolved (but with reluctance) to try the experiment. To this
they are impelled
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