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Three Months in the Southern States, April-June 1863

by Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle · English · Gutenberg #20928 · 435,180 chars · public domain (US)

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Title: Three Months in the Southern States, April-June 1863

Author: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle


        
Release date: March 29, 2007 [eBook #20928]

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THREE MONTHS IN THE SOUTHERN STATES, APRIL-JUNE 1863 ***




Produced by Jan-Fabian Humann, Suzanne Shell and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net









[Illustration: PRESIDENT JEFFERSON DAVIS.]




THREE MONTHS

IN

THE SOUTHERN STATES

APRIL-JUNE 1863

BY

LIEUT.-COL. FREMANTLE

COLDSTREAM GUARDS


WITH PORTRAITS ENGRAVED FROM PHOTOGRAPHS


WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS
EDINBURGH AND LONDON
MDCCCLXIII


_The Right of Translation is reserved_




PORTRAITS.


PRESIDENT JEFFERSON DAVIS,        _Frontispiece_

JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON,               _Page_ 117

LIEUT.-GENERAL LEONIDAS POLK,            147

GENERAL G. T. BEAUREGARD,                196

LIEUT.-GENERAL JAMES LONGSTREET,         242

GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE,                   253




PREFACE.


At the outbreak of the American war, in common with many of my
countrymen, I felt very indifferent as to which side might win; but if I
had any bias, my sympathies were rather in favour of the North, on
account of the dislike which an Englishman naturally feels at the idea
of Slavery. But soon a sentiment of great admiration for the gallantry
and determination of the Southerners, together with the unhappy contrast
afforded by the foolish bullying conduct of the Northerners, caused a
complete revulsion in my feelings, and I was unable to repress a strong
wish to go to America and see something of this wonderful struggle.

Having successfully accomplished my design, I returned to England, and
found amongst all my friends an extreme desire to know the truth of what
was going on in the South; for, in consequence of the blockade, the
truth can with difficulty be arrived at, as intelligence coming mainly
through Northern sources is not believed; and, in fact, nowhere is the
ignorance of what is passing in the South more profound than it is in
the Northern States.

In consequence of a desire often expressed, I now publish the Diary
which I endeavoured, as well as I could, to keep up day by day during my
travels throughout the Confederate States. The latter portion of the
Diary, which has reference to the battle of Gettysburg, has already
appeared in 'Blackwood's Magazine;' and the interest with which it was
received has encouraged me to publish the remainder.

I have not attempted to conceal any of the peculiarities or defects
of the Southern people. Many persons will doubtless highly disapprove of
some of their customs and habits in the wilder portion of the country;
but I think no generous man, whatever may be his political opinions, can
do otherwise than admire the courage, energy, and patriotism of the
whole population, and the skill of its leaders, in this struggle against
great odds. And I am also of opinion that many will agree with me in
thinking that a people in which all ranks and both sexes display a
unanimity and a heroism which can never have been surpassed in the
history of the world, is destined, sooner or later, to become a great
and independent nation.




THREE MONTHS

IN

THE SOUTHERN STATES.

APRIL, MAY, JUNE, 1863.


_2d March 1863._--I left England in the royal mail steamer Atrato, and
arrived at St Thomas on the 17th.

       *       *       *       *       *

_22d March._--Anchored at Havana at 6.15 A.M., where I fell in with my
old friend, H.M.'s frigate Immortalité. Captain Hancock not only
volunteered to take me as his guest to Matamoros, but also to take a
Texan merchant, whose acquaintance I had made in the Atrato. This
gentleman's name is M'Carthy. He is of Irish birth--an excellent fellow,
and a good companion; and when he understood my wish to see the "South,"
he had most good-naturedly volunteered to pilot me over part of the
Texan deserts. I owe much to Captain Hancock's kindness.

       *       *       *       *       *

_23d March._--Left Havana in H.M.S. Immortalité, at 11 A.M. Knocked off
steam when outside the harbour.

       *       *       *       *       *

_1st April._--Anchored at 8.30 P.M., three miles from the mouth of the
Rio Grande, or Rio Bravo del Norte, which is, I believe, its more
correct name, in the midst of about seventy merchant vessels.

       *       *       *       *       *

_2d April._--The Texan and I left the Immortalité, in her cutter, at 10
A.M., and crossed the bar in fine style. The cutter was steered by Mr
Johnston, the master, and having a fair wind, we passed in like a flash
of lightning, and landed at the miserable village of Bagdad, on the
Mexican bank of the Rio Grande.

The bar was luckily in capital order--3-1/2 feet of water, and smooth.
It is often impassable for ten or twelve days together: the depth of
water varying from 2 to 5 feet. It is very dangerous, from the heavy
surf and under-current; sharks also abound. Boats are frequently
capsized in crossing it, and the Orlando lost a man on it about a month
ago.

Seventy vessels are constantly at anchor outside the bar; their cotton
cargoes being brought to them, with very great delays, by two small
steamers from Bagdad. These steamers draw only 3 feet of water, and
realise an enormous profit.

Bagdad consists of a few miserable wooden shanties, which have sprung
into existence since the war began. For an immense distance endless
bales of cotton are to be seen.

Immediately we landed, M'Carthy was greeted by his brother merchants. He
introduced me to Mr Ituria, a Mexican, who promised to take me in his
buggy to Brownsville, on the Texan bank of the river opposite Matamoros.
M'Carthy was to follow in the evening to Matamoros.

The Rio Grande is very tortuous and shallow; the distance by river to
Matamoros is sixty-five miles, and it is navigated by steamers, which
sometimes perform the trip in twelve hours, but more often take
twenty-four, so constantly do they get aground.

The distance from Bagdad to Matamoros by land is thirty-five miles; on
the Texan side to Brownsville, twenty-six miles.

I crossed the river from Bagdad with Mr Ituria, at 11 o'clock; and as I
had no pass, I was taken before half-a-dozen Confederate officers, who
were seated round a fire contemplating a tin of potatoes. These officers
belonged to Duff's cavalry (Duff being my Texan's partner). Their dress
consisted simply of flannel shirts, very ancient trousers, jack-boots
with enormous spurs, and black felt hats, ornamented with the "lone star
of Texas." They looked rough and dirty, but were extremely civil to me.

The captain was rather a boaster, and kept on remarking, "We've given
'em h----ll on the Mississippi, h----ll on the Sabine" (pronounced
Sabeen), "and h----ll in various other places."

He explained to me that he couldn't cross the river to see M'Carthy, as
he with some of his men had made a raid over there three weeks ago, and
carried away some "renegadoes," one of whom, named Mongomery, they had
_left_ on the road to Brownsville; by the smiles of the other officers I
could easily guess that something very disagreeable must have happened
to Mongomery. He introduced me to a skipper who had just run his
schooner, laden with cotton, from Galveston, and who was much elated in
consequence. The cotton had cost 6 cents a pound in Galveston, and is
worth 36 here.

Mr Ituria and I left for Brownsville at noon. A buggy is a light gig on
four high wheels.

The road is a natural one--the country quite flat, and much covered
with mosquite trees, very like pepper trees. Every person we met carried
a six-shooter, although it is very seldom necessary to use them.

After we had proceeded about nine miles we met General Bee, who commands
the troops at Brownsville. He was travelling to Boca del Rio in an
ambulance,[1] with his Quartermaster-General, Major Russell. I gave him
my letter of introduction to General Magruder, and told him who I was.

He thereupon descended from his ambulance and regaled me with beef and
beer in the open. He is brother to the General Bee who was killed at
Manassas. We talked politics and fraternised very amicably for more than
an hour. He said the Mongomery affair was against his sanction, and he
was sorry for it. He said that Davis, another renegado, would also have
been put to death, had it not been for the intercession of his wife.
General Bee had restored Davis to the Mexicans.

Half an hour after parting company with General Bee, we came to the
spot where Mongomery had been _left_; and sure enough, about two hundred
yards to the left of the road, we found him.

He had been slightly buried, but his head and arms were above the
ground, his arms tied together, the rope still round his neck, but part
of it still dangling from quite a small mosquite tree. Dogs or wolves
had probably scraped the earth from the body, and there was no flesh on
the bones. I obtained this my first experience of Lynch law within three
hours of landing in America.

I understand that this Mongomery was a man of very bad character, and
that, confiding in the neutrality of the Mexican soil, he was in the
habit of calling the Confederates all sorts of insulting epithets from
the Bagdad bank of the river; and a party of his "renegadoes" had also
crossed over and killed some unarmed cotton teamsters, which had roused
the fury of the Confederates.

About three miles beyond this we came to Colonel Duff's encampment. He
is a fine-looking, handsome Scotchman, and received me with much
hospitality. His regiment consisted of newly-raised volunteers--a very
fine body of young men, who were drilling in squads. They were dressed
in every variety of costume, many of them without coats, but all wore
the high black felt hat. Notwithstanding the peculiarity of their
attire, there was nothing ridiculous or contemptible in the appearance
of these men, who all looked thoroughly like "business." Colonel Duff
told me that many of the privates owned vast tracts of country, with
above a hundred slaves, and were extremely well off. They were all most
civil to me.

Their horses were rather raw-boned animals, but hardy and fast. The
saddles they used were nearly like the Mexican.

Colonel Duff confessed that the Mongomery affair was wrong, but he added
that his boys "_meant well_."

We reached Brownsville at 5.30 P.M., and Mr Ituria kindly insisted on my
sleeping at his house, instead of going to the crowded hotel.

[1] An ambulance is a light waggon, and generally has two springs
behind, and one transverse one in front. The seats can be so arranged
that two or even three persons may lie at full length.

       *       *       *       *       *

_3d April_ (Good Friday).--At 8 A.M. I got a military pass to cross the
Rio Grande into Mexico, which I presented to the sentry, who then
allowed me to cross in the ferry-boat.

Carriages are not permitted to run on Good Friday in Mexico, so I had a
hot dusty walk of more than a mile into Matamoros.

Mr Zorn, the acting British Consul, and Mr Behnsen, his partner, invited
me to live at the Consulate during my stay at Matamoros, and I accepted
their offer with much gratitude.

I was introduced to Mr Colville, a Manchester man; to Mr Maloney, one
of the principal merchants; to Mr Bennet, an Englishman, one of the
owners of the Peterhoff, who seemed rather elated than otherwise when he
heard of the capture of his vessel, as he said the case was such a gross
one that our Government would be obliged to take it up. I was also
presented to the gobernador, rather a rough.

After dining with Mr Zorn I walked back to the Rio Grande, which I was
allowed to cross on presenting Mr Colville's pass to the Mexican
soldiers, and I slept at Mr Ituria's again.

Brownsville is a straggling town of about 3000 inhabitants; most of its
houses are wooden ones, and its streets are long, broad, and straight.
There are about 4000 troops under General Bee in its immediate vicinity.
Its prosperity was much injured when Matamoros was declared a free port.

After crossing the Rio Grande, a wide dusty road, about a mile in
length, leads to Matamoros, which is a Mexican city of about 9000
inhabitants. Its houses are not much better than those at Brownsville,
and they bear many marks of the numerous revolutions which are
continually taking place there. Even the British Consulate is riddled
with the bullets fired in 1861-2.

The Mexicans look very much like their Indian forefathers, their faces
being extremely dark, and their hair black and straight. They wear hats
with the most enormous brims, and delight in covering their jackets and
leather breeches with embroidery.

Some of the women are rather good-looking, but they plaster their heads
with grease, and paint their faces too much. Their dress is rather like
the Andalucian. When I went to the cathedral, I found it crammed with
kneeling women; an effigy of our Saviour was being taken down from the
cross and put into a golden coffin, the priest haranguing all the time
about His sufferings, and all the women howling most dismally as if they
were being beaten.

Matamoros is now infested with numbers of Jews, whose industry spoils
the trade of the established merchants, to the great rage of the latter.

It suffers much from drought, and there had been no rain to speak of for
eleven months.

I am told that it is a common thing in Mexico for the diligence to
arrive at its destination with the blinds down. This is a sure sign that
the travellers, both male and female, have been stripped by robbers
nearly to the skin. A certain quantity of clothing is then, as a matter
of course, thrown in at the window, to enable them to descend. Mr
Behnsen and Mr Maloney told me they had seen this happen several times;
and Mr Oetling declared that he himself, with three ladies, arrived at
the city of Mexico in this predicament.

       *       *       *       *       *

_4th April_ (Saturday).--I crossed the river at 9 A.M., and got a
carriage at the Mexican side to take my baggage and myself to the
Consulate at Matamoros. The driver ill-treated his half-starved animals
most cruelly. The Mexicans are even worse than the Spaniards in this
respect.

I called on Mr Oetling, the Prussian Consul, who is one of the richest
and most prosperous merchants in Matamoros, and a very nice fellow.

After dinner we went to a _fandango_, or open-air fête. About 1500
people were gambling, and dancing bad imitations of European dances.

       *       *       *       *       *

_5th April_ (Sunday).--Mr Zorn, or Don Pablo as he is called here, Her
Majesty's acting Vice-Consul, is a quaint and most good-natured little
man--a Prussian by birth. He is overwhelmed by the sudden importance he
has acquired from his office, and by the amount of work (for which he
gets no pay) entailed by it,--the office of British Consul having been a
comparative sinecure before the war.

Mr Behnsen is head of the firm. The principal place of business is at
San Luis Potosi, a considerable city in the interior of Mexico. All
these foreign merchants complain bitterly of the persecutions and
extortion they have to endure from the Government, which are, doubtless,
most annoying; but nevertheless they appear to fatten on the Mexican
soil.

I crossed to Brownsville to see General Bee, but he had not returned
from Boca del Rio.

I dined with Mr Oetling. We were about fourteen at dinner, principally
Germans, a very merry party. Mr Oetling is supposed to have made a
million of dollars for his firm, by bold cotton speculations, since the
war.

We all went to the theatre afterwards. The piece was an attack upon the
French and upon Southern institutions.

       *       *       *       *       *

_6th April_ (Monday).--Mr Behnsen and Mr Colville left for Bagdad this
morning, in a very swell ambulance drawn by four gay mules.

At noon I crossed to Brownsville, and visited Captain Lynch, a
quartermaster, who broke open a great box, and presented me with a
Confederate felt hat to travel in. He then took me to the garrison, and
introduced me to Colonel Buchel of the 3d Texas Regiment, who is by
birth a German, but had served in the French army; and he prepared
cocktails in the most scientific manner. I returned to Matamoros at 2.30
P.M.

Captain Hancock and Mr Anderson (the paymaster) arrived from Bagdad in a
most miserable vehicle, at 4 P.M. They were a mass of dust, and had been
seven hours on the road, after having been very nearly capsized on the
bar.

There was a great firing of guns and squibs in the afternoon, in
consequence of the news of a total defeat of the French at Puebla, with
a loss of 8000 prisoners and 70 pieces of cannon.

Don Pablo, who had innocently hoisted his British flag in honour of
Captain Hancock, was accused by his brother merchants of making a
demonstration against the French.

After dinner we called on Mr Maloney, whose house is gorgeously
furnished, and who has a pretty wife.

       *       *       *       *       *

_7th April_ (Tuesday).--Mr Maloney sent us his carriage to conduct
Captain Hancock, Mr Anderson, and myself to Brownsville.

We first called on Colonels Luckett and Buchel; the former is a handsome
man, a doctor by profession, well informed and agreeable, but most
bitter against the Yankees.

We sat for an hour and a half talking with these officers and drinking
endless cocktails, which were rather good, and required five or six
different liquids to make them.

We then adjourned to General Bee's, with whom we had another long talk,
and with whom we discussed more cocktails.

At the General's we were introduced to a well-dressed good-looking
Englishman, Mr ----, who, however, announced to us that he had abjured
his nationality until Great Britain rendered justice to the South.[2]
Two years since, this individual had his house burnt down; and a few
days ago, happening to hear that one of the incendiaries was on the
Mexican bank of the river, boasting of the exploit, he rowed himself
across, shot his man, and then rowed back. I was told afterwards that,
notwithstanding the sentiments he had given out before us, Mr ---- is a
stanch Britisher, always ready to produce his six-shooter at a moment's
notice, at any insult to the Queen or to England.

We were afterwards presented to ----, rather a sinister-looking party,
with long yellow hair down to his shoulders. This is the man who is
supposed to have hanged Mongomery.

We were treated by all the officers with the greatest consideration,
and conducted to the place of embarkation with much ceremony. Colonel
Luckett declared I should not leave Brownsville until General Magruder
arrives. He is expected every day.

Mr Maloney afterwards told us that these officers, having given up
everything for their country, were many of them in great poverty. He
doubted whether ---- had a second pair of boots in the world; but he
added that, to do honour to British officers, they would scour
Brownsville for the materials for cocktails.

At 3 P.M. we dined with Mr Maloney, who is one of the principal and most
enterprising British merchants at Matamoros, and enjoyed his hospitality
till 9.30. His wine was good, and he made us drink a good deal of it. Mr
Oetling was there, and his stories of highway robberies, and of his
journeys _en chemise_, were most amusing.

At 10 P.M. Mr Oetling conducted us to the grand fandango given in honour
of the reported victory over the French.

A Mexican fandango resembles a French _ducasse_, with the additional
excitement of gambling. It commences at 9.30, and continues till
daylight. The scene is lit up by numerous paper lanterns of various
colours. A number of benches are placed so as to form a large square, in
the centre of which the dancing goes on, the men and women gravely
smoking all the time. Outside the benches is the promenade bounded by
the gambling-tables and drinking-booths. On this occasion there must
have been thirty or forty gambling-tables, some of the smaller ones
presided over by old women, and others by small boys.

Monté is the favourite game, and the smallest silver coin can be staked,
or a handful of doubloons. Most of these tables were patronised by
crowds of all classes intent on gambling, with grave, serious faces
under their enormous hats. They never moved a muscle, whether they won
or lost.

Although the number of people at these fandangos is very great, yet the
whole affair is conducted with an order and regularity not to be
equalled in an assembly of a much higher class in Europe. If there ever
is a row, it is invariably caused by Texans from Brownsville. These
turbulent spirits are at once seized and cooled in the calaboose.

[2] It seems he has been dreadfully "riled" by the late Peterhoff
affair.

       *       *       *       *       *

_8th April_ (Wednesday).--Poor Don Pablo was "taken ill" at breakfast,
and was obliged to go to bed. We were all much distressed at his
illness, which was brought on by over-anxiety connected with his
official duties; and the way he is bothered by English and
"Blue-nose"[3] skippers is enough to try any one.

Mr Behnsen and Mr Colville returned from Bagdad this afternoon, much
disgusted with the attractions of that city.

General Bee's orderly was assaulted in Matamoros yesterday by a renegado
with a six-shooter. This circumstance prevented the General from coming
to Matamoros as he had intended.

At 5 P.M. Captain Hancock and I crossed over to Brownsville, and were
conducted in a very smart ambulance to General Bee's quarters, and
afterwards to see a dress parade of the 3d Texas infantry.

Lieutenant-Colonel Buchel is the _working man_ of the corps, as he is a
professional soldier. The men were well clothed, though great variety
existed in their uniforms. Some companies wore blue, some grey, some had
French _kepis_, others wideawakes and Mexican hats. They were a fine
body of men, and really drilled uncommonly well. They went through a
sort of guard-mounting parade in a most creditable manner. About a
hundred out of a thousand were conscripts.[4]

After the parade, we adjourned to Colonel Luckett's to drink prosperity
to the 3d Regiment.

We afterwards had a very agreeable dinner with General Bee; Colonels
Luckett and Buchel dined also. The latter is a regular soldier of
fortune. He served in the French and Turkish armies, as also in the
Carlist and the Mexican wars, and I was told he had been a principal in
many affairs of honour; but he is a quiet and unassuming little man, and
although a sincere Southerner, is not nearly so violent against the
Yankees as Luckett.

At 10 P.M. Captain Hancock and myself went to a ball given by the
authorities of the "Heroica y invicta ciudad de Matamoros" (as they
choose to call it), in honour of the French defeat. General Bee and
Colonel Luckett also went to this fête, the invitation being the first
civility they had received since the violation of the Mexican soil in
the Davis-Mongomery affair. They were dressed in plain clothes, and
carried pistols concealed in case of accidents.

We all drove together from Brownsville to the Consulate, and entered the
ball-room _en masse_.

The outside of the municipal hall was lit up with some splendour, and
it was graced by a big placard, on which was written the amiable
sentiment, "_Muera Napoleon--viva Mejico!_" Semi-successful squibs and
crackers were let off at intervals. In the square also was a triumphal
arch, with an inscription to the effect that "the effete nations of
Europe might tremble." I made great friends with the gobernador and
administrador, who endeavoured to entice me into dancing, but I excused
myself by saying that Europeans were unable to dance in the graceful
Mexican fashion. Captain Hancock was much horrified when this
greasy-faced gobernador (who keeps a small shop) stated his intention of
visiting the Immortalité with six of his friends, and sleeping on board
for a night or two.

The dances were a sort of slow valse, and between the dances the girls
were planted up against the wall, and not allowed to be spoken to by any
one. They were mostly a plain-headed, badly-painted lot, and
ridiculously dressed.

[3] Nova-Scotian.

[4] During all my travels in the South I never saw a regiment so well
clothed or so well drilled as this one, which has never been in action,
or been exposed to much hardship.

       *       *       *       *       *

_9th April_ (Thursday).--Captain Hancock and Mr Anderson left for Bagdad
in Mr Behnsen's carriage at noon.

I crossed over to Brownsville at 11.30, and dined with Colonels
Luckett, Buchel, and Duff, at about one o'clock. As we were all
colonels, and as every one called the other colonel _tout court_, it was
difficult to make out which was meant. They were obliged to confess that
Brownsville was about the rowdiest town of Texas, which was the most
lawless state in the Confederacy; but they declared they had never seen
an inoffensive man subjected to insult or annoyance, although the
shooting-down and stringing-up systems are much in vogue, being almost a
necessity in a thinly-populated state, much frequented by desperadoes
driven away from more civilised countries.

Colonel Luckett gave me a letter to General Van Dorn, whom they consider
the _beau ideal_ of a cavalry soldier. They said from time immemorial
the Yankees had been despised by the Southerners, as a race inferior to
themselves in courage and in honourable sentiments.

At 3 P.M. Colonel Buchel and I rode to Colonel Duff's camp, distant
about thirteen miles. I was given a Mexican saddle, in which one is
forced to sit almost in a standing position. The stirrups are very long,
and right underneath you, which throws back the feet.

Duff's regiment is called the Partisan Rangers. Although a fine lot of
men, they don't look well at a foot parade, on account of the small
amount of drill they have undergone, and the extreme disorder of their
clothing. They are armed with carbines and six-shooters.

I saw some men come in from a scouting expedition against the Indians,
300 miles off. They told me they were usually in the habit of scalping
an Indian when they caught him, and that they never spared one, as they
were such an untamable and ferocious race. Another habit which they have
learned from the Indians is, to squat on their heels in a most peculiar
manner. It has an absurd and extraordinary effect to see a quantity of
them so squatting in a row or in a circle.

The regiment had been employed in quelling a counter revolution of
Unionists in Texas. Nothing could exceed the rancour with which they
spoke of these renegadoes, as they called them, who were principally
Germans.

When I suggested to some of the Texans that they might as well bury the
body of Mongomery a little better, they did not at all agree with me,
but said it ought not to have been buried at all, but left hanging as a
warning to other evil-doers.

With regard to the contentment of their slaves, Colonel Duff pointed out
a good number they had with them, who had only to cross the river for
freedom if they wished it.

Colonel Buchel and I slept in Colonel Duff's tent, and at night we were
_serenaded_. The officers and men really sang uncommonly well, and they
finished with "God save the Queen!"

Colonel Duff comes from Perth. He was one of the leading characters in
the secession of Texas; and he said his brother was a banker in Dunkeld.

       *       *       *       *       *

_10th April_ (Friday).--We roused up at daylight, and soon afterwards
Colonel Duff paraded some of his best men, to show off the Texan
horsemanship, of which they are very proud. I saw them lasso cattle, and
catch them by the tail at full gallop, and throw them by slewing them
round. This is called tailing. They pick small objects off the ground
when at full tilt, and, in their peculiar fashion, are beautiful riders;
but they confessed to me they could not ride in an English saddle, and
Colonel Duff told me that they could not jump a fence at all. They were
all extremely anxious to hear what I thought of the performance, and
their thorough good opinion of themselves was most amusing.

At 9 o'clock Colonel Buchel and I rode back to Brownsville; but as we
lost our way twice, and were enveloped in clouds of dust, it was not a
very satisfactory ride. Poor Captain Hancock must be luxuriating at
Bagdad; for with this wind the bar must be impassable to the boldest
mariner.

In the evening, a Mr ----, a Texan Unionist, or renegado, gave us his
sentiments at the Consulate, and drank a deal of brandy. He finished,
however, by the toast, "Them as wants to fight, let 'em fight--I don't."

       *       *       *       *       *

_11th April_ (Saturday).--Mr ----, the Unionist, came to me this
morning, and said, in a contrite manner, "I hope, Kernel, that in the
fumes of brandy I didn't say anything offensive last night." I assured
him that he hadn't. I have now become comparatively accustomed and
reconciled to the necessity of shaking hands and drinking brandy with
every one.[5]

The ambulance returned from Bagdad to-day. Captain Hancock had managed
to cross the bar in Mr Oetling's steamer or lighter, but was very nearly
capsized.

I went to a grand supper, given by Mr Oetling in honour of Mr Hill's
departure for the city of Mexico. This, it appears, is the custom of the
country.

[5] This necessity does not exist except in Texas.

       *       *       *       *       *

_12th April_ (Sunday).--I took an affectionate leave of Don Pablo,
Behnsen, Oetling, & Co., all of whom were in rather weak health on
account of last night's supper.

The excellent Maloney insisted on providing me with preserved meats and
brandy for my arduous journey through Texas. I feel extremely grateful
for the kindness of all these gentlemen, who rendered my stay in
Matamoros very agreeable. The hotel would have been intolerable.

I crossed to Brownsville at 3 P.M., where I was hospitably received by
my friend Ituria, who confesses to having made a deal of money lately by
cotton speculations. I attended evening parade, and saw General Bee,
Colonels Luckett, Buchel, Duff, and ----. The latter (who hanged
Mongomery) improves on acquaintance. General Bee took me for a drive in
his ambulance, and introduced me to Major Leon Smith, who captured the
Harriet Lane. The latter pressed me most vehemently to wait until
General Magruder's arrival, and he promised, if I did so, that I should
be sent to San Antonio in a first-rate ambulance. Major Leon Smith is a
seafaring man by profession, and was put by General Magruder in command
of one of the small steamers which captured the Harriet Lane at
Galveston, the crews of the steamers being composed of Texan cavalry
soldiers. He told me that the resistance offered after boarding was
feeble; and he declared that, had not the remainder of the Yankee
vessels escaped unfairly under flag of truce, they would likewise have
been taken.

After the Harriet Lane had been captured, she was fired into by the
other ships; and Major Smith told me that, his blood being up, he sent
the ex-master of the Harriet Lane to Commodore Renshaw, with a message
that, unless the firing was stopped, he would _massa_CREE the captured
crew. After hearing this, Commodore Renshaw blew up his ship, with
himself in her, after having given an order to the remainder, _sauve qui
peut_.

       *       *       *       *       *

_13th April_ (Monday).--I breakfasted with General Bee, and took leave
of all my Brownsville friends.

M'Carthy is to give me four times the value of my gold in Confederate
notes.[6]

We left Brownsville for San Antonio at 11 A.M. Our vehicle was a roomy,
but rather over-loaded, four-wheel carriage, with a canvass roof, and
four mules. Besides M'Carthy, there was a third passenger, in the shape
of a young merchant of the Hebrew persuasion. Two horses were to join
us, to help us through the deep sand.

The country, on leaving Brownsville, is quite flat, the road, a natural
one, sandy and very dusty, and there are many small trees, principally
mosquites. After we had proceeded seven miles, we halted to water the
mules.

At 2 P.M. a new character appeared upon the scene, in the shape of an
elderly, rough-faced, dirty-looking man, who rode up, mounted on a sorry
nag. To my surprise he was addressed by M'Carthy with the title of
"Judge," and asked what he had done with our other horse. The judge
replied that it had already broken down, and had been left behind.
M'Carthy informs me that this worthy really is a magistrate or sort of
judge in his own district; but he now appears in the capacity of
assistant mule-driver, and is to make himself generally useful. I could
not help feeling immensely amused at this specimen of a Texan judge. We
started again about 3 P.M., and soon emerged from the mosquite bushes
into an open prairie eight miles long, quite desolate, and producing
nothing but a sort of rush; after which we entered a chaparal, or thick
covert of mosquite trees and high prickly pears. These border the track,
and are covered with bits of cotton torn from the endless trains of
cotton waggons. We met several of these waggons. Generally there were
ten oxen or six mules to a waggon carrying ten bales, but in deep sand
more animals are necessary. They journey very slowly towards
Brownsville, from places in the interior of Texas at least five hundred
miles distant. Want of water and other causes make the drivers and
animals undergo much hardship.

The judge rides on in front of us on his "Rosinante," to encourage the
mules. His back view reminds one in a ludicrous manner of the pictures
of Dr Syntax.

Mr Sargent, our portly driver, cheers his animals by the continual
repetition of the sentence, "Get up, now, you great long-eared G----d
d----d son of a ----."

At 5 P.M. we reached a well, with a farm or ranch close to it. Here we
halted for the night. A cotton train was encamped close to us, and a
lugubrious half-naked teamster informed us that three of his oxen had
been stolen last night.

In order to make a fire, we were forced to enter the chaparal for wood,
and in doing so we ran many prickles into our legs, which caused us
great annoyance afterwards, as they fester, if not immediately pulled
out.

The water at this well was very salt, and made very indifferent coffee.
M'Carthy called it the "meanest halting-place we shall have."

At 8 P.M. M'Carthy spread a bullock-rug on the sand near the carriage,
on which we should have slept very comfortably, had it not been for the
prickles, the activity of many fleas, and the incursions of wild hogs.
Mr Sargent and the Judge, with much presence of mind, had encamped
seventy yards off, and left to us the duty of driving away these hogs. I
was twice awoke by one of these unclean animals breathing in my face.

We did about twenty-one miles to-day.

[6] The value of Confederate paper has since decreased. At Charleston I
was offered six to one for my gold, and at Richmond eight to one.

       *       *       *       *       *

_14th April_ (Tuesday).--When we roused up at 4 A.M. we found our
clothes saturated with the heavy dew; also that, notwithstanding our
exertions, the hogs had devoured the greatest part of our pet kid, our
only fresh meat.

After feeding our mules upon the Indian corn we had brought with us, and
drinking a little more salt-water coffee, the Judge "hitched in," and we
got under way at 5.30 A.M. The country just the same as yesterday--a
dead level of sand, mosquite trees, and prickly pears.

At 7.30 A.M. we reached "Leatham's ranch," and watered our mules. As the
water was tolerable, we refilled our water-barrels. I also washed my
face, during which operation Mr Sargent expressed great astonishment,
not unmingled with contempt.

At Leatham's we met a wealthy Texan speculator and contractor called
Major or Judge Hart.

I find that _our_ Judge is also an M.P., and that, in his capacity as a
member of the Texan legislature, he is entitled to be styled the
Honourable ---- ----.

At 9 A.M. we halted in the middle of a prairie, on which there was a
little grass for the mules, and we prepared to eat. In the midst of our
cooking, two deer came up quite close to us, and could easily have been
killed with rifles.

We saw quantities of rat-ranches, which are big sort of mole-hills,
composed of cow-dung, sticks, and earth, built by the rats.

Mr Sargent, our conductor, is a very rough customer--a fat, middle-aged
man, who never opens his mouth without an oath, strictly American in its
character. He and the judge are always snarling at one another, and both
are much addicted to liquor.

We live principally on bacon and coffee, but as the water and the bacon
are both very salt, this is very inconvenient. We have, however, got
some claret, and plenty of brandy.

During the mid-day halts Mr Sargent is in the habit of cooling himself
by removing his trousers (or pants), and, having gorged himself, he lies
down and issues his edicts to the judge as to the treatment of the
mules.

At 2.30 the M.P. hitched in again, and at 2.45 we reached a salt-water
arm of the sea called the "Aroyo del Colorado," about eighty yards
broad, which we crossed in a ferry-boat. Half an hour later we "struck
water" again, which, being superior to Leatham's, we filled up.

We are continually passing cotton trains going to Brownsville, also
government waggons with stores for the interior. Near every well is a
small farm or ranch, a miserable little wooden edifice surrounded by a
little cultivation. The natives all speak Spanish, and wear the Mexican
dress.

M'Carthy is very proud of his knowledge of the country, in spite of
which he is often out in his calculations. The different tracks are so
similar to one another, they are easily mistaken.

At 4.45 P.M. we halted at a much better place than yesterday. We are
obliged to halt where a little grass can be found for our mules.

Soon after we had unpacked for the night, six Texan Rangers, of "Wood's"
regiment, rode up to us. They were very picturesque fellows; tall, thin,
and ragged, but quite gentlemanlike in their manners.

We are always to sleep in the open until we arrive at San Antonio, and I
find my Turkish lantern most useful at night.[7]

[7] A lantern for a candle, made of white linen and wire, which
collapses when not in use. They are always used in the streets of
Constantinople. The Texans admired it immensely.

       *       *       *       *       *

_15th April_ (Wednesday).--I slept well last night in spite of the tics
and fleas, and we started at 5.30 P.M. After passing a dead rattlesnake
eight feet long, we reached water at 7 A.M.

At 9 A.M. we espied the cavalcade of General Magruder passing us by a
parallel track about half a mile distant. M'Carthy and I jumped out of
the carriage, and I ran across the prairie to cut him off, which I just
succeeded in doing by borrowing the spare horse of the last man in the
train.

I galloped up to the front, and found the General riding with a lady who
was introduced to me as Mrs ----, an undeniably pretty woman, wife to an
officer on Magruder's staff, and she is naturally the object of intense
attention to all the good-looking officers who accompany the General
through this desert.

General Magruder, who commands in Texas, is a fine soldierlike man, of
about fifty-five, with broad shoulders, a florid complexion, and bright
eyes. He wears his whiskers and mustaches in the English fashion, and he
was dressed in the Confederate grey uniform. He was kind enough to beg
that I would turn back and accompany him in his tour through Texas. He
had heard of my arrival, and was fully determined I should do this. He
asked after several officers of my regiment whom he had known when he
was on the Canadian frontier. He is a Virginian, a great talker, and has
always been a great ally of English officers.

He insisted that M'Carthy and I should turn and dine with him,
promising to provide us with horses to catch up Mr Sargent.

After we had agreed to do this, I had a long and agreeable conversation
with the General, who spoke of the Puritans with intense disgust, and of
the first importation of them as "_that pestiferous crew of the
Mayflower_;" but he is by no means rancorous against individual Yankees.
He spoke very favourably of M'Clellan, whom he knew to be a gentleman,
clever, and personally brave, though he might lack moral courage to face
responsibility. Magruder had commanded the Confederate troops at
Yorktown which opposed M'Clellan's advance. He told me the different
dodges he had resorted to, to blind and deceive the latter as to his
(Magruder's) strength; and he spoke of the intense relief and amusement
with which he had at length seen M'Clellan with his magnified army begin
to break ground before miserable earthworks, defended only by 8000 men.
Hooker was in his regiment, and was "essentially a mean man and a liar."
Of Lee and Longstreet he spoke in terms of the highest admiration.

Magruder was an artilleryman, and has been a good deal in Europe; and
having been much stationed on the Canadian frontier, he became
acquainted with many British officers, particularly those in the 7th
Hussars and Guards.

He had gained much credit from his recent successes at Galveston and
Sabine Pass, in which he had the temerity to attack heavily-armed
vessels of war with wretched river steamers manned by Texan cavalrymen.

His principal reason for visiting Brownsville was to settle about the
cotton trade. He had issued an edict that half the value of cotton
exported must be imported in goods for the benefit of the country
(government stores). The President had condemned this order as illegal
and despotic.

The officers on Magruder's Staff are a very good-looking, gentlemanlike
set of men. Their names are--Major Pendleton, Major Wray, Captain De
Ponté, Captain Alston, Captain Turner, Lieutenant-Colonel M'Neil,
Captain Dwyer, Dr Benien, Lieutenant Stanard, Lieutenant Yancey, and
Major Magruder. The latter is nephew to the General, and is a
particularly good-looking young fellow. They all live with their chief
on an extremely agreeable footing, and form a very pleasant society. At
dinner I was put in the post of honour, which is always fought for with
much acrimony--viz., the right of Mrs ----. After dinner we had numerous
songs. Both the General and his nephew sang; so also did Captain Alston,
whose corpulent frame, however, was too much for the feeble camp-stool,
which caused his sudden disappearance in the midst of a song with a loud
crash. Captain Dwyer played the fiddle very well, and an aged and
slightly-elevated militia general brewed the punch and made several
"elegant" speeches. The latter was a rough-faced old hero, and gloried
in the name of M'Guffin. On these festive occasions General Magruder
wears a red woollen cap, and fills the president's chair with great
aptitude.

It was 11.30 before I could tear myself away from this agreeable party;
but at length I effected my exit amidst a profusion of kind expressions,
and laden with heaps of letters of introduction.

       *       *       *       *       *

_16th April_ (Thursday).--Now our troubles commenced. Seated in Mexican
saddles, and mounted on raw-boned mustangs, whose energy had been a good
deal impaired by a month's steady travelling on bad food, M'Carthy and I
left the hospitable mess-tent about midnight, and started in search of
Mr Sargent and his vehicle. We were under the guidance of two Texan
rangers.

About daylight we hove in sight of "Los Animos," a desolate farmhouse,
in the neighbourhood of which Mr Sargent was supposed to be encamped;
but nowhere could we find any traces of him.

We had now reached the confines of a dreary region, sixty miles in
extent, called "The Sands," in comparison with which the prairie and
chaparal were luxurious.

The sand being deep and the wind high, we could not trace the carriage;
but we soon acquired a certainty that our perfidious Jehu had decamped,
leaving us behind.

We floundered about in the sand, cursing our bad luck, cursing Mr
Sargent, and even the good Magruder, as the indirect cause of our
wretchedness. Our situation, indeed, was sufficiently deplorable. We
were without food or water in the midst of a desert: so were our horses,
which were nearly done up. Our bones ached from the Mexican saddles;
and, to complete our misery, the two rangers began to turn restive and
talk of returning with the horses. At this, the climax of our
misfortunes, I luckily hit upon a Mexican, who gave us intelligence of
our carriage; and with renewed spirits, but very groggy horses, we gave
chase.

But never did Mr Sargent's mules walk at such a pace; and it was 9 A.M.
before we overtook them. My animal had been twice on his head, and
M'Carthy was green in the face with fatigue and rage. Mr Sargent
received us with the greatest affability; and we were sensible enough
not to quarrel with him, although M'Carthy had made many allusions as to
the advisability of shooting him.

We had been nine and a half hours in the saddle, and were a good deal
exhausted. Our sulky Texan guides were appeased with bacon, coffee, and
$5 in coin.

We halted till 2 P.M., and then renewed our struggle through the deep
sandy wilderness; but though the services of the Judge's horse were put
into requisition, we couldn't progress faster than two miles an hour.

Mule-driving is an art of itself, and Mr Sargent is justly considered a
_professor_ at it.

He is always yelling--generally imprecations of a serio-comic
character. He rarely flogs his mules; but when one of them rouses his
indignation by extraordinary laziness, he roars out, "Come here, Judge,
with a big club, and give him h----ll." Whilst the animal is receiving
such discipline as comes up to the judge's idea of the infernal regions,
Mr Sargent generally remarks, "I wish you was Uncle Abe, I'd make you
move, you G----d d----n son of a ----." His idea of perfect happiness
seems to be to have Messrs Lincoln and Seward in the shafts. Mules
travel much better when other mules are in front of them; and another
dodge to which Mr Sargent continually resorts is, to beat the top of the
carriage and kick the foot-board, which makes a noise, and gratifies the
mules quite as much as licking them. Mr Sargent accounts for his
humanity by saying, "It's the worst plan in the world licking niggers or
mules, because the more you licks 'em, the more they wants it."

We reached or "struck" water at 5.30 P.M.; but, in spite of its good
reputation, it was so salt as to be scarcely drinkable. A number of
cotton waggons, and three carriages belonging to Mr Ward, were also
encamped with us.

We have only made sixteen miles to-day.

       *       *       *       *       *

_17th April_ (Friday).--Having spent last night in a Mexican saddle, our
bullock-rug in the sand appeared to me a most luxurious bed.

We hitched in at 5 A.M., and struck water at 9 A.M., which, though muddy
in appearance, was not so bad to drink.

I walked ahead with the Judge, who, when sober, is a well-informed and
sensible man. Mr Sargent and I are great friends, and, rough as he is,
we get on capitally together.

A Mr Ward, with three vehicles--a rival of Mr Sargent's--is travelling
in our company. He drove his buggy against a tree and knocked its top
off, to the intense delight of the latter.

We breakfasted under difficulties. The wind being high, it drove up the
sand in clouds and spoiled our food.

Our travelling companion, Mr ----, is a poor little weakly Israelite,
but very inoffensive, although he speaks with a horrible Yankee twang,
which Mr Sargent and the Judge are singularly free from.

We went on again at 2 P.M. I had a long talk with a big mulatto slave
woman, who was driving one of Ward's waggons. She told me she had been
raised in Tennessee, and that three years ago she had been taken from
her mistress for a bad debt, to their mutual sorrow. "Both," she said,
"cried bitterly at parting." She doesn't like San Antonio at all, "too
much hanging and murdering for me," she said. She had seen a man hanged
in the middle of the day, just in front of her door.

Mr Sargent bought two chickens and some eggs at a ranch, but one of the
chickens got up a tree, and was caught and eaten by the Ward faction.
Our camp to-night looks very pretty by the light of the fires.

       *       *       *       *       *

_18th April_ (Saturday).--At daylight we discovered, to our horror, that
three of our mules were absent; but after an hour's search they were
brought back in triumph by the Judge.

This delayed our start till 6.30 A.M.

I walked ahead again with the Judge, who explained to me that he was a
"senator," or member of the Upper House of Texas--"just like your House
of Lords," he said. He gets $5 a-day whilst sitting, and is elected for
four years.[8]

We struck water at 8.30 A.M., and bought a lamb for a dollar. We also
bought some beef, which in this country is dried in strips by the sun,
after being cut off the bullock, and it keeps good for any length of
time. To cook it, the strips are thrown for a few minutes on hot embers.

One of our mules was kicked last night. Mr Sargent rubbed the wound with
brandy, which did it much good.

Soon after leaving this well, Mr Sargent discovered that, by following
the track of Mr Ward's waggons, he had lost the way. He swore
dreadfully, and solaced himself with so much gin, that when we arrived
at Sulphur Creek at 12.30, both he and the Judge were, by their own
confession, _quite tight_.

We halted, ate some salt meat, and bathed in this creek, which is about
forty yards broad and three feet deep.

Mr Sargent's extreme "tightness" caused him to fall asleep on the box
when we started again, but the more seasoned Judge drove the mules.

The signs of getting out of the sands now began to be apparent; and at
5 P.M. we were able to halt at a very decent place with grass, but _no
water_. We suffered here for want of water, our stock being very nearly
expended.

Mr Sargent, who was now comparatively sober, killed the sheep most
scientifically at 5.30 P.M.; and at 6.30 we were actually devouring it,
and found it very good. Mr Sargent cooked it by the simple process of
stewing junks of it in a frying-pan, but we had only just enough water
to do this.

[8] I was afterwards told that the Judge's term of service had expired.
El Paso was his district.

       *       *       *       *       *

_19th April_ (Sunday).--At 1 A.M. this morning, our slumbers on the
bullock-rug were disturbed by a sudden and most violent thunderstorm.
M'Carthy and I had only just time to rush into the carriage, and hustle
our traps underneath it, when the rain began to descend in torrents.

We got inside with the little Jew (who was much alarmed by the thunder);
whilst Mr Sargent and the Judge crept underneath.

The rain lasted two hours; and at daylight we were able to refresh
ourselves by drinking the water from the puddles, and effect a start.

But fate seemed adverse to our progress. No sooner had we escaped from
the sand than we fell into the mud, which was still worse.

We toiled on till 11.30 A.M., at which hour we reached "_King's
Ranch_," which for several days I had heard spoken of as a sort of
Elysium, marking as it does the termination of the sands, and the
commencement of comparative civilisation.

We halted in front of the house, and after cooking and eating, I walked
up to the "ranch," which is a comfortable, well-furnished wooden
building.

Mr and Mrs King had gone to Brownsville; but we were received by Mrs
Bee, the wife of the Brownsville general, who had heard I was on the
road.

She is a nice lively little woman, a red-hot Southerner, glorying in the
facts that she has no Northern relations or friends, and that she is a
member of the Church of England.

Mr King first came to Texas as a steamboat captain, but now owns an
immense tract of country, with 16,000 head of cattle, situated, however,
in a wild and almost uninhabited district. King's Ranch is distant from
Brownsville only 125 miles, and we have been six days in reaching it.

After drying our clothes and our food after the rain of last night, we
started again at 2.30 P.M.

We now entered a boundless and most fertile prairie, upon which, as far
as the eye could reach, cattle were feeding.

Bulls and cows, horses and mares, came to stare at us as we passed.
They all seemed sleek and in good condition, yet they get nothing but
what they can pick up on the prairie.

I saw a man on horseback kill a rabbit with his revolver. I also saw a
scorpion for the first time.

We halted at 5.30 P.M., and had to make our fire principally of
cow-dung, as wood is very scarce on this prairie.

We gave up the Judge's horse at King's Ranch. The lawgiver now rides on
the box with Mr Sargent.

       *       *       *       *       *

_20th April_ (Monday).--I slept well last night in spite of the numerous
prairie-wolves which surrounded us, making a most dismal noise.

The Jew was ill again, but both Mr Sargent and the Judge were very kind
to him; so also was M'Carthy, who declared that a person incapable of
protecting himself, and sickly, such as this little Jew, is always sure
of kind treatment and compassion, even from the wildest Texans.

We started at 5 A.M., and had to get through some dreadful mud--Mr
Sargent in an awful bad humour, and using terrific language.

We were much delayed by this unfortunate rain, which had converted a
good road into a quagmire. We detected a rattlesnake crawling along this
morning but there are not nearly so many of them in this country as
there used to be.

We halted at 9 A.M., and, to make a fire for cooking, we set a rat-ranch
alight, which answered very well; but one big rat, annoyed by our
proceedings, emerged hastily from his den, and very nearly jumped into
the frying-pan.

Two Texan rangers, belonging to Taylor's regiment, rode up to us whilst
we were at breakfast. These rangers all wear the most enormous spurs I
ever saw.

We resumed our journey at 12.30, and reached a creek[9] called "Agua
Dulce" at 2 P.M. M'Carthy and I got out before crossing to forage at
some huts close by. We got two dozen eggs and some lard; but, on
returning to the road, we found that Mr Sargent had pursued his usual
plan of leaving us in the lurch.

I luckily was able to get hold of a Mexican boy, and rode across the
creek _en croupe_. M'Carthy dismounted a negro, and so got over.

We halted at 5 P.M.

After dark M'Carthy crossed the prairie to visit some friends who were
encamped half a mile distant. He lost his way in returning, and wandered
about for several hours. The Judge, with great presence of mind, kept
the fire up, and he found us at last.

The heat from nine to two is pretty severe; but in Texas there is
generally a cool sea-breeze, which makes it bearable.

[9] All streams or rivers are called creeks, and pronounced "criks."

       *       *       *       *       *

_21st April_ (Tuesday).--We started at 5 A.M., and reached a hamlet
called "Casa Blanca" at 6. We procured a kid, some Indian corn, and two
fowls in this neighbourhood.

We had now quitted the flat country, and entered an undulating or
"rolling" country, full of live oaks of very respectable size, and we
had also got out of the mud.

Mr Sargent and the Judge got drunk again about 8 A.M., which, however,
had a beneficial effect upon the speed. We descended the hills at a
terrific pace--or, as Mr Sargent expressed it, "_Going like h----ll
a-beating tan bark_."

We "nooned it" at a small creek; and after unhitching, Mr Sargent and
the Judge had a row with one another, after which Mr Sargent killed and
cooked the goat, using my knife for these operations. With all his
faults he certainly is a capital butcher, cook, and mule-driver. He
takes great care of his animals, and is careful to inform us that the
increased pace we have been going at is not attributable to gin.

He was very complimentary to me, because I acted as assistant cook and
butcher.

Mr Ward's party passed us about 1 P.M. The front wheels of his buggy
having now smashed, it is hitched in rear of one of the waggons.

We made a pretty good afternoon's drive through a wood of post oaks,
where we saw another rattlesnake, which we tried to shoot.

We halted at Spring creek at 6.30 P.M.; water rather brackish, and no
grass for the mules.

The Judge gave us some of his experiences as a filibuster. He declares
that a well-cooked polecat is as good to eat as a pig, and that stewed
rattlesnake is not so bad as might be supposed. The Texans call the
Mexicans "greasers," the latter retort by the name "gringo."

We are now living luxuriously upon eggs and goat's flesh; and I think we
have made about thirty-two miles to-day.

       *       *       *       *       *

_22d April_ (Wednesday).--We got under weigh at 5 A.M., the mules
looking rather mean for want of grass.

At 8 A.M. we reached the Nueces river, the banks of which are very
steep, and are bordered with a beautiful belt of live oak-trees, covered
with mustang grapes.

On the other side of the Nueces is "Oakville," a miserable settlement,
consisting of about twenty wooden huts. We bought some butter there, and
caught up Ward's waggons. The women at Oakville were most anxious to buy
snuff. It appears that the Texan females are in the habit of dipping
snuff--which means, putting it into their mouths instead of their noses.
They rub it against their teeth with a blunted stick.

We reached grass about 10 A.M., and "nooned it," the weather being very
trying--very sultry, without sun or wind.

We hitched in at 1.15--Ward's waggons in our front, and a Frenchman's
four-horse team in our rear. At 4 P.M. we reached the "Weedy," a creek
which, to our sorrow, was perfectly dry. We drove on till 7 P.M., and
halted at some good grass. There being a report of water in the
neighbourhood, Mr Sargent, the Judge, Ward, and the Frenchman, started
to explore; and when, at length, they did discover a wretched little
mud-hole, it appears that a desperate conflict for the water ensued, for
the Judge returned to us a mass of mud, and presenting a very
crestfallen appearance. Shortly after, Mr Sargent appeared, in such a
bad humour that he declined to cook, to eat, to drink, or do anything
but swear vehemently.

Deprived by this contretemps of our goat's flesh we had recourse to an
old ham and very stale bread.

We met many cotton trains and government waggons to-day, and I think we
have progressed about thirty-four miles.

       *       *       *       *       *

_23d April_ (Thursday).--The wily Mr Sargent drove the animals down to
the mud-hole in the middle of last night, and so stole a march upon
Ward.

Our goat's flesh having spoiled, had to be thrown away this morning. We
started at 5.30 A.M., and reached "Rocky" at 7.30; but before this two
of Ward's horses had "_caved in_," which completely restored our
driver's good-humour.

Rocky consists of two huts in the midst of a stony country; and about a
mile beyond it we reached a pond, watered our mules, and filled our
barrels. The water was very muddy to look at, but not bad to drink.

The mules were lazy to-day; and Mr Sargent was forced to fill his bucket
with stones, and pelt the leaders occasionally.

At 8 A.M. we reached an open, undulating prairie, and halted at 10.30.
Mr Sargent and I killed and cooked the two chickens.

He has done me the honour to call me a "right good companion for the
road." He also told me that at one time he kept a hotel at El Paso--a
sort of half-way house on the overland route to California--and was
rapidly making his fortune when the war totally ruined him. This
accounts for his animosity to "Uncle Abe."[10]

We hitched in again at 3 P.M., and after pushing through some deepish
sand, we halted for the night only twenty-four miles from San Antonio.
No corn or water, but plenty of grass; our food, also, was now entirely
expended. Mr Ward struggled up at 8.15, making a desperate effort to
keep up with us, and this rivalry between Sargent and him was of great
service.

This was our last night of camping out, and I felt almost sorry for it,
for I have enjoyed the journey in spite of the hardships. The country
through which I have passed would be most fertile and productive (at
least the last 150 miles), were it not for the great irregularity of the
seasons. Sometimes there is hardly any rain for two and three years
together.

[10] General Longstreet remembered both Sargent and the Judge perfectly,
and he was much amused by my experiences with these worthies. General
Longstreet had been quartered on the Texan frontiers a long time when he
was in the old army.--August 1863.

       *       *       *       *       *

_24th April_ (Friday).--We made a start at 4.15 A.M., and with the
assistance of M'Carthy, we managed to lose our way; but at 6.15 a loud
cheer from the box, of "Hoorraw for h----ll! who's afraid of fire?"
proclaimed that Mr Sargent had come in sight of Grey's ranch.

After buying some eggs and Indian corn there, we crossed the deep bed of
the river San Antonio. Its banks are very steep and picturesque.

We halted immediately beyond, to allow the mules to feed for an hour. A
woman was murdered at a ranch close by some time ago, and five bad
characters were put to death at San Antonio by the vigilance committee
on suspicion.

We crossed the Selado river at 11, and nooned it in its neighbourhood.

Mr Sargent and the Judge finished the gin; and the former, being rather
drunk, entertained us with a detailed description of his treatment of a
refractory negro girl, which, by his own account, must have been very
severe. M'Carthy was much disgusted at the story.[11]

After bathing in the Selado, Mr Sargent, being determined to beat Ward,
pushed on for San Antonio; and we drew up before Menger's hotel at 3
P.M., our mules dead beat--our driver having fulfilled his promise of
"making his long-eared horses howl."

Later in the day I walked through the streets with M'Carthy to his
store, which is a very large building, but now desolate, everything
having been sold off. He was of course greeted by his numerous friends,
and amongst others I saw a negro come up to him, shake hands, and
welcome him back.

I was introduced to Colonel Duff's brother, who is also a very
good-looking man; but he has not thrown off his British nationality and
become a "citizen."

The distance from Brownsville to San Antonio is 330 miles, and we have
been 11 days and 4 hours _en route_.

[11] However happy and well off the slaves may be as a general rule, yet
there must be many instances (like that of Mr Sargent) of ill-treatment
and cruelty. Mr Sargent is a Northerner by birth, and is without any of
the kind feeling which is nearly always felt by Southerners for
negroes.--July 1863.

       *       *       *       *       *

_25th April_ (Saturday).--San Antonio is prettily situated on both banks
of the river of the same name. It should contain about 10,000
inhabitants, and is the largest place in Texas, except Galveston.

The houses are well built of stone, and they are generally only one or
two storeys high. All have verandahs in front.

Before the war San Antonio was very prosperous, and rapidly increasing
in size; but trade is now almost at a complete stand-still. All the male
population under forty are in the military service, and many necessary
articles are at famine prices. Coffee costs $7 a lb.

Menger's hotel is a large and imposing edifice, but its proprietor (a
civil German) was on the point of shutting it up for the present.

During the morning I visited Colonel Bankhead, a tall, gentlemanlike
Virginian, who was commanding officer of the troops here. He told me a
great deal about the Texan history, the Jesuit missions, and the
Louisiana purchase, &c.; and he alarmed me by doubting whether I should
be able to cross the Mississippi if Banks had taken Alexandria.

I also made the acquaintance of Major Minter, another Virginian, who
told me he had served in the 2d cavalry in the old United States army.
The following officers in the Confederate army were in the same
regiment--viz., General A.S. Johnston (killed at Shiloh), General Lee,
General Van Dorn, General Hardee, General Kirby Smith, and General
Hood.[12]

By the advice of M'Carthy, I sent my portmanteau and some of my heavy
things to be sold by auction, as I could not possibly carry them with
me.

I took my place by the stage for Alleyton (Houston): it cost $40; in old
times it was $13.

I dined with M'Carthy and young Duff at 3 P.M. The latter would not
hear of my paying my share of the expenses of the journey from
Brownsville. Mrs M'Carthy was thrown into a great state of agitation and
delight by receiving a letter from her mother, who is in Yankeedom.
Texas is so cut off that she only hears once in many months.

Colonel and Mrs Bankhead called for me in their ambulance at 5 P.M., and
they drove me to see the source of the San Antonio, which is the most
beautiful clear spring I ever saw. We also saw the extensive foundations
for a tannery now being built by the Confederate Government.

The country is very pretty, and is irrigated in an ingenious manner by
ditches cut from the river in all directions. It is thus in a great
degree rendered independent of rain.

At San Antonio spring we were entertained by a Major Young, a queer
little naval officer,--why a major I couldn't discover.

Mrs Bankhead is a violent Southerner. She was twice ordered out of
Memphis by the Federals on account of her husband's principles; but she
says that she was treated with courtesy and kindness by the Federal
General Sherman, who carried out the orders of his Government with
regret.

None of the Southern people with whom I have spoken entertain any hopes
of a speedy termination of the war. They say it must last all Lincoln's
presidency, and perhaps a good deal longer.

In the neighbourhood of San Antonio, one-third of the population is
German, and many of them were at first by no means loyal to the
Confederate cause. They objected much to the conscription, and some even
resisted by force of arms; but these were soon settled by Duff's
regiment, and it is said they are now reconciled to the new regime.

My portmanteau, with what was in it--for I gave away part of my
things--sold for $323. Its value in England couldn't have been more than
£8 or £9. The portmanteau itself, which was an old one, fetched $51; a
very old pair of butcher boots, $32; five shirts $42; an old overcoat
$25.

[12] Also the Federal Generals Thomas and Stoneman.

       *       *       *       *       *

_26th April_ (Sunday).--At 11.30 A.M., M'Carthy drove me in his buggy to
see the San Pedro spring, which is inferior in beauty to the San Antonio
spring. A troop of Texan cavalry was bivouacked there.

We afterwards drove to the "_missions_" of San José and San Juan, six
and nine miles from the town. These were fortified convents for the
conversion of the Indians, and were built by the Jesuits about one
hundred and seventy years ago. They are now ruins, and the architecture
is of the heavy Castilian style, elaborately ornamented. These missions
are very interesting, and there are two more of them, which I did not
see.

In the afternoon I saw many negroes and negresses parading about in
their Sunday clothes--silks and crinolines--much smarter than their
mistresses.

At 5 P.M. I dined with Colonel Bankhead, who gave an entertainment,
which in these hard times must have cost a mint of money. About fourteen
of the principal officers were invited; one of them was Captain Mason
(cousin to the London commissioner), who had served under Stonewall
Jackson in Virginia. He said that officer was by no means popular _at
first_. I spent a very agreeable evening, and heard many anecdotes of
the war. One of the officers sang the Abolition song, "John Brown,"
together with its parody, "I'm bound to be a soldier in the army of the
South," a Confederate marching-song, and another parody, which is a
Yankee marching-song, "We'll hang Jeff Davis on a sour-apple tree."

Whenever I have dined with Confederate officers they have nearly always
proposed the Queen's health, and never failed to pass the highest
eulogiums upon Her Majesty.

       *       *       *       *       *

_27th April_ (Monday).--Colonel Bankhead has given me letters of
introduction to General Bragg, to General Leonidas Polk, and several
others.

At 2 P.M. I called on Mrs Bankhead to say good-bye. She told me that her
husband had two brothers in the Northern service--one in the army and
the other in the navy. The two army brothers were both in the battles of
Shiloh and Perryville, on opposite sides. The naval Bankhead commanded
the Monitor when she sank.

---- introduced me to a German militia General in a beer-house this
afternoon. These two had a slight dispute, as the latter spoke strongly
in disapproval of "_secret or night lynching_."

The recent escapade of Captain Peñaloso seems to have been much
condemned in San Antonio. This individual (formerly a butcher) hanged
one of his soldiers a short time ago, on his own responsibility, for
desertion and stealing a musket. This event came off at 12 o'clock noon,
in the principal plaça of the city. The tree has been cut down, to show
the feelings of the citizens.

There can be no doubt that the enforcement of the conscription has, as
a general rule, been extremely easy throughout the Confederacy (except
among the Germans); but I hear of many persons evading it, by getting
into some sort of government employment--such as contractors, agents, or
teamsters to the Rio Grande. To my extreme regret I took leave of my
friend M'Carthy this evening, whose hospitality and kindness I shall
never forget.

I left San Antonio by _stage_ for Alleyton at 9 P.M. The stage was an
old coach, into the interior of which nine persons were crammed on three
transverse seats, besides many others on the roof. I was placed on the
centre seat, which was extremely narrow, and I had nothing but a strap
to support my back. An enormously fat German was my _vis-à-vis_, and a
long-legged Confederate officer was in my rear.

Our first team consisted of four mules; we afterwards got horses.

My fellow-travellers were all either military men, or connected with the
Government.

_Only five_ out of nine chewed tobacco during the night; but they aimed
at the windows with great accuracy, and didn't _splash_ me. The amount
of sleep I got, however, was naturally very trifling.

       *       *       *       *       *

_28th April_ (Tuesday).--We crossed the river Guadalupe at 5 A.M., and
got a change of horses.

We got a very fair breakfast at Seguin at 7 A.M., which was beginning
to be a well-to-do little place when the war dried it up.

It commenced to rain at Seguin, which made the road very woolly, and
annoyed the outsiders a good deal.

The conversation turned a good deal upon military subjects, and all
agreed that the system of election of officers had proved to be a great
mistake. According to their own accounts, discipline must have been
extremely lax at first, but was now improving. They were most anxious to
hear what was thought of their cause in Europe; and none of them seemed
aware of the great sympathy which their gallantry and determination had
gained for them in England in spite of slavery.

We dined at a little wooden hamlet called Belmont, and changed horses
again there.

The country through which we had been travelling was a good deal
cultivated, and there were numerous farms. I saw cotton-fields for the
first time.

We amused ourselves by taking shots with our revolvers at the enormous
jack-rabbits which came to stare at the coach.

In the afternoon tobacco-chewing became universal, and the spitting was
sometimes a little wild.

It was the custom for the outsiders to sit round the top of the
carriage, with their legs dangling over (like mutes on a hearse
returning from a funeral). This practice rendered it dangerous to put
one's head out of the window, for fear of a back kick from the heels, or
of a shower of tobacco-juice from the mouths, of the Southern
chivalry on the roof. In spite of their peculiar habits of hanging,
shooting, &c., which seemed to be natural to people living in a wild
and thinly-populated country, there was much to like in my
fellow-travellers. They all had a sort of _bonhommie_ honesty and
straightforwardness, a natural courtesy and extreme good-nature, which
was very agreeable. Although they were all very anxious to talk to a
European--who, in these blockaded times, is a _rara avis_--yet their
inquisitiveness was never offensive or disagreeable.

Any doubts as to my personal safety, which may have been roused by my
early insight into Lynch law, were soon completely set at rest; for I
soon perceived that if any one were to annoy me the remainder would
stand by me as a point of honour.

We supped at a little town called Gonzales at 6.30.

We left it at 8 P.M. in another coach with six horses--big strong
animals.

The roads being all natural ones, were much injured by the rains.

We were all rather disgusted by the bad news we heard at Gonzales of the
continued advance of Banks, and of the probable fall of Alexandria.

The squeezing was really quite awful, but I did not suffer so much as
the fat or long-legged ones. They all bore their trials in the most
jovial good-humoured manner.

My fat _vis-à-vis_ (in despair) changed places with me, my two
bench-fellows being rather thinner than his, and I benefited much by the
change into a back seat.

       *       *       *       *       *

_29th April_ (Wednesday).--Exhausted as I was, I managed to sleep
wonderfully well last night. We breakfasted at a place called
Hallettsville at 7 A.M., and changed carriages again.

Here we took in four more Confederate soldiers as outsiders, and we were
now eighteen in all. Nowhere but in this country would such a thing be
permitted.

Owing to the great top-weight, the coach swayed about like a ship in a
heavy sea, and the escapes of a capsize were almost miraculous. It is
said that at the end of a Texan journey the question asked is not, "Have
you been upset?" but, "How many times have you been upset?"

The value of the negroes working in the fields was constantly appraised
by my fellow-travellers; and it appeared that, in Texas, an able-bodied
male fetched $2500, whilst a well-skilled seamstress was worth $3500.

Two of my companions served through the late severe campaign in New
Mexico, but they considered forty-eight hours in a closely-packed stage
a greater hardship than any of their military experiences.

We passed many cotton-fields and beautiful Indian corn, but much of the
latter had been damaged by the hail.

I was told that one-third of the land formerly devoted to cotton is
still sown with that article, the remainder being corn, &c.[13]

We also passed through some very pretty country, full of fine post-oak
and cotton trees, and we met many Mexican cotton-teams--some of the
waggons with fourteen oxen or twelve mules, which were being cruelly
ill-treated by their drivers.

We crossed several rivers with steep and difficult banks, and dined at a
farmhouse at 2.30 P.M.

I have already discovered that, directly the bell rings, it is necessary
to rush at one's food and bolt it as quickly as possible, without any
ceremony or delay, otherwise it all disappears, so rapacious and so
voracious are the natives at their meals whilst travelling. Dinner, on
such occasions, in no case lasts more than seven minutes.

We reached Columbus at 6 P.M., and got rid of half our passengers
there. These Texan towns generally consist of one large plaça, with a
well-built courthouse on one side and a hotel opposite, the other two
sides being filled up with wooden stores. All their budding prosperity
has been completely checked by the war; but every one anticipates a
great immigration into Texas after the peace.

We crossed the Colorado river, and reached Alleyton, our destination, at
7 P.M.

This little wooden village has sprung into existence during the last
three years, owing to its being the present terminus to the railroad. It
was crammed full of travellers and cotton speculators; but, as an
especial favour, the fat German and I were given a bed _between us_. I
threw myself on the bed with my clothes on (_bien entendu_), and was
fast asleep in five minutes. In the same room there were three other
beds, each with two occupants.

The distance from San Antonio to Alleyton is 140 miles--time, forty-six
hours.

[13] It is only in Texas that so much cotton is still grown.

       *       *       *       *       *

_30th April_ (Thursday).--I have to-day acquired my first experience of
Texan railroads.

In this country, where every white man is as good as another (by
theory), and every white female is by courtesy a lady, there is only one
class. The train from Alleyton consisted of two long cars, each holding
about fifty persons. Their interior is like the aisle of a church,
twelve seats on either side, each for two persons. The seats are
comfortably stuffed, and seemed luxurious after the stage.

Before starting, the engine gives two preliminary snorts, which, with a
yell from the official of "_all aboard_," warn the passengers to hold
on; for they are closely followed by a tremendous jerk, which sets the
cars in motion.

Every passenger is allowed to use his own discretion about breaking his
arm, neck, or leg, without interference by the railway officials.

People are continually jumping on and off whilst the train is in motion,
and larking from one car to the other. There is no sort of fence or
other obstacle to prevent "humans" or cattle from getting on the line.

We left Alleyton at 8 A.M., and got a miserable meal at Richmond at
12.30. At this little town I was introduced to a seedy-looking man, in
rusty black clothes and a broken-down "stove-pipe" hat. This was Judge
Stockdale, who will probably be the next governor of Texas. He is an
agreeable man, and his conversation is far superior to his clothing. The
rival candidate is General Chambers (I think), who has become very
popular by the following sentence in his manifesto:--"I am of opinion
that married soldiers should be given the opportunity of embracing their
families at least once a-year, their places in the ranks being taken by
unmarried men. The population must not be allowed to suffer."

Richmond is on the Brazos river, which is crossed in a peculiar manner.
A steep inclined plane leads to a low, rickety, trestle bridge, and a
similar inclined plane is cut in the opposite bank. The engine cracks on
all steam, and gets sufficient impetus in going down the first incline
to shoot across the bridge and up the second incline. But even in Texas
this method of crossing a river is considered rather unsafe.

After crossing the river in this manner, the rail traverses some very
fertile land, part of which forms the estate of the late Colonel Terry.
There are more than two hundred negroes on the plantation. Some of the
fields were planted with cotton and Indian corn mixed, three rows of the
former between two of the latter. I saw also fields with cotton and
sugar mixed.

We changed carriages at Harrisburg, and I completed my journey to
Houston on a cotton truck.

The country near Houston is very pretty, and is studded with white
wooden villas, which are raised off the ground on blocks like haystacks.
I reached Houston at 4.30 P.M., and drove to the Fannin House hotel.

Houston is a much better place than I expected. The main street can
boast of many well-built brick and iron houses. It was very full, as it
now contained all the refugees from the deserted town of Galveston.

After an extremely mild supper, I was introduced to Lieutenant Lee, a
wounded hero, who lost his leg at Shiloh; also to Colonel Pyron, a
distinguished officer, who commands the regiment named after him.

The fat German, Mr Lee, and myself, went to the theatre afterwards.

As a great favour, my British prejudices were respected, and I was
allowed a bed to myself; but the four other beds in the room had two
occupants each. A captain, whose acquaintance I had made in the cars,
slept in the next bed to me. Directly after we had got into bed a negro
came in, who, squatting down between our beds, began to clean our boots.
The Southerner pointed at the slave, and thus held forth:--"Well,
Kernel, I reckon you've got servants in your country, but not of that
colour. Now, sir, this is a real genu_i_ne African. He's as happy as the
day's long; and if he was on a sugar plantation he'd be dancing half the
night; but if you was to collect a thousand of them together, and fire
one bomb in amongst them, they'd all run like h----ll." The negro
grinned, and seemed quite flattered.

       *       *       *       *       *

_1st May_ (Friday).--I called on General Scurry, and found him suffering
from severe ophthalmia. When I presented General Magruder's letter, he
insisted that I should come and live with him so long as I remained
here. He also telegraphed to Galveston for a steamer to take me there
and back.

We dined at 4 P.M.: the party consisted of Colonel and Judge Terrill (a
clever and agreeable man), Colonel Pyron, Captain Wharton,
Quartermaster-General, Major Watkins (a handsome fellow, and hero of the
Sabine Pass affair), and Colonel Cook, commanding the artillery at
Galveston (late of the U.S. navy, who enjoys the reputation of being a
zealous Methodist preacher and a daring officer). The latter told me he
could hardly understand how I could be an Englishman, as I pronounced my
h's all right. General Scurry himself is very amusing, and is an
admirable mimic. His numerous anecdotes of the war were very
interesting. In peace times he is a lawyer. He was a volunteer major in
the Mexican war, and distinguished himself very much in the late
campaigns in New Mexico and Arizona, and at the recapture of Galveston.

After dinner, the Queen's health was proposed; and the party expressed
the greatest admiration for Her Majesty, and respect for the British
Constitution. They all said that universal suffrage did not produce such
deplorable results in the South as in the North; because the population
in the South is so very scattered, and the whites being the superior
race, they form a sort of aristocracy.

They all wanted me to put off going to Galveston till Monday, in order
that some ladies might go; but I was inexorable, as it must now be my
object to cross the Mississippi without delay.

All these officers despised sabres, and considered double-barrelled
shot-guns and revolvers the best arms for cavalry.

       *       *       *       *       *

_2d May_ (Saturday).--As the steamer had not arrived in the morning, I
left by railroad for Galveston. General Scurry insisted upon sending his
servant to wait upon me, in order that I might become acquainted with
"an aristocratic negro." "John" was a very smart fellow, and at first
sight nearly as white as myself.

In the cars I was introduced to General Samuel Houston, the founder of
Texan independence. He told me he was born in Virginia seventy years
ago, that he was United States senator at thirty, and governor of
Tennessee at thirty-six. He emigrated into Texas in 1832; headed the
revolt of Texas, and defeated the Mexicans at San Jacinto in 1836. He
then became President of the Republic of Texas, which he annexed to the
United States in 1845. As Governor of the State in 1860, he had opposed
the secession movement, and was _deposed_. Though evidently a remarkable
and clever man, he is extremely egotistical and vain, and much
disappointed at having to subside from his former grandeur. The town of
Houston is named after him. In appearance he is a tall, handsome old
man, much given to chewing tobacco, and blowing his nose with his
fingers.[14]

I was also introduced to another "character," Captain Chubb, who told me
he was a Yankee by birth, and served as coxswain to the United States
ship Java in 1827. He was afterwards imprisoned at Boston on suspicion
of being engaged in the slave trade; but he escaped. At the beginning of
this war he was captured by the Yankees, when he was in command of the
Confederate States steamer Royal Yacht, and taken to New York in chains,
where he was condemned to be hung as a pirate; but he was eventually
exchanged. I was afterwards told that the slave-trading escapade of
which he was accused consisted in his having hired a coloured crew at
Boston, and then coolly _selling_ them at Galveston.

At 1 P.M., we arrived at Virginia Point, a _tête-de-pont_ at the
extremity of the main land. Here Bates's battalion was encamped--called
also the "swamp angels," on account of the marshy nature of their
quarters, and of their predatory and irregular habits.

The railroad then traverses a shallow lagoon (called Galveston Bay) on a
trestle-bridge two miles long; this leads to another _tête-de-pont_ on
Galveston island, and in a few minutes the city is reached.

In the train I had received the following message by telegraph from
Colonel Debray, who commands at Galveston:--"Will Col. Fremantle sleep
to-night at the house of a blockaded rebel?" I answered:--"Delighted;"
and was received at the terminus by Captain Foster of the Staff, who
conducted me in an ambulance to headquarters, which were at the house of
the Roman Catholic bishop. I was received there by Colonel Debray and
two very gentlemanlike French priests.

We sat down to dinner at 2 P.M., but were soon interrupted by an
indignant drayman, who came to complain of a military outrage. It
appeared that immediately after I had left the cars a semi-drunken Texan
of Pyron's regiment had desired this drayman to stop, and upon the
latter declining to do so, the Texan fired five shots at him from his
"six-shooter," and the last shot killed the drayman's horse. Captain
Foster (who is a Louisianian, and very sarcastic about Texas) said that
the regiment would probably hang the soldier for being such a
_disgraceful bad shot_.

After dinner Colonel Debray took me into the observatory, which commands
a good view of the city, bay, and gulf.

Galveston is situated near the eastern end of an island thirty miles
long by three and a half wide. Its houses are well built; its streets
are long, straight, and shaded with trees; but the city was now
desolate, blockaded, and under military law. Most of the houses were
empty, and bore many marks of the ill-directed fire of the Federal ships
during the night of the 1st January last.

The whole of Galveston Bay is very shallow, except a narrow channel of
about a hundred yards immediately in front of the now deserted wharves.
The entrance to this channel is at the north-eastern extremity of the
island, and is defended by the new works which are now in progress
there. It is also blocked up with piles, torpedoes, and other obstacles.

The blockaders were plainly visible about four miles from land; they
consisted of three gunboats and an ugly paddle steamer, also two supply
vessels.

The wreck of the Confederate cotton steamer Neptune (destroyed in her
attack on the Harriet Lane), was close off one of the wharves. That of
the Westfield (blown up by the Yankee Commodore), was off Pelican
Island.

In the night of the 1st January, General Magruder suddenly entered
Galveston, placed his field-pieces along the line of wharves, and
unexpectedly opened fire in the dark upon the Yankee war vessels at a
range of about one hundred yards; but so heavy (though badly directed)
was the reply from the ships, that the field-pieces had to be withdrawn.
The attack by Colonel Cook upon a Massachusetts regiment fortified at
the end of a wharf, also failed, and the Confederates thought themselves
"badly whipped." But after daylight the fortunate surrender of the
Harriet Lane to the cotton boat Bayou City, and the extraordinary
conduct of Commodore Renshaw, converted a Confederate disaster into the
recapture of Galveston. General Magruder certainly deserves immense
credit for his boldness in attacking a heavily armed naval squadron with
a few field-pieces and two river steamers protected with cotton bales
and manned with Texan cavalry soldiers.

I rode with Colonel Debray to examine Forts Scurry, Magruder, Bankhead,
and Point. These works have been ingeniously designed by Colonel
Sulokowski (formerly in the Austrian army), and they were being very
well constructed by one hundred and fifty whites and six hundred blacks
under that officer's superintendence, the blacks being lent by the
neighbouring planters.

Although the blockaders can easily approach to within three miles of
the works, and although one shell will always "stampede" the negroes,
yet they have not thrown any for a long time.[15]

Colonel Debray is a broad-shouldered Frenchman, and is a very good
fellow. He told me that he emigrated to America in 1848; he raised a
company in 1861, in which he was only a private; he was next appointed
aide-de-camp to the Governor of Texas, with the rank of
brigadier-general; he then descended to a major of infantry, afterwards
rose to a lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, and is now colonel.

Captain Foster is properly on Magruder's Staff, and is very good
company. His property at New Orleans had been destroyed by the Yankees.

In the evening we went to a dance given by Colonel Manly, which was
great fun. I danced an American cotillon with Mrs Manly; it was very
violent exercise, and not the least like anything I had seen before. A
gentleman stands by shouting out the different figures to be performed,
and every one obeys his orders with much gravity and energy. Colonel
Manly is a very gentlemanlike Carolinian; the ladies were pretty, and,
considering the blockade, they were very well dressed.

Six deserters from Banks's army arrived here to-day. Banks seems to be
advancing steadily, and overcoming the opposition offered by the handful
of Confederates in the Teche country.

Banks himself is much despised as a soldier, and is always called by the
Confederates Mr Commissary Banks, on account of the efficient manner in
which he performed the duties of that office for "Stonewall" Jackson in
Virginia. The officer who is supposed _really_ to command the advancing
Federals, is Weitzel; and he is acknowledged by all here to be an able
man, a good soldier, and well acquainted with the country in which he is
manoeuvring.

[14] He is reported to have died in August 1863.

[15] Such a stampede did occur when the blockaders threw two or three
shells. All the negroes ran, showing every sign of great dismay, and two
of them, in their terror, ran into the sea, and were unfortunately
drowned. It is now, however, too late for the ships to try this
experiment, as some heavy guns are in position. A description of the
different works is of course omitted here.

       *       *       *       *       *

_3d May_ (Sunday).--I paid a long visit this morning to Mr Lynn the
British Consul, who told me that he had great difficulty in
communicating with the outer world, and had seen no British man-of-war
since the Immortalité.

At 1.30 I saw Pyron's regiment embark for Niblitt's Bluff to meet
Banks. This corps is now dismounted cavalry, and the procession was a
droll one. First came eight or ten instruments braying discordantly,
then an enormous Confederate flag, followed by about four hundred men
moving by fours--dressed in every variety of costume, and armed with
every variety of weapon; about sixty had Enfield rifles; the remainder
carried shot-guns (fowling-pieces), carbines, or long rifles of a
peculiar and antiquated manufacture. None had swords or bayonets--all
had six-shooters and bowie-knives. The men were a fine,
determined-looking lot; and I saw amongst them a short stout boy of
fourteen who had served through the Arizona campaign. I saw many of the
soldiers take off their hats to the French priests, who seemed much
respected in Galveston. This regiment is considered down here to be a
very good one, and its colonel is spoken of as one of the bravest
officers in the army. The regiment was to be harangued by Old Houston
before it embarked.[16]

In getting into the cars to return to Houston I was nearly forced to
step over the dead body of the horse shot by the soldier yesterday, and
which the authorities had not thought necessary to remove.

I got back to General Scurry's house at Houston at 4.30 P.M. The
general took me out for a drive in his ambulance, and I saw innumerable
negroes and negresses parading about the streets in the most
outrageously grand costumes--silks, satins, crinolines, hats with
feathers, lace mantles, &c., forming an absurd contrast to the simple
dresses of their mistresses. Many were driving about in their masters'
carriages, or riding on horses which are often lent to them on Sunday
afternoons; all seemed intensely happy and satisfied with themselves.

---- told me that old Sam Houston lived for several years amongst the
Cherokee Indians, who used to call him "the Raven" or the "Big Drunk."
He married an Indian squaw when he was with them.

Colonel Ives, aide-de-camp to the President, has just arrived from
Richmond, and he seems a very well-informed and agreeable man.

I have settled to take the route to Shrieveport to-morrow, as it seems
doubtful whether Alexandria will or will not fall.

[16] At the outbreak of the war it was found very difficult to raise
infantry in Texas, as no Texan walks a yard if he can help it. Many
mounted regiments were therefore organised, and afterwards dismounted.

       *       *       *       *       *

_4th May_ (Monday).--General Scurry's servant "John" had been most
attentive since he had been told off to me. I made him a present of my
evening clothes, which gratified him immensely; and I shook hands with
him at parting, which seems to be quite the custom. The Southern
gentlemen are certainly able to treat their slaves with extraordinary
familiarity and kindness. John told me that the General would let him
buy his freedom whenever he chose. He is a barber by trade, and was
earning much money when he insisted on rejoining his master and going to
the wars.

I left Houston by train for Navasoto at 10 A.M. A Captain Andrews
accompanied me thus far: he was going with a troop of cavalry to impress
one-fourth of the negroes on the plantations for the Government works at
Galveston, the planters having been backward in coming forward with
their darkies.

Arrived at Navasoto (70 miles) at 4 P.M., where I took a stage for
Shrieveport (250 miles). I started at 4.30 P.M., after having had a
little dispute with a man for a corner seat, and beating him.

It was the same sort of vehicle as the San Antonio one--eight people
inside. During the night there was a thunderstorm.

       *       *       *       *       *

_5th May_ (Tuesday).--We breakfasted at Huntsville at 5.30 A.M. The
Federal officers captured in the Harriet Lane are confined in the
penitentiary there, and are not treated as prisoners of war. This seems
to be the system now with regard to officers since the enlistment of
negroes by the Northerners.

My fellow-travellers were mostly elderly planters or legislators, and
there was one judge from Louisiana. One of them produced a pair of boots
which had cost him $100; another showed me a common wideawake hat which
had cost him $40. In Houston, I myself saw an English regulation
infantry sword exposed for sale for $225 (£45).

As the military element did not predominate, my companions united in
speaking with horror of the depredations committed in this part of the
country by their own troops on a line of march.

We passed through a well-wooded country--pines and post oaks--the road
bad: crossed the river Trinity at 12 noon, and dined at the house of a
disreputable looking individual called a Campbellite minister, at 4.30
P.M. The food consisted almost invariably of bacon, corn bread, and
buttermilk: a meal costing a dollar.

Arrived at Crockett at 9.30 P.M., where we halted for a few hours. A
_filthy bed_ was given to the Louisianian Judge and myself. The Judge,
following my example, took to it boots and all, remarking, as he did so,
to the attendant negro, that "they were a d----d sight cleaner than the
bed."

Before reaching Crockett, we passed through the encampment of
Phillipps's regiment of Texas Rangers, and we underwent much chaff. They
were _en route_ to resist Banks.

       *       *       *       *       *

_6th May_ (Wednesday).--We left all the passengers at Crockett except
the Louisianian Judge, a Government agent, and the ex-boatswain of the
Harriet Lane, which vessel had been manned by the Confederates after her
capture; but she had since been dismantled, and her crew was being
marched to Shrieveport to man the ironclad Missouri, which was being
built there.

The food we get on the road is sufficient, and good enough to support
life; it consists of pork or bacon, bread made with Indian corn, and a
peculiar mixture called Confederate coffee, made of rye, meal, Indian
corn or sweet potatoes. The loss of coffee afflicts the Confederates
even more than the loss of spirits; and they exercise their ingenuity in
devising substitutes, which are not generally very successful.

The same sort of country as yesterday, viz.--large forests of pines and
post-oaks, and occasional Indian-corn-fields, the trees having been
killed by cutting a circle near the roots.

At 3 P.M., we took in four more passengers. One of them was a Major
----, brother-in-law to ----, who hanged Mongomery at Brownsville. He
spoke of the exploit of his relative with some pride. He told me that
his three brothers had lost an arm apiece in the war.

We arrived at Rusk at 6.30 P.M., and spent a few hours there; but
notwithstanding the boasted splendour of the beds at the Cherokee Hotel,
and although by Major ----'s influence I got one to myself, yet I did
not consider its aspect sufficiently inviting to induce me to remove my
clothes.

       *       *       *       *       *

_7th May_ (Thursday).--We started again at 1.30 A.M. in a smaller coach,
but luckily with reduced numbers, viz.--the Louisianian Judge (who is
also a legislator), a Mississippi planter, the boatswain, the Government
agent, and a Captain Williams, of the Texas Rangers.

Before the day broke we reached a bridge over a stream called Mud Creek,
which was in such a dilapidated condition that all hands had to get out
and cover over the biggest holes with planks.

The Government agent informed us that he still held a commission as
adjutant-general to ----. The latter, it appears, is a cross between a
guerilla and a horse thief, and, even by his adjutant-general's account,
he seems to be an equal adept at both professions. The accounts of his
forays in Arkansas were highly amusing, but rather strongly seasoned for
a legitimate soldier.

The Judge was a very gentlemanlike nice old man. Both he and the
adjutant-general were much knocked up by the journey; but I revived the
former with the last of the Immortalité rum. The latter was in very weak
health, and doesn't expect to live long; but he ardently hoped to
destroy a few more "bluebellies"[17] before he "goes under."

The Mississippi planter had abandoned his estate near Vicksburg, and
withdrawn with the remnant of his slaves into Texas. The Judge also had
lost all his property in New Orleans. In fact, every other man one meets
has been more or less ruined since the war, but all speak of their
losses with the greatest equanimity.

Captain Williams was a tall, cadaverous backwoodsman, who had lost his
health in the war. He spoke of the Federal general, Rosecrans, with
great respect, and he passed the following high encomium upon the
North-Western troops, under Rosecrans's command--

"They're reglar great big h----llsnorters, the same breed as ourselves.
They don't want no running after,--they don't. They ain't no Dutch
cavalry[18]--you bet!"

To my surprise all the party were willing to agree that a few years ago
most educated men in the south regarded slavery as a misfortune and not
justifiable, though necessary under the circumstances. But the meddling,
coercive conduct of the detested and despised abolitionists had caused
the bonds to be drawn much tighter.

My fellow-travellers of all classes are much given to talk to me about
their "peculiar institution," and they are most anxious that I should
see as much of it as possible, in order that I may be convinced that it
is not so bad as has been represented, and that they are not all
"Legrees," although they do not attempt to deny that there are many
instances of cruelty. But they say a man who is known to illtreat his
negroes is hated by all the rest of the community. They declare that
Yankees make the worst masters when they settle in the South; and all
seem to be perfectly aware that slavery, which they did not invent, but
which they inherited from us (English), is and always will be the great
bar to the sympathy of the civilised world. I have heard these words
used over and over again.

All the villages through which we passed were deserted except by women
and very old men; their aspect was most melancholy. The country is sandy
and the land not fertile, but the timber is fine.

We met several planters on the road, who with their families and
negroes were taking refuge in Texas, after having abandoned their
plantations in Louisiana on the approach of Banks. One of them had as
many as sixty slaves with him of all ages and sizes.

At 7 P.M. we received an unwelcome addition to our party, in the shape
of three huge, long-legged, unwashed, odoriferous Texan soldiers, and we
passed a wretched night in consequence. The Texans are certainly not
prone to take offence where they see none is intended; for when this
irruption took place, I couldn't help remarking to the Judge with regard
to the most obnoxious man who was occupying the centre seat to our
mutual discomfort,--"I say, Judge, this gentleman has got the longest
legs I ever saw." "Has he?" replied the Judge; "and he has got the
d----dest, longest, hardest back I ever felt." The Texan was highly
amused by these remarks upon his personal appearance, and apologised for
his peculiarities.

Crossed the Sabine river at 11.30 P.M.

[17] The Union soldiers are called "bluebellies" on account of their
blue uniforms. These often call the Confederates "greybacks."

[18] German dragoons, much despised by the Texans on account of their
style of riding.

       *       *       *       *       *

_8th May_ (Friday).--We reached Marshall at 3 A.M., and got four hours'
sleep there. We then got into a railroad for sixteen miles, after which
we were crammed into another stage.

Crossed the frontier into Louisiana at 11 A.M. I have therefore been
nearly a month getting through the single state of Texas.

Reached Shrieveport at 3 P.M., and after washing for the first time in
five days, I called on General Kirby Smith, who commands the whole
country on this side of the Mississippi.

He is a Floridian by birth, was educated at West Point, and served in
the United States cavalry. He is only thirty-eight years old; and he
owes his rapid rise to a lieutenant-general to the fortunate fact of his
having fallen, just at the very nick of time, upon the Yankee flank at
the first battle of Manassas.[19]

He is a remarkably active man, and of very agreeable manners; he wears
big spectacles and a black beard.

His wife is an extremely pretty woman, from Baltimore, but she had cut
her hair quite short like a man's. In the evening, she proposed that we
should go down to the river and fish for cray-fish. We did so, and were
most successful, the General displaying much energy on the occasion.

He told me that M'Clellan might probably have destroyed the Southern
army with the greatest ease during the first winter, and without running
much risk to himself, as the Southerners were so much over-elated by
their easy triumph at Manassas, and their army had dwindled away.

I was introduced to Governor Moore, of Louisiana, to the
Lieutenant-Governor Hyams, and also to the exiled Governor of Missouri,
Reynolds.

Governor Moore told me he had been on the Red River since 1824, from
which date until 1840 it had been very unhealthy. He thinks that Dickens
must have intended Shrieveport by "Eden."[20]

Governor Reynolds, of Missouri, told me he found himself in the
unfortunate condition of a potentate exiled from his dominions; but he
showed me an address which he had issued to his Missourians, promising
to be with them at the head of an army to deliver them from their
oppressors.

Shrieveport is rather a decent-looking place on the Red River. It
contains about 3000 inhabitants, and is at present the seat of the
Louisianian Legislature _vice_ Baton Rouge. But only twenty-eight
members of the Lower House had arrived as yet, and business could not be
commenced with less than fifty.

The river now is broad and rapid, and it is navigated by large steamers;
its banks are low and very fertile, but reputed to be very unhealthy.

General Kirby Smith advised me to go to Munroe, and try to cross the
Mississippi from thence; he was so uncertain as to Alexandria that he
was afraid to send a steamer so far.

I heard much talk at his house about the late Federal raid into
Mississippi,[21] which seems to be a copy of John Morgan's operations,
except that the Federal raid was made in a thinly populated country,
bereft of its male inhabitants.

[19] Called by the Yankees "Bull Run."

[20] I believe this is a mistake of Governor Moore. I have always
understood Cairo was Eden.

[21] Grierson's raid.

       *       *       *       *       *

_9th May_ (Saturday).--Started again by stage for Munroe at 4.30 A.M. My
companions were, the Mississippi planter, a mad dentist from New Orleans
(called, by courtesy, doctor), an old man from Matagorda, buying slaves
cheap in Louisiana, a wounded officer, and a wounded soldier.

The soldier was a very intelligent young Missourian, who told me (as
others have) that, at the commencement of these troubles, both he and
his family were strong Unionists. But the Lincolnites, by using
coercion, had forced them to take one side or the other--and there are
now no more bitter Secessionists than these people. This soldier (Mr
Douglas) was on his way to rejoin Bragg's army. A Confederate soldier
when wounded is not given his discharge, but is employed at such work as
he is competent to perform. Mr Douglas was quite lame; but will be
employed at mounted duties or at writing.

We passed several large and fertile plantations. The negro quarters
formed little villages, and seemed comfortable: some of them held 150 or
200 hands. We afterwards drove through some beautiful pine forests, and
were ferried across a beautiful shallow lake full of cypresses, but not
the least like European cypress trees.

We met a number more planters driving their families, their slaves, and
furniture, towards Texas--in fact, everything that they could save from
the ruin that had befallen them on the approach of the Federal troops.

At 5 P.M. we reached a charming little town, called Mindon, where I met
an English mechanic who deplored to me that he had been such a fool as
to naturalise himself, as he was in hourly dread of the conscription.

I have at length become quite callous to many of the horrors of stage
travelling. I no longer shrink at every random shower of tobacco-juice;
nor do I shudder when good-naturedly offered a quid. I eat voraciously
of the bacon that is provided for my sustenance, and I am invariably
treated by my fellow-travellers of all grades with the greatest
consideration and kindness. Sometimes a man remarks that it is rather
"mean" of England not to recognise the South; but I can always shut him
up by saying, that a nation which deserves its independence should fight
and earn it for itself--a sentiment which is invariably agreed to by
all.

       *       *       *       *       *

_10th May_ (Sunday).--I spent a very rough night in consequence of the
badness of the road, the jolting of the carriage, and having to occupy a
centre seat.

In the morning we received news from every one we met of the fall of
Alexandria.

The road to-day was alive with negroes, who are being "run" into Texas
out of Banks's way. We must have met hundreds of them, and many families
of planters, who were much to be pitied, especially the ladies.

On approaching Munroe, we passed through the camp of Walker's division
(8000 strong), which was on its march from Arkansas to meet Banks. The
division had embarked in steamers, and had already started down the
"Wachita" towards the Red River, when the news arrived of the fall of
Alexandria, and of the presence of Federal gunboats in or near the
Wachita itself. This caused the precipitate return and disembarkation of
Walker's division. The men were well armed with rifles and bayonets, but
they were dressed in ragged civilian clothes. The old Matagorda man
recognised his son in one of these regiments--a perfect boy.

Munroe is on the "Wachita" (pronounced Washtaw), which is a very pretty
and wide stream. After crossing it we arrived at the hotel after dark.

Universal confusion reigned there; it was full of officers and soldiers
of Walker's division, and no person would take the slightest notice of
us.

In desperation I called on General Hebert, who commanded the post. I
told him who I was, and gave him a letter of introduction, which I had
fortunately brought from Kirby Smith. I stated my hard case, and
besought an asylum for the night, which he immediately accorded me in
his own house.

The difficulty of crossing the Mississippi appeared to increase the
nearer I got to it, and General Hebert told me that it was very doubtful
whether I could cross at all at this point. The Yankee gunboats, which
had forced their way past Vicksburg and Port Hudson, were roaming about
the Mississippi and Red River, and some of them were reported at the
entrance of the Wachita itself, a small fort at Harrisonburg being the
only impediment to their appearance in front of Munroe.

On another side, the enemy's forces were close to Delhi, only forty
miles distant.

There were forty or fifty Yankee deserters here from the army besieging
Vicksburg. These Yankee deserters, on being asked their reasons for
deserting, generally reply,--"Our Government has broken faith with us.
We enlisted to fight for the Union, and not to liberate the G----d
d----d niggers." Vicksburg is distant from this place about eighty
miles.

The news of General Lee's victory at Chancellorsville had just arrived
here. Every one received it very coolly, and seemed to take it quite as
a matter of course; but the wound of Stonewall Jackson was universally
deplored.

       *       *       *       *       *

_11th May_ (Monday).--General Hebert is a good-looking creole.[22] He
was a West-Pointer, and served in the old army, but afterwards became a
wealthy sugar-planter. He used to hold Magruder's position as
commander-in-chief in Texas, but he has now been shelved at Munroe,
where he expects to be taken prisoner any day; and, from the present
gloomy aspect of affairs about here, it seems extremely probable that he
will not be disappointed in his expectations. He is extremely down upon
England for not recognising the South.[23]

He gave me a passage down the river in a steamer, which was to try to
take provisions to Harrisonburg; but, at the same time, he informed me
that she might very probably be captured by a Yankee gunboat.

At 1 P.M. I embarked for Harrisonburg, which is distant from Munroe by
water 150 miles, and by land 75 miles. It is fortified, and offers what
was considered a weak obstruction to the passage of the gunboats up the
river to Munroe.

The steamer was one of the curious American river boats, which rise to a
tremendous height out of the water, like great wooden castles. She was
steered from a box at the very top of all, and this particular one was
propelled by one wheel at her stern.

The river is quite beautiful; it is from 200 to 300 yards broad, very
deep and tortuous, and the large trees grow right down to the very edge
of the water.

Our captain at starting expressed in very plain terms his extreme
disgust at the expedition, and said he fully expected to run against a
gunboat at any turn of the river.

Soon after leaving Munroe, we passed a large plantation. The negro
quarters were larger than a great many Texan towns, and they held three
hundred hands.

After we had proceeded about half an hour, we were stopped by a mounted
orderly (called a courier), who from the bank roared out the pleasing
information, "They're a-fighting at Harrisonburg." The captain on
hearing this turned quite green in the face, and remarked that he'd be
"dogged" if he liked running into the jaws of a lion, and he proposed to
turn back; but he was jeered at by my fellow-travellers, who were all
either officers or soldiers, wishing to cross the Mississippi to rejoin
their regiments in the different Confederate armies.

One pleasant fellow, more warlike than the rest, suggested that as we
had some Enfields on board, we should make "a little bit of a fight," or
at least "make one butt at a gunboat." I was relieved to find that these
insane proposals were not received with any enthusiasm by the majority.

The plantations, as we went further down the river, looked very
prosperous; but signs of preparations for immediate skedaddling were
visible in most of them, and I fear they are all destined to be soon
desolate and destroyed.

We came to a courier picket every sixteen miles. At one of them we got
the information, "Gun-boats drove back," at which there was great
rejoicing, and the captain, recovering his spirits, became quite jocose,
and volunteered to give me letters of introduction to a "particular
friend of his about here, called Mr Farragut;" but the next news, "Still
a-fightin'," caused us to tie ourselves to a tree at 8 P.M., off a
little village called Columbia, which is half-way between Munroe and
Harrisonburg.

We then lit a large fire, round which all the passengers squatted on
their heels in Texan fashion, each man whittling a piece of wood, and
discussing the merits of the different Yankee prisons at New Orleans or
Chicago. One of them, seeing me, called out, "I reckon, Kernel, if the
Yankees catch you with us, they'll say you're in d----d bad company;"
which sally caused universal hilarity.

[22] The descendants of the French colonists in Louisiana are called
creoles; most of them talk French, and I have often met Louisianian
regiments talking that language.

[23] General Hebert is the only man of education I met in the whole of
my travels who spoke disagreeably about England in this respect. Most
people say they think we are quite right to keep out of it as long as we
can; but others think our Government is foolish to miss such a splendid
chance of "smashing the Yankees," with whom we must have a row sooner or
later.

       *       *       *       *       *

_12th May_ (Tuesday).--Shortly after daylight three negroes arrived from
Harrisonburg, and they described the fight as still going on. They said
they were "dreadful skeered;" and one of them told me he would "rather
be a slave to his master all his life, than a white man and a soldier."

During the morning some of the officers and soldiers left the boat, and
determined to cut across country to Harrisonburg, but I would not
abandon the scanty remains of my baggage until I was forced to do so.

During the morning twelve more negroes arrived from Harrisonburg. It
appears that three hundred of them, the property of neighbouring
planters, had been engaged working on the fortifications, but they all
with one accord bolted when the first shell was fired. Their only idea
and hope at present seemed to be to get back to their masters. All spoke
of the Yankees with great detestation, and expressed wishes to have
nothing to do with such "bad people."

Our captain coolly employed them in tearing down the fences, and
carrying the wood away on board the steamer for firewood.

We did nothing but this all day long, the captain being afraid to go on,
and unwilling to return. In the evening a new alarm seized him--viz.,
that the Federal cavalry had cut off the Confederate line of couriers.

During the night we remained in the same position as last night, head up
stream, and ready to be off at a moment's notice.[24]

[24] One of the passengers on board this steamer was Captain Barney of
the Confederate States Navy, who has since, I believe, succeeded Captain
Maffit in the command of the Florida.

       *       *       *       *       *

_13th May_ (Wednesday).--There was a row on board last night; one of
the officers having been too attentive to a lady, had to skedaddle
suddenly into the woods, in order to escape the fury of her protector,
and he has not thought it advisable to reappear. My trusty companion for
several days, the poor young Missourian, was taken ill to-day, and told
me he had a "_right smart little fever_ on him." I doctored him with
some of the physic which Mr Maloney had given me, and he got better in
the evening.

We had pickets out in the woods last night. Two of my fellow-travellers
on that duty fell in with a negro, and pretending they were Yankees,
asked him to join them. He consented, and even volunteered to steal his
master's horses; and he then received a tremendous thrashing,
administered by the two soldiers with their ramrods.

At 9 P.M., to the surprise of all, the captain suddenly made up his mind
to descend the river at all hazards, thinking, I suppose, that anything
was better than the uncertainty of the last twenty-four hours.

The further we went, the more beautiful was the scenery.

At 4 P.M. we were assured by a citizen on the bank that the gunboats
really had retreated; and at 5.30 our doubts were set at rest, to our
great satisfaction, by descrying the Confederate flag flying from Fort
Beauregard, high above the little town of Harrisonburg. After we had
landed, I presented my letter of introduction from General Hebert to
Colonel Logan, who commands the fort. He introduced me to a German
officer, the engineer.

They gave me an account of the attack and repulse of the four Federal
gunboats under Commodore Woodford, and supposed to have been the
Pittsburg (ironclad), the General Price, the Arizona, and another.

Fort Beauregard is a much more formidable looking work than I expected
to see, and its strength had evidently been much underrated at Munroe.

A hill 190 feet high, which rises just in rear of Harrisonburg, has been
scarped and fortified. It is situated at an angle of the river, and
faces a long "reach" of two miles.

The gunboats, after demanding an unconditional surrender, which was
treated with great contempt by Colonel Logan, opened fire at 2 P.M. on
Sunday, and kept it up till 6.30, throwing about one hundred and fifty 9
and 11 inch shell. The gunboats reopened again for about an hour on
Monday afternoon, when they finally withdrew, the Arizona being
crippled.

The fort fired altogether about forty-five 32-pound shot (smooth bore.)
The range was about a mile.

The garrison thought that they had loosened several of the Pittsburg's
iron-plates. They felt confident they could have sunk the wooden vessels
if they had attempted to force the passage; and they were naturally much
elated with their success, which certainly had not been anticipated on
board my steamer, or at Munroe.

I had not time to visit the interior of the fort, but I saw the effect
of the shell upon the outside. Those which fell in the sand did not
burst. Only three men were wounded in the garrison. They told me the
deck of the Pittsburg was furnished with a parapet of cotton bales for
riflemen.

The river at Harrisonburg is about 160 yards broad, and very deep, with
a moderate current. The town, being between the vessels and the fort,
had, of course, suffered considerably during the bombardment.

When the works are complete they will be much more formidable.

To our great joy Colonel Logan decided that our vessel should proceed at
once to Trinity, which is fifteen miles nearer Natchez (on the
Mississippi) than Harrisonburg.

We arrived there at 8 P.M., and found that the gunboats had only just
left, after having destroyed all the molasses and rum they could find,
and carried away a few negroes.

Six of us pigged in one very small room, paying a dollar each for this
luxury to an old woman, who was most inhospitable, and told us "she
didn't want to see no soldiers, as the Yanks would come back and burn
her house for harbouring rebels." I am always taken for a Confederate
officer, partly from being in their company, and partly on account of my
clothes, which happen to be a grey shooting-suit, almost the same colour
as most of the soldiers' coats.

       *       *       *       *       *

_14th May_ (Thursday).--The officers and soldiers, about thirty in
number, who came down the Wachita in my company, determined to proceed
to Natchez to-day, and a very hard day's work we had of it.

As the Louisianian bank of the Mississippi is completely overflowed at
this time of year, and the river itself is infested with the enemy's
gunboats, which have run past Vicksburg and Port Hudson, the passage can
only be made by a tedious journey in small boats through the swamps and
bayous.

Our party left Trinity at 6 A.M. in one big yawl and three skiffs. In
my skiff were eight persons, besides a negro oarsman named "Tucker." We
had to take it in turns to row with this worthy, and I soon discovered
to my cost the inconvenience of sitting in close proximity with a
perspiring darkie. This negro was a very powerful man, very vain, and
susceptible of flattery. I won his heart by asking him if he wasn't
worth 6000 dollars. We kept him up to the mark throughout the journey by
plying him with compliments upon his strength and skill. One officer
declared to him that he should try to marry his mistress (a widow) on
purpose to own him.

After beating up for about eight miles against one of three streams
which unite at, and give its name to, Trinity, we turned off to the
right, and got into a large dense swamp. The thicket was so tangled and
impenetrable that we experienced the greatest difficulty in forcing our
way through it; we were often obliged to get into the water up to our
middles and shove, whilst most of the party walked along an embankment.

After two hours and a half of this sort of work we had to carry our
boats bodily over the embankment into a bayou called Log Bayou, on
account of the numerous floating logs which had to be encountered. We
then crossed a large and beautiful lake, which led us into another
dismal swamp, quite as tangled as the former one. Here we lost our way,
and got aground several times; but at length, after great exertions, we
forced ourselves through it, and reached Lake Concordia, a fine piece of
water, several miles in extent, and we were landed at dusk on the
plantation of a Mr Davis.

These bayous and swamps abound with alligators and snakes of the most
venomous description. I saw many of the latter swimming about exposed to
a heavy fire of six-shooters; but the alligators were frightened away by
the leading boat.

The yawl and one of the skiffs beat us, and their passengers reached
Natchez about 9 P.M., but the other skiff, which could not boast of a
Tucker, was lost in the swamp, and passed the night there in a wretched
plight.

The weather was most disagreeable, either a burning sun or a downpour of
rain.

The distance we did in the skiff was about twenty-eight miles, which
took us eleven hours to perform.

On landing we hired at Mr Davis's a small cart for Mr Douglas (the
wounded Missourian) and our baggage, and we had to finish the day by a
trudge of three miles through deep mud, until, at length, we reached a
place called Vidalia, which is on the Louisianian bank of the
Mississippi, just opposite Natchez.

At Vidalia I got the immense luxury of a pretty good bed, _all to
myself_, which enabled me to take off my clothes and boots for the first
time in ten days.

The landlord told us that three of the enemy's gunboats had passed
during the day; and as he said their crews were often in the habit of
landing at Vidalia, he cautioned the military to be ready to bolt into
the woods at any time during the night.

There were two conscripts on board my skiff to-day, one an Irishman and
the other a Pole. They confessed to me privately their extreme dislike
of the military profession; but at the same time they acknowledged the
enthusiasm of the masses for the war.

       *       *       *       *       *

_15th May_ (Friday).--I nearly slept round the clock after yesterday's
exertions. Mr Douglas and I crossed the father of rivers and landed on
the Mississippi bank at 9 A.M.

Natchez is a pretty little town, and ought to contain about 6000
inhabitants. It is built on the top of a high bluff overlooking the
Mississippi river, which is about three quarters of a mile broad at this
point.

When I reached Natchez I hired a carriage, and, with a letter of
introduction which I had brought from San Antonio, I drove to the house
of Mr Haller Nutt, distant from the town about two miles.

The scenery about Natchez is extremely pretty, and the ground is hilly,
with plenty of fine trees. Mr Nutt's place reminded me very much of an
English gentleman's country seat, except that the house itself is rather
like a pagoda, but it is beautifully furnished.

Mr Nutt was extremely civil, and was most anxious that I should remain
at Natchez for a few days; but now that I was thoroughly wound up for
travelling, I determined to push on to Vicksburg, as all the late news
seemed to show that some great operations must take place there before
long.

I had fondly imagined that after reaching Natchez my difficulties would
have been over; but I very soon discovered that this was a delusive
hope. I found that Natchez was full of the most gloomy rumours. Another
Yankee raid seemed to have been made into the interior of Mississippi,
more railroad is reported to be destroyed, and great doubts were
expressed whether I should be able to get into Vicksburg at all.

However, as I found some other people as determined to proceed as
myself, we hired a carriage for $100 to drive to Brookhaven, which is
the nearest point on the railroad, and is distant from Natchez 66 miles.

My companions were a fat Government contractor from Texas, the wounded
Missourian Mr Douglas, and an ugly woman, wife to a soldier in
Vicksburg.

We left Natchez at 12 noon, and were driven by a negro named Nelson; the
carriage and the three horses belong to him, and he drives it for his
own profit; but he is, nevertheless, a slave, and pays his owner $4-1/2
a-week to be allowed to work on his own account. He was quite as vain as
and even more amusing than Tucker. He said he "didn't want to see no
Yanks, nor to be no freer than he is;" and he thought the war had
already lasted four or five years.

Every traveller we met on the road was eagerly asked the questions,
"Are the Yanks in Brookhaven? Is the railroad open?" At first we
received satisfactory replies; but at 6 P.M. we met an officer driving
towards Natchez at a great pace; he gave us the alarming intelligence
that _Jackson_ was going to be evacuated. Now, as Jackson is the capital
city of this state, a great railroad junction, and on the highroad to
every civilised place from this, our feelings may be imagined, but we
did not believe it possible. On the other hand we were told that General
Joseph Johnston had arrived and assumed the command in Mississippi. He
appears to be an officer in whom every one places unbounded confidence.

We slept at a farmhouse. All the males were absent at the war, and it is
impossible to exaggerate the unfortunate condition of the women left
behind in these farmhouses; they have scarcely any clothes, and nothing
but the coarsest bacon to eat, and are in miserable uncertainty as to
the fate of their relations, whom they can hardly ever communicate with.
Their slaves, however, generally remain true to them.

Our hostess, though she was reduced to the greatest distress, was
well-mannered, and exceedingly well educated; very far superior to a
woman of her station in England.

       *       *       *       *       *

_16th May_ (Saturday).--We started a little before daylight, our team
looking so very mean that we expressed doubts as to their lasting--to Mr
Nelson's great indignation.

We breakfasted at another little farmhouse on some unusually tough
bacon, and coffee made of sweet potatoes. The natives, under all their
misery, were red-hot in favour of fighting for independence to the last,
and I constantly hear the words, "This is the most unjust war ever waged
upon a people by mortal man."

At 11 A.M. we met a great crowd of negroes, who had been run into the
swamps to be out of the way of the Yankees, and they were now returning
to Louisiana.

At 2 P.M. a wounded soldier gave us the deplorable information that the
enemy really was on the railroad between Jackson and Brookhaven, and
that Jackson itself was in his hands. This news staggered us all, and
Nelson became alarmed for the safety of his wretched animals; but we all
determined to go on at all hazards and see what turned up.

We halted for dinner at a farmhouse in which were seven virgins seated
all of a row. They were all good-looking, but shy and bashful to a
degree I never before witnessed. All the young women in this country
seem to be either uncommonly free-spoken, or else extremely shy.

The further we went the more certain became the news of the fall of
Jackson.

We passed the night in the verandah of an old farmer. He told us that
Grierson's Yankee raid had captured him about three weeks ago. He
thought the Yankees were about 1500 strong; they took all good horses,
leaving their worn-out ones behind. They destroyed railroad, Government
property, and arms, and paroled all men, both old and young, but they
committed no barbarities. In this manner they traversed all the State of
Mississippi without meeting any resistance. They were fine looking men
from the North-western States.

       *       *       *       *       *

_17th May_ (Sunday).--We started again at 4.30 A.M., and met five
wounded men who had been captured and paroled by Banks in Louisiana;
they confirmed everything about the fall of Jackson, which made me
consider myself particularly unfortunate, and destined apparently to be
always intercepted by the Northern troops, which had happened to me at
Alexandria, at Harrisonburg, and now again at Jackson.

At 8 A.M. we reached the little town of Brookhaven, which was full of
travellers, principally Confederate soldiers, anxious to rejoin their
regiments.

Maxey's brigade left this place by road last night to join General
Johnston, who is supposed to be concentrating his forces at a place
called Canton, not far from Jackson.

I called on Captain Matthews, the officer who commanded at Brookhaven,
and after introducing myself to him, he promised to assist me, by every
means in his power, to join General Johnston.

I then went to a Methodist chapel; a good many soldiers were there, and
great number of women.

At noon, just as I had begun to get in very low spirits about the
prospects of getting on, a locomotive arrived from a station called
Haslehurst, and brought us the astonishing report that the Yankees had
suddenly abandoned Jackson, after destroying all the Government, and a
good deal of private, property.

This news caused our prospects to look brighter.

       *       *       *       *       *

_18th May_ (Monday).--On getting up this morning everything appeared
very uncertain, and a thousand contradictory reports and rumours were
flying about.

At 8 o'clock I called on Captain Matthews, and told him my earnest
desire to get on towards Johnston's army at all risks. He kindly
introduced me to the conductor of a locomotive, who offered to take me
to within a few miles of Jackson, if he was not cut off by the enemy,
which seemed extremely probable.

At 9 A.M. I seated myself, in company with about twenty soldiers, on the
engine, and we started towards Jackson.

On reaching Crystal Springs, half-way to Jackson, we found General
Loring's division crossing the railroad and marching east. It had been
defeated, with the loss of most of its artillery, three days before, and
was now cut off from General Pemberton.

At 5 P.M. the conductor stopped the engine, and put us out at a spot
distant nine miles from Jackson; and as I could procure no shelter,
food, or conveyance there, I found myself in a terrible fix.

At this juncture a French boy rode up on horseback, and volunteered to
carry my saddlebags as far as Jackson, if I could walk and carry the
remainder.

Gladly accepting this unexpected offer, I started with him to walk up
the railroad, as he assured me the Yankees really had gone; and during
the journey, he gave me a description of their conduct during the short
time they had occupied the city.

On arriving within three miles of Jackson, I found the railroad
destroyed by the enemy, who, after pulling up the track, had made piles
of the sleepers, and then put the rails in layers on the top of these
heaps; they had then set fire to the sleepers, which had caused the
rails to bend when red hot; the wooden bridges had also been set on
fire, and were still smoking.

When within a mile and a half of Jackson I met four men, who stopped
and questioned me very suspiciously, but they at length allowed me to
proceed, saying that these "were curious times."

After another mile I reached a mild trench, which was dignified by the
name of the fortifications of Jackson. A small fight had taken place
there four days previous, when General Johnston had evacuated the city.

When I got inside this trench I came to the spot on which a large body
of the Yankees had recently been encamped; they had set fire to a great
quantity of stores and arms, which they had been unable to carry away
with them, and which were still burning, and were partially destroyed. I
observed also great numbers of pikes and pikeheads amongst the debris.

At the entrance to the town the French boy took me to the house of his
relatives, and handed me my saddlebags. These French people told me they
had been much ill-treated, notwithstanding their French nationality.
They showed me their broken furniture, and they assured me that they had
been robbed of everything of any value.

I then shouldered my saddlebags, and walked through the smoking and
desolate streets towards the Bowmont House Hotel.

I had not proceeded far before a man with long grey hair and an
enormous revolver rode up to me, and offered to carry my saddlebags. He
then asked me who I was; and after I told him, he thought a few moments,
and then said, "Well, sir, you must excuse me, but if you are a British
officer, I can't make out what on earth you are doing at Jackson just
now." I could not but confess that this was rather a natural idea, and
that my presence in this burning town must have seemed rather odd, more
especially as I was obliged to acknowledge that I was there entirely of
my own free will, and for my own amusement.

Mr Smythe, for so this individual was named, then told me, that if I was
really the person I represented myself, I should be well treated by all;
but that if I could not prove myself to be an English officer, an event
would happen which it was not difficult to foresee, and the idea caused
a disagreeable sensation about the throat.

Mr Smythe then gave me to understand that I must remain a prisoner for
the present. He conducted me to a room in the Bowmont House Hotel, and I
found myself speedily surrounded by a group of eager and excited
citizens, who had been summoned by Smythe to _conduct my examination_.

At first they were inclined to be disagreeable. They examined my
clothes, and argued as to whether they were of English manufacture.
Some, who had been in London, asked me questions about the streets of
the metropolis, and about my regiment. One remarked that I was "_mighty
young for a lootenant-colonel_."

When I suggested that they should treat me with proper respect until I
was proved to be a spy, they replied that their city had been brutally
pillaged by the Yankees, and that there were many suspicious characters
about.

Everything now looked very threatening, and it became evident to me that
nothing would relieve the minds of these men so much as a hanging match.
I looked in vain for some one to take my part, and I could not even get
any person to examine my papers.

At this critical juncture a new character appeared on the scene in the
shape of a big heavy man who said to me, "My name is Dr Russell; I'm an
Irishman, and I hate the British Government and the English nation; but
if you are really an officer in the Coldstream Guards there is nothing I
won't do for you; you shall come to my house and I will protect you."

I immediately showed Dr Russell my passport and letters of introduction
to General Johnston and other Confederate officers; he pronounced them
genuine, promised to stand by me, and wanted to take me away with him at
once.

But observing that the countenances of Smythe and his colleagues did not
by any means express satisfaction at this arrangement, I announced my
determination to stay where I was until I was released by the military
authorities, with whom I demanded an immediate audience.

A very handsome cavalry officer called Captain Yerger, shortly
afterwards arrived, who released me at once--asked me to his mother's
house, and promised that I should join a brigade which was to march for
General Johnston's camp on the following morning.

All the citizens seemed to be satisfied by the result of my interview
with Captain Yerger, and most of them insisted on shaking hands and
"liquoring up," in horrible whisky.

Smythe, however, was an exception to this rule. He evidently thought he
had effected a grand capture, and was not at all satisfied at the turn
of affairs. I believe to his dying day he will think I am a spy; but it
was explained to me that his house had been burnt down by the Yankees
two days before, which had made him unusually venomous.

They told me that Dr Russell had saved his property from pillage in the
following manner:--He had seated himself in his verandah, with a loaded
double-barrelled gun on his knees, and when the pillagers approached, he
addressed them in the following manner: "No man can die more than once,
and I shall never be more ready to die than I am now: there is nothing
to prevent your going into this house, except that I shall kill the
first two of you who move with this gun. Now then, gentlemen, walk in."
This speech is said to have saved Dr Russell from further annoyance, and
his property from the ruin which overtook his neighbours.

Jackson, the capital of the State of Mississippi, is a place of great
importance. Four railroads meet here, and have been destroyed in each
direction for a distance of from three to five miles. All the numerous
factories have been burnt down by the enemy, who were of course
justified in doing so; but during the short space of thirty-six hours,
in which General Grant occupied the city, his troops had wantonly
pillaged nearly all the private houses. They had gutted all the stores,
and destroyed what they could not carry away. All this must have been
done under the very eyes of General Grant, whose name was in the book of
the Bowmont House Hotel.

I saw the ruins of the Roman Catholic church, the priest's house, and
the principal hotel, which were still smoking, together with many other
buildings which could in no way be identified with the Confederate
Government. The whole town was a miserable wreck, and presented a
deplorable aspect.

Nothing could exceed the intense hatred and fury with which its excited
citizens speak of the outrages they have undergone--of their desire for
a bloody revenge, and of their hope that the Black Flag might be
raised.[25]

I had previously heard the Jacksonians spoken of as not being
particularly zealous in the war. Heaven knows General Grant had now
converted them into good and earnest rebels.

At 8 P.M. I called at Captain Yerger's house and found him with General
Gist and another officer lying flat on their stomachs poring over a map.
Captain Yerger then introduced me to the ladies of his family, who were
extremely pretty, very amiable, and highly patriotic.

The house is charming, and, being outside the town, it had by good luck
escaped destruction and pillage.

After supper, the ladies played and sang, and I ended an eventful day in
a very agreeable manner.

General Gist promised that I should accompany his brigade to-morrow on
its march towards General Johnston, and Mrs Yerger insisted that I
should pass the night at her house.

In this part of the country the prospects of the Confederacy appeared to
be very gloomy. General Joseph Johnston, who commands the whole Western
Department, only arrived from Tennessee last Wednesday, and on the
following day he found himself obliged to abandon Jackson to an
overwhelming Northern army, after making a short fight to enable his
baggage to escape.

General Pemberton, who had hitherto held the chief command, is abused by
all. He was beaten on Saturday at Baker's Creek, where he lost the
greater part of his artillery. He had retired into Vicksburg, and was
now completely shut up there by the victorious Grant.

General Maxey's brigade, about 5000 strong, was near Brookhaven, and was
marching east when I was there. General Loring's force, cut off from
Pemberton, was near Crystal Springs. General Johnston, with about 6000
men, was supposed to be near Canton. General Gist's troops, about 5500
strong, were close by, having arrived from South Carolina and Georgia,
just too late to defend Jackson.

The enemy, under General Grant, in vastly superior force, was pressing
Vicksburg very hard, and had now completely invested that fortress.

The great object of the Confederates must, of course, be to unite their
scattered forces under so able a general as Johnston, and then relieve
Vicksburg.

[25] Since this date, the unfortunate city of Jackson has been again
subjected to pillage by the Federals after the capture of Vicksburg.

       *       *       *       *       *

_19th May_ (Tuesday).--The landlord of the Bowmont House gave a
breakfast at 7 A.M. to General Gist and his Staff, to which I also was
invited.

Shortly afterwards I was given a seat in a curious little vehicle
belonging to Lieutenant Martino, a Spaniard, in the Confederate army.
This vehicle caused considerable merriment amongst the soldiers, who
called it a chicken-waggon.

We left Jackson with the leading troops about 8 A.M., amidst a great
waving of handkerchiefs and showers of flowers, thrown by the few
remaining ladies who were still left in that dilapidated place.

The corps under General Gist consisted of three weak brigades, the
leading one composed of Georgians and South Carolinians; the next were
Texans, under General Ector; and the last were Arkansians, under General
M'Nair. General Gist had twelve good-looking Napoleon guns with him
(twelve-pounders). The horses were fine animals, and were in wonderful
good condition, considering that they had been ten days in the railroad
coming from South Carolina.

The troops were roughly but efficiently clothed; their boots were in
good order, and all were armed with Enfield rifles.

The weather was very hot, and we were halted to bivouac for the night,
at a spot about seventeen miles from Jackson, on the road towards
Vicksburg.

The straggling of the Georgians was on the grandest scale conceivable;
the men fell out by dozens, and seemed to suit their own convenience in
that respect, without interference on the part of the officers. But I
was told that these regiments had never done any marching before, having
hitherto been quartered in forts and transported by railroad.

The country is much covered with woods, and is sandy, with very little
water.

I did not consider that the troops were marched judiciously; they were
halted too long at a time, and not often enough. The baggage was carried
on country carts pressed into the service.

We bivouacked in the woods near a very pretty house, belonging to a
planter called Colonel Robinson. These immense woods make admirable
bivouacs.

General State Rights Gist is a South Carolinian, only thirty-two years
of age, and although not educated as a soldier, he seems easily to have
adapted himself to the military profession. He looks a determined man,
and he takes responsibility very coolly. In the early part of the day he
was very doubtful as to the exact whereabouts of General Johnston; but
about noon a courier arrived, from whom he received important and
satisfactory information, otherwise General Gist had made up his mind
for some "nasty work" before the junction could be effected. He told me
that the present expedition was rather inconvenient to him, as he had
only been married three days before he left Charleston. He lent me a
magnificent rug, and I slept very comfortably in the open air for the
first time since I was in Texas.

       *       *       *       *       *

_20th May_ (Wednesday).--At 3 A.M. we were awoke by a great bombardment
going on at Vicksburg, which lasted about three hours.[26]

The assembly was beaten at 7 A.M. by an old nigger, performing on a
cracked drum, and its sound was hailed by the soldiers with loud yells.

General Gist, his Staff, and I, breakfasted with Mr Robinson, whose
house is charming, and beautifully furnished, and had not been visited
by the Yankees.

We had a crazy old planter, named ----, with us, who insisted upon
accompanying the column, mounted on a miserable animal which had been
left him by the enemy as not being worth carrying away. The small
remains of this poor old man's sense had been shattered by the Yankees a
few days ago; they cleaned him completely out, taking his horses, mules,
cows, and pigs, and stealing his clothes and anything they wanted,
destroying what they could not carry away. But what "riled" him most was
that he had been visited by a Federal officer, disguised in the
Confederate uniform. Poor old ----, full of rebel zeal, had, on being
invited to do so, mounted _en croupe_ behind this officer, and unbosomed
himself to him; his fury and rage may be imagined at finding himself
shortly afterwards in the very midst of the Federal camp; but the Yankee
General M'Pherson ordered him to be released; and it appears that the
reason of his being kidnapped, was to extract from him a large quantity
of gold, which he was supposed to have hidden somewhere.

This Mr (or Major[27]) ---- took a great fancy to me, and insisted on
picking some of the silk of Indian corn, which he requested I would
present to Queen Victoria to show her how far advanced the crops were in
Mississippi. It was almost painful to hear the manner in which this poor
old man gloated over the bodies of the dead Yankees at Jackson, and of
his intense desire to see more of them put to death.

The column reached the village or town of Livingston at 11 A.M., where
I was introduced to a militia general and his pretty daughter; the
latter had been married two days before to a wounded Confederate
officer, but the happy couple were just on the point of starting for the
Yazoo river, as they were afraid of being disturbed in their felicity by
the Yankees.

I now heard every one speaking of the fall of Vicksburg as very
possible, and its jeopardy was laid at the door of General Pemberton,
for whom no language could be too strong. He was freely called a coward
and a traitor. He has the misfortune to be a Northerner by birth, which
was against him in the opinion of all here.

General Gist and I cantered on in front of the column, and reached
General Johnston's bivouac at 6 P.M.

General Johnston received me with much kindness, when I presented my
letters of introduction, and stated my object in visiting the
Confederate armies.

In appearance General Joseph E. Johnston (commonly called Joe
Johnston) is rather below the middle height, spare, soldierlike, and
well set up; his features are good, and he has lately taken to wear a
greyish beard. He is a Virginian by birth, and appears to be about
fifty-seven years old. He talks in a calm, deliberate, and confident
manner; to me he was extremely affable, but he certainly possesses the
power of keeping people at a distance when he chooses, and his officers
evidently stand in great awe of him. He lives very plainly, and at
present his only cooking-utensils consisted of an old coffee-pot and
frying-pan--both very inferior articles. There was only one fork (one
prong deficient) between himself and Staff, and this was handed to me
ceremoniously as the "guest."

[Illustration: GENERAL JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON.]

He has undoubtedly acquired the entire confidence of all the officers
and soldiers under him. Many of the officers told me they did not
consider him inferior as a general to Lee or any one else.

He told me that Vicksburg was certainly in a critical situation, and was
now closely invested by Grant. He said that he (Johnston) had 11,000 men
with him (which includes Gist's), hardly any cavalry, and only sixteen
pieces of cannon; but if he could get adequate reinforcements, he stated
his intention of endeavouring to relieve Vicksburg.

I also made the acquaintance of the Georgian General Walker, a fierce
and very warlike fire-eater, who was furious at having been obliged to
evacuate Jackson after having only destroyed four hundred Yankees. He
told me, "I know I couldn't hold the place, but I did want to kill a few
more of the rascals."

At 9 P.M. I returned with General Gist to his camp, as my baggage was
there. On the load we were met by several natives, who complained that
soldiers were quartering themselves upon them and eating everything.

The bivouacs are extremely pretty at night, the dense woods being lit up
by innumerable camp fires.

[26] I afterwards learnt that this bombardment preceded one of the
unsuccessful assaults.

[27] Nearly every man in this part of the country has a military title.

       *       *       *       *       *

_21st May_ (Thursday).--I rejoined General Johnston at 9 A.M., and was
received into his mess. Major Eustis and Lieutenant Washington, officers
of his Staff, are thorough gentlemen, and did all in their power to make
me comfortable. The first is a Louisianian of wealth (formerly); his
negro always speaks French. He is brother to the secretary of Mr Slidell
in Paris, and has learnt to become an excellent Staff officer.

I was presented to Captain Henderson, who commanded a corps of about
fifty "scouts." These are employed on the hazardous duty of hanging
about the enemy's camps, collecting information, and communicating with
Pemberton in Vicksburg. They are a fine-looking lot of men, wild, and
very picturesque in appearance.

At 12 noon a Yankee military surgeon came to camp. He had been left
behind by Grant to look after the Yankee wounded at Jackson, and he was
now anxious to rejoin his general by flag of truce, but General Johnston
very prudently refused to allow this, and desired that he should be sent
to the North _viâ_ Richmond. By a very sensible arrangement, both sides
have agreed to treat doctors as non-combatants, and not to make
prisoners of war of them.

The chief surgeon in Johnston's army is a very clever and amusing
Kentuckian, named Dr Yandell. He told me he had been educated in
England, and might have had a large practice there.

My friend "Major" ---- very kindly took me to dine with a neighbouring
planter, named Harrold, at whose house I met General Gregg, a Texan,
who, with his brigade, fought the Yankees at Raymond a few days ago.

After dinner, I asked Mr Harrold to take me over the quarters of his
slaves, which he did immediately. The huts were comfortable and very
clean; the negroes seemed fond of their master, but he told me they were
suffering dreadfully from the effects of the war--he had so much
difficulty in providing them with clothes and shoes. I saw an old woman
in one of the huts, who had been suffering from an incurable disease for
thirteen years, and was utterly useless. She was evidently well cared
for, and was treated with affection and care. At all events, she must
have benefited largely by the "peculiar institution."

I have often told these planters that I thought the word "slave" was
the most repulsive part of the institution, and I have always observed
they invariably shirk using it themselves. They speak of their servant,
their boy, or their negroes, but never of their slaves. They address a
negro as boy or girl, or uncle or aunty.

In the evening I asked General Johnston what prospect he thought there
was of early operations, and he told me that at present he was too weak
to do any good, and he was unable to give me any definite idea as to
when he might be strong enough to attack Grant. I therefore made up my
mind to be off in a day or two, unless something turned up, as I could
not afford to wait for events, I have still so much to see.

General Johnston is a very well-read man, and agreeable to converse
with. He told me that he considered Marlborough a greater general than
Wellington. All Americans have an intense admiration for Napoleon; they
seldom scruple to express their regret that he was beaten at Waterloo.

Remarking upon the extreme prevalence of military titles, General
Johnston said, "You must be astonished to find how fond all Americans
are of titles, though they are republicans; and as they can't get any
other sort, they all take military ones."

Whilst seated round the camp fire in the evening, one of the officers
remarked to me, "I can assure you, colonel, that nine men out of ten in
the South would sooner become subjects of Queen Victoria than return to
the Union." "Nine men out of ten!" said General Johnston--"ninety-nine
out of a hundred; I consider that few people in the world can be more
fortunate in their government than the British colonies of North
America." But the effect of these compliments was rather spoilt when
some one else said they would prefer to serve under the Emperor of the
French or the Emperor of Japan to returning to the dominion of Uncle
Abe; and it was still more damaged when another officer alluded in an
undertone to the infernal regions as a more agreeable alternative than
reunion with the Yankees.

       *       *       *       *       *

_22d May_ (Friday).--The bombardment at Vicksburg was very heavy and
continuous this morning.

I had a long conversation with General Johnston, who told me that the
principal evils which a Confederate general had to contend against
consisted in the difficulty of making combinations, owing to uncertainty
about the time which the troops would take to march a certain distance,
on account of their straggling propensities.

But from what I have seen and heard _as yet_, it appears to me that
the Confederates possess certain great qualities as soldiers, such as
individual bravery and natural aptitude in the use of firearms, strong,
determined patriotism, and boundless confidence in their favourite
generals, and in themselves. They are sober of necessity, as there is
literally no liquor to be got. They have sufficient good sense to know
that a certain amount of discipline is absolutely necessary; and I
believe that instances of insubordination are extremely rare. They
possess the great advantage of being led by men of talent and education
as soldiers who thoroughly understand the people they have to lead, as
well as those they have to beat. These generals, such as Lee, Johnston,
Beauregard, or Longstreet, they would follow anywhere, and obey
implicitly. But, on the other hand, many of their officers, looking
forward to future political advancement, owing to their present military
rank, will not punish their men, or are afraid of making themselves
obnoxious by enforcing rigid discipline. The men are constantly in the
habit of throwing away their knapsacks and blankets on a long march, if
not carried for them, and though actuated by the strongest and purest
patriotism, can often not be got to consider their obligations as
soldiers. In the early part of the war they were often, when victorious,
nearly as disorganised as the beaten, and many would coolly walk off
home, under the impression that they had performed their share. But they
are becoming better in these respects as the war goes on.[28]

All this would account for the trifling benefits derived by the
Confederates from their numerous victories.

General Johnston told me that Grant had displayed more vigour than he
had expected, by crossing the river below Vicksburg, seizing Jackson by
vastly superior force, and, after cutting off communications, investing
the fortress thoroughly, so as to take it if possible before a
sufficient force could be got to relieve it. His army is estimated at
75,000 men, and General Johnston has very little opinion of the defences
of Vicksburg on the land side. He said the garrison consisted of about
20,000 men.

News has been received that the Yankees were getting up the Yazoo river;
and this morning General Walker's division left at 6 A.M. for Yazoo
city.

The General with his Staff and myself rode into Canton, six miles, and
lodged in the house of a planter who owned 700 slaves.

Dr Yandell is a wonderful mimic, and amused us much by taking off the
marriage ceremony, as performed by General Polk in Tennessee--General
Morgan of Kentucky notoriety being the bridegroom.[29]

One of Henderson's scouts caused much hilarity amongst the General's
Staff this afternoon. He had brought in a Yankee prisoner, and
_apologised_ to General Johnston for doing so, saying, "I found him in a
negro quarter, and _he surrendered so quick, I couldn't kill him_."
There can be no doubt that the conduct of the Federals in captured
cities tends to create a strong indisposition on the part of the
Confederates to take prisoners, particularly amongst these wild
Mississippians.

General Johnston told me this evening that altogether he had been
wounded ten times. He was the senior officer of the old army who joined
the Confederates, and he commanded the Virginian army until he was
severely wounded at the battle of "Seven Pines."[30]

[28] After having lived with the veterans of Bragg and Lee, I was able
to form a still higher estimate of Confederate soldiers. Their obedience
and forbearance in success, their discipline under disaster, their
patience under suffering, under hardships, or when wounded, and their
boundless devotion to their country under all circumstances, are beyond
all praise.

[29] When I was introduced to General Polk in Tennessee I recognised him
at once by Dr Yandell's imitation, which was most wonderfully accurate.

[30] Called "Fairoaks" by the Yankees.

       *       *       *       *       *

_23d May_ (Saturday).--General Johnston, Major Eustis, and myself, left
Canton at 6 A.M. on a locomotive for Jackson.

On the way we talked a good deal about "Stonewall" Jackson. General
Johnston said that although this extraordinary man did not possess any
great qualifications as a strategist, and was perhaps unfit for the
independent command of a large army; yet he was gifted with wonderful
courage and determination, and a perfect faith in Providence that he was
destined to destroy his enemy. He was much indebted to General Ewell in
the valley campaigns. Stonewall Jackson was also most fortunate in
commanding the flower of the Virginian troops, and in being opposed to
the most incapable Federal commanders, such as Fremont and Banks.

Before we had proceeded twelve miles we were forced to stop and collect
wood from the roadside to feed our engine, and the General worked with
so much energy as to cause his "Seven Pines" wound to give him pain.

We were put out at a spot where the railroad was destroyed, at about
four miles from Jackson. A carriage ought to have been in waiting for
us, but by some mistake it had not arrived, so we had to foot it. I was
obliged to carry my heavy saddlebags. Major Eustis very kindly took my
knapsack, and the General carried the cloaks. In this order we reached
Jackson, much exhausted, at 9.30 A.M.

General Loring came and reported himself soon after. He is a stout man
with one arm. His division had arrived at Jackson from Crystal Springs
about 6000 strong; Evans's brigade, about 3000, had also arrived from
Charleston; and Maxey's brigade was in the act of marching into Jackson.
I calculate, therefore, that General Johnston must now have nearly
25,000 men between Jackson and the Yazoo.

I took an affectionate farewell of him and his officers, and he returned
to Canton at 3 P.M. I shall be much surprised if he is not heard of
before long. That portion of his troops which I saw, though they had
been beaten and forced to retreat, were in excellent spirits, full of
confidence, and clamouring to be led against _only_ double their
numbers.

I renewed my acquaintance with Dr Russell, for whose timely protection I
shall always feel myself much indebted. I also sent my love to Smythe by
several different people.

At 3.30 P.M. I left Jackson in a Government ambulance, in company with
Captain Brown of General Johnston's Staff, who was extremely useful to
me. I had taken the precaution of furnishing myself with a pass from
Colonel Ewell, the adjutant-general, which I afterwards discovered was
absolutely necessary, as I was asked for it continually, and on the
railroad every person's passport was rigidly examined.

We drove to the nearest point at which the railroad was in working
order, a distance of nearly five miles.

We then got into the cars at 6 P.M. for Meridian. This piece of railroad
was in a most dangerous state, and enjoys the reputation of being the
very worst of all the bad railroads in the South. It was completely worn
out, and could not be repaired. Accidents are of almost daily
occurrence, and a nasty one had happened the day before.

After we had proceeded five miles, our engine ran off the track, which
caused a stoppage of three hours. All male passengers had to get out to
push along the cars.

       *       *       *       *       *

_24th May_ (Sunday).--We reached Meridian at 7.30 A.M., with sound
limbs, and only five hours late.

We left for Mobile at 9 A.M., and arrived there at 7.15 P.M. This part
of the line was in very good order.

We were delayed a short time owing to a "_difficulty_" which had
occurred in the up-train. The difficulty was this. The engineer had shot
a passenger, and then unhitched his engine, cut the telegraph, and
bolted up the line, leaving his train planted on a single track. He had
allowed our train to pass by shunting himself, until we had done so
without any suspicion. The news of this occurrence caused really hardly
any excitement amongst my fellow-travellers; but I heard one man remark,
that "it was mighty mean to leave a train to be run into like that." We
avoided this catastrophe by singular good fortune.[31]

The universal practice of carrying arms in the South is undoubtedly the
cause of occasional loss of life, and is much to be regretted; but, on
the other hand, this custom renders altercations and quarrels of very
rare occurrence, for people are naturally careful what they say when a
bullet may be the probable reply.

By the intercession of Captain Brown, I was allowed to travel in the
ladies' car. It was cleaner and more convenient, barring the squalling
of the numerous children, who were terrified into good behaviour by
threats from their negro nurses of being given to the Yankees.

I put up at the principal hotel at Mobile--viz., the "Battlehouse." The
living appeared to be very good by comparison, and cost $8 a-day. In
consequence of the fabulous value of boots, they must not be left
outside the door of one's room, from danger of annexation by a needy and
unscrupulous warrior.

[31] I cut this out of a Mobile paper two days after:--

"ATTEMPT TO COMMIT MURDER.--We learn that while the up-train on the
Mobile and Ohio Railroad was near Beaver Meadow, one of the employees,
named Thomas Fitzgerald, went into one of the passenger cars and shot
Lieutenant H. A. Knowles with a pistol, the ball entering his left
shoulder, going out at the back of his neck, making a very dangerous
wound. Fitzgerald then uncoupled the locomotive from the train and
started off. When a few miles above Beaver Meadows he stopped and cut
the telegraph wires, and then proceeded up the road. When near
Lauderdale station he came in collision with the down-train, smashing
the engine, and doing considerable damage to several of the cars.[32] It
is thought he there took to the woods; at any rate he has made good his
escape so far, as nothing of him has yet been heard. The shooting, as we
are informed, was that of revenge. It will be remembered that a few
months ago Knowles and a brother of Thomas Fitzgerald, named Jack, had a
renconter at Enterprise about a lady, and during which Knowles killed
Jack Fitzgerald; afterwards it is stated that Thomas threatened to
revenge the death of his brother; so on Sunday morning Knowles was on
the train, as stated, going up to Enterprise to stand his trial. Thomas
learning that he was on the train, hunted him up and shot him. Knowles,
we learn, is now lying in a very critical condition."

[32] This is a mistake.

       *       *       *       *       *

_25th May_ (Monday).--I was disappointed in the aspect of Mobile. It is
a regular rectangular American city, built on a sandy flat, and covering
a deal of ground for its population, which is about 25,000.

I called on General Maury, for whom I brought a letter of introduction
from General Johnston. He is a very gentlemanlike and intelligent but
diminutive Virginian, and had only just assumed the command at Mobile.

He was very civil, and took me in a steamer to see the sea defences. We
were accompanied by General Ledbetter the engineer, and we were six
hours visiting the forts.

Mobile is situated at the head of a bay thirty miles long. The
blockading squadron, eight to ten in number, is stationed outside the
bay, the entrance to which is defended by forts Morgan and Gaines; but
as the channel between these two forts is a mile wide, they might
probably be passed.

Within two miles of the city, however, the bay becomes very shallow, and
the ship channel is both dangerous and tortuous. It is, moreover,
obstructed by double rows of pine piles, and all sorts of ingenious
torpedos, besides being commanded by carefully constructed forts, armed
with heavy guns, and built either on islands or on piles.

Their names are Fort Pinto, Fort Spanish River, Apalache, and
Blakeley.[33]

The garrisons of these forts complained of their being unhealthy, and I
did not doubt the assertion. Before landing, we boarded two ironclad
floating-batteries. The Confederate fleet at Mobile is considerable, and
reflects great credit upon the energy of the Mobilians, as it has been
constructed since the commencement of the war. During the trip, I
overheard General Maury soliloquising over a Yankee flag, and saying,
"Well, I never should have believed that I could have lived to see the
day in which I should detest that old flag." He is cousin to Lieutenant
Maury, who has distinguished himself so much by his writings, on
physical geography especially. The family seems to be a very military
one. His brother is captain of the Confederate steamer Georgia.

After landing, I partook of a hasty dinner with General Maury and Major
Cummins. I was then mounted on the General's horse, and was sent to
gallop round the land defences with Brigadier-General Slaughter and his
Staff. By great good fortune this was the evening of General Slaughter's
weekly inspection, and all the redoubts were manned by their respective
garrisons, consisting half of soldiers and half of armed citizens who
had been exempted from the conscription either by their age or
nationality, or had purchased substitutes. One of the forts was defended
by a burly British guard, commanded by a venerable Captain Wheeler.[34]

After visiting the fortifications, I had supper at General Slaughter's
house, and met there some of the refugees from New Orleans--these are
now being huddled neck and crop out of that city for refusing to take
the oath of allegiance to the United States. Great numbers of women and
children are arriving at Mobile every day; they are in a destitute
condition, and they add to the universal feeling of exasperation. The
propriety of raising the black flag, and giving no quarter, was again
freely discussed at General Slaughter's, and was evidently the popular
idea. I heard many anecdotes of the late "Stonewall Jackson," who was
General Slaughter's comrade in the Artillery of the old army. It appears
that previous to the war he was almost a monomaniac about his health.
When he left the U.S. service he was under the impression that one of
his legs was getting shorter than the other; and afterwards his idea was
that he only perspired on one side, and that it was necessary to keep
the arm and leg of the other side in constant motion in order to
preserve the circulation; but it seems that immediately the war broke
out he never made any further allusion to his health. General Slaughter
declared that on the night after the terrific repulse of Burnside's army
at Fredericksburg, Stonewall Jackson had made the following
suggestion:--"I am of opinion that we ought to attack the enemy at once;
and in order to avoid the confusion and mistakes so common in a
night-attack, I recommend that we should all strip ourselves perfectly
naked."[35] Blockade-running goes on very regularly at Mobile; the
steamers nearly always succeed, but the schooners are generally
captured. To-morrow I shall start for the Tennessean army, commanded by
General Braxton Bragg.

[33] A description of either its sea or land defences is necessarily
omitted.

[34] Its members were British subjects exempted from the conscription,
but they had volunteered to fight in defence of the city.

[35] I always forgot to ask General Lee whether this story was a true
one.

       *       *       *       *       *

_26th May_ (Tuesday).--When I took Colonel Ewell's pass to the
provost-marshal's office this morning to be countersigned, that official
hesitated about stamping it, but luckily a man in his office came to my
rescue, and volunteered to say that, although he didn't know me himself,
he had heard me spoken of by others as "a very respectable gentleman." I
was only just in time to catch the twelve o'clock steamer for the
Montgomery railroad. I overheard two negroes on board discussing affairs
in general; they were deploring the war, and expressing their hatred of
the Yankees for bringing "sufferment on us as well as our masters." Both
of them had evidently a great aversion to being "run off," as they
called it. One of them wore his master's sword, of which he was very
proud, and he strutted about in a most amusing and consequential manner.

I got into the railroad cars at 2.30 P.M.; the pace was not at all bad,
had we not stopped so often and for such a long time for wood and water.
I sat opposite to a wounded soldier who told me he was an Englishman
from Chelsea. He said he was returning to his regiment, although his
wound in the neck often gave him great pain. The spirit with which
wounded men return to the front, even although their wounds are
imperfectly healed, is worthy of all praise, and shows the indomitable
determination of the Southern people. In the same car there were several
quite young boys of fifteen or sixteen who were badly wounded, and one
or two were minus arms and legs, of which deficiencies they were
evidently very vain.

The country through which we passed was a dense pine forest, sandy soil,
and quite desolate, very uninviting to an invading army. We travelled
all night.

       *       *       *       *       *

_27th May_ (Wednesday).--Arrived at Montgomery, the capital of Alabama,
at daylight, and left it by another railroad at 5.30 A.M.

All State capitals appear to resemble one another, and look like bits
cut off from great cities. One or two streets have a good deal of
pretension about them; and the inevitable "Capitol," with its dome,
forms the principal feature. A sentry stands at the door of each railway
car, who examines the papers of every passenger with great strictness,
and even after that inspection the same ceremony is performed by an
officer of the provost-marshal's department, who accompanies every
train.[36] The officers and soldiers on this duty are very civil and
courteous, and after getting over their astonishment at finding that I
am a British officer, they do all they can to make me comfortable. They
ask all sorts of curious questions about the British army, and often
express a strong wish to see _one of our regiments fight_. They can
hardly believe that the Coldstream is really dressed in scarlet. To-day
they entered gravely into a discussion amongst themselves, as to whether
British troops would have taken the position at Fredericksburg. The
arguments on both sides were very amusing, and opinion was pretty evenly
divided. We met three trains crammed full of soldiers for Johnston's
army. They belonged to Breckenridge's division of Bragg's army, and all
seemed in the highest spirits, cheering and yelling like demons. In the
cars to-day I fell in with the Federal doctor who was refused leave to
pass through General Johnston's lines; he was now _en route_ for
Richmond. He was in full Yankee uniform, but was treated with civility
by all the Confederate soldiers. I had a long talk with him; he seemed a
sensible man, and did not attempt to deny the universal enthusiasm and
determination of the Southerners. He told me that General Grant had been
very nearly killed at the taking of Jackson. He thought the war would
probably terminate by a blow-up in the North.[37]

I had to change cars at West Point and at Atlanta. At the latter place I
was crammed into a desperately crowded train for Chattanooga. This
country, Georgia, is much more inhabited and cultivated than Alabama. I
travelled again all night.

[36] This rigid inspection is necessary to arrest spies, and prevent
straggling and absence without leave.

[37] Notwithstanding the exasperation with which every Southerner speaks
of a Yankee, and all the talk about black flag and no quarter, yet I
never saw a Federal prisoner ill treated or insulted in any way,
although I have travelled hundreds of miles in their company.

       *       *       *       *       *

_28th May_ (Thursday).--I arrived at Chattanooga (Tennessee) at 4.30
A.M., and fell in with Captain Brown again; his negro recognised me, and
immediately rushed up to shake hands.

After breakfasting at Chattanooga, I started again at 7.30, by train,
for Shelbyville, General Bragg's headquarters. This train was crammed to
repletion with soldiers rejoining their regiments, so I was constrained
to sit in the aisle on the floor of one of the cars. I thought myself
lucky even then, for so great was the number of military, that all
"_citizens_" were ordered out to make way for the soldiers; but my grey
shooting-jacket and youthful appearance saved me from the imputation of
being a "citizen." Two hours later, the passport officer, seeing who I
was, procured me a similar situation in the ladies' car, where I was a
little better off. After leaving Chattanooga the railroad winds
alongside of the Tennessee river, the banks of which are high, and
beautifully covered with trees--the river itself is wide, and very
pretty; but from my position in the tobacco-juice I was unable to do
justice to the scenery. I saw stockades at intervals all along the
railroad, which were constructed by the Federals, who occupied all this
country last year.

On arriving at Wartrace at 4 P.M., I determined to remain there, and ask
for hospitality from General Hardee, as I saw no prospect of reaching
Shelbyville in decent time. Leaving my baggage with the provost-marshal
at Wartrace, I walked on to General Hardee's headquarters, which were
distant about two miles from the railroad. They were situated in a
beautiful country, green, undulating, full of magnificent trees,
principally beeches, and the scenery was by far the finest I had seen in
America as yet.

When I arrived I found that General Hardee was in company with General
Polk and Bishop Elliott of Georgia, and also with Mr Vallandigham. The
latter (called the Apostle of Liberty) is a good-looking man, apparently
not much over forty, and had been turned out of the North three days
before. Rosecrans had wished to hand him over to Bragg by flag of truce;
but as the latter declined to receive him in that manner, he was, as
General Hardee expressed it, "_dumped down_" in the neutral ground
between the lines, and left there. He then received hospitality from the
Confederates in the capacity of a destitute stranger. They do not in any
way receive him officially, and it does not suit the policy of either
party to be identified with one another. He is now living at a private
house in Shelbyville, and had come over for the day, with General Polk,
on a visit to Hardee. He told the generals, that if Grant was severely
beaten in Mississippi by Johnston, he did not think the war could be
continued on its present great scale.

When I presented my letters of introduction, General Hardee received me
with the unvarying kindness and hospitality which I had experienced from
all other Confederate officers. He is a fine soldierlike man,
broad-shouldered and tall. He looks rather like a French officer, and is
a Georgian by birth. He bears the reputation of being a thoroughly good
soldier, and he is the author of the drill-book still in use by both
armies. Until quite lately he was commanding officer of the military
college at West Point. He distinguished himself at the battles of
Corinth and Murfreesborough, and now commands the 2d _corps d'armée_ of
Bragg's army. He is a widower, and has the character of being a great
admirer of the fair sex. During the Kentucky campaign last year he was
in the habit of availing himself of the privilege of his rank and years,
and insisted upon kissing the wives and daughters of all the Kentuckian
farmers. And although he is supposed to have converted many of the
ladies to the Southern cause, yet in many instances their male relatives
remained either neutral or undecided. On one occasion General Hardee had
conferred the "accolade" upon a very pretty Kentuckian, to their mutual
satisfaction, when, to his intense disgust, the proprietor produced two
very ugly old females, saying, "Now, then, general, if you kiss any you
must kiss them all round," which the discomfited general was forced to
do, to the great amusement of his officers, who often allude to this
_contretemps_.

Another rebuff which he received, and about which he is often chaffed
by General Polk, was when an old lady told him he ought really to
"leave off fighting _at his age_." "Indeed, madam," replied Hardee,
"and how old do you take me for?" "Why, about the same age as
myself--seventy-five." The chagrin of the stalwart and gallant general,
at having twenty years added to his age, may be imagined.

Lieutenant-General Leonidas Polk, Bishop of Louisiana, who commands the
other _corps d'armée_, is a good-looking, gentlemanlike man, with all
the manners and affability of a "grand seigneur." He is fifty-seven
years of age--tall, upright, and looks much more the soldier than the
clergyman. He is very rich; and I am told he owns seven hundred negroes.
He is much beloved by the soldiers on account of his great personal
courage and agreeable manners. I had already heard no end of anecdotes
of him told me by my travelling companions, who always alluded to him
with affection and admiration. In his clerical capacity I had always
heard him spoken of with the greatest respect. When I was introduced to
him he immediately invited me to come and stay at his headquarters at
Shelbyville. He told me that he was educated at West Point, and was at
that institution with the President, the two Johnstons, Lee, Magruder,
&c., and that, after serving a short time in the artillery, he had
entered the church.

Bishop Elliott, of Georgia, is a nice old man of venerable appearance
and very courteous manners. He is here at the request of General Polk,
for the purpose of confirming some officers and soldiers. He speaks
English exactly like an English gentleman, and so, in fact, does General
Polk, and all the well-bred Southerners, much more so than the ladies,
whose American accent can always be detected. General Polk and Mr
Vallandigham returned to Shelbyville in an ambulance at 6.30 P.M.

General Hardee's headquarters were on the estate of Mrs ----, a very
hospitable lady. The two daughters of the General were staying with her,
and also a Mrs ----, who is a very pretty woman. These ladies are more
violent against the Yankees than it is possible for a European to
conceive; they beat their male relations hollow in their denunciations
and hopes of vengeance. It was quite depressing to hear their
innumerable stories of Yankee brutality, and I was much relieved when,
at a later period of the evening, they subsided into music. After Bishop
Elliott had read prayers, I slept in the same room with General Hardee.

       *       *       *       *       *

_29th May_ (Friday).--I took a walk before breakfast with Dr
Quintard, a zealous Episcopal chaplain, who began life as a surgeon,
which enables him to attend to the bodily as well as the spiritual wants
of the Tennessean regiment to which he is chaplain. The enemy is about
fifteen miles distant, and all the tops of the intervening hills are
occupied as signal stations, which communicate his movements by flags in
the daytime, and by beacons at night. A signal corps has been organised
for this service. The system is most ingenious, and answers admirably.
We all breakfasted at Mrs ----'s. The ladies were more excited even than
yesterday in their diatribes against the Yankees. They insisted on
cutting the accompanying paragraph out of to-day's newspaper, which they
declared was a very fair exposition of the average treatment they
received from the enemy.[38] They reproved Mrs ---- for having given
assistance to the wounded Yankees at Wartrace last year; and a sister of
Mrs ----'s, who is a very strong-minded lady, gave me a most amusing
description of an interview she had had at Huntsville with the
astronomer Mitchell, in his capacity of a Yankee general. It has often
been remarked to me that, when this war is over, the independence of the
country will be due, in a great measure, to the women; for they declare
that had the women been desponding they could never have gone through
with it; but, on the contrary, the women have invariably set an example
to the men of patience, devotion, and determination. Naturally proud,
and with an innate contempt for the Yankees, the Southern women have
been rendered furious and desperate by the proceedings of Butler,
Milroy, Turchin, &c. They are all prepared to undergo any hardships and
misfortunes rather than submit to the rule of such people; and they use
every argument which women can employ to infuse the same spirit into
their male relations.

At noon I took leave for the present of General Hardee, and drove over
in his ambulance to Shelbyville, eight miles, in company with Bishop
Elliott and Dr Quintard. The road was abominable, and it was pouring
with rain. On arriving at General Polk's, he invited me to take up my
quarters with him during my stay with Bragg's army, which offer I
accepted with gratitude. After dinner General Polk told me that he hoped
his brethren in England did not very much condemn his present line of
conduct. He explained to me the reasons which had induced him
temporarily to forsake the cassock and return to his old profession. He
stated the extreme reluctance he had felt in taking this step; and he
said that so soon as the war was over, he should return to his episcopal
avocations, in the same way as a man, finding his house on fire, would
use every means in his power to extinguish the flames, and would then
resume his ordinary pursuits. He commanded the Confederate forces at the
battle of Perryville and Belmont, as well as his present _corps d'armée_
at the battles of Shiloh (Corinth) and Murfreesborough.

At 6.30 P.M., I called on General Bragg, the Commander-in-chief. This
officer is in appearance the least prepossessing of the Confederate
generals. He is very thin; he stoops, and has a sickly, cadaverous,
haggard appearance, rather plain features, bushy black eyebrows which
unite in a tuft on the top of his nose, and a stubby iron-grey beard;
but his eyes are bright and piercing. He has the reputation of being a
rigid disciplinarian, and of shooting freely for insubordination. I
understand he is rather unpopular on this account, and also by reason of
his occasional acerbity of manner. He was extremely civil to me, and
gave me permission to visit the outposts, or any part of his army. He
also promised to help me towards joining Morgan in Kentucky, and he
expressed his regret that a boil on his hand would prevent him from
accompanying me to the outposts. He told me that Rosecrans's position
extended about forty miles, Murfreesborough (twenty-five miles distant)
being his headquarters. The Confederate cavalry enclosed him in a
semicircle extending over a hundred miles of country. He told me that
West Tennessee, occupied by the Federals, was devoted to the Confederate
cause, whilst East Tennessee, now in possession of the Confederates,
contained numbers of people of Unionist proclivities. This very place,
Shelbyville, had been described to me by others as a "Union hole."

After my interview with General Bragg, I took a ride along the
Murfreesborough road with Colonel Richmond, A.D.C. to General Polk.
About two miles from Shelbyville, we passed some lines made to defend
the position. The trench itself was a very mild affair, but the higher
ground could be occupied by artillery in such a manner as to make the
road impassable. The thick woods were being cut down in front of the
lines for a distance of eight hundred yards, to give range. During our
ride I met Major-General Cheetham, a stout, rather rough-looking man,
but with the reputation of "a great fighter." It is said that he does
all the necessary swearing in the 1st _corps d'armée_, which General
Polk's clerical character incapacitates him from performing. Colonel
Richmond gave me the particulars of General Van Dorn's death, which
occurred about forty miles from this. His loss does not seem to be much
regretted, as it appears he was always ready to neglect his military
duties for an assignation. In the South it is not considered necessary
to put yourself on an equality with a man in such a case as Van Dorn's
by calling him out. His life belongs to the aggrieved husband, and
"shooting down" is universally esteemed the correct thing, even if it
takes place after a lapse of time, as in the affair between General Van
Dorn and Dr Peters.

[Illustration: LIEUT.-GENERAL LEONIDAS POLK.]

News arrived this evening of the capture of Helena by the Confederates,
and of the hanging of a negro regiment with forty Yankee officers. Every
one expressed sorrow for the blacks, but applauded the destruction of
their officers.[39]

I slept in General Polk's tent, he occupying a room in the house
adjoining. Before going to bed, General Polk told me an affecting story
of a poor widow in humble circumstances, whose three sons had fallen in
battle one after the other, until she had only one left, a boy of
sixteen. So distressing was her case that General Polk went himself to
comfort her. She looked steadily at him, and replied to his condolences
by the sentence, "As soon as I can get a few things together, General,
you shall have Harry too." The tears came into General Polk's eyes as he
related this episode, which he ended by saying, "_How can you subdue
such a nation as this!_"

[38] "LOSSES OF WILLIAM F. RICKS.--The Yankees did not treat us very
badly as they returned from pursuing our men beyond Leighton (at least
no more than we expected); they broke down our smokehouse door and took
seven hams, went into the kitchen and helped themselves to cooking
utensils, tin ware, &c.; searched the house, but took nothing. As they
passed up the second time we were very much annoyed by them, but not
seriously injured; they took the only two mules we had, a cart, our
milch cows, and more meat. It was on their return from this trip that
our losses were so grievous. They drove their waggons up in our yard and
loaded them with the last of our meat, all of our sugar, coffee,
molasses, flour, meal, and potatoes. I went to a Lieut.-Colonel who
seemed very busy giving orders, and asked him what he expected me to do;
they had left me no provisions at all, and I had a large family, and my
husband was away from home. His reply was short and pointed--'Starve,
and be d----d, madam.' They then proceeded to the carriage-house, took a
fine new buggy that we had never used, the cushions and harness of our
carriage, then cut the carriage up and left it. They then sent about
sixty of the slyest, smoothest-fingered rogues I have ever seen in the
Federal army (all the rogues I ever did see were in that army), into the
house to search for whisky and money, while the officers remained in the
back-yard trying to hire the servants to tell them where we had money
hid. Their search proving fruitless, they loaded themselves with our
clothing, bed-clothing, &c.; broke my dishes; stole my knives and forks;
refused the keys and broke open my trunks, closets, and other doors.
Then came the worst of all--the burners, or, as they call themselves,
the 'Destroying Angels.' They burned our gin-house and press, with 125
bales of cotton, seven cribs containing 600 bolls of corn, our logs,
stables, and six stacks of fodder, a waggon, and four negro cabins, our
lumber-room, fine spinning-machine and 500 dollars' worth of thread,
axes, hoes, scythe-blades, and all other plantation implements. Then
they came with their torches to burn our house, the last remaining
building they had left besides the negro quarter. That was too much; all
my pride, and the resolutions that I had made (and until now kept up) to
treat them with cool contempt, and never, let the worst come, humble
myself to the thievish cutthroats, forsook me at the awful thought of my
home in ruins; I must do something, and that quickly;--hardened,
thieving villains, as I knew them to be, I would make one effort for the
sake of my home. I looked over the crowd, as they huddled together to
give orders about the burning, for one face that showed a trace of
feeling, or an eye that beamed with a spark of humanity, but, finding
none, I approached the nearest group, and pointing to the children (my
sister's), I said, 'You will not burn the house, will you? you drove
those little ones from one home and took possession of it, and this is
the only sheltering place they have.' 'You may thank your God, madam,'
said one of the ruffians, 'that we have left you and your d----d brats
with heads to be sheltered.' Just then an officer galloped up--pretended
to be very much astonished and terribly beset about the conduct of his
men--cursed a good deal, and told a batch of falsehoods about not having
given orders to burn anything but corn--made divers threats that were
forgotten in utterance, and ordered his 'Angels' to fall into
line,--thereby winding up the troubles of the darkest day I have ever
seen. MRS RICKS.

"Losses before this last raid: six mules, five horses, one waggon
(four-horse), fifty-two negroes."

[39] This afterwards turned out to be untrue.

       *       *       *       *       *

_30th May_ (Saturday).--It rained hard all last night, but General
Polk's tent proved itself a good one. We have prayers both morning and
evening, by Dr Quintard, together with singing, in which General Polk
joins with much zeal. Colonel Gale, who is son-in-law and volunteer
aide-de-camp to General Polk, has placed his negro Aaron and a mare at
my disposal during my stay.

General Polk explained to me, from a plan, the battle of
Murfreesborough. He claimed that the Confederates had only 30,000
troops, including Breckenridge's division, which was not engaged on the
first day. He put the Confederate loss at 10,000 men, and that of the
Yankees at 19,000. With regard to the battle of Shiloh,[40] he said that
Beauregard's order to retire was most unfortunate, as the gunboats were
doing no real harm, and if they (the Confederates) had held on, nothing
could have saved the Federals from capture or destruction. The
misfortune of Albert Johnston's death, together with the fact of
Beauregard's illness and his not being present at that particular spot,
were the causes of this battle not being a more complete victory.

Ever since I landed in America, I had heard of the exploits of an
Englishman called Colonel St Leger Grenfell, who is now
Inspector-General of Cavalry to Bragg's army. This afternoon I made his
acquaintance, and I consider him one of the most extraordinary
characters I ever met. Although he is a member of a well-known English
family, he seems to have devoted his whole life to the exciting career
of a soldier of fortune. He told me that in early life he had served
three years in a French lancer regiment, and had risen from a private to
be a sous-lieutenant. He afterwards became a sort of consular agent at
Tangier, under old Mr Drummond Hay. Having acquired a perfect knowledge
of Arabic, he entered the service of Abd-el-Kader, and under that
renowned chief he fought the French for four years and a half. At
another time of his life he fitted out a yacht, and carried on a private
war with the Riff pirates. He was brigade-major in the Turkish
contingent during the Crimean war, and had some employment in the Indian
mutiny. He has also been engaged in war in Buenos Ayres and the South
American republics. At an early period of the present troubles he ran
the blockade and joined the Confederates. He was adjutant-general and
right-hand man to the celebrated John Morgan for eight months. Even in
this army, which abounds with foolhardy and desperate characters, he has
acquired the admiration of all ranks by his reckless daring and
gallantry in the field. Both Generals Polk and Bragg spoke to me of him
as a most excellent and useful officer, besides being a man who never
lost an opportunity of trying to throw his life away. He is just the
sort of man to succeed in this army, and among the soldiers his fame for
bravery has outweighed his unpopularity as a rigid disciplinarian. He is
the terror of all absentees, stragglers, and deserters, and of all
commanding officers who are unable to produce for his inspection the
number of horses they have been drawing forage for. He looks about
forty-five, but in reality he is fifty-six. He is rather tall, thin,
very wiry and active, with a jovial English expression of countenance;
but his eyes have a wild, roving look, which is common amongst the
Arabs. When he came to me he was dressed in an English staff blue coat,
and he had a red cavalry forage-cap, which latter, General Polk told me,
he always wore in action, so making himself more conspicuous. He talked
to me much about John Morgan, whose marriage he had tried to avert, and
of which he spoke with much sorrow. He declared that Morgan was
enervated by matrimony, and would never be the same man as he was. He
said that in one of the celebrated telegraph tappings in Kentucky,
Morgan, the operator, and himself, were seated for twelve hours on a
clay-bank during a violent storm, but the interest was so intense, that
the time passed like three hours.[41]

General Polk's son, a young artillery lieutenant, told me this evening
that "Stonewall Jackson" was a professor at the military school at
Lexington, in which he was a cadet. "Old Jack" was considered a
persevering but rather dull master, and was often made a butt of by
cheeky cadets, whose great ambition it was to irritate him, but, however
insolent they were, he never took the slightest notice of their
impertinence at the time, although he always had them punished for it
afterwards. At the outbreak of the war, he was called upon by the cadets
to make a speech, and these were his words: "Soldiers make short
speeches: _be slow to draw the sword in civil strife, but when you draw
it, throw away the scabbard._" Young Polk says that the enthusiasm
created by this speech of old Jack's was beyond description.

[40] Called Pittsburg Landing and Corinth.

[41] This was the occasion when they telegraphed such a quantity of
nonsense to the Yankee general, receiving valuable information in
return, and such necessary stores by train as Morgan was in need of.

       *       *       *       *       *

_31st May_ (Sunday).--The Bishop of Georgia preached to-day to a very
large congregation in the Presbyterian church. He is a most eloquent
preacher; and he afterwards confirmed about twenty people,--amongst
others, Colonel Gale (over forty years old), and young Polk. After
church, I called again on General Bragg, who talked to me a long time
about the battle of Murfreesborough (in which he commanded). He said
that he retained possession of the ground he had won for three days and
a half, and only retired on account of the exhaustion of his troops, and
after carrying off over 6000 prisoners, much cannon, and other trophies.
He allowed that Rosecrans had displayed much firmness, and was "_the
only man in the Yankee army who was not badly beaten_." He showed me, on
a plan, the exact position of the two armies, and also the field of
operations of the renowned guerillas, Morgan and Forrest.

Colonel Grenfell called again, and I arranged to visit the outposts
with him on Tuesday. He spoke to me in high terms of Bragg, Polk,
Hardee, and Cleburne; but he described some of the others as "political"
generals, and others as good fighters, but illiterate and somewhat
addicted to liquor. He deplored the effect of politics upon military
affairs as very injurious in the Confederate army, though not so bad as
it is in the Northern.

At 2 P.M. I travelled in the cars to Wartrace in company with General
Bragg and the Bishop of Georgia. We were put into a baggage-car, and the
General and the Bishop were the only persons provided with seats.
Although the distance from Shelbyville to Wartrace is only eight miles,
we were one hour and ten minutes in effecting the _trajet_, in such a
miserable and dangerous state were the rails. On arriving at Wartr

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