The Sherwood Foresters in the Great War 1914 - 1919

by W. C. C. Weetman · English · Gutenberg #20527 · 597,724 chars · public domain (US)

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Sherwood Foresters in the Great War 1914 - 1919

This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The Sherwood Foresters in the Great War 1914 - 1919

Author: W. C. C. Weetman

Release date: February 6, 2007 [eBook #20527]

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/20527

Credits: Produced by David Clarke, Nicola Kerrison, Christine P.
Travers and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SHERWOOD FORESTERS IN THE GREAT WAR 1914 - 1919 ***

Produced by David Clarke, Nicola Kerrison, Christine P.
Travers and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian
Libraries)

HISTORY OF 1/8th BATTALION
SHERWOOD FORESTERS 1914--1919

[Illustration: LIEUT.-COL. G. H. FOWLER.
Killed in action at Hohenzollern Redoubt, Oct. 15th, 1915.]

[Illustration: Arms]

THE SHERWOOD FORESTERS
IN THE GREAT WAR
1914--1919

1/8th BATTALION

CAPTAIN W. C. C. WEETMAN
M.C., CROIX DE GUERRE

With an introduction by
BRIG-GENERAL C. T. SHIPLEY, C.B.

NOTTINGHAM
THOS. FORMAN & SONS
1920

_To_
_Our Fallen Comrades_

"_In truth they were young Gentlemen, Yeomen and Yeomen's Sons,
and Artificers of the most brave sort, such as went voluntarily
to serve of a gaiety and joyalty of mind: all which kind of
people are the Flower and Force of a Kingdom._"

Sir John Smyth To Lord Burleigh
On Our Men In Flanders IN 1589-90.

INTRODUCTION

It is not only a great honour to have been asked to write an
introduction to this book, but it is a real pleasure to me to be
linked in this manner to a Battalion with which I was so intimately
connected for nearly six years and in which I made so many friends, of
whom many, alas, have passed the "great divide."

The Battalion has been lucky in finding in Capt. Weetman an author
with such a ready and amusing pen, and one especially who was in a
position to see the workings of the Battalion in almost every phase of
its career and from every standpoint, first as a Company Officer, then
as Adjutant and finally from Brigade Headquarters.

To me, perhaps naturally, the most interesting part of the book is the
early chapters. From the time, in 1911, when I took over the command
of what, I was informed by a Staff Officer qualified to know, was the
best Territorial Brigade in the Kingdom, I was a firm believer in the
Territorial Force. But I hardly think that the most hardened optimist
would at that time have thought it possible for a Territorial Division
to mobilise and march complete with equipment and Transport to its
Mobilisation area on the sixth day after receiving the order
"Mobilise." The amount of work done by Battalions and Companies was
marvellous and only those who experienced it can have an idea of what
it meant.

As for the Training, I don't believe better work was ever done than
during those weeks at Harpenden. True we were lucky in the weather and
in the Training area, and the 8th Battalion were specially lucky in
their excellent staff of Sergeant-Instructors. All ranks put their
heart into the work. I remember particularly the excellent work done
by the large batch of recruits which joined the Battalion at that
time, including surely as good a lot of young Officers as ever joined
a regiment. The author has described fully the training carried out at
Harpenden and in Essex, and that the time and labour spent in it were
not wasted is proved by the manner in which all ranks so quickly took
on their responsibilities in the trenches, and with such success. That
the Territorial Force was in many ways neglected by the Higher
Authorities during those early days is well known, but that the Force
amply justified itself is proved by its actions and was fully
recognised by those General Officers under whose command it came. The
following extract from a speech made by Lieut-General Sir C.
Fergusson, Commanding II Corps, to the Brigade at Locre, when it left
his command, is worth recording to show the high opinion he held of
our work in front of Kemmel. "No Battalion," he said, "and no Brigade
could have held the lines better than you have done or have done
better work than you have done.... Your work during the last three
months is work of which any Brigade and any Battalion might be proud."
No higher praise could have been given to any troops by an officer of
such standing and repute.

I have written rather at length on this period for I consider the
metamorphosis of a Territorial Battalion into as fine a fighting
Battalion as ever took the field, is well worth the study of all those
who have joined since those days or will join in the future.

It is only fitting that some acknowledgment be made to the memory of
the man who did more than any other to make the North Midland Division
worthy to take its place in line with the Regular Army. I refer to the
late Major-General Hubert Hamilton, who commanded the Division from
1911 to June, 1914, and fell early in the war at Richebourg-St. Vaast.
He foresaw that war with Germany must come and worked with all his
power to make the Division efficient in every way--in Training as in
Organisation. And it was very largely due to his efforts that
Mobilisation was carried out so successfully.

One word more. I am fully convinced that if every Officer and man who
joined up in 1914 _after_ the outbreak of war, had joined the
Territorial Force and made himself efficient _before_ August, 1914,
there would have been no war. If Germany had known that England could
put 1,000,000 men into the field within a few weeks of the declaration
of war, instead of only 160,000, she would never have dared to embark
on her campaign of spoliation. The risk would have been too great.

If this story of the doings of a Territorial Battalion in the Great
War can do anything to bring that Battalion up to strength, to keep it
there, and to encourage all ranks to make themselves thoroughly
efficient, I am sure that the author will consider himself well repaid
for all the time and all the trouble he has spent on it.

C. T. SHIPLEY.
_12th September, 1920._

AUTHOR'S NOTE.

In compiling this history of the 1/8th Sherwood Foresters in the Great
War, I have relied for my main facts on the Official War Diary, but
from many other sources I have received much help. My thanks are due
especially to Lieut.-Col. H. Mellish, C.B., for advice on many general
points; to Lieut.-Col. A. Hacking, D.S.O., M.C., for much help with
"The Salient" and "Lens" chapters, and for kindly revising the whole
of the book; to Capt. A. L. Ashwell, D.S.O., for most of the
"Hohenzollern" chapter, and for much general assistance; to Capt. A.
Andrews, M.C., for much of the detail of the "Gorre and Essars"
chapter, and information on many other points, and to Capt. A. B.
Miners, M.C., for help with the account of the "Battle of Ramicourt"
and subsequent fighting.

I have also to thank Capt. C. Davenport for some details of Transport
work; Capt. R. H. Piggford for a few notes and the sketch dealing with
Mining operations; and Lieuts. C. H. S. Stephenson and E. W. Warner,
M.C., for some Signalling items, and the diagram of Signal
communications. I am also indebted to Capt. J. D. Hills, M.C., of the
5th Leicestershire Regiment, for many hints on the general arrangement
of the work, and to Pvte. A. Hunstone of the 6th Battalion for the
excellent plans. To many others who have supplied me with information
and helped me on various points, I offer my grateful thanks.

The book is not intended in any way to be a literary effort. All that
has been attempted has been a simple narrative of our doings for the
use primarily of persons connected with the Battalion. My main
endeavour throughout, has been to secure accuracy, but it will be
understood that in sifting the mass of material placed at my disposal,
errors may have crept in. I trust, however, that these are few.

W. C. C. WEETMAN.
_Hereford, October, 1920._

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER.
Summary of Events
1. England
2. France
3. The Salient
4. Hohenzollern
5. Richebourg--Marseilles--Candas
6. Vimy Ridge
7. The Battle of Gommecourt
8. Bellacourt
9. The Capture of Gommecourt
10. Lens
11. St. Elie and Hill 70
12. Spring, 1918
13. Gorre and Essars
14. Auchel to Pontruet
15. Bellenglise
16. Ramicourt and Montbrehain
17. The Last Fight
18. Home Again

Appendix.
1. Roll of Honour
2. Honours

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Lieut.-Colonel G. H. Fowler
Officers at Harpenden, Nov. 1914
The Avenue, Kemmel
Major J. P. Becher, D.S.O.
R.S.M. Westerman and N.C.O.'s of A Company
R.S.M. Mounteney and N.C.O.'s of C Company
Lieut.-Colonel B. W. Vann, V.C., M.C.
The Brasserie, Foncquevillers
Air Photograph of Lens and Loos Area
Air Photograph of Part of St. Elie Sector
The Beuvry--La Bassée Road
Gorre Brewery
The Clock Tower, Béthune
St. Quentin Canal, Bellenglise

MAPS AND PLANS.

Sketch of Mine Galleries
Kemmel Sector
Hooge and Sanctuary Wood
Hohenzollern Redoubt
Gommecourt
Lens District
Diagram of Signal Communications
Battle of Ramicourt
Battle of Regnicourt
Battle of Bellenglise
General Map of Western Front

SUMMARY OF EVENTS

1914.

Aug. 4th War declared. Mobilisation ordered.

" 7th Concentration at Newark.

" 10th--
11th Marched via Radcliffe-on-Trent to Derby.

" 15th Entrained at Derby for Luton.

" 21st Moved to Harpenden.
( Sept. 29th--Inspection
" 22nd-- | by Lord Kitchener
Nov. 15th Training in Harpenden | at Luton Hoo.
Area. <
| Oct. 6th--Inspection by
| Lord Roberts at
( Sandridge.

" 16th-18th Marched via Harlow and Dunmow to Bocking.

" 19th--
Dec. 27th Trench digging near Bocking.

" 28th-- By train to Luton for Musketry at Wardown
1915. and Galley Hill Ranges, and Field Firing at
Jan 5th Dunstable, returning to Bocking.

" 6th-- ( Feb. 19th--Inspection
Feb. 24th Training in Bocking Area. < by H.M. The King near
( Bishop's Stortford.

" 25th Entrained at Bocking for Southampton.

" 26th--
Mar. 3rd Crossed by detachments to Havre.

" 3rd--
" 4th By train to Cassel and marched to Oudezeele.

" 9th Marched to Merris.

" 10th Moved to Bac-St. Maur, for First Battle of Neuve
Chapelle. Temporarily attached to 2nd
Cavalry Division.

" 13th Marched to Neuf Berquin for training.

" 24th--
" 26th Moved via Vieux Berquin to Romarin.

" 27th--
" 30th Trench instruction at Ploegsteert and Messines.

" 31st Marched back to Vieux Berquin.

April 2nd Marched to Locre.

" 3rd Took over Kemmel sector.

" 20th Marched to huts near Vlamertinghe.

( In line at Hooge and )
| Sanctuary Wood, |
" 21st--< with intervals at rest > July 30th--First "liquid
Aug. 28th | in bivouacs near | fire" attack
( Poperinghe. )

Oct. 1st Marched from Ouderdom and entrained at Abeele
for Fouquereuil. Billeted in Béthune.

" 3rd Moved to Mont Bernenchon.

" 4th Marched back to Béthune, proceeded by 'bus to
Vermelles, and took over reserve trenches near
Lone Tree, North of Loos.

" 5th Moved back to Mazingarbe.

" 6th Marched to Fouquières.

" 13th--
" 14th Attack on Hohenzollern Redoubt.

" 16th Moved back to Vaudricourt.

" 19th Marched to Lapugnoy for training.

" 26th Marched to Béthune.

Oct. 28th Composite Company with other troops of XI Corps
inspected by H.M. The King at Hesdigneul.

Nov 4th--
" 5th Marched via Epinette to Vieille Chapelle.

Nov. 6th-- In line in Richebourg sector, with rest billets at
Dec. 2nd Vieille Chapelle and Lacouture.

" 3rd Marched from Vieille Chapelle to Haverskerque
for training.

" 19th-- Marched via Wittes to Molinghem and continued
" 26th training.

1916.

Jan. 7th--
" 9th Entrained at Berguette for Marseilles.

" 26th-- Returned by train to Pont Remy. Marched to
" 28th Ergnies for training.

Feb. 10th Marched to Ribeaucourt.

" 20th Moved by motor lorry to Candas.

" 21st-- Training and work for R.E.'s on new railway lines
March 5th in Candas area.

" 6th--
" 9th Marched via Iverny and Maizières to Acq.

" 10th-- In line in Vimy sector, with intervals at rest in
April 20th huts behind Mont St. Eloy. Mining activity.

" 21st By 'bus to billets at Tincques and Bethencourt for
training.

" 29th Moved to Averdoignt.

May 6th-- Marched via Rebreuviette and Gaudiempré to
" 10th Bienvillers.

" 11th--
June 4th In line in front of Foncquevillers.

" 5th Moved back to Humbercamp.

" 6th Marched by night to Le Souich.

" 8th--
" 14th Training in attack practice near Sus-St. Leger.

" 15th Marched to Humbercamp.

" 16th-- Working parties found for digging cable trenches
" 18th and screening approaches near Bienvillers.

" 19th--
" 27th In line in front of Foncquevillers.

" 28th
" 29th Rested at Pommier.

" 30th Moved at night to assembly positions in front of
Foncquevillers.

July 1st Battle of Gommecourt.

" 2nd Moved back to Gaudiempré.

" 3rd Marched to huts at Bavincourt.

" 4th Marched back to Pommier and Bienvillers.

July 10th Moved to Bellacourt.

( In line in front of Bretencourt, with periods
" 11th--< in Support at Bellacourt, and in Reserve at
Oct. 28th | Bailleulval. (Sept. 22nd, Raid by A Company
( near Blairville.)

" 29th-- Marched from Bailleulval via Warluzel, Le Souich
Nov. 3rd and Neuvillette to Maison Ponthieu, for training.

" 22nd-- Marched via Bealcourt and Neuvillette to
" 25th Humbercourt.

Dec. 6th Moved to Support billets at Foncquevillers and
Souastre.

( In line in front of Foncquevillers, with intervals
" 7th--| in Support in posts in and about Foncquevillers,
1917. < and in billets at Souastre. (Feb. 16th-17th,
Feb. 18th | heavy bombardment with gas shells and
( bombs.)

" 19th Moved back to St. Amand.

" 20th Marched to Iverny for training.

" 28th--
March 1st Returned via Grenas to St. Amand.

" 3rd Took over recently evacuated German trenches at
Gommecourt.

" 4th-- Followed up enemy to Pigeon Wood, Brayelle
" 13th Farm and Essarts. (March 4th, heavy counter-attack
against C Company.)

" 17th Moved back to Souastre.

" 20th-- Marched via Bayencourt, Courcelles-au-Bois and
" 24th Contay to Bertangles.

" 25th Moved by 'bus through Amiens to Revelles.

" 28th Entrained at Bacouel.

" 29th Detrained at Berguette and marched to Westrehem
for training.

April 13th--
" 14th Marched via Vendin-lez-Béthune to Houchin.

" 18th Moved up to Support billets in Liévin.

" 19th--
" 22nd Skirmishing in Cité de Riaumont.

" 23rd Attack on Hill 65 by C Company.

" 24th-- Held sectors in front of Liévin and Loos, with
June 30th intervals in Support in Liévin and in Reserve
at Marqueffles Farm and Noeux-les-Mines.

July 1st In Brigade Reserve for attack by 46th Division
West of Lens.

July 4th On relief by Canadians marched to Bully Grenay
and by 'bus to Chelers for training.

" 23rd Marched to Verquin.

" 24th-- In line in St. Elie sector and in Support at
Aug. 15th Philosophe.

" 16th--
" 25th Training in Verquin area.

" 26th-- In line in Cambrin sector and in Support at
Sept. 12th Annequin.

" 13th--
" 19th In Divisional Reserve at Fouquières.

" 20th Marched to Mazingarbe huts.

" 21st-- In line in Hill 70 sector, in Support in trenches
Nov. 14th North of Loos, and in Reserve at Mazingarbe.

" 15th-- In line in St. Elie sector, in Support at Philosophe,
1918. and in Reserve at Verquin. (Jan. 2nd, Raid
Jan. 20th on front held by D Company.)

" 21st Marched from Verquin to Burbure.

" 22nd-- Training at Burbure. Large detachment at Mazingarbe
Feb. 8th digging reserve trenches near Vermelles.

" 9th Marched from Burbure to Laires and Livossart.

" 13th Moved to Enquin-les-Mines for training.

March 5th--
" 6th Marched to Westrehem and by 'bus to Béthune.

" 14th-- Held Annequin Fosse "Locality," in view of
" 19th heavy attacks expected.

" 20th-- In line in Cambrin sector. (March 22nd, Heavy
" 23rd bombardment and raid on A Company.)

" 24th--
" 26th In Support at Beuvry.

" 27th-- In line in St. Emile sector, and in Support in
April 10th St. Pierre.

" 11th On relief by Canadians, moved back to Vaudricourt.

" 18th Moved to reserve trenches in front of Sailly-Labourse.
Unsuccessful attack by enemy near Givenchy.

" 20th Returned to Vaudricourt.

" 23rd Marched to Béthune.

" 24th-- In line in Gorre and Essars sectors, and in Reserve
Aug. 17th at Fouquières, Vaudricourt Park and Verquin.

" 18th Occupied Le Touret after driving out enemy
rear-guard.

" 19th-- In billets at Verquin, Vaudricourt Park,
" 31st Fouquières, Essars and Gorre.

Sept. 1st Took over front line near Richebourg St. Vaast.

" 2nd--
" 3rd Continued to drive back enemy rearguards.

" 4th Attacked and occupied old British Line in front
of Richebourg l'Avoué.

" 5th--
" 7th Moved back via Beuvry to Auchel for training.

" 11th-- By train from Calonne Ricouart via Amiens to
" 12th Corbie and marched to La Houssoye for training.

" 18th Marched to Bonnay and by 'bus to Poeuilly.

" 20th--
" 25th In line about Pontru and Pontruet.

" 26th Moved back to bivouacs near Vendelles.

" 29th Battle of Bellenglise.

" 30th--
Oct. 2nd In dug-outs near Lehaucourt and Magny-la-Fosse.

" 3rd Battle of Ramicourt.

" 5th--
" 7th In line at Sequehart.

" 8th Resting at Lehaucourt.

" 9th-- Moved via Levergies and Mericourt to Jonnecourt
" 12th Farm, near Bohain.

" 17th Battle of Regnicourt.--The Last Fight.

" 18th Moved back to Fresnoy-le-Grand for training.

" 30th Marched to Bohain.

Nov. 3rd--
" 4th Marched via Escaufort to Catillon.

" 5th Crossed Sambre-Oise Canal and advanced to
Mezières.

" 6th Occupied Prisches and Cartignies.

" 7th--
" 9th At Cartignies.

" 10th Marched from Cartignies to Boulogne-sur-Helpe.

" 11th Armistice.

" 14th Marched to Landrecies.

" 15th--
1919 Clearing battlefield in Landrecies area.
Jan 2nd Demobilisation begun.

" 3rd Marched from Landrecies to Prisches and continued
clearing battlefield.

Feb. 19th-- Marched via Bazuel to Bethencourt, near Candry,
" 20th for completion of Demobilisation.

June 23rd Return of Cadre and Colours to Headquarters at
Newark.

CHAPTER I

ENGLAND

_August 4th, 1914._ _February 25th, 1915._

When the 8th Sherwood Foresters concentrated at Hunmanby, at the end
of July, 1914, for their usual annual training, the International
horizon was clouded with the diplomatic conversations which had
followed the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand of Austria by
Servians at Sarajevo. Many hoped, no doubt, that the experience of the
Morocco incident of 1905 and the Agadir incident of 1911, would again
be repeated and that once more the clouds of a world war would be
dissipated, but when we reflect upon this period of the world's
history it is easy now to see that war with Germany, sooner or later,
was inevitable.

The atmosphere was so charged with electricity that it was impossible
to settle down to the normal routine of training, and there was little
surprise when on August 3rd, Bank Holiday, Germany declared war on
France, and when on the following day, August 4th, Great Britain
herself, following upon the violation of the neutrality of Belgium,
joined forces with Russia and France.

Territorial Camps were at once broken up and all ranks ordered home,
with instructions to hold themselves in readiness for any emergency.

The Royal Proclamation for the embodiment of the 8th Battalion
Sherwood Foresters (Notts. and Derby Regiment) was issued at 6.45 p.m.
on Tuesday, August 4th, and notified to all units in the briefest
possible telegram--"Mobilise." During Wednesday and Thursday, August
5th and 6th, all Companies were endeavouring to purchase locally and
issue to every man, underclothing and necessaries according to scale.
This was a big undertaking, as the scheme for earmarking such goods
in the case of embodiment had not been completed, and there was,
therefore, some delay in obtaining all requirements. The strength of
the Battalion on mobilisation was 29 officers and 852 other ranks.

On Friday, August 7th, the Battalion concentrated at Newark, under the
Command of Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson, T.D., with Major G. H. Fowler
second in Command, and Capt. E. N. T. Collin, Adjutant, Companies and
their Officers at this time being as follows:--

A Company--Retford.--Lieut. W. R. Smith, 2nd Lieuts.
L. Rose and E. C. A. James.

B " Newark.--Capt. L. C. B. Appleby, Lieuts.
C. Davenport and A. H. Quibell.

C " Sutton-in-Ashfield.--Lieut. M. C. Martyn,
2nd Lieuts. H. G. Wright and R. H. Piggford.

D " Mansfield.--Capt. A. C. Clarke, 2nd Lieut. J. W. Turner.

E " Carlton.--Lieut. F. G. Cursham, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.

F " Arnold.--2nd Lieuts. G. Clarke and A. F. O. Dobson.

G " Worksop.--Capt. E. W. E. Tylden-Wright, Lieut. W. H. Allen.

H " Southwell.--Capt. J. P. Becher, Lieut. J. K. Lane,
2nd Lieut. H. B. S. Handford.

Lieut. A. L. Ashwell was Machine-Gun Officer; Capt. F. W. Johnson, and
Surgeon-Capt. H. Stallard, Medical Officers, and Rev. J. P. Hales,
Chaplain; Major W. N. Sarll was Quarter-Master, but, being medically
unfit, at once handed over his duties to Capt. R. F. B. Hodgkinson,
who joined from the Territorial Force Reserve. Capt. R. J. Wordsworth
mobilised with Brigade Headquarters.

The Battalion was billeted for the most part in Schools: B Company
were detailed for various duties in the town, and H Company found
guards on bridges and other points on the Great Northern Railway, the
most important being the Tubular Bridge. Nothing of interest happened
except that a too keen sentry one night loosed off at some suspicious
looking persons, who turned out to be innocent platelayers returning
home from work. Fortunately there were no casualties.

On Monday, August 10th, at 9.30 a.m., we paraded in the Market Place
ready to begin our move to concentration areas. The Mayor (Mr. J. C.
Kew) and Corporation were present, accompanied by Canon Hindley, Vicar
of Newark, and other Clergy, and there was a dense crowd of onlookers.
After an address by the Mayor, who wished us God speed, and a short
service, we marched off via the Fosse Way to Radcliffe-on-Trent,
leaving behind H Company under Capt. Becher, to guard the railway.

For the first time in its history the Battalion had complete First
Line and Train Transport with it, this being under the command of
Lieut. Davenport, who had been appointed Transport Officer. The
vehicles were not exactly regulation pattern, but little fault could
be found with the horses, all of which had been purchased locally.
Floats from Warwick and Richardson's and Hole's formed the majority of
the Small Arm Ammunition and tool carts, whilst Dickens's Mineral
Water drays and Davy's Brewery drays made fairly good General Service
wagons, when fitted with light wooden sides. A furniture van full of
blankets, two Corporation water carts, and a bread cart with a large
red cross on each side, completed the collection. We feel sure that
few Regimental Transports can have looked more like a circus than did
ours as we left Newark.

The march of 14 miles to Radcliffe-on-Trent was completed about 4
p.m., and after a good night's rest we left early on August 11th, and
proceeding via Nottingham, arrived at Derby at 6.30 p.m., after a 23
mile march. This was a very severe test for all, as few were really
"hard" enough at that time for such a long trek. Route marches were
accordingly carried out, on each of the three extremely hot days spent
at Derby, as the main part of our programme.

Whilst at Derby the main subject of discussion was that of Imperial
Service for Territorial units. So far as we were concerned a
considerable number of officers and men had already volunteered. There
were many others who had not actually done so, but there was no doubt
as to what their answer would be. Of the remainder many were
practically disqualified from serving abroad by reason of age,
unfitness, family and business ties, and other reasons, and for them,
in the light of the little we knew then, the decision was most
difficult, and the need for it we hardly thought fair. The demand for
volunteers was in the first instance put rather baldly, with little
notice, and with apparently little realisation of the enormous
difficulties under which so many were labouring, and it was not
surprising that this appeal met with little response. A second earnest
appeal, reinforced by the feeling that the honour, even the existence
of the Battalion was in danger, resulted in over 800 volunteering,
which was eminently satisfactory, though it is impossible to avoid the
feeling that many who volunteered then did so against their better
judgment, and that the decision should have been made for them.

All the other units in the Division having more or less similarly
settled this vital question, training was started in earnest.

The first area allotted to the Division was Hertfordshire, and we
entrained on August 15th, for the first time, and by no means the
last. Hours went by after our scheduled time before there was any sign
of the train. In an adjoining field, however, the various Company
entertainers had full scope and played to large audiences. Eventually
we got off in two trains, and detraining at Leagrave marched the last
three miles to Luton, where we arrived in the early hours of August
16th. Here we stayed for six days and carried out a little training,
mostly at Luton Hoo and Markyate. We cannot say that we regarded this
as the most pleasant of our experiences, as our billets were not of
the best either for Officers, who were mostly crowded into a few
cottages, and took turns at bathing in small tin baths in the
sculleries, or men who were also crowded in somewhat unwholesome
schools, while our menu consisted monotonously of bully beef and
pickle, and army biscuit and cheese.

Better things fortunately were in store, for on August 21st, we moved
on a few miles to Harpenden, where we were destined to stay for three
months, and where we received on all sides the greatest possible
hospitality. We are sure that all who were billeted at Harpenden will
look back with the greatest pleasure to the time spent in that
delightful district. The men for the most part were billeted in small
houses, three or four together, and with the more than ample rations
and billeting allowances then in force, both men and billet owners
were exceedingly well off.

Here we had also the 5th, 6th and 7th Sherwood Foresters, which, with
ourselves, formed the Notts, and Derby Infantry Brigade, under the
Command of Brigadier-General C. T. Shipley, who had Major E. M. Morris
as Brigade Major, and Capt. R. J. Wordsworth as Staff Captain. The
Stafford and Lincoln and Leicester Infantry Brigades completed the
North Midland Division, which was commanded by Major-General The Hon.
E. J. Montagu Stuart-Wortley.

Fortunately the weather for some time was splendid, and the Battalion
soon began to shew the result of constant and regular drill, and the
turnout and smartness improved rapidly. Training comprised almost
every possible form that could be required to make both officers and
men efficient, and went so far as to include the detailing of
Sergt.-Instructor Mounteney to carry out the by no means easy task of
trying to turn Officers into swordsmen. It is no disparagement of his
efforts to congratulate ourselves that we never had to put our lessons
to the test of stern reality. "Infantry Training" and "Field Service
Regulations" were studied and more or less followed out in practice in
all we did. Most of our drill, musketry instruction, bayonet fighting,
physical exercises, and outpost drill were carried out on the splendid
Common at Harpenden, but our training area extended to most of the
surrounding parks and farms, where the bulk of our more advanced work
in attack practice and tactical exercises was carried out. Perhaps
some of the best remembered places are "High Firs," where we first
spent a night in bivouacs, Sandridge, where there was a small range,
Rothamstead Park, Redbourn, Ayre's End, Hammond's End Farm, Annable's
Farm, Mackery End, Thrale's End Farm, where barbed wire entanglements
were put up, the like of which we never saw in France or anywhere
else, and Cold Harbour. At Sundon, not far from Dunstable, we dug and
occupied our first real trench system, which after a preliminary
skirmish at night, when rockets were used to guide the attacking
troops, had to withstand a heavy dawn attack by the Lincoln and
Leicester Brigade.

Classification practices were fired at Wardown and Galley Hill ranges,
near Luton, on thoroughly wet and disagreeable days, with ammunition
not intended for the rifle we were using, and altogether under such
adverse conditions, that good scores were impossible.

In addition to Brigade and Divisional schemes in the neighbourhood of
Harpenden we had big shows on two days at Kinsworth, near Dunstable.
Of our indoor classes, probably the most entertaining were the French
lessons given after mess sometimes by a kind friend from the Y.M.C.A.;
he did his best, but we fear that it was not quite the right time of
day to find a class of Officers in a mood for imbibing instruction.

Meanwhile there were many changes in personnel: Lieut. James took over
A Company from Lieut. Smith, who was unfit; Capt. Appleby and Lieut.
Cursham proceeded to Dunstable to take charge of Home Service men;
Lieut. Quibell went to the Depôt at Newark; Capt. Tylden-Wright being
unfit, G Company was handed over to Capt. Allen; Lieut. Turner took
over the Machine-Gun Section on Lieut. Ashwell becoming Assistant
Adjutant; Lieut. G. Clarke was Musketry Officer; Lieut. H. B. S.
Handford, Signalling Officer; and Lieut. Piggford, Scout Officer.
Subalterns who joined during these early days included 2nd Lieuts. W.
H. Hollins, J. V. Edge, A. Hacking, E. M. Hacking, W. N. Wright, J. R.
Eddison, B. W. Vann, J. M. Gray. J. S. C. Oates, R. E. Hemingway, A.
P. F. Hamilton, and W. C. C. Weetman. Hamilton soon left us to join
the Divisional Cyclists and afterwards served with the Tank Corps,
winning the M.C. In other ranks there were also changes:
Sergt.-Instructors Hancock, Holmes and Walker went to other units, a
number of men went to Dunstable, and a good many were discharged
medically unfit, but our numbers were constantly being swelled by the
arrival of recruits who kept coming in batches at frequent intervals
from the Depôt, and made up our strength practically to establishment.

[Illustration: OFFICERS AT HARPENDEN; Nov., 1914.

_Back Row_: 2nd Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson, 2nd Lieut. J. S. C. Oates, 2nd
Lieut. E. M. Hacking. 2nd Lieut. A. Hacking, 2nd Lieut. W. C. C.
Weetman, Lieut. H. B. S. Handford, Capt. J. K. Lane, 2nd Lieut. J. R.
Eddison, 2nd Lieut. H. Kirby.

_Middle Row_: 2nd Lieut. J. M. Gray, 2nd Lieut. W. N. Wright, Lieut.
H. G. Wright, 2nd Lieut. B. W. Vann, 2nd Lieut. J. V. Edge, Lieut. G.
Clarke, 2nd Lieut. W. H. Hollins, 2nd Lieut. E. C. A. James, 2nd
Lieut. J. W. Turner, Lieut. C. Davenport.

_Front Row_: Capt. and Qtr.-Mtr. R. F. B. Hodgkinson, Capt. W. H.
Allen, Major A. C. Clarke, Rev. J. P. Hales, Capt. and Adjt. E. N. T.
Collin, Lieut.-Col. C. J. Huskinson, Major G. H. Fowler, Capt. J. P.
Becher, Capt. M. C. Martyn, Capt. A. L. Ashwell, Surgeon-Capt. H.
Stallard.

_On Ground_: 2nd Lieut. R. H. Piggford 2nd Lieut. A. P. F. Hamilton.

_Reproduced by permission of H. A. Valentine, Photographer,
Harpenden._]

Lieut.-Col. G. S. Foljambe, who had joined from the Territorial Force
Reserve, was in charge at the Depôt, and later commanded for some time
the 3rd Line, with the unenviable task of getting together and
training in an extraordinarily short space of time, personnel to
replenish the 1st and 2nd Lines. Many young Officers and others who
passed through his hands in those days look back with pleasure and
affection to the happy times spent under his kindly care at Newark and
Belton Park.

Recreations in these early days were run on the usual lines. Padre
Hales had a reading room and organised Battalion Concerts from time to
time, at which much local talent was displayed, but with everyone
living in houses organised entertainment was not so necessary as we
later found it to be in isolated camps, or at out-of-the-way villages
in France.

We were inspected three times during this period; once at Harpenden by
Lieut.-General Sir Ian Hamilton, commanding the Central Force, again
on September 29th, by Lord Kitchener in Luton Hoo Park, when we
thought we made a very creditable display, and lastly, on October 6th,
after we had carried out an attack scheme ending up on the Sandridge
Rifle Range, when the Battalion had the honour of marching past Lord
Roberts.

The air, of course, was full of rumours. As early as September 1st, we
were told that we should be off to France in a month: later the date
was fixed for October 30th, and then November 7th, Bordeaux being
mentioned as the elusive objective. On this last occasion it seemed so
certain that we were going that a farewell sermon was preached, which
turned out to be decidedly premature. We heard with every conceivable
detail the delicious stories of the thousands of Russians who kept
pouring through Nottingham, and like others we had the usual
excitements of spy scares, all of which were very entertaining, and
one at least highly dangerous, when one of our chases took some of us
over the railway embankment armed with loaded revolvers.

Whatever the possibilities of our going out early may have been, one
step was taken which could have had only that object in view, viz.
inoculation against typhoid. We can only hope that the Medical
Officers who operated on us got more fun out of the operation than we
did.

Marching orders came eventually, and as ever, when least expected.
Late on Sunday evening, November 15th, we were told to be ready to
move at an hour's notice. This was presumed to be due to a feared raid
and landing on the East Coast--at any rate one hopes there was some
equally good reason for it, for quite a number of Officers and men had
been allowed to go on week-end leave, and had to be recalled by
telegram, whilst the following day was to have been a holiday.

We shall not easily forget that night--the energy we expended in
packing valises, brows sweating, tempers bad, language beyond
description,--all trying the impossible feat of making the wonderful
collection of kit we had got together on the advice of one friend or
another keep within the allotted allowance of 35lbs.

Apart from our own individual troubles, we had the additional enormous
task set of issuing new equipment to everybody. The 1908 bandolier
pattern had been withdrawn, and new leather equipment (pattern 1914)
had arrived on the previous Friday and Saturday, and the
Quarter-Master's staff had been busy marking it and getting it ready
for issuing. This all had to be issued during the Sunday night, and
was carried round to billets in blankets. The language of something
like 900 men all trying to put together an entirely new set of
equipment, the like of which they had never seen, may well be
imagined. We were the first Battalion to be issued with this
equipment, which on the next day's march proved very unsatisfactory,
many buckles and straps pulling right out of the webbing of the packs
and haversacks. We were glad when a month later it was all withdrawn,
and we were issued with the much more popular and lasting web
equipment.

Eventually the Battalion paraded at 9 a.m. on November 16th, one hour
late, and in consequence instead of leading the Brigade we had to
march in rear. We got to Harlow, a distance of something like 26
miles, about 8 p.m. This was a very trying march, and as many men had
only been issued with new boots during the night, it was not
surprising that several fell out. On this march we first realised what
a difficult and technical job "supply" can be. The supply and baggage
wagons appear to have been hopelessly overloaded, and in consequence
both rations and blankets failed to reach us that night. It was
largely owing to the extreme kindness and hospitality of the
inhabitants of the delightful little village of Harlow, amongst whom
was the evergreen veteran Sir Evelyn Wood, V.C., that we were fed and
breakfasted and able to continue the march the following day, 14 miles
to Dunmow. This proved more trying than the previous day, and the
Medical Officer and stretcher-bearers had a busy time attending to
those who fell out.

On the 18th, we finished the journey by a nine mile march to Bocking,
and there settled down into billets for the rest of our time in
England. Though we were spoilt at Harpenden, we are sure that all
ranks have nothing but pleasant recollections of the time spent at
Braintree and Bocking, where one and all treated us with the greatest
kindness, and we hope were sorry to lose us. Where all were so kind it
is almost invidious to mention names, but one feels (though they
themselves would be the first to deny it) that a special debt of
gratitude is owed to the Nuns of the Convent at Booking, whose
kindness and care for those who were billeted at the Convent, and for
all with whom they came in contact, were beyond all praise.

In order to prepare for any possible German landing on the Essex coast
orders had been issued for a series of trenches to be dug to form
defensive lines for the protection of London, and we were at once set
on to this work, which was pushed on as rapidly as possible, systems
of trenches, redoubts, gun positions, and other defensive works being
put in hand. Our work was mainly at Panfield, Marks Farm and Black
Notley. It was not an ideal season for trench digging, especially in
the clay of Essex, which was the "genuine" article, and we were glad
when the bulk of it was finished by Christmas. This work was carried
out under Royal Engineers' supervision and was in some ways
instructive, although we thought that the principles we had been
taught in the Military Manuals were frequently violated by the siting
of trenches along the sides of prominent hedgerows. Nevertheless, what
we did was more after the nature of what we were to meet in France,
and therefore of considerable practical value. That our work was
satisfactory was testified to by the insertion in Central Force Orders
of January 23rd, 1915, of the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief's
keen appreciation of the soldierly spirit and enthusiasm shewn for the
work by all ranks. All the same, we have no regrets that it was never
necessary to occupy the trenches for actual warfare.

Owing to another scare Christmas leave was cancelled. Scarborough had
been bombarded on December 22nd, and there was apparently a bit of a
"breeze." According to one writer this was due to a little lack of
liaison between our Naval and Military authorities. The former had
apparently spread a rumour that an invasion of the German Coast was to
take place, and the enemy concentrated numbers of troops there in
case it happened. This concentration came to the knowledge of our
military spies, who, however were not told of the cause, and their
report appears to have caused our War Office to think that an invasion
of England was contemplated. We were not, however, by any means dull
at Christmas. On December 24th, we beat the 6th Battalion 2--1 in the
first round of the Divisional Football competition, Vann being
skipper, and in the evening the Warrant Officers and N.C.O.'s had a
dance at Braintree Corn Exchange. On Christmas Day there was Church
Parade at Braintree, when the Bishop of Derby preached. Later, dinners
were issued on a sumptuous scale, and in the evening the Officers were
entertained at the White Hart by the Colonel and Major Fowler.

In a later round of the Divisional Cup Competition, we beat the
Divisional Mechanical Transport Column 3--0, and got into the
semi-final, when, however, we were badly beaten by the 4th Leicesters
at Bishop's Stortford, by 3 goals to nil. In a Brigade paper chase
which was held on December 26th, Pvte. Allen of E Company came in
first.

On December 28th, we returned to Luton by train to carry out final
firing practices at the Wardown and Galley Hill Ranges, and field
firing practice at Dunstable in appalling weather, when frost, snow
and rain made accurate shooting perfectly impossible, and we were glad
indeed to get back to Bocking on January 6th, 1915.

The rest of our time was spent in final training, mainly carried out
at Gosfield Park and Abbot's Hall, and in preparations for going out,
in which the inspection and completion of equipment of all kinds
played a prominent part. This was not too easy a job for the young
Company or Section Commanders, as the men by this time were up to all
the "old soldier" tricks, and were very clever at making one article
appear almost simultaneously in half-a-dozen different kits. Drill
included a certain amount of new bayonet fighting and other exercises
under Major A. C. Clarke, who had attended a course at Chelsea. Mules
arrived in January and were objects of much interest; our
miscellaneous transport vehicles were discarded and replaced by new
ordnance pattern issues, to which were added two Lune Valley Cookers,
kindly presented by the ladies of Nottinghamshire. At the end of
January the Battalion had to be completely reorganised in order to
come into line with the regular Battalions: the old 8-Company system
was abolished, and the 1914 Double Company organisation introduced,
entailing an immense amount of work and keeping us busy right up to
the time of our departure. The situation was not helped by the absence
of Major Fowler with eight Subalterns and 407 recruits, who were away
carrying out musketry classification practices at Luton from February
3rd to 20th.

Our chief relaxation at Bocking in the early part of 1915 was night
searching for elusive spies, who were supposed to carry on lamp
signalling; more often than not when these were tracked down they
turned out to be innocent stable guards doing their nightly rounds. At
other times we picketed the roads to hold up motor cars which were
supposed to be acting as guides to Zeppelins, but it is doubtful
whether either of these occupations did a great deal towards bringing
about the more rapid conclusion of the war.

One also remembers the excitement caused by the first Boche aeroplane
dropping bombs within a mile of the village, which we, of course,
imagined had been dropped for our especial benefit. One of the Scouts
secured a "dud," which was the object of much interest to everyone,
up to the Divisional Commander.

It was about this time that the first distinguishing patches were
allotted to Battalions. Our first was a square green patch worn behind
the cap badge, undoubtedly very smart, and the envy of the other
Battalions in the Brigade. When we got to France the Officers of the
Battalion had to wear two short vertical green stripes at the top of
the back of the jacket, to enable them to be picked out from behind,
as all ranks were more or less similarly dressed and Officers' swords
were discarded. Later still these marks were worn by all ranks in the
Battalion, and the practice was continued up to the end of the war.

On February 15th, confidential orders were received that we were to
proceed abroad at a very early date. Final preparations were put in
hand, equipment, stores and clothing were issued to complete, and
everything was made ready for a move.

On February 16th, Col. Huskinson received notice of his appointment as
Commander of Base Details on Lines of Communication with Capt. G.
Clarke as his Adjutant. Col. Huskinson had been to a great extent
responsible for the recruiting of the Battalion to full strength
before the war, and his keenness and enthusiasm throughout the
difficult times of reorganisation and training during these first six
months of the war, contributed largely to the high standard of morale
and general efficiency reached in England. One and all were sorry to
lose him, but we were glad indeed to find that Major Fowler was to
succeed him in Command of the Battalion.

On February 19th, we had the honour of being inspected with the rest
of the Division by H.M. the King, at Hallingbury Place, near Bishop's
Stortford.

Into the last few days was crowded an immense amount of work, for the
final arrangements never seemed to finish, and changes took place
right up to the last. We were made up to establishment in Officers by
the arrival of Lieuts. G. S. Heathcote and F. B. Lawson, and 2nd
Lieuts. C. L. Hill and T. H. F. Adams, whilst large reinforcements
from the 2/8th Battalion on February 22nd, brought us up to full
strength, and when we left Bocking on February 25th, we were 31
Officers and 996 other ranks. Second Lieut. R. E. Hemingway was left
behind with 100 men as the First Reinforcement, and the Orderly Room
was handed over to the care of Col.-Sergt. Instructor F. Kieran. We
left by two trains at 7.50 and 9.15 a.m., and by 4.0 p.m. had all
detrained at Southampton Docks.

On the whole the Battalion was well equipped, and physically everyone
was fit. The chief drawback appeared to be that we had rather a large
percentage of young and inexperienced Officers and N.C.O.'s, but as
all had much to learn of the kind of warfare actually going on, this
was no great disadvantage. With so many late additions and the very
recent reorganisation, few Commanders had had the opportunity of
getting to know their men. So far as training was concerned we had
covered in a way the whole of what the books had to say, and were
fairly well acquainted with ordinary methods of fighting. There was a
tendency towards staleness at the moment, and it is doubtful whether
prolongation of our training in England would have been beneficial. We
felt somewhat ignorant of many practical points affecting trench
warfare, into which the fighting on most of the Western front had
degenerated, and though we had received useful hints from Major Hume,
who had been out, we yet had a great deal to learn; this we did in
France, in the hard school of bitter experience. Whatever our
shortcomings, we felt proud indeed to belong to the first complete
Territorial Division to embark for France.

At this time the personnel of Battalion and Company Headquarters were
as follows:--

Commanding Officer.--Lieut.-Colonel G. H. Fowler.
Second-in-Command.--Major A. C. Clarke.
Adjutant.--Capt. E. N. T. Collin.
Medical Officer.--Surg.-Captain H. Stallard.
Chaplain.--Rev. J. P. Hales.
Quarter-Master.--Capt. R. F. B. Hodgkinson.
Transport Officer.--Lieut. C. Davenport.
Machine-Gun Officer.--Lieut. A. F. O. Dobson.
A Company--(formerly E and F Companies).
Capt. A. L. Ashwell; Lieuts. G. S.
Heathcote, H. Kirby, and F. B. Lawson;
2nd Lieuts. J. V. Edge, and E. M. Hacking;
Comp. Sergt.-Major A. Mabbott; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. E. Haywood.
B " (formerly B and H Companies).
Capt. J. P. Becher; Capt. J. K. Lane;
Lieut. J. W. Turner; 2nd Lieuts. W. H.
Hollins, J. R. Eddison and B. W. Vann;
Comp. Sergt.-Major W. Mounteney; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. S. C. L. Shelton.
C " (formerly C and D Companies).
Capt. M. C. Martyn; Capt. H. G. Wright;
Lieuts. H. B. S. Handford and R. H.
Piggford; 2nd Lieuts. A. Hacking and
T. H. F. Adams; Comp. Sergt.-Major
E. Hopkinson; Comp. Quar.-Master Sergt.
J. R. Dench.
D " (formerly A and G Companies).
Capt. W. H. Allen; Lieuts. E. C. A. James
and W. C. C. Weetman; 2nd Lieuts.
J. M. Gray, C. L. Hill and J. S. C. Oates.
Comp. Sergt-.Major F. Spencer; Comp.
Quar.-Master Sergt. F. A. Pritchard.

Acting Regimental Sergt.-Major.--E. A. Westerman.
Regimental Quar.-Master Sergt.--D. Tomlin.
Armourer Quar.-Master Sergt.--R. A. G. Loughman.
Signalling Sergt.--W. Burton.
Machine-Gun Sergt.--F. Parker.
Transport Sergt.--C. Green.
Sergt. Drummer.--W. Clewes.
Provost Sergt.--G. Phillipson.
Sergt.-Cook.--S. Wiffen.
Pioneer Sergt.--J. Caddy.
Acting Sergt.-Tailor.--H. A. Huckerby.
Sergt.-Shoemaker.--G. H. Fletcher.
Orderly Room Sergt.--F. Torrance.
Orderly Room Sergt. (Base).--E. Kirkby.
Orderly Room Clerk.--Corpl. R. Harvey.
Non-Commissioned Officer i/c Stretcher Bearers.--Corpl. R. F. Bescoby.
Medical Orderly.--Corpl. B. Sissons.

CHAPTER II

FRANCE

_February 25th, 1915._ _June 20th, 1915._

As soon as the detrainment was completed, we proceeded on board the
"Mount Temple," with certain Royal Field Artillery Details, the ship
being under the command of Major Kent, R.F.A. At 6.30 p.m. we dropped
down to Netley, imagining we were off, instead of which we anchored
there for the night. The greater part of the next day, February 26th,
was spent on board in physical and other exercises and inspections.
Late in the afternoon, much to our surprise, orders were received that
21 Officers and 763 other ranks were to disembark, presumably because
it was not desirable for so many troops to cross on a slow going boat
like the "Mount Temple." Having left on board Major Clarke, Capt.
Ashwell, and Lieut. Heathcote with two-and-a-half platoons of A
Company, and Capts. Hodgkinson and Davenport with the Signal,
Transport and Machine-Gun Sections, the remainder of us disembarked
about 6.30 p.m., and proceeded to a Rest Camp about three miles
outside Southampton. It was very disappointing to be split up, but
there was nothing to be done but to make the best of it. We cannot say
that our two days' stay at the Rest Camp was exactly enjoyable, for
the camp was uncomfortable, and no passes were allowed to the town. We
therefore fully appreciated the kindness of the ladies of the St. John
Ambulance Association, who had huts near the camp, and gave us most
excellent meals.

On February 28th, a further contingent of 101 men under Captain Becher
embarked on the "Caledonian," and later in the day the rest of us went
on board a small Clyde pleasure steamer, the "King Edward," where we
were crowded beyond description. Neither party sailed, however, that
day, and we spent the night on board. The next day those on the "King
Edward" had to disembark once again! This took place early in the
morning, and after a little wandering we ultimately obtained billets
for the Officers at the Central Hotel, and for the men at the Watt
Memorial Hall.

In the end we embarked on the "King Edward" on the afternoon of March
2nd, and sailed the same night. There was so much to interest everyone
until we got out to sea that we had little time in which to indulge
sentimental feelings. That gliding down Southampton Water in silence
broken only by the throbbing of the engines, with lights out, sentries
posted, and in some cases Machine-Guns mounted, the sudden appearance
out of the darkness from somewhere off the Isle of Wight of a
destroyer to pilot us across the Channel, the challenge to the ship as
to who we were, and the order to "carry on," the numberless rays of
searchlights sweeping around on all sides--such was the start of our
great expedition, precisely the same, no doubt, as that of most other
troops who crossed during the war.

We had an excellent crossing and anchored off Havre early the
following morning, disembarking about 7.30 a.m. The morning was spent
amongst the hangars at the docks, drawing sheep-skin coats and other
equipment. Here we were met by Major Clarke who reported that Capt.
Ashwell with two platoons had already proceeded up country, and that
they had all had a very uncomfortable time at Havre, sleeping in
trucks or wherever they could. They had been joined by M. Lacolle, who
was to be attached to the Battalion as Interpreter. After dinner we
marched down to our entraining point, and were able to entrain more or
less at leisure during the afternoon--our first experience of a
French Troop train. Later on we got accustomed to their ideas, but
certainly for the men, and often for Officers too, the French way is
not quite in accordance with our own ideas, and we must confess it
went very much against the grain to have to crowd 36 to 40 men in
nothing more or less than a cattle truck. "Hommes 40: Chevaux 8," may
be all right for the "Chevaux," but for the "Hommes" we consider a
revised number is required.

During these first few hours spent at Havre we learnt to appreciate
the Y.M.C.A. huts, which supplied much excellent refreshment, and the
Officers will certainly not forget the delicious tea and cakes so
generously provided by Mrs. Pitt.

We left for the North at 5.15 p.m. At Rouen a halt was made for the
engine to take in water, and ourselves coffee and rum. The taste of
the latter was new to most of us, but we liked it well enough to hope
that we might make its acquaintance again. Early in the morning of
March 4th, we had a short "halte repas" at Abbeville for breakfast,
and continuing via Calais and St. Omer we eventually, about 1 p.m.,
after a 20 hours journey, detrained at Cassel, which if tradition does
not lie, was the happy hunting ground of the good old Duke of York,
who

"Had ten thousand men,
He marched 'em up to the top of the hill,
And he marched 'em down again."

If the English Tommy of those days was anything like the modern "Old
Bill" he probably had something pointed to say about the Hill of
Cassel, and was equally unappreciative of the magnificent view one got
from its summit!

Capt. Ashwell met us at the Station and acted as our guide to the
little village of Oudezeele, which we reached about 5 o'clock after a
trying seven miles' march. The men were tired after their long,
cramped journey; many wore new boots, whilst all were weighed down
with enormous packs, which had been added to by the newly drawn
sheep-skin coats. It was not surprising that under such conditions
many fell out, and that most of us were thoroughly weary by the time
we reached our destination. Ashwell and his party too, had not had a
pleasant time. Strangers in a strange land without Battalion, Brigade
or Divisional Headquarters--or any of the other luxuries which make
life worth living--they had found existence rather precarious. Ashwell
himself had walked 45 miles in three days in search of rations, so
that our arrival with the transport was more than welcome.

We found our billets rather strange after the houses and cottages to
which we had become accustomed in England, as they consisted mostly of
scattered farms, several platoons and sometimes a whole Company or
more being billeted at one farm, generally in barns.

Capt. Becher and his party arrived late the following day, having been
kept three days on the "Caledonian," and the Battalion was once more
complete. As the rest of the Brigade had crossed before us and had
already gone up for trench instruction, we were temporarily attached
to the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade.

We spent a few days training at Oudezeele, including one or two route
marches to get accustomed to the _pavé_ roads, and Edge, as newly
appointed Sniping Officer, gave a little special instruction in that
branch of warfare. We had a visit from Major-General Stuart-Wortley,
who discussed the training to be carried out, and our coming duties in
the trenches. The weather was very cold, and a good deal of work was
in the shape of lectures in billets, and the reading of various
routine and other orders issued to troops on arrival.

It was during one of our route marches in this district, which took us
through the little village of Wormhoudt, that we made our first
acquaintance with French troops. Many of them were back resting in
billets, and the warm welcome they gave us as we passed through the
narrow streets of the village crowded with French "poilus," the whole
Battalion whistling the "Marseillaise," was an experience which will
not be readily forgotten.

On March 9th, we marched with the Lincoln and Leicester Brigade via
Cassel, Caestre (where General Smith-Dorrien saw us march past), and
Strazeele to Merris, where we joined up with the rest of our Brigade,
back from their course of instruction in the trenches. Fortunately the
fur coats which had caused us so much trouble on the last march were
now carried for us by motor 'bus. At Merris we saw our first real
signs of fighting, both the Church and the Hospice having been hit
several times by shells, whilst there were isolated graves of both
French and English scattered about the surrounding country. Here too,
we saw our first "fighting" aeroplane (armed with one short French
Rifle), which had crashed just outside the village. It was also at
Merris that we had our first experience of paying a Company "in the
Field." Instructions on the subject had led us to believe that this
was a complicated performance, but in practice it turned out to be
quite easy. Company "Imprests" were at a later date done away with and
a Battalion Imprest instituted, which was much more convenient, as
also was the very handy "Officer's Advance Book," which was introduced
later. At first there seemed but little check on the money that was
drawn, and Field Cashiers appeared to issue money to all and sundry on
the flimsiest authority.

Preparations were being made about this time for a British offensive
at Neuve Chapelle, and our Brigade was attached temporarily to
General Gough's 2nd Cavalry Division, with the object, if the attack
succeeded, of breaking through in the region of the Bois du Biez. In
order to be nearer the scene of operations we were moved from Merris
at an hour's notice at noon on March 10th, and marched via Rouge Croix
to Bac-St. Maur. This was a memorable experience, but later on we
became accustomed to rapid movement, and the great concentration of
troops which was necessary when fighting was imminent. Transport
marched brigaded, and in passing through Sailly-sur-Lys in the
darkness seemed to be so mixed up in the seething mass of men that we
almost began to doubt if they would ever extricate themselves. Under
the guiding hand and voice of Capt. Davenport, however, our Transport
eventually got clear. During this operation "Davvy" evidently made a
great impression on one soldier (a Regular), by his forcible language,
as the latter was heard to remark "There's a bloke what knows 'is
job." Confusion was great in Bac-St. Maur too, for when we got there,
the billets which we had been allotted were still occupied by
Canadians. Eventually, we all got shelter of a kind, in probably the
dirtiest and poorest billets we ever had either in France or Belgium.
This was our first meeting with our Canadian friends, and we can
hardly say we were impressed, though we all knew well what they were
made of. We have specially vivid recollections of one Canadian sentry
on duty at night opposite D Company's billet, evidently "well away,"
loosing off his rifle at intervals, apparently to let us know that he
was "present and correct." One bullet was close enough to be
unpleasant, and fetched a lump off the tree just outside the window.
In this area we were nearer to the line than we had yet been, some of
our guns firing from quite close to the village, and we found it an
interesting experience to see for the first time an aeroplane being
shelled.

We stood by for two days, ready to move at a moment's notice, hearing
much of the noise of the battle. The attack, however, was not
successful and the Bois du Biez plan, therefore, fell through. On
March 13th, we got orders to move to fresh billets. We had to travel
light as we were still regarded as a "flying column." Much superfluous
kit was left behind, to be sent for later on, and the weird bundles
left at the Estaminet at Bac-St. Maur will not readily be forgotten.
We marched that afternoon _via_ Estaires to Neuf Berquin, where we had
again to be content with rather crowded, if somewhat more comfortable
billets than we had left.

One or two changes in personnel had already taken place. Capt.
Hodgkinson gave up the appointment of Quar.-Master owing to some
technicalities, and for the moment acted as Censor. In this capacity
he was obliged, to our great annoyance, to carry out the order to
relieve us of our cameras, which were sent home,--no doubt on the
whole a wise and necessary precaution. Capt. Hodgkinson was succeeded
as Quar.-Master by Lieut. Torrance, who was destined, with a short
break in 1918, to carry out the duties up to the end of the war. He
performed them with much success, and in a way that only Torrance
could. On his appointment as Quar. Master, the Orderly Room came under
the charge of Corpl. R. Harvey, who carried out his difficult task
with the utmost devotion, without a break until the last man of the
Battalion was demobilised. Second Lieut. G. W. Fosbery, who received
his Commission as we were about to cross to France, took over his
platoon from Handford, who as Signalling Officer had enough other work
to keep him busy.

We stayed at Neuf Berquin for ten days and did a considerable amount
of useful training, but unfortunately at this time many men were sick,
owing to the bad water, so that parades were somewhat small. In
addition to continued route marches to keep feet in condition we
practised formations for advancing through woods in the Bois d'Aval,
open warfare attack under the watchful eye of General Gough, and
several trench-to-trench attacks on the leap-frog principle, the first
line capturing and holding the front trench, and other lines passing
through them to attack the support trenches. We also began to practise
making and throwing the old "jam-tin bomb," the beginning of the
attack of "bomb fever," which unfortunately was to play such a
prominent part in the warfare of the next two or three years,
undoubtedly to the detriment of all sound training and tactics.

Arrangements had meanwhile been made for our initiation into the
mysteries of real trench warfare, and with that object in view we were
moved on March 24th, to Vieux Berquin, and on the 26th, across the
frontier to Romarin in Belgium, being once more attached to the
Lincoln and Leicester Brigade. Much to our regret the rum issue was
stopped the next day!

We were attached for instruction to the 10th Infantry Brigade, 4th
Division, and the programme arranged allowed each Company to spend two
nights in the trenches, with a break of 24 hours in billets. The
Battalions to which we were attached included the Royal Irish Rifles,
2nd Royal Dublin Fusiliers, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, 2nd
Seaforth Highlanders, and 2nd Royal Warwicks, who held the trenches
about Ploegsteert and opposite Messines.

The first night each Officer and man studied the work of his
counterpart in the Battalion to which he was attached, and the second
night platoons were allotted definite lengths of trench, for which
they were held responsible. This first experience was not exactly full
of incident, as on the whole we had a very quiet time, but for us, as
for all others on their first visit to the line, many little
incidents of everyday trench routine were novel and exciting.
Recollection lingers on the long, slow tramp to the trenches, along
corduroy tracks in thick darkness lighted up from time to time by Very
lights from our own trenches and by the infinitely superior ones from
the enemy (we recollect that some of us, faithful to our instructions,
but slightly misguided, began ducking quite five miles behind the line
when a flare went up), the constant order to keep closed up, the whizz
of bullets, at every one of which we ducked instantly, the cracking of
rifles, the 'dead cow' smell which afterwards became so painfully
familiar, the arrival at the trenches and the posting of sentries.
Later the cautious creeping over the parapet to look at the wire and
at dawn stand-to, followed by the frizzling of bacon and the brewing
of tea (in these days each side had a more or less respectable
breakfast, evidenced by the columns of smoke that went up from the
respective front line trenches directly after stand-down). Such
incidents we feel sure were sufficiently novel at the time to impress
themselves vividly on the memories of those whom a kindly fate has
preserved to read these recollections.

Probably the most uncanny feeling some of us had was, when on starting
from Battalion Headquarters for the trenches, we met a stretcher party
carrying out one of our own men, Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson, who had
been wounded by a sniper, and was our first casualty. It was an
experience that everyone had to go through, but it was not pleasant.
Hopkinson and two men of D Company wounded by shell fire were our only
casualties during our instructional tours. That we did not make a bad
impression is attested by a letter written from an Officer of the 2nd
Seaforths, who says:--"I thought your Officers and men most awfully
keen, and I was immensely struck by the way your men came into the
trench--no noise at all, and perfect discipline and quietness and
keenness. They were awfully willing to act up to any small suggestions
you made as to what they ought to do. They came in so much better than
Regulars, and I was genuinely filled with admiration for them. They
were a splendid body of men." It is, perhaps, needless to say that we
on our part much appreciated the great kindness shewn us by the units
to which we were attached. Those of us who happened to be in or near
Petit Douvre Farm during this attachment were much interested in
finding some of the early drawings of Bairnsfather, as done for the
"Bystander." The interior walls of the farm were covered with his
charcoal sketches, in some cases to the order of Commanding Officers
who were to follow! It was at the same farm that Pvte. Cottam, of D
Company, acted as head butcher in the slaughter of an abandoned pig,
causing a good deal of excitement before final despatch. Most of the
men brought away with them "souveneers" of this first visit, none more
unaccountable than the dud 77 mm. shell carried about in his pack for
several days, by a sturdy sanitary man of A Company--in fact, until
discovered by a rather alarmed Company Commander.

On March 31st, we left Romarin, and marched back to our old billets at
Vieux Berquin, being met at Doulieu and escorted from there by the 6th
Battalion band. Only one band had been allowed to come out with the
Brigade, and after some discussion that of the 6th Battalion was
selected, and carried on up to the end of the war, virtually as a
Brigade Band.

Orders were received on April 1st, for our Division to take over its
first portion of the British front in relief of the 28th Division, and
on April 2nd we marched with the rest of the Brigade via Bailleul to
Locre, in Belgium. As few, if any of us, had ever studied Flemish, the
language question in some of the villages of Flanders presented a
little difficulty, but with his guiding principle of "tout-de-suite,
and the touter the sweeter," the British Tommy never seemed to have
any trouble in getting what he wanted. We were disposed to think
sometimes that the Belgians did not look very kindly on us. Perhaps it
was because in our early days we were rather inclined to take too much
notice of the frequent reports we heard of supposed Belgian spies, and
of Belgians being in communication by various means with the Boche on
the other side of the lines. One well remembers the suggestion made
from time to time that signalling was carried on by means of the
windmill on Mont Rouge, or by the display of washing laid out to dry
on the ground by Belgian housewives. At any rate we did find a house
at Locre, where a number of pigeons were kept, a fact which aroused
the suspicions of some of the Officers of D Company, and in the same
house were discovered quantities of British stores of all kinds, which
must have been got from our troops in a not too straightforward
manner. Some of the inhabitants, too, treated us with scant courtesy.
It was here that the lady of the establishment removed the handle from
the pump where Sergt. Markham's platoon was billeted, and not content
with that went a step further, and for some reason best known to
herself, gave him a cold douche when asleep one night. Some of us, on
the other hand, were more fortunate in our billets, and all who went
to the Hospice can have nothing but the most pleasant recollections of
the great kindness of the Mother Superior and other ladies. Padre
Hales, who left us to be attached to Brigade Headquarters, when we
crossed to France, was billeted there with our Field Ambulance, and we
were allowed to go there for baths when out of the line, and always
received much kindness and hospitality. Unfortunately during the
German onslaught in 1918, this delightful place was completely
destroyed. The bathing arrangements in general at this time were
somewhat poor, the nearest military baths being at Bailleul, about
four miles away, so that we were very delighted at receiving during
our stay at Locre, from Miss Gilstrap, of Winthorpe, Newark, three
galvanised iron baths, with boiler complete. With these and other
local devices we were able to get the men bathed at their own billets,
which was a great boon. Another similar consignment from Mrs. John
Becher, unfortunately got lost in the post, but we trust was of
benefit to some other unit.

[Illustration: THE AVENUE, KEMMEL, 1915. _Reproduced by permission of
Lieut.-Col. C. W. Birkin, C.M.G., T.D._]

In the afternoon of Easter Eve, April 3rd, we attended a Church
Parade, taken by the Bishop of London, of which many of us have bitter
recollections, as owing to a mistake in Divisional Orders, we were
rigged out in full marching order. Further, as it was a damp and windy
day, few of us could hear a word of the address, and all wanted to get
as much sleep as possible in view of the great adventure before us.
The same night, which turned out to be miserably wet, we left Locre,
to take over the trench sector in front of Kemmel held by the 1st
Devons. Company Commanders had already been in the trenches for 24
hours to get the lie of the land, and they, together with the guides
of the Devons, met us at the appointed rendezvous, the celebrated band
stand at Kemmel. There were, of course, no lights; rations and trench
fuel, which had been taken up by the Transport, were issued in
sandbags, and water in petrol tins, and each platoon was then led off
by itself. When one looks back on trench reliefs, one is inclined to
wonder how on some occasions they were carried out at all, the
possibilities of going wrong seemed so great. In the present case,
however, nothing untoward happened, and we set off by our various
routes to the front line, passing such favourite spots as the "Sahara
Desert" (the final resting place of every bullet fired within a radius
of five miles, or so it seemed), the "Willows," "Irish Farm" or "The
Orchard," and into the G and H trenches. In our heavy greatcoats and
with full packs, which we continued religiously to carry for many
months for no apparent reason, the journey was not pleasant, and we
were not sorry to get into the trenches, where the relief was
completed about 11 p.m. C Company being mainly composed of miners and
under the command of a Mining Engineer, were put in the right sector
where was our only mine, much to the relief of, at least, one Company
Commander, who had mental visions of a mine as a large black cavern,
where hand-to-hand fighting went on incessantly! A Company had the
centre and D Company the left, B Company occupying the two supporting
points and billets in Kemmel Village. Battalion Headquarters were at
the Doctor's house in Kemmel, and the Transport and Quar.-Master's
Stores remained at Locre.

There was practically only one trench line at this time, and this,
like most of the trenches in Belgium and the low lying districts, was
a line of breastworks with very little wire in front, and only one or
two small supporting points. The opposing front lines varied from 25
to about 300 yards apart, being closest at "Peckham Corner," on the
right. Shelters were built mostly of timber and corrugated iron,
strengthened with sandbags, and were generally in the parados of the
trench.

Easter day--our first day holding a bit of line on our own--was fairly
quiet, except for a little shelling of D Company on the left during
the afternoon. On the right, some men of C Company sang hymns, and the
enemy made overtures for a truce by showing a white flag. About 40 of
them appeared on the parapet, and a brisk conversation ensued for
several minutes across "No Man's Land." A somewhat unflattering remark
from one of the enemy who had a wonderful knowledge of forcible
English, ended the armistice rather hurriedly.

On most nights during these early days of the war, each side had its
turn at five or ten rounds "rapid" to relieve the monotony of things.
In this we were on equal terms with the enemy, but during the day we
were hopelessly outclassed owing to the great shortage of periscopes,
and the lack of telescopic rifles and well constructed loophole
plates, of all of which the Hun seemed to have an abundant supply. It
was long before we got anything like adequate numbers of these very
necessary trench requisites. It was not surprising, therefore, that
for some time the Boche snipers had the upper hand and could do almost
what they liked. Their shooting was extremely accurate, and as the
trenches were enfiladed on all sides, and there was in many cases
little parados, we soon had casualties, most of which were sentries
shot through the head. Our first fatal casualty was Pvte. Hyde, of A
Company, shot in this way on April 6th. We were also short and
entirely inexperienced in the use of rifle grenades and trench
mortars, with which the enemy made very good practice. A large trench
mortar certainly did find its way up to the trenches by some means one
day, and provided considerable amusement to our men. It is reported to
have dropped its first bomb into the enemy trench, and its second into
our own--its erratic behaviour ultimately making it no doubt more
annoying to ourselves than to the enemy. Lieuts. A. Hacking and
Hollins were the pioneers in the use of rifle grenades, with which
they eventually did good work at "Peckham Corner."

After a tour of four days which were most uncomfortable owing to
constant rain, we returned to Locre. The system of four days in
trenches and four in billets, taking turns with the 6th Battalion,
continued for some time with little variation. When out of the line
we, of course, had to find those never-to-be-forgotten working
parties, which had become part of the normal trench warfare system.
Having had a hard four days in the trenches, it was never a pleasant
duty to have to march up three or four miles on one or perhaps two
nights out of our few days' rest, to do a job for the Royal Engineers
or some other specialists in the trenches. Otherwise, our stays at
Locre were fairly pleasant. There were no great attractions, but we
had enough to do as a rule in general training and cleaning, and the
country round about was extremely pleasant, either for walking or
riding. Perhaps the greatest excitement was to go down to Bailleul to
shop and call on "Tina." Such luxuries as Canteens for supplying the
wants of the inner man were quite unknown in these early days, when we
had to rely mainly on parcels from home or purchases in the local
towns.

Work in the trenches consisted mainly of strengthening or rebuilding
the parapet and parados, and in putting out barbed wire defences. As a
rule, we wanted far more sandbags than were ever forthcoming, but in
these days they were used indiscriminately, and in consequence many
very weak structures were built, which could not possibly stand
without support through a single wet season. The barbed wire defences
were very poor, and as soon as we got into the way of doing it much
time was spent in that not too pleasant work, for Boche snipers
did execution by night as well as by day, and made themselves
very objectionable. Our entanglements consisted mainly of
"knife-rests"--wooden frames strung with barbed wire. These were made
by the men in the Brigade workshop at Kemmel, run by Major Wordsworth,
the Staff Captain, to which each Battalion contributed a quota of
pioneers and trade specialists. One Officer learnt a very practical
lesson in their use from the enemy. He had some carefully placed in
position one night, where he thought his wire particularly weak, but
his spirits fell to zero the following morning, when on looking over
the top he saw his precious knife-rests in position guarding the Boche
trenches opposite! From that time onwards knife-rests were securely
fastened to each other and to the ground. Our Brigade (hereafter known
as the 139th Infantry Brigade) had a good reputation for trench work,
and the digging element was used to great advantage by the 6th
Battalion commencing what was one of the first long communication
trenches dug on the British front. It extended from the front line
nearly back to Kemmel and was for ever known as the "Via Gellia." In
its later stages it was worked on by ourselves. This trench was a
great convenience, as it enabled reliefs to be carried out much more
securely by avoiding going over the open, and permitted of visits of
inspection to be made by daylight, and the wounded to be carried back
to the dressing station at Kemmel. In the early days they remained in
the trenches until it was dark enough for the journey to be made over
the top.

On April 22nd, we experienced a little of the backwash of the first
Hun gas attack against the French and Canadians in the Ypres Salient a
few miles North of us. During most of the time we had been in this
area there had been considerable activity in that quarter, and the
shelling and burning of Ypres could be plainly seen from the Kemmel
trenches. This attack was the beginning of the second battle of Ypres.
The only effect on ourselves of the gas used on this occasion, was to
make our eyes smart and a few men sick. It did, however, cause a
commotion on all sides, and with unaccustomed speed, the first
consignment of respirators was sent out to us--pieces of gauze which
had to be filled with tea-leaves, damped, and fastened round the mouth
in the event of attack. These were improved from time to time, and a
little later we got a gas-proof smoke helmet--the earliest form known
as "P," and the later as "P.H." Vermorel sprayers were also provided
in due course, and some solution for spraying the trenches to clear
them of gas. Bells and gongs formed of shell cartridge cases or pieces
of iron were also hung in the trenches to be sounded by the sentry if
any sign of cloud gas was seen. There was perhaps a natural tendency
to imagine gas when there was none, and an official report of gas by C
Company on the night of May 8th, was found to be due to the proximity
of a dead cow.

April 24th witnessed our first serious bombardment. We had already had
several somewhat severe baptisms, but they were trifling in
comparison. About 6 p.m., after an exceptionally quiet day, and just
before we were to be relieved, the enemy began an organised trench
mortar bombardment of G1 and 2, occupied by platoons of C and D
Companies, and H 4 held by Lieut. Vann and his platoon of B Company.
It lasted for about an hour, and made large breaches in the parapet of
G1 and 2, and practically demolished the whole of H 4, a small
isolated trench on the extreme left, opposite Petit Bois. Both these
trenches were completely enfiladed by the Boche, so that their
shooting was extremely accurate. It was thought at one time that the
enemy might attempt a raid on G1 and 2, but this did not develop. A
Machine Gun team consisting of L.-Corpl. Sharrock and Pvtes. Hopewell
and Davis, which was posted in G1, behaved most coolly, and Sergt. A.
Phillipson, of D Company, did very gallant work in the same trench
under heavy fire with Pvtes. Coombes and Durand, all in a more or less
dazed condition, helping to dig out the wounded. On the left Vann and
his platoon had a very bad time. Whilst he was digging out wounded a
bomb fell close by, killing four and burying three others, and blowing
Vann himself several yards across the open at the back of the trench,
and practically wiping out the garrison. Major Becher brought up
reinforcements and helped Vann to get the position made good, and
great assistance was given by 2nd Lieut. Hollins and L.-Corpl.
Humberstone. Pvtes. F. Boothby and A. Gleaden of B Company also did
excellent work, helping to dig out and dress the wounded, most of the
time in full view of the enemy, not more than 70 yards away. The 2nd
Royal Scots on our immediate left, also gave us valuable assistance.
Our total casualties during the hour's bombardment were 14 men killed
and two Officers (Vann and Gray), and 14 men wounded. When we were
back at Locre after this tour, General Shipley spoke to the Battalion
on parade and thanked them for the good work done, especially
congratulating Vann, and on the following day the General Officer
Commanding our Division also congratulated the Battalion on its
behaviour under fire.

Several changes took place during April, owing to casualties. Capt.
Allen went down sick on April 6th, and Lieut. James took over the
command of D Company until the 14th, when Capt. Hodgkinson was
appointed. He, however, also had a short stay there, for on April
22nd, when in an excess of zeal to see what was going on opposite G1,
where some suspicious work was reported, he apparently thought he
could sufficiently camouflage himself behind a pair of field glasses
to gaze over the top of the parapet, the almost immediate result was a
bullet which just grazed his head, and he, too, had to leave us. D
Company then came under Capt. Lane. Second Lieut. Eddison, our first
fatal Officer casualty, was killed on April 21st, being hit by a
bullet whilst out wiring, and though help was instantly rendered by
Drummers Newton and Robb, who pulled him out of the shell-hole of
water, into which he had fallen, and carried him into the trench, he
died in a few minutes. Four Officers were down for a short time with
measles, including Capt. Martyn, who unfortunately was invalided
to England, and was succeeded in command of C Company, by Capt.
H. G. Wright. Martyn served later in Ireland and France, as
Second-in-Command of the 2/8th Battalion and in command of the 2/7th
Battalion, and won the D.S.O. and M.C. Lieut. Lawson got a shell wound
in the shoulder and had to leave, and 2nd Lieuts. Gray and Vann also
had to be in hospital for a short time from what was later known as
"shell-shock." A great loss, too, was Sergt. Wilmore, a very gallant
soldier, who was sniped one day when outside his trench.

May found us beginning to feel our feet. The Commanding Officer had
talks with Officers as to a more aggressive attitude being taken up;
we had a lecture from Major Howard, R.E., at Kemmel as to the
construction of an invisible loophole, low down in the parapet, and so
built as to afford a good field of fire and permit of our replying
better to the Hun snipers. Sergt.-Drummer Clewes also got into action
with his telescopic rifle from sniping posts cunningly placed behind
the front line, the only possible position from which really
successful sniping could be done, and was not long in getting quite a
good "bag." Shortly afterwards he was put in charge of the
newly-formed Brigade Sniping Section. A trench mortar was actually got
into use, and did a certain amount of damage to the Boche trenches,
but naturally produced considerable retaliation. Further efforts to
fire rifle grenades met with some success, whilst a "Gamage" catapult
introduced to throw bombs provided, at any rate, a little amusement.
In patrolling considerable progress was made. Second Lieut. A. Hacking
did some very daring work at "Peckham Corner," and near Petit Bois;
2nd Lieut. Hollins and L.-Corpls. Heath and G. Gadd of B Company made
splendid reconnaissances of the enemy's wire; and 2nd Lieut. Edge, who
was always to the fore in wiring, no matter how bright the night,
carried out a daring daylight reconnaissance, the first attempted in
the Battalion, getting nearly up to the German front line in company
with Pvte. C. E. Bryan, of A Company. Pvte. W. O'Brien, of the same
Company, was another who knew no danger; in fact, at night it was
difficult to keep these two men in the trench at all. Daring patrols
were also carried out by 2nd Lieut. Vann, Sergt. Pickering and
L.-Corpl. Humberstone. Perhaps the most successful was a fighting
patrol, which went out on the night of May 9-10th under 2nd Lieut.
Oates, with the object of rounding up a Hun patrol. Oates, who had a
party of six men with him, went forward with Pvte. Nicholson, leaving
the remainder behind, to within about 50 yards of the German wire. On
their way back they ran into a Boche patrol. Oates promptly shot one
man, Nicholson bayoneted another, whilst two others who were wounded
got away. Oates and his party got back safely.

On May 14th, we carried out one of those little manoeuvres which may
have been of immense importance, but appeared to us at the moment to
be so much waste of time, trouble and energy. Instead of proceeding to
the trenches that night according to programme, we got sudden orders
to "embus" for Hill 60, in the Ypres Salient, to dig there under Royal
Engineers' supervision for the 5th Division. The net result was that
of the 600 who went, 400 dug for one-and-a-half hours, and 200 for
three-quarters-of-an-hour, after which the party returned to Locre in
the 'buses. The idea, doubtless, was a good one, as it was necessary
to dig more trenches where part of our line had given way during the
recent fighting, but the organisation of the work seemed to leave a
good deal to be desired. It was the remnants of a Canadian Battalion
returning from this fighting in the Salient shortly after midnight on
one occasion, whilst we were back at Locre, which made us think we
must have had more than an ordinary nightmare, for we awoke with a
start to hear the strains of a brass band coming along the _pavé_,--at
1 a.m. such a proceeding seemed decidedly strange. It was not long,
however, before we found that all was well, and that it was our own
Brigade Band playing the Canadians through the village. This was
evidently appreciated by them, for one of their number in a letter to
the _Daily Telegraph_, after describing the magic effect of the music
on his men, concludes with the remark: "The Canadians will remember
how the band of the Sherwood Foresters played them through the
darkness at midnight out of 'Bloody Ypres.'"

About the middle of May we began reliefs with the 7th Battalion, and
our sector was extended slightly left to include some of the J
trenches opposite Petit Bois. An interesting entry in the War Diary is
that May 16th, the day following relief, was the first day absolutely
free from casualties since we took over our portion of the line. This,
however, must have been an exceptional day, for bad luck so far as
casualties went pursued us with great regularity. Capt. Lane was badly
wounded on May 26th, when out wiring, and the command of D Company
then passed to Lieut. James. Capt. H. G. Wright, to the great regret
of his friends in all ranks was killed on June 6th, being shot,
through the double loophole plate from which he was firing, and was
succeeded in command of C Company by Capt. G. S. Heathcote. Lieuts.
Kirby and Weetman and 2nd Lieut. Fosbery were wounded in May, and 2nd
Lieut. Oates early in June, and all had to leave the Battalion. Capt.
Ashwell and 2nd Lieut. Edge were also slightly wounded. Our only
reinforcement Officers were 2nd Lieuts. N. L. Hindley and G. G.
Elliott. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mabbott, of A Company, was invalided to
the Base, and was succeeded by Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. Haywood,
Sergt. G. W. Godfrey being promoted Comp. Quarter-Master Sergt. in
his place. Comp. Sergt.-Major Mounteney, B Company, was invalided to
England and Sergt. Chappell was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of that
Company. Sergt. J. A. Green was appointed Comp. Sergt.-Major of C
Company in place of Comp. Sergt.-Major Hopkinson wounded, and Sergt.
T. Powell became Comp. Sergt.-Major of D Company after Comp.
Sergt.-Major Spencer left, also wounded. The latter obtained a
Commission some time later, only to be killed in France when doing
excellent work in command of a Company of another Battalion of the
Regiment. A change had also taken place in the Brigade Staff, Major E.
M. Morris, the Brigade Major, who had worked so strenuously all
through our period of training in England, and done so much to help us
in learning our job in France, having left on June 1st, to take
command of the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles. He was succeeded by Major W. G.
Neilson, D.S.O., of the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders.

Early in June we moved still further left and took over more of the J
and K trenches, with the reserve company at Siege Farm, and Battalion
Headquarters at Rossignol Farm. Our numbers at this time were swelled
by the presence of a Company of the 8th King's Royal Rifle Corps who
were attached for instruction--the first of Kitchener's Army that we
had seen.

[Illustration: SKETCH SHEWING ARRANGEMENT OF MINE GALLERIES.]

Our severest handling in the Kemmel area occurred on the last day of
our last tour there, and was begun by the blowing of enemy mines, a
form of warfare which had already developed considerably at various
points along the battle front. Tunnelling Companies of the Royal
Engineers had been formed, but their numbers were not sufficient to
cope with all the work, and in order to help them Mining Sections were
formed in some of the Infantry Brigades as well. From the miners of
the 139th Brigade, it was not difficult to select suitable men for
this purpose, and towards the end of May, a small party was taken from
the Battalion to join the Brigade Mining Section, which was put under
the command of Capt. Piggford. Included in the party were Corpls. Boot
and Attenborough, both of whom later received decorations for
gallantry in underground work. These Brigade Sections were normally
used for defensive mining only--broadly to prevent the enemy blowing
up our trenches. The Royal Engineers' Tunnelling Companies on the
other hand, were employed for offensive work in blowing up the enemy.
Where mining was feared, sentries in the front line had to report at
once if any suspicious sounds were heard, which might indicate that
the enemy were mining in the neighbourhood, in order that protective
measures might be taken. The J trenches, which varied from 30 to 70
yards away from those of the Boche, were mostly built on water-logged
ground, where to sink shafts and drive galleries was not an easy task.
Nevertheless, for some time signs and sounds had been reported which
seemed to indicate that mining on the part of the enemy was going on
in this very region. Attempts had, therefore, been made by us to sink
shafts and take counter measures, but these had proved unavailing
owing to the bad nature of the ground. The enemy, however, succeeded
where we failed, and on June 15th, exploded three mines, one of which
blew up a portion of J 3 Right. This took place at 9.10 p.m., when the
7th Battalion were just beginning to arrive to relieve us. At the same
time a terrific fire was opened with artillery, trench mortars, rifle
grenades, Machine Guns and rifles, and for over an hour an incessant
cannonade was kept up on our front line, Support Company and Battalion
Dump. Telephone wires were broken--an occurrence looked on later with
less anxiety as it happened so often, and we had no S.O.S. signal;
pigeon service, which had been established in the trenches just before
this time, was, of course, of no avail for night work, and Battalion
Headquarters were out of communication with the trenches except by
runner. Our reply to the bombardment was almost negligible, and
whatever the politicians and their statistics may prove, we know that
our supply of gun ammunition at this time was totally inadequate. Some
of the enemy got into the mine crater, but were driven out by C
Company at the point of the bayonet. Pvte. J. Sharman, of B Company,
who was practically the only man left in the trench when the enemy
tried to occupy it, shot one and drove off another, both of them
having attacked him at the same time. He was hit on the leg by a dud
bomb, and got a bullet through his haversack. Excellent work was
also done by Corpl. Humberstone in reorganising the garrison, and by
L.-Corpl. Templeman and Pvte. Tongue in repairing telephone wires.
Eventually things quietened down, and when the relief was complete, we
returned to Locre for a few days' well-earned rest. Our casualties
were unfortunately heavy, and included two excellent Officers, Eric
Dobson and Humphrey Hollins, also Corpl. Wilcox and eight men killed,
and 29 wounded, whilst the 6th King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry,
some of whom were in the trenches with us for instruction, also lost
several men.

[Illustration: MAP SHEWING KEMMEL SECTOR SPRING. 1915.]

This was one of the earliest raids that ever took place, and was
planned doubtless to inflict casualties and secure prisoners, but not
to capture trenches. One man of D Company is reported to have blamed
this affair for the loss of a pair of boots, as he assured his Platoon
Commander at a kit inspection a little later "that they were lost when
that there mine at Kemmel went up!" As no man had more than one pair
at a time the Platoon Commander scratched his head.

Thus ended our stay in the Kemmel sector, which was taken over by the
50th (Northumbrian) Division. We were now beginning to feel quite "old
hands," but our experience had been dearly bought. We had lost heavily
and were sadly in need of a draft, for to balance our total casualties
in other ranks of 49 killed or died of wounds, and 120 wounded, we had
so far received only 20 reinforcements.

The Corps paid a tribute to the work performed by the Brigade during
our stay at Kemmel. Far more valuable, however, were our first
experiences of trench warfare. The meaning and importance of
responsibility and discipline were for the first time really impressed
upon the minds of Officers and men alike. Gradually, if imperceptibly,
they had learnt something of what would be required of them in the
times of fighting ahead.

Sometimes one is tempted to compare conditions at Kemmel with trench
routine three years later. In the Kemmel days the Platoon Commander
lived with his Platoon, and seldom even visited his Company
Headquarters and he undoubtedly acquired an intimate knowledge of
every man of his Platoon, which was never equalled in later days. This
further bred a sense of responsibility and initiative which was all to
the good at a time when comfort, safety and enterprise depended so
largely on individual initiative. At the same time it must not be
forgotten that in later days Officers and men alike were called upon
to undertake more patrols and raids, and had to suffer far heavier and
more incessant shelling and trench-mortaring than was our general
experience at Kemmel.

As a school of instruction our time at Kemmel undoubtedly provided a
very valuable lesson not only to Officers, N.C.O.'s and men of the
Battalion, but to Officers of the Brigade and Divisional Staffs, whose
experience of the new form of warfare could hardly have been learnt
under better conditions than those which obtained during our first two
months of trench routine.

CHAPTER III

THE SALIENT

_June 20th, 1915._ _October 1st, 1915._

The Canadian's description of it as "Bloody Ypres," referring
doubtless to the Salient in general, was very apt, and will be
endorsed by all who ever had the misfortune to sample it at any period
of the war. We have never met anyone who boasted of having found a
"cushy spot" in it, and so far as we ourselves were concerned, the
three months spent in the Salient were very nearly, if not quite, the
hardest months of the war.

Leaving Locre on the evening of June 20th, we marched with the rest of
the Brigade to the Ouderdom Huts on the Reninghelst--Vlamertinghe
Road. These were the first "huts" ever occupied by the Battalion; they
were absolutely exposed to view, the surroundings being open ploughed
fields, and when the Boche "Sausage" went up "Silent Percy," a German
long-range gun, warned anyone walking about that movement must cease.
There were, however, deep shelter trenches round the huts, which
afforded good protection, and we escaped without casualties, though
the Transport having had a few shells in the horse lines, deemed it
wise to move back a little. We left there on June 23rd, and marching
via Kruistraat and Zillebeke proceeded to "Sanctuary Wood," where we
relieved the 5th East Yorkshires in trenches 7 to 12. These trenches
were good, being both narrow and deep. There was a good deal of
liveliness on both sides, and things were anything but pleasant in the
region of a wood. whose title was something of a misnomer. The
Transport too, had many good runs for their money when bringing up
rations and stores. The congestion on the road each night was intense.
Only one bridge, "14," over the Ypres-Comines Canal was available for
the transport of all units occupying the centre of the Salient, and
the journey from the transport lines to the dump and back, took
something approaching seven hours. We were not particularly envious of
their job here on many occasions, though never once did they fail to
get supplies up to the dump. This was at the South-West corner of
"Sanctuary Wood," and a very unhealthy spot, where we were lucky
indeed in not getting very heavy casualties. There was hardly any
water fit for drinking in the front area, so that one of the water
carts had to be brought up full every night and left in the shelter of
the wood, and the empty one taken back.

Rain made the trenches very uncomfortable, and we had plenty to do in
keeping them in order, and in building shelters, of which we were very
short. These consisted for the most part of two or more waterproof
sheets laced together, and held in position across the trench, by
stones placed on the ends on the parapet and parados. Little was done
by us in the way of active operations during our first tour, except a
certain amount of patrolling, in which 2nd Lieut. Adams and Pvte.
Needham were the leading lights, and got some useful information. A
Company had rather a bad time, suffering over 20 casualties from
"Whizz-bangs" (77 mm. shells) and salvoes of 5.9's.

We were relieved on the night of June 29/30th, after a seven days'
tour, by the 5th Lincolns, and moved back to bivouacs at a charming
camp near Poperinghe, where we spent 12 of the most enjoyable days we
ever had in France. The weather was glorious, and we made the most of
it. We were spared strenuous work as far as possible on the very hot
days, but carried out much useful training of a general kind, and
reorganised and refitted all the units in the Battalion. Two new
Officers, 2nd Lieuts. R. E. Hemingway, and E. S. Strachan joined us,
the former eventually succeeding Lieut. A. Hacking, who had just been
appointed our first Battalion Grenade Officer. A draft of 69 men also
arrived, together with 11 rejoined men,--a most acceptable addition to
our numbers. Several quite interesting cricket matches were played,
the last of which, Officers v. N.C.O's., was won by the Officers. We
managed one concert, which was given entirely by our own artistes, and
went off very successfully. Poperinghe was quite close, and though
possessing no great attraction, yet it was a change to walk or if
possible get a horse for the afternoon and ride over there sometimes
to see what was going on, and call on our little friend "Ginger" at
the café, and do any shopping that was wanted. Here for the first time
we encountered a Divisional Troupe, and enjoyed many a pleasant
evening with the 6th Division "Fancies," with their Belgian artistes
"Vaseline" and "Glycerine." But perhaps the greatest source of
pleasure to all ranks now, was that great institution "Leave" which
had just been started. True it was but four days, and for an extremely
small number, but it was something after all, and encouraged those who
were not lucky enough to have it at the moment, that their turn would
eventually come to get out of the war for a brief space, and return to
their families at home. Capt. Ashwell left us whilst we were here to
take charge of reinforcements at St. Omer. During his absence of five
or six weeks A Company was commanded by Lieut. J. V. Edge.

We left camp with much regret on the afternoon of July 11th, and
proceeding via Kruistraat, where a halt was made for tea, at the
"White Château," we eventually took over trenches B 2, 3, 4, 7 and 8,
in the Hooge sector, from the North Staffords. The trenches here were
close together, at some points not more than 25 yards apart. This
nearness necessitated in some cases the erection of small-mesh wire
netting to prevent the enemy throwing hand-grenades into our trenches.
Mining was carried on unceasingly, and with both sides displaying
abnormal activity with every kind of war machine invented, life was
not at all pleasant. Possibly we had the greatest dislike for the
rifle grenades which the Hun was in the habit of showering over on
every possible occasion, but his shelling of the whole of our sector,
which he carried out with great regularity, was extremely
uncomfortable, and casualties mounted rapidly. To the more normal
means of trying to wear down the enemy, we were now able to add fixed
rifles and rifle batteries. These were laid on definite targets, and
fired according to a time table specially arranged, and we hope had
the effect desired. Sergt.-Drummer Clewes too, in charge of the
Brigade Sniping Section, was always worrying the Huns on every
possible occasion, and made some splendid "bags." Work in the trenches
was of a more or less normal kind, consisting chiefly of strengthening
fire and support trenches and putting out wire, not forgetting the
never-ending efforts to drain away the water. Good patrols were
carried out by Lieut. James and Corpl. Hotson.

After a heavy tour of 12 days we were relieved on July 23rd, by the
7th Battalion, and marched back to bivouacs near Ouderdom, a long
trek, the last Company not getting there until 7 a.m. the following
morning. We were shelled out of this camp almost immediately,
doubtless because a Staff Officer anxious for the comfort of the
Officers had had four beautiful white tents put up. Unfortunately they
had been pitched on the Eastern slope of the field in full view of the
"Sausage" already mentioned, and "Silent Percy" soon got busy! On
July 25th, we took over another field near Busseboom, where we were
left in peace, so far as the Hun was concerned, though as the field
had just previously been used by Gunners for horse lines we had in
other ways quite a lively time. Here we were joined by 2nd Lieut.
Everard Handford and an excellent draft from the 2/8th Battalion.

We had little time during this six days' rest to do more than the
usual refitting and cleaning, as large fatigue parties were required
on two days for Divisional work. Bathing was an easier matter, as we
were now able to use the new Divisional baths at "Pop." So far as the
washing of clothing was concerned, the men did their own, laundries
being very few and far between.

We had now in front of us what turned out to be the longest and most
trying of all the Battalion's experiences in the trenches, for after
relieving the 7th Battalion in trenches B 3, 4, 7, and 8 at "Sanctuary
Wood" on the night of July 29/30th, we did not get out for 19 days.

Col. Fowler at this time was on leave, whilst Major A. C. Clarke was
unfit, and a little later had to return to England. Major Becher, who
succeeded him as Second-in-Command was, therefore, in temporary
command of the Battalion. Much to our regret our old friend "Doc"
Stallard had also just left us for a tour of home duty. Well had he
stuck it all through, but he was beginning to feel the strain of his
strenuous duties, which were now taken over by Surgeon-Lieut. C. B.
Johnstone. The latter had a memorable journey to join the Battalion,
which was then in the line, riding up on the front of the horse
ambulance that used to go nightly to "Maple Copse" to evacuate the
previous twenty-four hours' wounded. The road was very rough and
mostly shell holes full of water, and he had a decidedly rough
passage. Other arrivals about this time included three new
subalterns, Lieut. C. M. Houfton, and 2nd Lieuts. R. V. Harvey and A.
H. Date, whose first experience of trench warfare was to be rather
more exciting than the average! Comp. Sergt.-Major J. A. Green was
temporarily acting as Regimental Sergt.-Major in place of Sergt.-Major
Westerman, who had just left for England.

The trench system taken over ran partly on the outskirts of "Sanctuary
Wood," and partly through the wood itself, which in those days was
most picturesque, with delightful wild flowers and thick undergrowth.
The right was held by B Company (Lieut. J. W. Turner) and C Company
(Capt. G. S. Heathcote) and the left by D Company (Lieut. E. C. A.
James), whilst A Company (Lieut. J. V. Edge) were in reserve. By a
very happy coincidence, we had with us A Company of the 10th Sherwood
Foresters, sent into the line for the first time for instruction.
Capt. G. P. Goodall, subsequently killed at St. Eloi, was in charge of
this Company, amongst whom our men found many friends.

We occupied the left of the 46th Divisional sector, with the 5th
Battalion on our right, the 7th Battalion in immediate support in
"Maple Copse," and the 6th Battalion in Brigade Reserve.

The 14th Division, which had only been in France a few weeks, and had
been with us for instruction at Kemmel, had recently taken over the
sector on our left, where there had been much fighting during the past
few weeks for the possession of Hooge, which centred about the stables
and wall running near the Château. It was there that in our last tour
we had seen a brilliant assault by the Gordons and Middlesex, after a
terrific mine explosion.

At 3.30 a.m. on July 30th, immediately after stand-down, and within a
few hours of our arrival in the trenches, on a perfect summer morning,
the whole of the wood was suddenly surrounded by a ring of fire,
while at the same time a heavy bombardment was opened, concentrating
apparently on the trenches around "Hooge Crater." Under cover of this
bombardment, and behind "flammenwerfer," the enemy attacked the point
of the salient held by C Company, at the same time throwing the
greater weight of his forces against the Hooge sector occupied by
units of the 14th Division. The latter, who like ourselves had only
come into the line the night before, were undoubtedly surprised by the
sudden attack, and by this first use of "flammenwerfer." Their men,
dead tired, had just got down to sleep, and the rapidity of the enemy
attack left little opportunity for organising successful defence.

The result was that the enemy succeeded at once in gaining the whole
of the front and support trenches on our left, pushing forward into
the North end of the wood, and threatening to cut off the whole of the
salient, and leaving the trenches held by D Company in imminent danger
of being turned from the rear.

The first attack on the point of the salient was driven off by rifle
and machine gun fire. Here Pvte. Grantham displayed conspicuous
gallantry in remaining at his post, in spite of being surrounded by
flames, and killing several of the enemy at close quarters. Very few
of the enemy succeeded in getting into our lines, though for a short
space of time there was a dangerous gap on the left of C Company,
which was filled up by the presence of mind of 2nd Lieut. Hindley and
Sergts. Sheppard and Smith, and a platoon of B Company, one of whom,
Pvte. Tyne, did particularly fine execution by throwing back
unexploded enemy bombs. This platoon lined the parapet, and by opening
rapid fire prevented the attack from developing. Unfortunately, an
enemy machine gun traversed the parapet, killing many of the men of
this gallant platoon, until a bomb thrown a prodigious distance by
Sergt. G. F. Foster appears to have fallen on the top of it, evidently
knocking it out, and by the volume of smoke produced wrecking a
"flammenwerfer." Several of the enemy were seen to be killed or
wounded by this lucky bomb.

Further attacks by the enemy on the point of the salient were made
during the day, and a more serious one early next morning, but they
were readily driven off with loss. We should like here to pay a
tribute to the magnificent courage and coolness of the men of the 10th
Battalion, which contributed very largely to the entire defeat of the
enemy's attack on this front.

Meanwhile the position on the left was uncertain and very alarming,
and Sergt. A. Phillipson in particular, in command of the left
platoon, No. 13, had a most anxious and trying time. Elements of the
14th Division straggled from the left with stories of the German
advance. These accounts might easily have demoralised our
Battalion but for the magnificent example of Lieut. James, his
Second-in-Command, 2nd Lieut. Vann and Sergt. A. Phillipson, and the
coolness and courage of every man of D Company. The situation on this
flank was serious indeed. All the trenches on the left had been
captured, and the enemy were reported as pushing into the wood in the
rear of our trenches. James acted promptly, and immediately pushed out
a left flank-guard. Major Becher at Headquarters sent forward
reinforcements from the Reserve Company, and eventually the 7th
Battalion from "Maple Copse" were despatched by Brigade and did
splendid work in spite of heavy shelling, in digging a switch line
connecting the trenches in the neighbourhood of "Zouave Wood" to our
left flank.

Early in the afternoon the Reserve Brigade of the 14th Division, who
had only reached bivouacs near Poperinghe at three in the morning,
returned and made a gallant but fruitless counter-attack to recover
the lost trenches. Could it have been expected that men, who had been
in the trenches for a week, marched back during the night no less than
12 miles, only to turn once more, march back those interminable 12
miles, part of the time under heavy shell fire, dog-tired, without
sleep or food, could without adequate artillery preparation perform a
feat which later required a Division of fresh troops, after one of the
most carefully planned and destructive bombardments at that time
known? The Brigade could but have failed, and to the onlooker it
seemed a tragic blunder, but to those who have read the pathetic story
of a tragic day, the title given by "The Student in Arms" of "The
Honour of the Brigade" alone provides the excuse for an operation
which from every other point of view, was one of the costly blunders
of the war.

On August 9th, the 6th Division attacked after a very heavy
bombardment and re-established the situation. No troops could have
done finer work. The enemy who had manned the redoubtable "Hooge
Crater" in great strength, suffered very heavily, but the total
prisoners captured in a hard fought attack amounted to five. The 2nd
Sherwood Foresters, under that magnificent Officer Col. Hobbs, who in
pre-war days had at one time been Adjutant of our Battalion,
eventually endeavoured to hold the crater on our left, but this was
soon found to be untenable, and remained in No Man's Land.

An incident which is not without its humour, while illustrating the
tiredness of our men, may be worth recalling. During the bombardment
preliminary to the counter-attack, when the noise of our own artillery
was deafening, and the proximity of the enemy shelling far from
assuring, a platoon commander discovered one of his men fast asleep on
the firestep. With some difficulty he was aroused and, rubbing his
eyes, he exclaimed, not without a certain degree of indignation that
his slumbers had been cut short--"What's oop?"

Our casualties during the activities of July 30th and 31st, amounted
to 21 killed and 40 wounded, and the 10th Battalion had ten casualties
in addition. This total was increased from day to day by incessant
shelling, trench mortars and rifle grenades, and by the unfortunate
inaccuracy of one of our 6-inch naval guns, which persisted in firing
into our trenches until its identity was eventually discovered. During
the first fortnight in the line here, our casualties were no fewer
than four Officers wounded (Vann, E. M. Hacking, Hindley and G. G.
Elliott); 36 other ranks killed, or died of wounds, and 90 wounded.
Included amongst the killed were Sergt. A. Phillipson, who throughout
had shewn the utmost coolness and gallantry, and Sergt. E. Layhe, who
had done very good work as Scout Sergeant. "Jimmy" James, who had
struggled on manfully in spite of being very unfit, eventually had to
give up and go to hospital, D Company being taken over by Vann.

During these days there was much active patrolling in order to make
certain of the dispositions of the enemy, and much daring work was
carried out by Lieuts. Vann, Turner, and H. B. S. Handford, 2nd
Lieuts. A. & E. M. Hacking, Corpl. Gadd, L.-Corpl. Wilson, and Pvtes.
Nicholson and Thompson. Vann in particular was much in the good books
of General Allenby, the Corps Commander, for his splendid work, though
he was once the cause of his very nearly spoiling an immaculate pair
of breeches when showing him with much glee a particularly
un-get-at-able loophole plate in a very muddy trench. We are led to
believe, however, that this crime was forgiven, as Vann was later
honoured by the General with an invitation to dinner.

[Illustration: MAP TO ILLUSTRATE FIGHTING AT SANCTUARY WOOD.
JULY-AUGUST. 1915.]

Apart from shelling, which continued intermittently, the rest of our
stay in the line was uneventful. It was not, however, until August
17th, that the Battalion, reduced in numbers but tried at last in real
fighting, were relieved by the 7th Battalion, and marched back to
bivouacs near Ouderdom, dead tired but happy in the thought that they
could hand over intact the trenches which they had taken over three
weeks before.

The attack had evidently not been an attempt to break through. The
enemy no doubt had hoped to seize our front line system from the right
of B 4 trench northwards. There can be no doubt that had this
succeeded the difficulty of the counter-attack would have been largely
increased. Indeed, at a time when troops could ill have been spared,
it is probable that the Ypres Salient would have been considerably
reduced, and the morale of the enemy proportionately increased. This
was pointed out by General Allenby, who, addressing the Battalion on
parade on August 25th, said: "I have read with great pleasure and
pride the report of the General commanding your Division, telling of
the arduous work which you recently did in the neighbourhood of Hooge.
By your boldness, tenacity, and gallantry, you did work of very great
importance. Perhaps you do not know that not only did your action have
an important bearing on that particular bit of line, but on the whole
campaign, because of the political reason for holding the Salient. The
town of Ypres is nothing to us, but if the Boche took it they would
publish it to the world that they had captured the fortress of Ypres,
which we have held since November, 1914."

The Battalion also received the special thanks of the Field Marshal
Commanding-in-Chief on their efforts during the tour. To the delight
of everyone, especially all ranks of B Company, John Becher was
awarded the D.S.O., a very well-deserved honour for most splendid
work whilst in command of the Battalion, during one of the most
anxious periods in its history; Vann for his gallantry here and
previously at Kemmel got the M.C. Mention must also be made of the
splendid work of our new Medical Officer (Johnstone), his assistants
Corpls. Sissons, Martin, and Bescoby, and all the stretcher-bearers,
who worked indefatigably day and night, often in circumstances of
great personal risk in dressing and evacuating the wounded, not only
of our own Battalion, but of the King's Royal Rifle Corps, the Rifle
Brigade, and the 2nd Sherwood Foresters. In these operations they
established a reputation for gallantry and devotion to duty which in
the whole Brigade was conspicuous throughout the war.

Our bivouacs were in a nice spot sheltered from view by a small wood.
Our rest was not a long one, and was much of the usual type, but had
an additional interest in that we were fortunate in getting two very
good entertainments from the 46th Divisional Concert Party, the
"Whizzbangs," which had lately been formed, and was to be a source of
much pleasure from now on to the end of the war. Whilst there we were
joined by two new Officers, 2nd Lieuts. A. H. G. C. Moore and P. C.
Hemingway, and 107 other ranks, but we wanted men badly now, as in
addition to our heavy casualties in the line, we lost during the month
of August 41 N.C.O's. and men, whose term of enlistment expired on the
completion of one year's war service. These included many old hands
who were difficult to replace.

On August 29th, we took over trenches at "Middlesex Wood," where the
Brigade were holding the line astride the Ypres-Comines Canal, near
St. Eloi, and there we stayed, with one short rest in bivouacs, for a
month of more or less normal trench warfare. Perhaps the main points
of interest were that we were covered by Belgian gunners, who were
not too particular where or when they fired, that we were now getting
a supply of sniperscopes (specially constructed rifles, fitted with
periscopes, for firing from a trench without looking directly over the
parapet), which formed most useful additions to our trench stores, and
seemed to cause the enemy considerable annoyance, and that we were
able on one or two occasions to make good practice with Col. Fowler's
Elephant Gun against some of the enemy's loophole plates. On September
25th, in conjunction with attacks by the French and British, on
various other parts of the Western front, we had to "demonstrate" by
means of artillery, machine gun and rifle fire, and a dummy gas and
smoke attack, which was to be provided by burning on the parapet of
the front line trenches large quantities of damp straw, which had been
carried up with much labour, and a good deal of very frank comment.
Much to the relief of those intimately concerned with this bonfire,
the wind on the day of the attack was unfavourable, and the straw at
least did not end in smoke. The demonstration provided some amusement
to our Grenadiers, who, with the assistance of a "Gamage" catapult,
and two West Spring Throwers succeeded, to their immense delight in
bursting the old Béthune bomb as shrapnel over the German trenches. It
was only when the last bomb was thrown that Sergt. G. F. Foster, the
stoutest Bomber that ever lived and fell, ended a demonstration which
can hardly have caused a flutter in the dove-cotes of the German
Higher Command.

Here, as on many other occasions, all ranks would have worked more
intelligently, and with greater personal satisfaction, if they had
known something of the general plan, and the part they were being
asked to play. This plan really must have been a big thing, for some
one was kind enough to send us a lot of literature on such subjects
as "How to guard against spies in newly captured territory," and
generally how to behave there; whilst maps and other documents gave us
the most intricate detail of every well, and other supply of water for
at least 20 miles East of where we were. Evidently the sender was an
optimist!

On the 30th September, the 8th Lincolns took over from us in support
in the Canal dug-outs. The enemy having already given us an extremely
unpleasant afternoon chose this very inconvenient occasion for
"putting up" a mine under the trenches held by the 6th Battalion, on
the South side of the Canal. This operation and the accompanying
bombardment involved a stand-to, and caused a certain number of
casualties both in the trenches and among the troops in the support
dug-outs. The relief was, however, duly carried out, and the Battalion
marched back to tents near Ouderdom in the early hours of October 1st,
where a little later in the day General Allenby came to say goodbye
and wish us luck in our new sphere of action.

We had previously, on September 21st, had the honour of being
inspected by General Plumer, commanding the Second Army, who expressed
himself as very satisfied with the smart turnout of the Battalion. We
were still very weak, though we had continued to receive small drafts
of reinforcements, and had been joined by five new Officers, 2nd
Lieuts. G. H. F. Payling, R. T. Skinner, R. A. Abrams, G. H. Fisher,
and C. Pickerell; "Dolly" Gray also came out again and rejoined. We
had, however, lost Capt. Collin, the Adjutant, who had just left to
take up a Staff Captaincy, and his place after being held for a few
days by Lieut. A. Hacking, was now taken by Lieut. Weetman, who had
just rejoined. Capt. Piggford had gone home sick, and 2nd Lieut. P. C.
Hemingway wounded; and we had also recently lost M. Lacolle, our one
and only Battalion Interpreter. Henceforth we were not to be allowed
this luxury.

It is, perhaps, not out of place to mention here an interesting little
episode which had taken place at home, namely the depositing of the
Colours in Newark Parish Church. This ceremony was carried out on July
24th, and was attended by the Mayor and Corporation of Newark.
Lieut.-Col. G. S. Foljambe was in charge of the parade, and Capt. R.
F. B. Hodgkinson commanded the escort to the Colours, which were
carried by 2nd Lieuts. R. J. Shipley and C. Pickerell.

CHAPTER IV

HOHENZOLLERN REDOUBT

_October 1st, 1915._ _October 17th, 1915._

We packed up during the afternoon of October 1st, and in the evening
marched to Abeele, where we entrained for a destination unknown to
most of us, but presumed to be somewhere in the far South. We made
ourselves as comfortable as we could for the expected long journey,
only to be rudely awakened after what seemed to be a five minutes'
sleep, and turned out into the cold dark night at Fouquereuil, a
suburb of Béthune. The remainder of the night was spent at a somewhat
elusive Orphanage in the town itself. On the following day we moved
into billets at the Northern end of the town on the banks of the La
Bassée Canal, where we were joined by the Transport which had come
from Ouderdom by road. October 3rd saw us once more on the move to
Mont Bernenchon, a clean, attractive little village, a few miles N.W.
of Béthune. Our hopes of spending a day or two in peace were soon
shattered, for on the following day we made what seemed to be another
emergency move to Béthune, where we embussed for regions unknown.
Shortly after dark we arrived at Vermelles, and picked up guides, who
led us as only guides can, to what proved to be a portion of the
German front line system captured in the fighting a few days before.
The trenches, which were near the "Lone Tree," and within sight of the
famous "Tower Bridge" at Loos, were little damaged, and seemed to have
been captured without a great deal of fighting, but the incessant rain
and scarcity of habitable dug-outs made our stay as uncomfortable as
the most hardened stoic could have desired. Our work consisted of
reversing portions of the original German support trench to form a
fire trench facing the other way. Owing to the distance to the then
German line (1,000 to 1,500 yards) and the low visibility, we were
able to work openly and practically unmolested. Our only casualties
were the result of an unlucky shell which fell on the morning of
October 5th, amongst a party of Signallers, killing L.-Sergt. C. E.
Harrison, Signalling Sergeant, and three men, whilst another man died
of wounds a few days later.

The same evening we got orders to leave the trenches, and after a
thoroughly unpleasant tramp, in heavy rain and thick darkness over the
slippery chalk tracks, which were guess-work to most of us, we arrived
soon after midnight at Mazingarbe, which for dirt, damp, and general
cheerlessness, almost rivalled our never-to-be-forgotten billets at
Bac-St. Maur. So ended a beastly, tiring, and, for all we ever
learned, quite purposeless expedition.

After a short meal and much needed rest we felt fit for anything, and
made light of the trek on the early morning of October 6th, to our
rest billets, which we found at Fouquières, a nice clean little
village about a mile west of Béthune. Here we found ourselves, for a
short time, in peace and something approaching luxury.

Our move South had brought us into the First Army (General Haig) and
XI Corps. (Lt.-General Haking), which had been busy in the recent
fighting, and we now learned definitely for the first time that in the
further fighting that was shortly to take place we were to play a
prominent part. On Saturday, October 9th, preliminary orders and plans
were issued, and we learned that our task was to be the capture of the
"Hohenzollern Redoubt" and "Fosse 8," an admirably constructed scale
model of which had been made on the ground outside Divisional
Headquarters at Gosnay, where Officers and N.C.O.'s (and stray
inhabitants) spent some time in a careful and interested examination
of it.

In addition, a somewhat hurried reconnaissance of the position itself
was made by Col. Fowler and the Company Commanders from our trenches
in front of Vermelles, from which the attack was to be made. In the
short space of a couple of hours they endeavoured to get a working
knowledge of the maze of communication trenches, and the hostile
ground over which, if all went well, we should have to advance. Sunday
was spent in Church Parade, and in going again through the preliminary
orders and plans, and in the afternoon the Corps Commander interviewed
the Officers of the Division at Divisional Headquarters. We were then
told something more as to the reason and general plan of the attack,
and were informed that we should be supported by the heaviest
concentration of artillery yet known in the war--400 guns of all
calibres,--that all contingencies had been provided for, and that in
spite of the strength of the position, we should probably encounter
very little opposition before reaching our objective.

The object of the attack, which was to be undertaken by the XI Corps,
was to establish the left flank of the First Army, and to render
possible a further advance in conjunction with the French on the
South. The objective included the "Quarries" and Fosse 8, the 46th
Division being allotted the task of capturing the Hohenzollern Redoubt
and Fosse 8, whilst the 12th Division was to attack on our right, and
be responsible for the Quarries. The Fosse and surroundings had
already been in our hands once, having been attacked and captured
during the last week in September by the 9th Division, who
unfortunately, however, had been compelled to withdraw, and a
subsequent attempt by the 28th Division to recapture it had also
proved a dismal failure. What, we wondered, was in store for the 46th
Division?

Fosse 8 is, or rather was, a typical colliery pit, with the usual
winding and head gear and other plant, and pit-head pile of slag
(called in this case "The Dump"), which like its neighbour, the famous
Tower of Wingles, overlooked the whole position, whilst in rear there
were the usual rows of miners' cottages. These cottages (called
"Corons") had cellars, and were thus very easy to defend with machine
guns, which could fire with great effect, and comparative safety, from
ground level. In front of the Fosse and protecting it lay the
Hohenzollern Redoubt, consisting of a salient trench system shaped
rather like a big bean, and projecting well in front of the German
main system, to which it was connected by communication trenches, and
by two flank trenches known as "Big Willie" and "Little Willie." The
importance of the position lay in the fact that it was on the top of a
gentle rise, giving command and good observation of our position on
either side. Its capture was rendered difficult by the fact that the
ground in front of it was level, and almost devoid of cover, affording
a very fine field of fire, which could be swept from practically every
direction. From our trenches very little could be seen except the
Dump, and the roof of the manager's house.

The attack was to be carried out by the 137th Brigade on the right
under Brigadier-General E. Feetham, C.B., and the 138th Brigade on the
left under Brigadier-General G. C. Kemp, whilst the 139th Brigade were
to be in Divisional Reserve under Brigadier-General C. T. Shipley. To
the 137th Brigade were attached 100 Grenadiers from the 139th Brigade,
two sections Divisional Cyclist Company, and the 1/2nd Field Company,
Royal Engineers (less one section), and to the 138th Brigade, the 1st
Monmouthshire Regiment (Divisional Pioneer Battalion), 125 Grenadiers
from the 139th Brigade, two sections Divisional Cyclist Company, and
the 1/1st Field Company, Royal Engineers (less one section), whilst
General Shipley's Divisional Reserve consisted of the 139th Brigade
(less 225 Grenadiers), one Platoon Divisional Cyclist Company, and two
Troops Yorkshire Hussars. The covering Artillery consisted of three
groups of heavy Artillery under the Corps Commander, and one group of
Divisional Artillery (six Brigades of 18-pounders, and one Brigade of
4.5 Howitzers).

To his immense pleasure, 2nd Lieut. R. E. Hemingway, our Battalion
Grenade Officer, was put in charge of the Grenadiers attached to the
138th Brigade, the party also including the Battalion Grenadier
Sergeant, G. F. Foster. Bombing was now entering on the period of its
greatest importance--always in our humble opinion greatly exaggerated.
The Mills bomb was rapidly ousting all other kinds, and shortly became
almost the only one in normal use. Much time was put in at throwing
practice, and every kind of artifice was adopted by instructors to
make it interesting, and at the same time improve the aim and distance
thrown. A "platoon" of "grenadiers," as they were at first called, was
formed in each Battalion, consisting of a Grenadier Officer, a
sergeant and 32 men, (eight from each Company), and to show how much
we respected them, we put them when on the march at the head of the
Battalion. There was a Brigade Grenadier Officer too, who made himself
generally responsible for the training and work of Grenadiers
throughout the Brigade. The first Officer appointed to this post in
our Brigade was Lieut. A. Hacking, who had taken over the duties just
before the Hohenzollern battle. The task allotted to the Grenadiers in
this fight, was to bomb the various communication trenches leading
from "West Face" to "Fosse Trench," clear dug-outs and establish
blocks in "Fosse Alley."

Information regarding the enemy, gained by Corps Intelligence during
the attacks of September 25th, and following days from our own
Officers, and from the examination of prisoners, was to the effect
that the enemy trenches in the Redoubt, with the exception of "Dump
Trench" and "South Face," were badly damaged and not strongly wired,
that previous attacks had been exposed to heavy enfilade fire from
"Mad Point" or "Madagascar," that it was not thought there would be
much enfilade fire from the South-East, and that it was not necessary
to waste a lot of heavy shell on the Dump, as it could be made
untenable by both sides. How far this was justifiable will be seen.

Our few days at Fouquières passed very quickly in the bustle of
completing equipment, going again and again with all ranks through the
maps and plans of attack, detailing and organising bombing squads in
the place of those detached for duty with the other Brigades, and
writing last letters home "in case----" There was little or no
excitement. We had most of us seen too much by this time to be either
unduly pessimistic or over-confident about our own chances, so that
everything seemed to go quietly and smoothly. The first steel helmets
had just arrived--quaint, antique, Japanese looking things, with
ingenious corrugations to catch the bullets--and were issued to the
Machine Gunners, who had also received the first supply of the new Box
Respirator, issued in place of the Smoke Helmet. The Machine Gun
section was now commanded by Lieut. Adams.

It was at 3.45 p.m. on October 12th, after making our final
inspections and collecting blankets, packs and other surplus stores at
a convenient barn, that we moved off from Fouquières on a fine Autumn
afternoon, leaving behind only 2nd Lieut. Gray, and a few odd men, who
were not fit to go into action. Transport marched in rear of the
Battalion to temporary lines behind Noyelles, where it remained until
after the battle.

We had a very pleasant and easy march up to Vermelles, where a halt
was made for tea. Here we were passed by one of the Stafford
Battalions who were to make the assault. It was too dark to see their
faces, but their voices were full of confidence and cheeriness, which
it did one good to hear.

A temporary Quarter-Master's Stores was fitted up at "Clarke's Keep,"
Vermelles, where Companies picked up their rations for the 13th, water
in petrol tins, grenades, Vermorel sprayers, and other odds and ends
likely to be required. An emergency ration of cold bacon and bread was
also issued.

Eventually after a very slow march through Vermelles, which was a
seething mass of men and transport, we arrived about 11 p.m. at our
assembly position in "Sussex Trench," where space was allotted to us
by Lieut. C. L. Hill, Signalling Officer, who had gone on ahead with a
few Signallers for that purpose. We soon settled down and made the
best we could of what remained of the night. This was not long, for
the carrying parties for the 138th Brigade, and others had to report
for duty at Clarke's Keep at 6 a.m. on October 13th. In all we
provided a total of five Officers and 300 other ranks for this duty,
and they were busy most of the morning taking up to the front line
such necessary articles as rations, water, grenades, and rum. His
devotion to the last-named duty was too much for one bloodthirsty, but
very ill-disciplined member of the Battalion, who became
"non-effective" in consequence, and was reported by someone, who saw
him lying in the bottom of a communication trench, as "dead--shot
through the head." He was "dead" right enough, but he lived to
fight--and, it is feared to "die" again--another day!

Our artillery fire during the morning was normal, "so as not to arouse
the suspicions of the Germans," who, as a fact, probably knew quite
as much as most of us about the time and nature of our attack. But at
12.0 noon, every gun began in real earnest, and it was possible to
stand on the firestep of our trench, and get an undisturbed, if rather
distant, view of the shells bursting all over the German trenches.
After half-an-hour of this most unusual, but very pleasing spectacle,
one felt that there would be little left for us to attack.

At 1 p.m. the greenish yellow clouds of smoke and chlorine gas (known
for some time as "The Auxiliary") discharged from cylinders in our
front line began to roll towards the enemy lines, the breeze being
exactly right both in strength and direction, and we became happier
still at the thought of paying the Germans back in their own coin.
During the whole of our bombardment we could hear very little reply
from the German guns, though from time to time we could see a few
"woolly bears" and other shell-bursts, at odd points about the forward
trenches. Probably they were saving most of their fire for the actual
assault, and except for a stray machine gun bullet or two, we
ourselves were in no kind of danger. One of those, however, which must
have dropped at a steep angle, slightly wounded Regimental Sergt-Major
Mounteney, who was standing in the trench with the Officers of
Battalion Headquarters. He had only rejoined from England a few days
before, and was our first casualty in the attack.

At 1.50 p.m. the gas discharge ceased, but the smoke was continued
until 2.0 p.m., when our guns "lifted" from the enemy front line, and
the 137th and 138th Brigades began the assault. As the smoke cleared
away, we could get a fair view of a portion of the attacking troops
(Staffords) on the right as they went steadily, and apparently in
excellent order over the top, but, almost at the same time we heard
with surprise and dismay, the somewhat slow "tap-tap" of numbers of
those enemy machine guns, which were to have been so completely
silenced by our bombardment! We watched the Staffords for a few
moments until they disappeared from view.

Then followed a period of anxious waiting, and the only information we
got was to the effect that the 138th Brigade on the left had
practically gained their portion of the Redoubt.

Soon after 3 o'clock, we received orders to move forward, and began to
proceed by way of "Inverness Trench," "Bomb Alley" and "Left Boyau" to
"Reserve Trench." Movement was very slow, owing to the congestion of
the traffic, and the narrowness of the trenches, and took a long time
to complete. There we were destined to remain for several hours, and
suffered a few casualties from shell fire, apparently directed at the
junctions of the trench with "Central" and "Right Boyaux." We were now
nominally at the disposal of General Officer Commanding 137th Brigade,
but never received any orders from him, and eventually drifted to the
command of General Officer Commanding 138th Brigade.

Traffic became more and more congested by the stream of wounded which
was now pouring down Central Boyau and "Barts Alley," and by carrying
parties and supports endeavouring to get along the Reserve Trench up
to the Redoubt.

Soon we began to gather scraps of information from those who were
coming down, and to realise that things were going far from well. The
usual answer was "Don't ask me, all I know is it's Hell up there!" It
was now getting too dark to see, and we could only gather that at any
rate we were holding the West Face and having a pretty bad time in
doing so; also that our Grenadiers attached to the 138th Brigade, had
suffered heavily. Sergt. G. F. Foster was carried down dying from
wounds in the body, and Hemingway was reported to be dangerously
wounded, if not already dead.

Things had not gone well. As we learned afterwards the attack of the
Staffords on the right had been held up almost immediately by machine
gun fire, and very little ground had been made. On the left, the
Lincolns and Leicesters at first were more fortunate, and reaching
West Face with comparatively few casualties, began to make their way
up to Fosse Trench. But the further they advanced, the more heavy
became their losses, until eventually the advance came to a
standstill, the furthest point reached being about 100 yards from
Fosse Trench. From these more advanced positions they were gradually
forced back, until only the West Face was in our hands. It is
abundantly clear that the effect of our bombardment did not come up to
expectations, and that many machine guns were untouched, and, worst of
all, that the Dump, on which "heavy shell need not be wasted, as it
could be made untenable by either side," proved to be a miniature
Gibraltar, honeycombed with shafts and galleries leading to concealed
machine gun emplacements. Small wonder that little ground could be
made or held in the face of such defences.

The news that things were going badly induced a Battalion Commander of
another Brigade, whose Battalion had been taken from him piecemeal and
scattered to the four winds of heaven, to order A Company, in the
absence of Col. Fowler, to go across to the Redoubt to reinforce the
troops there. Information, however, was brought by L.-Corpl. Simpson
of A Company (killed a few hours later), who made a rapid and
courageous journey over the open to West Face, to the effect that that
trench was already overcrowded, and that the troops there required
thinning, rather than reinforcing.

It was now getting late and things seemed to be in a very
unsatisfactory state, when orders were issued by Col. Fowler, who had
met General Kemp in the trenches, and received verbal instructions to
be prepared to carry out an attack at short notice on the right
portion of the Redoubt, for Companies (except B who were detached for
other work) to begin to move up in readiness to our front line
trenches. This movement began about 9.0 p.m. very slowly along Reserve
Trench and "Hayward's Heath." The difficulty of moving a Battalion at
night, in single file, through a maze of unfamiliar trenches without
losing touch, may be better imagined than described, and it was after
midnight before we had covered the 400 or 500 yards, which was all we
had to do.

Whilst this was going on Col. Fowler and the Adjutant, accompanied by
the Staff Captain, Major Wordsworth, made a hasty reconnaissance of
the position, and found that elements of the 138th Brigade and
Monmouths were holding the North-Western portion of West Face, whilst
the Eastern portion of Big Willie was held by the 6th Battalion.
Except for a short distance near the barricade on each flank, the
trench between these points was held by the enemy.

At 2.45 a.m. on October 14th, we received from General Officer
Commanding 138th Brigade, written orders to attack and consolidate "as
soon as possible" the South-Eastern portion of West Face, the junction
of South Face and Big Willie (shewn on the map as Point 60), and if
possible the "Chord" of the Redoubt. The order stated that the 6th
Battalion in Big Willie would co-operate by a bombing attack along
that trench "at the same time." Owing to the difficulty of getting
messages to and fro, in the maze of unknown trenches in the dark, it
was quite impossible to get in touch with the 6th Battalion so as to
give them any idea when our attack would begin, so that we were not
able to rely on getting much help from them. The Commanding Officer
decided that two Companies would be sufficient for the attack, which
was of course going to be without artillery support, and A Company
(Major A. L. Ashwell), and D Company (Capt. B. W. Vann), were
detailed. A hasty conference was arranged at a small dug-out at which
Col. Fowler, who intended himself to lead the attack, gave the few
orders that were possible in the circumstances:--"A quiet advance, no
firing, and in with the bayonet."

Owing to the darkness and the unfamiliar ground, it was necessary to
make some arrangement for keeping direction. Major Becher was,
therefore, sent across to the West Face, with instructions to stay at
the extreme right flank of the 138th Brigade position, and there to
show a light from a flash lamp on which the left flank of our attack
would be directed.

As soon as this was settled, and Company Commanders had issued their
instructions, we began to deploy in front of our original front line
trench, as nearly as possible opposite our objective.

It was again a very slow job getting the men out of the deep and
narrow support trenches, and over a single duck-board bridge across
the front line into position; indeed many men of D Company never
received the order at all, and remained in the support trench in
ignorance of what was going on. The men were extended to about four
paces, D Company on the right, A on the left. This movement was
carried out very quietly, with entire absence of hesitation or
confusion, and the men were then dressed as nearly as possible on the
required alignment--no easy matter when one has only a map, and has
never seen the objective or the ground in front of it. Rifles were
loaded and bayonets fixed, Col. Fowler with characteristic
unselfishness, giving his rifle to an Officer who had a bayonet, but
no rifle to put it on. All these preliminaries were carried out
without attracting the attention of the enemy, who were about 250
yards away. Finally at about 3.45 a.m. the order was given to advance,
keeping our left flank on Becher's lamp, which we could see from time
to time across the intervening ground. It was a strange experience,
this slow night advance through the darkness and mist in the almost
uncanny stillness which, sooner or later, always follows heavy
fighting; so like what many of us had done in peace-time "night-ops,"
that it was difficult to realise that this was war, and would end in
hand-to-hand fighting; that, however quietly we went, we must
eventually be discovered, and perhaps swept away by machine gun and
rifle fire. The ground was for the most part level, and not badly cut
up, and there was little wire. A few of our dead, one or two severely
wounded still struggling painfully back to our lines, and a number of
abandoned rifles were all that were left to show what had happened on
the previous day. When we were about half-way across it was realised
that we were getting too far to the left, and direction was changed
half-right. It was not until the right of the line was close up to the
old German wire, that we were discovered. Fire was opened from
somewhere half-right, probably in the neighbourhood of Point 60, but
it was not severe, and only a few casualties were caused. On arriving
at West Face it was found to be practically empty on the right, the
few Germans who had been there having probably left hurriedly as we
approached. On the left we found a mixed crowd of Lincolns,
Leicesters, and Monmouths, with a few Robin Hoods, all under the
command of Col. Evill, of the Monmouths. Many of them were wounded,
and nearly all were exhausted by their dreadful experiences of the
previous day. Our arrival was, therefore, very opportune and put
fresh life into them.

It was now quite evident that we had come too far to the left, and
although we had gained 100 yards or so of the West Face, our right
flank was not in touch with the 6th Battalion in Big Willie. In their
eagerness to get at the Germans, and urged on by the shouts of the
Lincolns and Leicesters, the left half of A Company ran through the
West Face and began pushing on. The enemy, however, were waking up,
and our men were met with much heavier fire, which, although unaimed,
caused a number of casualties. Edge was severely wounded in the arm
and chest, and Everard Handford was killed instantaneously by a bullet
in the head, whilst numbers of men also fell. It was then seen that
any further advance was out of the question. The only thing to be done
was to consolidate what we had, and try to extend our gains laterally
by bombing along the West Face. Grenadiers and grenades (English and
German) were collected, parties were organised by Ashwell and Vann,
and several more yards of trench were gained. Strachan leading one of
these along the trench with utter fearlessness was never seen again,
and was probably killed at once. Shortage of grenades soon made it
clear that we must stop and build a barricade to hold up the Germans,
who as usual seemed to have a never-ending supply.

On the extreme right, Vann and others of D Company had come across
some Boches out of the trench, apparently preparing to make an attack
over the open. Most of these were slaughtered, and the rest made all
possible haste back to their trench. This appears to have been part of
an organised counter-attack, as the enemy tried a similar attack on
the left as well, which also failed. Nothing was heard of the bombing
in Big Willie by the 6th Battalion, but we learnt afterwards that
they had made several attempts to progress along that trench without
success.

All available tools and sandbags were got together in the trench to
build a barricade at the right flank. It was now getting light, and
this was attended with much danger, and in the work of filling
sandbags and placing them at the barricade, we had several men killed
in a very short time.

Vann had already been wounded by a bullet in the left forearm, and had
gone down to be dressed, returning with his usual courage and
tenacity, after having his wound attended to. The Commanding Officer,
however, would not let him stay, and he had to go down again to
hospital. Ashwell was hit by a bullet in the right shoulder a few
minutes after Vann, and he, too, had to leave us.

The enemy were not more than fifty yards away, and the least exposure
brought a bullet with deadly aim, though in this respect they did not
have things entirely their own way. We could distinctly see the tops
of their helmets over the parapet, and at one time there was such a
collection that we thought they were going to attack, but nothing came
of it, and we settled down to work again. There was no wire or
obstacle of any kind between the two trenches. We were too close to
get our guns on to them, otherwise we could have done much execution.
Practically all the work on the right was done by men of D Company,
who eventually made a barricade, which was more or less bullet-proof,
and dug a length of trench to protect that flank. Here Sergt. W. L.
Green did excellent work, encouraging everyone by his fine example.
For nearly 24 hours he stuck to his post in spite of bombs and rifle
fire. He was ably assisted by Sergt. Turgoose and Pvtes. Keeling,
Hubbard, Dickinson, Offord and Sly of D Company, also Pvte. F.
Attenborough of A Company, whilst L.-Corpl. Skelton did splendid work
in attending to wounded.

Meanwhile Col. Fowler had made arrangements for the defence of the
trench on the left, from which, much to their relief the Lincolns,
Leicesters, and Monmouths, had been withdrawn during the early hours
of the morning. Their place had been taken by A Company, which having
lost all its Officers, was now commanded by Sergt. L. Bell. Parties
were set to work to improve the trench, which was badly knocked about,
and during the following night the Company dug a new trench a few
yards in front, in order to get a better field of fire and for better
protection. The Northern end of West Face was all this time held by
the 7th Battalion.

C Company (Capt. H. B. S. Handford, in place of Capt. G. S. Heathcote,
who had left to do duty at the Base) who had been left behind in
Hayward's Heath when A and D Companies went over to attack, stayed
there until 5.0 a.m. when 2nd Lieut. R. A. Abrams and a party of 15
were detailed to carry grenades up to A Company in the Redoubt, where
many of them remained. The rest of the Company moved up to a
communication trench near the original front line, where they received
orders from a Battalion Commander of another Brigade, to carry water
and grenades over the open to the Redoubt. They started shortly after
7.30 a.m., but as it was quite light, they were seen immediately, and
heavy machine gun and rifle fire was opened on them at once. Basil
Handford and several others were killed instantaneously, and several
were wounded. The attempt was foredoomed to failure, and the men were
ordered back into the trench. For the rest of the day they helped to
carry stores to the Redoubt by way of a new communication trench and
to fetch in and attend to the wounded. Very gallant work was done in
this operation by Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood, Sergts. Leivers and
Bexton, and Pvtes. Winterbottom, Allen, and Eyre.

B Company (Capt. Turner) had been detached about 5.0 p.m. on October
13th, and ordered to proceed over the open to reinforce the garrison
of our original front line. They remained for some time in the old
support line, from which all the Company Grenadiers were sent up to
reinforce the men in the Redoubt. One of these, L.-Corpl. G. W. Moore,
did very gallant work in remaining alone for three-quarters-of-an-hour
on the enemy's side of a barricade, which was being built up behind
him, and then continued to bomb the enemy for eight hours. The Company
was later ordered to dig a communication trench to link up the Redoubt
with our old front line. They started about 9.0 p.m., and worked
continuously on it throughout the night, much of the time under heavy
rifle fire, and by dawn a serviceable trench had been dug, and a very
important communication established. Capt. Turner was congratulated by
the Officer Commanding the 7th Battalion on the very good work of his
Company, in the supervision of which he had been most ably assisted by
Sergt. Rawding.

[Illustration: Map to illustrate the Battle of HOHENZOLLERN. October
13th-15th. 1915.]

October 14th seemed a never-ending day for those in the Redoubt.
Fortunately in a way, the lines were too close together for us to be
shelled, but bombing went on almost uninterruptedly, and our
casualties mounted rapidly. Grenadier reinforcements were sent along
from time to time from every Company in the Battalion, also from the
5th Battalion, whilst 2nd Lieut. G. H. Fisher, who was acting as
Grenade Officer in the absence of Hemingway, came up during the
morning, and at the right barricade displayed the greatest courage
until he was badly wounded and had to leave, dying a few days later.
Bombing was also going on at the left barricade, and throughout the
day from one flank or the other, the cry was ever "more bombs" or
"more Bombers." We had fortunately been able to get a signal line up
to the Redoubt, and a station established there, in a fairly deep
dug-out, so that most of the time we were in telephonic communication
with those behind.

Our relief promised for the night of October 14th, never came, and we
were compelled, alas, to remain in the Redoubt. Everyone was tired
out, having had little or no sleep, and very little food, for 48
hours. As soon as it was dark the Sappers put out some wire in front
of West Face, which encouraged us considerably, and we got through the
night without any untoward incident. About 6.30 a.m., on the morning
of October 15th, we were relieved in West Face by portions of the 5th
and 6th Battalions, and by Grenadiers of the Irish Guards, and
withdrawn to "Railway Reserve Trench," where we joined up with the
remainder of B and C Companies. By the tragic irony of fate, as the
Guards were actually filing into West Face and the relief was nearly
complete, Col. Fowler, who was taking a last glance over the top to
see if he could find any trace of Major Becher, the last signs of whom
had been the flashes of his lamp, to guide us across to the
Redoubt--was killed instantaneously by a sniper's bullet. So
determined had he been to find Becher, that he had himself gone out
during the night with Sergt. Stokes in a gallant but unsuccessful
endeavour to find him.

Major J. E. Blackwall of the 6th Battalion took over the remnants of
the Battalion the same evening, and shortly before midnight we were
devoutly thankful to be relieved by the Irish Guards. As the relief
was taking place, the enemy attempted an attack against the garrison
of West Face, but as this was now swelled by the relieving troops,
they got rather more than they bargained for, and were beaten off with
heavy loss. At the same time they put down quite a barrage on the
reserve trenches, and made our relief distinctly unpleasant, but
eventually we got it completed without further casualty.

Much to our delight, just before leaving, we heard that Becher had
been found. It appears that whilst we were going over to the attack,
he had been bombed by the Boches, and badly wounded, as also had
Daniels, his batman, who was with him. They got separated, but both
managed to crawl away, though Becher eventually had to lie by in an
old bit of trench near the German lines. It was from here that, after
having been discovered by an Officer of the Leicesters, he was
eventually rescued on October 15th, by Comp. Sergt.-Major Haywood, and
L.-Sergt. T. Martin, who carried him a distance of 200 yards under
more or less continuous rifle fire. Alas, however, he was not to
recover, and after lingering on for ten weeks, he died in hospital on
January 1st, 1916. In John Becher the Battalion lost one who was
beloved by all, who had throughout ever had at heart the welfare of
his men, whether in or out of the trenches, at work or at play. What
he did in the early trench days at Kemmel, was known to few. Often and
often he was out on patrol at night in "No Man's Land," mainly for the
sake of example, for it was part of his creed never to tell a man to
do anything that he would not dare to do himself. He lies buried in
the British cemetery at Abbeville. It was a hard fate that struck down
John Becher and his two brothers-in-law, Basil and Everard
Handford--two of the most promising young Officers in the
Battalion--within a few hours of each other.

Much untiring energy and devotion were shewn by many during these
strenuous three days, not by any means the least by our Medical
Officer, Capt. C. B. Johnstone, and his stretcher bearers. Johnstone
himself worked almost incessantly for over 48 hours in attending the
wounded, and in many cases helped to carry them long distances, often
under heavy fire. To him and all his helpers are due our grateful
thanks for their work on that occasion.

On relief we marched out to the Transport Lines behind Noyelles,
where, in the early hours of October 16th, we got some most welcome
and refreshing tea, supplied by Torrance and his followers, and then
moved on, most of us more asleep than awake, to Vaudricourt, where we
arrived about 6.30 a.m., and at once got down to sleep in some of the
poorest billets it was ever our misfortune to strike.

Thus ended the more or less fruitless battle of Hohenzollern Redoubt.
Though we held a portion of the Redoubt as a result of the fighting,
it was of no tactical value, and indeed later on was evacuated or
blown up. The 12th Division fared no better, and we can only look back
on the whole attack as, through no fault of our own, a dismal failure.
The battle caused us enormous casualties, all to no purpose. Our
Battalion alone lost seven Officers and 35 other ranks killed or died
of wounds, three Officers and 132 other ranks wounded, and 14 missing,
all of whom were afterwards found to have been killed. Amongst the
casualties were Sergt. H. Hall, killed, and Sergts. Archer, Burn,
Barrow, and I. B. Bell and Corpl. Bruerton wounded.

It was a pleasure to all to hear a little later that for his gallantry
and splendid work in this attack, and on many other occasions, "Pat"
Ashwell was awarded a well-deserved D.S.O.

At 5.0 p.m. on the afternoon of October 17th, the whole Battalion and
many Officers of the Brigade and Division, attended the funeral of our
beloved Colonel in the English cemetery, under the Church at
Fouquières, the service being taken by his old friend Padre Hales.
Some 18 months afterwards the Battalion arrived in billets six miles
away from this spot, after a long and tiring march. They were expected
to move into the line the next day, and some Officers who were lucky
enough to be mounted, rode over to see the Colonel's grave. Around the
grave, which had been carefully looked after by the Curé and other
kind friends, and was covered with snowdrops and daffodils just in
bloom, they found a number of the old Warrant Officers and N.C.O.'s of
the Battalion paying a silent tribute to their old Commanding Officer.
Such a tribute, surely is the finest testimonial to the character of a
man who ever inspired in all ranks an affection and respect, which can
never have been exceeded in any unit of the army.

CHAPTER V

RICHEBOURG--MARSEILLES--CANDAS

_October 18th, 1915._ _March 5th, 1916._

We were now little more than a skeleton of a Battalion, so that the
arrival of 103 reinforcements, including Sergt. E. E. Deverall, was
very welcome, but so far as Officers were concerned we remained for
the moment very depleted. Capt. Turner remained in command of B
Company; Lieut. E. M. Hacking took over A; Lieut. Abrams C, and Lieut.
Gray D.

Major-General Stuart-Wortley came to see us on October 18th, when the
Battalion paraded in a field just outside Vaudricourt, and thanked us
for our work in the battle, and spoke to a few of the N.C.O.'s and
men, whose names had been forwarded as having done specially well.

The following day we were not sorry to leave our wretched billets and
march to Lapugnoy, where we got very comfortable quarters, and stayed
for a week. Here we were able to do a little reorganising, and were
fortunate in getting several new subalterns, viz.: 2nd Lieuts. A.
Andrews, H. R. Peerless, who shortly became Battalion Grenade Officer,
F. E. Kebblewhite, C. H. Powell, A. H. G. Cox, E. Hopkinson (formerly
Comp. Sergt.-Major of C Company) and H. B. Hammond. With their welcome
arrival. Companies got more or less into shape. We were unfortunate in
having to send a large party by 'bus one day to Sailly Labourse, to
help to fetch out the empty gas cylinders from the Hohenzollern
trenches, but on the whole the few days spent at Lapugnoy were very
pleasant. The "Whizzbangs" were in the same village, and gave several
good shows, which after our recent gruelling were very refreshing, the
more so as on this occasion they were assisted by two French ladies,
who, needless to say, added enormously to the attraction.

The "Vin blink" of Lapugnoy was also most attractive, and apparently
rather more than usually potent, for it was undoubtedly the cause of
casualties amongst all ranks. We left there on October 26th, and
marched to Béthune, where we were again fortunate in being comfortably
billeted at the Orphanage, with Officers' billets and Headquarters'
Mess in the Rue de Lille.

Two days later, on October 28th, a review of troops of the XI Corps,
was held by the King and the Prince of Wales at Hesdigneul.
Representatives of all units of the 46th Division were included in the
parade, to which we contributed a composite Company of six Officers
and 250 other ranks, under Capt. Davenport. The parade ground was a
newly ploughed field, and as for several days previously there had
been heavy rain the conditions were extremely unfavourable. After
taking the salute, the King went on to inspect another unit in an
adjoining field, where, unfortunately, he had a nasty accident, and
the last we saw of him was driving away from the parade ground and
looking very ill.

Further reinforcements joined us at Béthune, mostly from entrenching
Battalions, making our strength up to more normal figures, though for
many months to come, we seldom exceeded 600 to 700 all told. Capt.
Hill was appointed to command D Company, 2nd Lieut. Cox succeeding him
as Signalling Officer. Mounteney rejoined and resumed his duties as
Regimental Sergt.-Major.

Our next move was to the Richebourg sector--probably the most
miserable trenches we ever met with, and then held by Indian troops.
Leaving Béthune on November 4th, we proceeded via Epinette, where we
spent one night, to Vieille Chapelle and relieved the 58th Rifles
(Meerut Division) in front line trenches on November 6th, with
Battalion Headquarters in "Edward Road," just behind Richebourg
L'Avoué, and the front line a little in front of that village, and
just South of Neuve Chapelle. This was a bad country for trenches,
being flat and low lying, with the water level even at normal times
very near the surface. The Boche as usual had such high ground as
there was. This was mainly in the region of the Bois du Biez on our
left, from which he got a fair view over much of our area. The Indians
had done little trench work, and all that was taken over was a very
poor front line, with a few scraps of support trenches, and one or two
communication trenches, mostly full of water. It was during our first
tour that a waggish Hun called out one night, after one of our Very
lights had made rather a worse display than usual, "Better luck next
time. I'll shew you how to send them "--which he promptly did, adding
later, "I don't want to fight, I've had enough of the war." Towards
the end of our stay in this area, we came across another talkative lot
of Boches, who had a good deal to say one night, enquiring what
regiment we were, and making various remarks about cigarettes and plum
puddings.

It was towards the end of our first tour that we had the first of our
happily few casualties in this area, Lieut. Houfton being killed early
in the morning of November 11th. He was endeavouring to make his way
with Lieut. Abrams along an absolutely water-logged trench to "Boar's
Head," the extreme right of our Battalion sector, and they were
evidently being carefully watched by a Boche sniper, who was
doubtless able from time to time to catch a glimpse of their caps
above the parapet. Eventually, when they got to a spot where the
parapet was particularly low, he fired, the bullet killing Houfton,
and passing through the peak of Abrams' cap. Sergt. T. Martin
gallantly went to Houfton's aid, across 400 yards of very difficult
and exposed ground.

The front we held was changed somewhat after a time, and we
side-stepped to the left, with Battalion Headquarters in dug-outs, at
the side of the Rue du Bois. The few odd houses left along this road
were mostly used by the Gunners as observation posts, the principal
being "Ritz," "Carlton," "Princes," and "Trocadero," and as the Boche
gunners probably had a very shrewd suspicion of this, the
neighbourhood of the road was often not a healthy spot, and on one or
two occasions was shelled fairly heavily. It was on one of these, when
we had some men wounded near "Factory Corner," that Pvte. Redfern, the
old bandsman, coolly went to their aid in the midst of the shelling,
and was dressing one of the men when he was himself mortally wounded.
L.-Corpls. W. H. Lacey and S. Matthews also shewed great bravery in
rescuing wounded men at the same time. In connection with this
shelling of areas behind the front line, a somewhat unhappily worded
order was received to the effect that daily reports frequently omitted
to mention the activities of hostile artillery, and that as an example
at a certain time on a certain day, "Guards Trench" was subjected to a
sharp bombardment, and that had it not been for the fact that "a Staff
Officer was accidentally in the front line at the time," nothing would
have been known of this at Divisional Headquarters!

The Boche machine gunners gave us a certain amount of trouble too,
particularly at night, when they regularly sprayed all the area from
the Rue du Bois to "Windy Corner," doubtless hoping to catch
transport and carrying parties. One particular artiste used to try to
play tunes with his gun and we had no difficulty in recognising his
favourite as an attempt at "Yip-y-addy." It was a very unlucky burst
from one of these one night that killed that very brave soldier Sergt.
Sheppard, who had previously been awarded the D.C.M. for gallantry at
Hooge. Lieut. Adams, our machine gun Officer, did his best to get his
own back against them, and used to stalk out nightly alone, contrary
to all regulations, and fire off his guns at odd times in the hope of
catching someone. He was rewarded one night, after patiently lying in
wait for a search light that the enemy had used occasionally from
their front line parapet, by knocking it out with a burst of fire
almost the instant it shewed itself. But on the whole there was very
little excitement; in fact, we hardly had time for much, as we only
spent a total of 16 days in the trenches here altogether. Cold winter
weather had set in, and there was little or no comfort possible for
the men holding the front line. It was here that we first really found
it necessary to use "gumboots thigh" when they could be got, and to
dress legs and feet daily with whale oil to try and ward off that
horrid complaint "trench feet," which might easily have caused many
casualties in such trenches as these. A most complicated form had to
be filled up with every case sent down to hospital suffering from
trench foot, and no mercy was shewn to any Commanding Officer who did
not take every precaution to prevent it. Fortunately we had a very
good record. Every effort was made to relieve the men in the front
line every 24 hours, and to take them back as often as possible to the
billets near Windy Corner, where they were able to get their clothes
dried, and a good night's rest before going back to the line.

Our rest billets and Transport were at Vieille Chapelle. The field
where the latter had their lines was nothing but a mass of mud, in
most places knee-deep. The Transport at this time shewed remarkable
activity, limbers going backwards and forwards all day to Lacouture on
some mysterious duty, which was by no means unconnected with the
excitement which arose in "A" Branch of Divisional Headquarters
towards the end of our stay, about some houses missing from that
village! They had been removed piecemeal to the transport lines, where
they were used to form standings.

During one tour spent in Brigade support, Battalion Headquarters and
two Companies were in that village, and two Companies in billets in
Richebourg St. Vaast, or finding garrisons for "St. Vaast," "Grotto"
and "Angle" posts. An interesting discovery in the rafters of a ruined
house at Richebourg St. Vaast was a pepper box found to contain
several gold _louis_. Capt. E. M. Hacking was the means of their being
handed over to the French authorities and, we hope, eventually
restored to their owner. The billets at Lacouture were not very good,
but we had a great find there in the shape of what had once been a
billiard table in the remains of the Village Institute. At the same
time curiously enough, and for some time afterwards, the
Quarter-Master reported that the demand for green cloth for putting
behind cap badges was extraordinarily small!

The main drawback to our periods of rest was those wretched working
parties, which seemed to pursue us everywhere. Here the work in hand
was the building of a solid breastwork in continuation of Guards
Trench, just East of the Rue du Bois. Two nights out of each four we
were at rest, we had to send large parties to Richebourg to carry on
this work, which was being done "by the piece." A certain number of
sandbags were issued to each man about half-a-mile before he got to
his work, and he was told that when these had been filled and laid he
could return. It is perhaps needless to say that many of the sandbags
found a resting place in the nearest ditch, not far from the Royal
Engineers' dump, where they were issued, and that the building of the
breastwork did not proceed very rapidly.

During our stay here several new Officers joined, including 2nd
Lieuts. H. K. Simonet, G. A. P. Rawlings, and A. H. Michie from the
2/8th Battalion, and 2nd Lieuts. A. Bedford, G. G. Elliott, and W. W.
Pitt. We were also given as Second-in-Command, Major E. H. Heathcote,
from the 6th Battalion, whilst his brother Capt. G. S. Heathcote,
rejoined at the end of November and resumed command of C Company. At
the same time Capt. E. M. Hacking went to Brigade Headquarters to
learn Staff duties, leaving A Company under Lieut. Andrews, until
taken over a little later by Capt. A. Hacking, who rejoined from
Brigade. We also lost 2nd Lieut. Pickerell, who was invalided home.
Our losses in other ranks during our stay amounted to three killed and
15 wounded.

On December 2nd--we retain most pleasant memories of that night--we
were relieved by the 7th Battalion in the left sector, and on one of
the darkest nights known, made our way back in the usual way to
Vieille Chapelle. About 9.30 p.m. a message was received from Brigade
that the Commanding Officer or Adjutant was wanted at once. The
Adjutant was sent and came back with the news that we were to be
"prepared to move at short notice to an unknown destination." At 5.0
a.m. the next morning further orders were received and we left Vieille
Chapelle at noon the same day, marching via Merville to Haverskerque,
where we got very good if scattered billets. There we proceeded to
clean off some of the mud of the Richebourg trenches. During our march
we met units of the 19th Division, moving up to relieve the troops in
the trenches, and could not help feeling a touch of sympathy for them
having been suddenly fetched away from comfortable billets, to take
over such water-logged trenches, and we felt that for once fortune had
favoured us.

Rumours of all kinds began to float around, and of all quarters of the
globe that were mentioned "Egypt" was believed to be "it," and it was
not long before we found out that that indeed was our intended
destination.

Everyone was happy, and we were soon looking smart once more; in fact,
so splendid was the effort at cleaning up, that the Battalion was
congratulated by our Divisional Commander at his inspection on
December 7th, as being the smartest Battalion of the eleven he had
inspected.

Odd men who had been detached for duty with other units rejoined. We
had a few small drafts, and one new Officer, 2nd Lieut. W. H. B.
Rezin.

We now settled down for drill, interior economy, and lectures.
Particular attention was given to guard drill and guard mounting
ceremonies, as the Divisional Commander expressed a wish that we
should turn out like the Guards Division, who were in the same Corps.
Fur coats and other winter kit were handed in. A horrid pro forma
certificate reached Orderly Room, and the Commanding Officer found he
had to sign a certificate to the effect that the Battalion was in
possession of every article enumerated in A.F.G. 1098 (Mobilisation
Store Table). This document contained such items as "screws, brass,
buckle roller 1 in. × 7/8 in.--2" "awls, brad--1;" "cordage, tarred
spun yarn,--lbs. 14," and other luxuries which had long been
considered superfluous, and mostly lost in the Salient. We had been
told to indent for anything we wanted in the way of clothing or
equipment, so that there was some consternation on the arrival of a
new and fierce Deputy Assistant Director of Ordnance Services just at
this moment, who told Quarter-Masters that during the last month, the
whole of the Guards Division had not used the number of articles they
were indenting for. Formal indents for "awls, brad," etc., were
therefore out of the question. The Quarter-Master accused the
Transport Officer, and the Transport Officer accused the
Quarter-Master, but in the end the mess cart, which had a good cover,
was requisitioned, and made two or three secret journeys by night to
Merville, and when surprise was expressed that everything on the
Mobilisation Store Table was present, both the individuals concerned
looked supremely innocent, and no more was said about it. It has since
transpired that a jar of rum played a prominent part in this incident.

Here we parted with "Big Ben," "Old Bob," and other heavy draught
horses, which had been with us since leaving Newark, and received in
exchange mules from the Guards Divisional Ammunition Column, two of
which rejoiced in the aristocratic names of "Harry Thaw," and "Legs
Eleven."

We were inspected by the Assistant Director of Medical Services; we
had lectures on "Duties on board ship" and "Entraining." Special short
leave was granted to a few lucky ones, and all preparations were made
for a big move. Our billets were very comfortable. We could get good
dinners at the "Corner Café," and those of us who were there, will
never forget the wonderful concert given by the 19th Divisional
Ammunition Column who were billeted there, in which two ladies from
Merville assisted.

On December 19th, we marched to Wittes, a small village on the La
Bassée Canal, near Aire. This was a short march on a bright Sunday
morning, chiefly memorable for a wonderful equestrian feat on the part
of a certain Company Commander, who went with his horse into a dyke
at the starting point, and instead of coming out with the animal,
stayed in by himself, and for the fact that an unfortunate mistake in
map reading, caused the Battalion to perform a most startling and
snake-like turning feat in a lane only a few feet wide, the mistake
being discovered just as the last transport vehicle had entered the
lane. However, as it was a bright day and we were going away, great
good humour prevailed, and each Company played "Here we go round the
water cart" in its own good time, and the tangle was soon sorted out.

Our before breakfast parade at Wittes on a few occasions took the
novel form of the whole Battalion doubling up and down along the Canal
side to the accompaniment of the drums. This was entertaining for a
brief space, but the novelty soon wore off. Ordinary training was
continued, and included several route marches. It was during one of
these that the C Company "wag" brought forth a spontaneous remark one
day when passing one of those little dog-carts one used to see so
often. It was very heavily laden and the dog was straining every
nerve. A big, powerful looking woman was walking at the side carrying
a horse whip, but taking no share in the burden. As the Company
passed, our friend remarked "Eh, mum, you've forgotten your spurs!"

Christmas, 1915, spent at Wittes was a very cheery one. All sorts of
good things had been received from home, including a present for every
Officer and man from the Nottingham Comforts Fund, and altogether we
had a most enjoyable time. Football matches and sports of all kinds
were indulged in, and one has vivid recollections of Sergt. Deverall
giving a wonderful boxing display, and of a poor Frenchman waking up
one morning to find his best wagon at the bottom of the Canal.

[Illustrated: MAJOR J. P. BECHER, D.S.O. Died of wounds, Jan. 1st,
1916.]

On Boxing-Day we marched via Aire to fresh billets at Molinghem, which
were probably the most verminous we ever found. In spite of this
drawback we had a very good time, and on January 6th, 1916, had the
pleasure of welcoming the 11th Sherwood Foresters, who marched over
from a neighbouring village and played us at football. After a good
game we beat them by two goals to one. A Brigade inter-Battalion
football competition was also played, in which after beating the 5th
Battalion one--none, and the 7th Battalion three--none, we won the
Brigade championship and some very neat medals.

Whilst at Molinghem, we got our long expected orders to move South,
and on January 7th, A and C Companies, and half the First Line
Transport vehicles, under Major E. H. Heathcote entrained at
Berguette, and were followed by the remainder of the Battalion on
January 9th, except the horses, which were entrained at Lillers on
January 11th. Eventually, after a train journey of nearly three days,
the Battalion was concentrated at Marseilles, where after some
rearranging, Battalion Headquarters and B and D Companies were
billeted at Camp Moussot, and A and C Companies under Major Heathcote,
at Camp Borely.

At Marseilles we spent what was probably our happiest fortnight in
France. It is not difficult to imagine the pleasure everyone
experienced at being transported to the shores of the Mediterranean in
January after the filth and mud in the trenches, and wet and fogs of
Northern France. The change was marvellous, and the turnout and
appearance of the men splendid, and indeed the subject of comment by
English people arriving from abroad, who said they could not help
being struck on landing at finding the place full of well set-up and
healthy English Tommies. Truly the change was delightful, though the
Officers who had the misfortune to be billeted for a time in the
draughty bathing establishment opposite Borely Camp, are not likely to
forget the cold nights they spent there. Sea bathing, which we got
almost next door to the Camp, was a great delight, and of course the
town itself was full of attractions. We need only mention such names
as the Cannibière, Theresa's Bar, Lindens, The Alcazar, Castell Muro,
The Palais Crystal, The Bodega, and The Novelty, to recall many
incidents to all those who were fortunate enough to be with us. It was
certainly delightful, but played havoc with our banking accounts, and
must have given Mr. Cox a very busy time. We did a certain amount of
training in our more serious moments, which were not many, ordinary
work normally finishing about 1.0 p.m., and the men being allowed out
from 2.0 p.m. onwards. Many guards and camp and town fatigues had to
be found, however, almost daily, which much depleted our numbers on
parade. Training was mainly of the barrack square type. There was a
certain amount of interest for those at Moussot Camp, in watching the
Indian Troops, whilst those at Borely spent much time either in
dodging the loose horses and mules, which wandered at will about the
Camp, or the Camp Commandant, who had a violent dislike to orange
peel, and if he found any at once arrested the nearest man, whether
guilty or not!

Four new Officers joined us there, viz., 2nd Lieuts. C. G. Tomlinson,
E. C. Marshall, A. A. Hodgson, and W. S. Jones, and a draft of 39 men,
all of whom no doubt thought it a very "bon" war.

Plans for our sea journey had got so far advanced that our transport
vehicles had actually been taken down to the docks for loading, when,
alas for us, our hopes of going East were shattered on January 24th,
by the receipt of orders to entrain the next night.

What exactly caused the sudden change of plans we did not know at the
time, but subsequently heard it was due to the unexpected ease with
which Gallipoli had been evacuated. Needless to say there was much
regret on all sides, especially when we found that we were to go back
to the North of France and join the Third Army on the Western Front.
On the evening of the 25th January, we marched down through cheering
crowds of French people to the Gare d'Arenc, where after waiting about
for four hours, we entrained at 4.10 a.m. on the 26th. It is sad to
think that this wait gave an opportunity once more for light-fingered
people in the Transport Section to annex eight or nine P.L.M. goods
sheets, which were carefully stowed away, one on each limber, and
later proved of great value in several places where there was a
scarcity of billets.

We detrained at Pont Remy on the morning of January 28th, after a
peculiarly uncomfortable journey, and owing to our guide preferring to
go three miles uphill to one on the flat our march to Ergnies was a
somewhat lengthy business. In this area we followed the Ulster
Division, and we are glad to add that the billets taken over from them
were invariably scrupulously clean, and had evidently been vastly
improved under their able medical authorities. We stayed here for
several days, and had an opportunity of resting the men after their
long journey, and of carrying out a little training. Some of this was
in preparation for a Brigade ceremonial parade, which took place on
February 3rd, when General Shipley spoke of the splendid work done by
the Brigade in France up to that time, and read out a list of the
honours and decorations awarded, of which we had had a fair share. At
Ergnies we had flying visits from Col. Huskinson and "Doc." Stallard,
both of whom we were delighted to see looking very fit.

On February 10th, we marched to Ribeaucourt, where we stayed for a
little over a week. Here on February 16th, we parted with Lieut.
Adams, 2nd Lieut. Rezin, and 35 N.C.O.'s and men of the Machine Gun
Section, who went to form part of the newly created "Brigade Machine
Gun Company." In place of the Vickers gun thus withdrawn, we were
issued with the new light Lewis Machine Gun, air cooled, mounted on a
bipod and easily carried. Each Company had two of these and the whole
were supervised by a Battalion Lewis Gun Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet
being the first to be appointed to this duty. Musketry was carried out
on a 300 yard range, which we fitted up near the village, and bombing
practice under the guidance of 2nd Lieut. Peerless, who made
considerable progress in the use of the West Spring Thrower. Capt. A.
Hacking had been again taken to Brigade Headquarters, to act as
Grenade Officer, and Capt. Lawson who had rejoined at Wittes, was
appointed to command A Company in his place. All this time we were
well in the back regions out of harm's way. The only journey made to
the front area was that by a party of Officers, who one day had to
reconnoitre some reserve lines of trenches near Forceville and Mailly
Maillet. We once had orders to be prepared to take over the line at
Beaumont Hamel, but this fell through.

Ribeaucourt we shall always remember, owing to the exorbitant claims
made by the inhabitants for damage to billets. Never before nor after
did we receive such demands as those made by the good people of that
village, headed by the Maire, who after showing much hospitality to a
few of us, seemed to want to give the villagers a lead in their
demands! How they were eventually settled we never found out. Here,
too, Capt. Davenport and Sergt. Blunt were chased down the village
street one day by two infuriated women armed with broomsticks, their
store of bully beef and army shirts having been discovered by the
former, when looking for odds and ends to hand into the Deputy
Assistant Director of Ordnance Services in exchange for new articles.
The D.A.D.O.S. had just issued an ultimatum to the effect that he
would issue nothing except on the return of the old article. Transport
men, therefore, scoured the country side for bottoms of nose-bags,
backs of dandy brushes, pieces of rope, etc., which were cleaned and
handed in and quite a good stock of new articles was obtained in
return.

On February 20th, we were taken in motor 'buses by a somewhat
circuitous route to fresh billets at Candas, where we stayed until
March 6th. Most of this time the weather was extremely cold and there
were several heavy snowstorms. Navvying on new railways was our chief
work, under the supervision of the 112th Company Royal Engineers,
either about Puchevillers, or the station at Candas, in preparation
for the offensive that was to take place later on. Our fortnight at
Candas completed three whole months of what was practically "rest" in
the back areas. We were now to play a more active part in the war.

CHAPTER VI

VIMY RIDGE

_March 6th, 1916._ _April 21st, 1916._

Vimy Ridge will always bring up in the minds of those of the 8th
Sherwood Foresters, who were with us at that time the word "Mines."
Everyone seemed somehow or other to have heard that that part of the
line was famous for mining warfare, and as the news was passed on from
one to another that Vimy Ridge was our destination, a kind of whisper
of "Mines" passed with it. The area proved to be a mass of mines, and
we found that mining warfare was extremely unpleasant, though most of
our own experience was confined to the latter part of our stay there.

The front line in this sector, in the early part of 1915 had run
through the East end of the Lorette Ridge to Carency, and thence to La
Targette, but on September 25th of that year, the French had driven
the enemy back nearly a mile, practically to the foot of the Vimy
Ridge itself. In this area were portions of the front having
such well-known names as "The Labyrinth," and Souchez Sugar
Refinery--reminders of the fact that some of the most savage fighting
of the whole war took place there, owing to the struggle of the enemy
to retain a footing on that splendid line of observation, the Lorette
Ridge. The Arras-Béthune Road, known as the Route de Béthune, and
bordered by a few scraggy trees, ran through the sector more or less
from North to South--about a mile behind the front line, and two miles
in front of Mont St. Eloy. The forward area was a scene of
desolation--trenches and wire, shell-holes everywhere, mine craters
here and there, shewing more or less where No Man's Land was, and
beyond them the gently sloping ridge, with little variation except a
few shattered trees marking the site of La Folie Wood.

Such was the sector that our advance party of Officers went up to
reconnoitre on March 5th. The French were holding the line, and this
was the Battalion's only experience of taking over from them. We were
not let into the secret of the why and wherefore of the move, but
doubtless we relieved in order to allow them to send much wanted help
to their friends at Verdun, who were now so hard pressed owing to the
enemy's continued attacks. It was hoped that the fact of our taking
over this part of the line could be kept from the Boche, at least
until relief was complete, and to further this object the advance
party were given French "tin hats" to wear so as to maintain the
deception. We fear that despite our efforts, the enemy knew just about
as much of the relief as we did, and rumour says that a Boche scout,
on getting across to the French front line two days before we relieved
them, openly expressed his surprise to the French sentry that the
English had not already arrived! We were shewn the greatest kindness
by the French when we went up to reconnoitre, and they did all they
could to explain the situation, and many an Officer drank confusion to
the enemy in a glass of sweet sparkling wine. Those who were there
will doubtless well remember the group of Officers being assembled
just behind the Arras-Béthune road, in full view of the German lines,
under the French Brigade Major, who was acting as guide, when the Hun
gunners, not being able to let such an opportunity slip, at once put
over a few "pip-squeaks," and we discovered with a considerable amount
of pleasure, that our gallant Allies were just about as good in
getting to ground as ourselves, if not a trifle better. It was,
however, a rude awakening to the fact that a war was still on, which
we had rather forgotten during our stay in the South of France, and in
the back areas.

Leaving Candas on March 6th, we marched on a very snowy day, via
Doullens, to Iverny, moving on the 8th to Maizières, and on the 9th to
Acq, where we had to make the best of most uncomfortable billets, the
whole village being a seething mass of troops, French and English, and
every billet crowded to its utmost limit. On the occasion of this move
we marched, in accordance with instructions, in column of three's.
This system was tried owing to the narrow roads, but only lasted a few
months.

On the following day we moved up into support trenches, just in front
of the Route de Béthune, where we stayed for four days cleaning
trenches, carrying out general trench repairs, and improving dug-outs.
There were a certain number of deep dug-outs in this sector--our first
experience of them--proof against all but the heaviest shells, though
in every other respect a bad invention. Further behind, at Berthonval
Farm, were huge caverns hewn out of the chalk, fitted up with wire
beds, absolutely shell-proof, and having accommodation for about two
Companies. The dug-outs in the front line trenches, however, were mere
shelters. Later on we were told to make our shelters in this area of a
uniform pattern in small saps running back from the trenches, and when
men could be spared from other more pressing work, a certain amount of
progress was made in this respect.

The French dug-outs possessed one unique quality; they were decorated
as only a Frenchman could decorate them, with most wonderful designs
in pokerwork, which were always objects of the greatest interest to
our visitors.

On March 15th, we were relieved by the 2nd Royal Irish Rifles, and
withdrew for four days to rest billets, which consisted of some French
huts partly in the wood, and partly in the open, just behind Mont St.
Eloy. We are afraid we could not have given our predecessors a "billet
clean" certificate in respect of these huts, many of which were a foot
or more deep with accumulated rubbish of every description. There were
no baths, and we had to rig up home-made ones with ground sheets and
other means, using the cookers for providing the necessary hot water.
We managed, however, to get clean clothing from time to time from the
Staff Captain, Major Wordsworth, who got together a fascinating crowd
of French ladies, and did much useful work as Officer Commanding
Laundry, at Mont St. Eloy.

We were at this time called upon to provide a contribution towards the
Brigade Mining Section, which was re-formed to help the French Miners
in the sector, and on March 17th, we had to part temporarily with
Lieut. R. V. Harvey, Corpl. Boot and 12 men, who joined the Brigade
Section under Lieut. Webster, of the Robin Hoods. The arrival of 140
reinforcements the previous day had, however, swelled our numbers
considerably, amongst several old friends in the draft being Sergt. G.
Powell, who shortly became Comp. Sergt.-Major of A Company, Sergts. I.
B. Bell, S. Foster, Collins and Beniston, and Corpl. A. B. North. We
thus had a reasonable trench strength when we relieved the 7th
Battalion in the left sub-sector on March 19th.

In this area we always kept to the same sub-sector, relieving as on
many other occasions with the Robin Hoods. The 5th and 6th Battalions
shared the right sub-sector, whilst the 138th Brigade were on our
left. Each Company, too, had its own section of trench, finding its
own supports. From right to left they ran in order: D (Capt. Hill), B
(Capt. Turner), C (Major G. S. Heathcote), A (Capt. Vann, who had
recently rejoined; during his absence on a course at 3rd Army School,
his place was taken by Capt. Lawson). Battalion Headquarters was in a
delightful spot just under the steep side of the Talus des Zouaves,
and well nigh out of reach of everything but aeroplane bombs. Second
Lieut. Cox was Signalling Officer, 2nd Lieut. Simonet, Lewis Gun
Officer, 2nd Lieut. Peerless, Grenade Officer, and 2nd Lieut.
Marshall, Intelligence Officer. The last-named was the first Officer
in the Battalion to hold that newly created appointment.

The enemy front line was close to ours, in most parts about 70 yards
away, but bombing posts in saps were in several cases not more than 10
to 15 yards apart. Talking and movement in the front line could often
be heard quite plainly, whilst our Bombers in the posts used to
indulge sometimes in lobbing practice, and spent their odd moments in
erecting or repairing wire netting to catch the Boche "potato
mashers."

Our two communication trenches running forward--"Boyau Central" and
"Avenue Lassale"--though well cared for and kept up by the French,
were almost straight, and hardly traversed at all, particularly the
former, and movement along them was precarious. The fire and support
trenches, bearing such names as "Schiller," "Grange," "Broadmarsh,"
"Duffield," and "Bertrand," were in very bad order, and work was at
once concentrated in an effort to make a good line of resistance along
"Guerin Trench," practically the support line. Some work was also done
on a reserve trench, known as "Blanchetière." We felt this all the
more necessary, as just before we took over from the French, the Boche
had driven them out of their front line, and it seemed quite within
the range of possibility that he might try to make a further advance.
Our fears turned out to be correct, for later he did make an
onslaught, though luckily not whilst we were there.

Unfortunately the enemy in capturing the trenches, had secured the
shafts of all

Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/20527