The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa
by Walter James Hoffman · English · Gutenberg #19368 · 425,208 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Mide'wiwin or "Grand Medicine Society" of the Ojibwa
Author: Walter James Hoffman
Release date: September 25, 2006 [eBook #19368]
Most recently updated: March 10, 2025
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* * * * *
THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”
of
THE OJIBWA.
by
W. J. HOFFMAN.
* * * * *
CONTENTS.
Page
Introduction 149
Shamans 156
Midē´wiwin 164
Midē´wigân 187
First degree 189
Preparatory instruction 189
Midē´ therapeutics 197
Imploration for clear weather 207
Initiation of candidate 210
Descriptive notes 220
Second degree 224
Preparation of candidate 224
Initiation of candidate 231
Descriptive notes 236
Third degree 240
Preparation of candidate 241
Initiation of candidate 243
Descriptive notes 251
Fourth degree 255
Preparation of candidate 257
Initiation of candidate 258
Descriptive notes 274
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân 278
Initiation by substitution 281
Supplementary notes 286
Pictography 286
Music 289
Dress and ornaments 298
Future of the society 299
ILLUSTRATIONS.
[Plates and Figures were numbered continuously within each Bureau
of Ethnology volume, so there is no Plate I in this article.]
Page
Plate II. Map showing present
distribution of Ojibwa 150
III. Red Lake and Leech Lake records 166
IV. Sikas´sige’s record 170
V. Origin of Âníshinâ´bēg 172
VI. Facial decoration 174
VII. Facial decoration 178
VIII. Ojibwa’s record 182
IX. Mnemonic songs 193
X. Mnemonic songs 202
XI. Sacred objects 220
XII. Invitation sticks 236
XIII. Mnemonic songs 238
XIV. Mnemonic songs 288
XV. Sacred posts 240
XVI. Mnemonic songs 244
XVII. Mnemonic songs 266
XVIII. Jĕs´sakkīd´ removing disease 278
XIX. Birch-bark records 286
XX. Sacred bark scroll and contents 288
XXI. Midē´ relics from Leech Lake 390
XXII. Mnemonic songs 392
XXIII. Midē´ dancing garters 298
Fig. 1. Herbalist preparing medicine
and treating patient 159
2. Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts,
showing descent of Mī´nabō´zho 174
3. Origin of ginseng 175
4. Peep-hole post 178
5. Migration of Âníshinâ´bēg 179
6. Birch-bark record, from White Earth 185
7. Birch-bark record, from Bed Lake 186
8. Birch-bark record, from Red Lake 186
9. Eshgibō´ga 187
10. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the first degree 188
11. Interior of Midē´wigân 188
12. Ojibwa drums 190
13. Midē´ rattle 191
14. Midē´ rattle 191
15. Shooting the Mīgis 192
16. Wooden beads 205
17. Wooden effigy 205
18. Wooden effigy 205
19. Hawk-leg fetish 220
20. Hunter’s medicine 222
21. Hunter’s medicine 222
22. Wâbĕnō´ drum 223
23. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the second degree 224
24. Midē´ destroying an enemy 238
25. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the third degree 240
26. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
27. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
28. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
29. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
30. Jĕs´sakkân´, or juggler’s lodge 252
31. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing woman 255
32. Jĕs´sakkīd´ curing man 255
33. Diagram of Midē´wigân
of the fourth degree 255
34. General view of Midē´wigân 256
35. Indian diagram of ghost lodge 279
36. Leech Lake Midē´ song 295
37. Leech Lake Midē´ song 296
38. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297
39. Leech Lake Midē´ song 297
THE MIDĒ´WIWIN OR “GRAND MEDICINE SOCIETY”
OF THE OJIBWAY.
By W. J. Hoffman.
INTRODUCTION.
The Ojibwa is one of the largest tribes of the United States, and it is
scattered over a considerable area, from the Province of Ontario, on the
east, to the Red River of the North, on the west, and from Manitoba
southward through the States of Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan. This
tribe is, strictly speaking, a timber people, and in its westward
migration or dispersion has never passed beyond the limit of the timber
growth which so remarkably divides the State of Minnesota into two parts
possessing distinct physical features. The western portion of this State
is a gently undulating prairie which sweeps away to the Rocky Mountains,
while the eastern portion is heavily timbered. The dividing line, at or
near the meridian of 95° 50' west longitude, extends due north and
south, and at a point about 75 miles south of the northern boundary the
timber line trends toward the northwest, crossing the State line, 49°
north latitude, at about 97° 10' west longitude.
Minnesota contains many thousand lakes of various sizes, some of which
are connected by fine water courses, while others are entirely isolated.
The wooded country is undulating, the elevated portions being covered
chiefly with pine, fir, spruce, and other coniferous trees, and the
lowest depressions being occupied by lakes, ponds, or marshes, around
which occur the tamarack, willow, and other trees which thrive in moist
ground, while the regions between these extremes are covered with oak,
poplar, ash, birch, maple, and many other varieties of trees and shrubs.
Wild fowl, game, and fish are still abundant, and until recently have
furnished to the Indians the chief source of subsistence.
Tribal organization according to the totemic system is practically
broken up, as the Indians are generally located upon or near the several
reservations set apart for them by the General Government, where they
have been under more or less restraint by the United States Indian
agents and the missionaries. Representatives of various totems or gentes
may therefore be found upon a single reservation, where they continue to
adhere to traditional customs and beliefs, thus presenting an
interesting field for ethnologic research.
The present distribution of the Ojibwa in Minnesota and Wisconsin is
indicated upon the accompanying map, Pl. II. In the southern portion
many of these people have adopted civilized pursuits, but throughout the
northern and northwestern part many bands continue to adhere to their
primitive methods and are commonly designated “wild Indians.” The
habitations of many of the latter are rude and primitive. The bands on
the northeast shore of Red Lake, as well as a few others farther east,
have occupied these isolated sites for an uninterrupted period of about
three centuries, as is affirmed by the chief men of the several villages
and corroborated by other traditional evidence.
Father Claude Alloüez, upon his arrival in 1666 at Shagawaumikong, or La
Pointe, found the Ojibwa preparing to attack the Sioux. The settlement
at this point was an extensive one, and in traditions pertaining to the
“Grand Medicine Society” frequent allusion is made to the fact that at
this place the rites were practiced in their greatest purity.
Mr. Warren, in his History of the Ojibwa Indians,[1] bases his belief
upon traditional evidence that the Ojibwa first had knowledge of the
whites in 1612. Early in the seventeenth century the French missionaries
met with various tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock, as well as
with bands or subtribes of the Ojibwa Indians. One of the latter,
inhabiting the vicinity of Sault Ste. Marie, is frequently mentioned
in the Jesuit Relations as the Saulteurs. This term was applied to all
those people who lived at the Falls, but from other statements it is
clear that the Ojibwa formed the most important body in that vicinity.
La Hontan speaks of the “Outchepoues, alias Sauteurs,” as good warriors.
The name Saulteur survives at this day and is applied to a division of
the tribe.
[Footnote 1: Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc., 1885, vol. 5, p. 130.]
According to statements made by numerous Ojibwa chiefs of importance the
tribe began its westward dispersion from La Pointe and Fond du Lac at
least two hundred and fifty years ago, some of the bands penetrating the
swampy country of northern Minnesota, while others went westward and
southwestward. According to a statement[2] of the location of the tribes
of Lake Superior, made at Mackinaw in 1736, the Sioux then occupied the
southern and northern extremities of that lake. It is possible, however,
that the northern bands of the Ojibwa may have penetrated the region
adjacent to the Pigeon River and passed west to near their present
location, thus avoiding their enemies who occupied the lake shore south
of them.
[Footnote 2: Reproduced from the ninth volume of the New York
Colonial Documents, pp. 1054, 1055.]
[Illustration: Plate II.
Ojibwa Indian Reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin.
I Red Lake. II White Earth. III Winnibigoshish. IV Cass Lake. V Leech
Lake. VI Deer Creek. VII Bois Forte. VIII Vermillion Lake. IX Fond du
Lac. X Mille Lacs. XI Lac Court Oreílle. XII La Pointe. XIII Lac de
Flanibeau. XIV Red Cliff. XV Grand Portage.]
From recent investigations among a number of tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic division it is found that the traditions and practices
pertaining to the Midē´wiwin, Society of the Midē´ or Shamans, popularly
designated as the “Grand Medicine Society,” prevailed generally, and the
rites are still practiced at irregular intervals, though in slightly
different forms in various localities.
In the reports of early travelers and missionaries no special mention is
made of the Midē´, the Jes´sakkīd´, or the Wâbĕnō´, but the term
sorcerer or juggler is generally employed to designate that class of
persons who professed the power of prophecy, and who practiced
incantation and administered medicinal preparations. Constant reference
is made to the opposition of these personages to the introduction of
Christianity. In the light of recent investigation the cause of this
antagonism is seen to lie in the fact that the traditions of Indian
genesis and cosmogony and the ritual of initiation into the Society of
the Midē´ constitute what is to them a religion, even more powerful and
impressive than the Christian religion is to the average civilized man.
This opposition still exists among the leading classes of a number of
the Algonkian tribes, and especially among the Ojibwa, many bands of
whom have been more or less isolated and beyond convenient reach of the
Church. The purposes of the society are twofold; first, to preserve the
traditions just mentioned, and second, to give a certain class of
ambitious men and women sufficient influence through their acknowledged
power of exorcism and necromancy to lead a comfortable life at the
expense of the credulous. The persons admitted into the society are
firmly believed to possess the power of communing with various
supernatural beings--manidos--and in order that certain desires may be
realized they are sought after and consulted. The purpose of the present
paper is to give an account of this society and of the ceremony of
initiation as studied and observed at White Earth, Minnesota, in 1889.
Before proceeding to this, however, it may be of interest to consider a
few statements made by early travelers respecting the “sorcerers or
jugglers” and the methods of medication.
In referring to the practices of the Algonkian tribes of the Northwest,
La Hontan[3] says:
When they are sick, they only drink Broth, and eat sparingly; and if
they have the good luck to fall asleep, they think themselves cur’d:
They have told me frequently, that sleeping and sweating would cure
the most stubborn Diseases in the World. When they are so weak that
they cannot get out of Bed, their Relations come and dance and make
merry before ’em, in order to divert ’em. To conclude, when they are
ill, they are always visited by a sort of Quacks, (_Jongleurs_); of
whom ’t will now be proper to subjoin two or three Words by the bye.
A _Jongleur_ is a sort of _Physician_, or rather a _Quack_, who being
once cur’d of some dangerous Distemper, has the Presumption and Folly
to fancy that he is immortal, and possessed of the Power of curing all
Diseases, by speaking to the Good and Evil Spirits. Now though every
Body rallies upon these Fellows when they are absent, and looks upon
’em as Fools that have lost their Senses by some violent Distemper,
yet they allow ’em to visit the Sick; whether it be to divert ’em with
their Idle Stories, or to have an Opportunity of seeing them rave,
skip about, cry, houl, and make Grimaces and Wry Faces, as if they
were possess’d. When all the Bustle is over, they demand a Feast of a
Stag and some large Trouts for the Company, who are thus regal’d at
once with Diversion and Good Cheer.
When the Quack comes to visit the Patient, he examines him very
carefully; _If the Evil Spirit be here_, says he, _we shall quickly
dislodge him._ This said, he withdraws by himself to a little Tent
made on purpose, where he dances, and sings houling like an Owl;
(which gives the Jesuits Occasion to say, _That the Devil converses
with ’em_.) After he has made an end of this Quack Jargon, he comes
and rubs the Patient in some part of his Body, and pulling some little
Bones out of his Mouth, acquaints the Patient, _That these very Bones
came out of his Body; that he ought to pluck up a good heart, in
regard that his Distemper is but a Trifle; and in fine, that in order
to accelerate the Cure, ’t will be convenient to send his own and his
Relations Slaves to shoot Elks, Deer, &c., to the end they may all eat
of that sort of Meat, upon which his Cure does absolutely depend._
Commonly these Quacks bring ’em some Juices of Plants, which are a
sort of Purges, and are called _Maskikik_.
[Footnote 3: New Voyages to North America, London, 1703, vol. 2,
pp. 47, 48.]
Hennepin, in “A Continuation of the New Discovery,” etc.,[4] speaks of
the religion and sorcerers of the tribes of the St. Lawrence and those
living about the Great Lakes as follows:
We have been all too sadly convinced, that almost all the Salvages in
general have no notion of a God, and that they are not able to
comprehend the most ordinary Arguments on that Subject; others will
have a Spirit that commands, say they, in the Air. Some among ’em look
upon the Skie as a kind of Divinity; others as an _Otkon_ or
_Manitou_, either Good or Evil.
These People admit of some sort of Genius in all things; they all
believe there is a Master of Life, as they call him, but hereof they
make various applications; some of them have a lean Raven, which they
carry always along with them, and which they say is the Master of
their Life; others have an Owl, and some again a Bone, a Sea-Shell,
or some such thing;
There is no Nation among ’em which has not a sort of Juglers or
Conjuerers, which some look upon to be Wizards, but in my Opinion
there is no Great reason to believe ’em such, or to think that their
Practice favours any thing of a Communication with the Devil.
These Impostors cause themselves to be reverenced as Prophets which
fore-tell Futurity. They will needs be look’d upon to have an
unlimited Power. They boast of being able to make it Wet or Dry; to
cause a Calm or a Storm; to render Land Fruitful or Barren; and, in a
Word to make Hunters Fortunate or Unfortunate. They also pretend to
Physick, and to apply Medicines, but which are such, for the most part
as have little Virtue at all in ’em, especially to Cure that Distemper
which they pretend to.
It is impossible to imagine, the horrible Howlings and strange
Contortions that those Jugglers make of their Bodies, when they are
disposing themselves to Conjure, or raise their Enchantments.
[Footnote 4: London, 1689, p. 59, et. seq.]
Marquette, who visited the Miami, Mascontin and Kickapoo Indians in
1673, after referring to the Indian herbalist, mentions also the
ceremony of the “calumet dance,” as follows:
They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal
when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they
take, is proportional to the Presents they make unto those who have
prescrib’d them.
In connection with this, reference is made by Marquette to a certain
class of individuals among the Illinois and Dakota, who were compelled
to wear women’s clothes, and who were debarred many privileges, but were
permitted to “assist at all the Superstitions of their _Juglers_, and
their solemn Dances in honor of the _Calumet_, in which they may sing,
but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call’d to their
Councils, and nothing is determin’d without their Advice; for, because
of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look’d upon as
_Manitous_, or at least for great and incomparable Genius’s.”
That the calumet was brought into requisition upon all occasions of
interest is learned from the following statement, in which the same
writer declares that it is “the most mysterious thing in the World. The
Sceptres of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have
such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it _The God of Peace
and War, and the Arbiter of Life and Death_. Their _Calumet of Peace_ is
different from the _Calumet of War_; They make use of the former to seal
their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive
Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.”
This reverence for the calumet is shown by the manner in which it is
used at dances, in the ceremony of smoking, etc., indicating a religious
devoutness approaching that recently observed among various Algonkian
tribes in connection with the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin. When the
calumet dance was held, the Illinois appear to have resorted to the
houses in the winter and to the groves in the summer. The above-named
authority continues in this connection:
They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter
themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large
Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon the God of the Chief of the Company,
who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call
_Manitoa_. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or anything else
that they dream of in their Sleep; for they think this _Manitoa_ will
prosper their Wants, as Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To
the Right of their _Manitoa_ they place the _Calumet_, their Great
Deity, making round about it a Kind of Trophy with their Arms, viz.
their Clubs, Axes, Bows, Quivers, and Arrows. * * * Every Body
sits down afterwards, round about, as they come, having first of all
saluted the _Manitoa_, which they do in blowing the Smoak of their
Tobacco upon it, which is as much as offering to it Frankincense.
* * * This _Preludium_ being over, he who is to begin the Dance
appears in the middle of the Assembly, and having taken the _Calumet_,
presents it to the Sun, as if he wou’d invite him to smoke. Then he
moves it into an infinite Number of Postures sometimes laying it near
the Ground, then stretching its Wings, as if he wou’d make it fly, and
then presents it to the Spectators, who smoke with it one after
another, dancing all the while. This is the first Scene of this famous
Ball.
The infinite number of postures assumed in offering the pipe appear as
significant as the “smoke ceremonies” mentioned in connection with the
preparatory instruction of the candidate previous to his initiation into
the Midē´wiwin.
In his remarks on the religion of the Indians and the practices of the
sorcerers, Hennepin says:
As for their Opinion concerning the Earth, they make use of a Name of
a certain _Genius_, whom they call _Micaboche_, who has cover’d the
whole Earth with water (as they imagine) and relate innumerable
fabulous Tales, some of which have a kind of Analogy with the
Universal Deluge. These Barbarians believe that there are certain
Spirits in the Air, between Heaven and Earth, who have a power to
foretell future Events, and others who play the part of Physicians,
curing all sorts of Distempers. Upon which account, it happens, that
these _Savages_ are very Superstitious, and consult their Oracles with
a great deal of exactness. One of these Masters-Jugglers who pass for
Sorcerers among them, one day caus’d a Hut to be erected with ten
thick Stakes, which he fix’d very deep in the Ground, and then made a
horrible noise to Consult the Spirits, to know whether abundance of
Snow wou’d fall ere long, that they might have good game in the
Hunting of Elks and Beavers: Afterward he bawl’d out aloud from the
bottom of the Hut, that he saw many Herds of Elks, which were as yet
at a very great distance, but that they drew near within seven or
eight Leagues of their Huts, which caus’d a great deal of joy among
those poor deluded Wretches.
That this statement refers to one or more tribes of the Algonkian
linguistic stock is evident, not only because of the reference to the
sorcerers and their peculiar methods of procedure, but also that the
name of _Micaboche_, an Algonkian divinity, appears. This Spirit, who
acted as an intercessor between Ki´tshi Man´idō (Great Spirit) and the
Indians, is known among the Ojibwa as Mi´nabō´zho; but to this full
reference will be made further on in connection with the Myth of the
origin of the Midē´wiwin. The tradition of Nokomis (the earth) and the
birth of Manabush (the Mi´nabō´zho of the Menomoni) and his brother, the
Wolf, that pertaining to the re-creation of the world, and fragments of
other myths, are thrown together and in a mangled form presented by
Hennepin in the following words:
Some Salvages which live at the upper end of the River St. _Lawrence_,
do relate a pretty diverting Story. They hold almost the same opinion
with the former [the Iroquois], that a Woman came down from Heaven,
and remained for some while fluttering in the Air, not finding Ground
whereupon to put her Foot. But that the Fishes moved with Compassion
for her, immediately held a Consultation to deliberate which of them
should receive her. The Tortoise very officiously offered its Back on
the Surface of the Water. The Woman came to rest upon it, and fixed
herself there. Afterwards the Filthiness and Dirt of the Sea gathering
together about the Tortoise, there was formed by little and little
that vast Tract of Land, which we now call _America_.
They add that this Woman grew weary of her Solitude, wanting some body
for to keep her Company, that so she might spend her time more
pleasantly. Melancholy and Sadness having seiz’d upon her Spirits, she
fell asleep, and a Spirit descended from above, and finding her in
that Condition approach’d and knew her unperceptibly. From which
Approach she conceived two Children, which came forth out of one of
her Ribs. But these two Brothers could never afterwards agree
together. One of them was a better Huntsman than the other; they
quarreled every day; and their Disputes grew so high at last, that one
could not bear with the other. One especially being of a very wild
Temper, hated mortally his Brother who was of a milder Constitution,
who being no longer able to endure the Pranks of the other, he
resolved at last to part from him. He retired then into Heaven,
whence, for a Mark of his just Resentment, he causeth at several times
his Thunder to rore over the Head of his unfortunate Brother.
Sometime after the Spirit descended again on that Woman, and she
conceived a Daughter, from whom (as the Salvages say) were propagated
these numerous People, which do occupy now one of the greatest parts
of the Universe.
It is evident that the narrator has sufficiently distorted the
traditions to make them conform, as much as practicable, to the biblical
story of the birth of Christ. No reference whatever is made in the
Ojibwa or Menomoni myths to the conception of the Daughter of Nokomis
(the earth) by a celestial visitant, but the reference is to one of the
wind gods. Mi´nabō´zho became angered with the Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the
latter, to appease his discontent, gave to Mi´nabō´zho the rite of the
Midēwiwin. The brother of Mi´nabō´zho was destroyed by the malevolent
underground spirits and now rules the abode of shadows,--the “Land of
the Midnight Sun.”
Upon his arrival at the “Bay of Puans” (Green Bay, Wisconsin), Marquette
found a village inhabited by three nations, viz: “Miamis, Maskoutens,
and Kikabeux.” He says:
When I arriv’d there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in
the middle of the Village, adorn’d with several White Skins, Red
Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer’d to the
Great _Manitou_, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken
of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous
Hunting. _Manitou_, is the Name they give in general to all Spirits
whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.
Marquette was without doubt ignorant of the fact that the cross is the
sacred post, and the symbol of the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin, as
will be fully explained in connection with that grade of the society.
The erroneous conclusion that the cross was erected as an evidence of
the adoption of Christianity, and possibly as a compliment to the
visitor, was a natural one on the part of the priest, but this same
symbol of the Midē´ Society had probably been erected and bedecked with
barbaric emblems and weapons months before anything was known of him.
The result of personal investigations among the Ojibwa, conducted during
the years 1887, 1888 and 1889, are presented in the accompanying paper.
The information was obtained from a number of the chief Midē´ priests
living at Red Lake and White Earth reservations, as well as from members
of the society from other reservations, who visited the last named
locality during the three years. Special mention of the peculiarity of
the music recorded will be made at the proper place; and it may here be
said that in no instance was the use of colors detected, in any
birch-bark or other records or mnemonic songs, simply to heighten the
artistic effect; though the reader would be led by an examination of the
works of Schoolcraft to believe this to be a common practice. Col.
Garrick Mallery; U.S. Army, in a paper read before the Anthropological
Society of Washington, District of Columbia, in 1888, says, regarding
this subject:
The general character of his voluminous publications has not been such
as to assure modern critics of his accuracy, and the wonderful
minuteness, as well as comprehension, attributed by him to the Ojibwa
hieroglyphs has been generally regarded of late with suspicion. It was
considered in the Bureau of Ethnology an important duty to ascertain
how much of truth existed in these remarkable accounts, and for that
purpose its pictographic specialists, myself and Dr. W. J. Hoffman as
assistant, were last summer directed to proceed to the most favorable
points in the present habitat of the tribe, namely, the northern
region of Minnesota and Wisconsin, to ascertain how much was yet to be
discovered. * * * The general results of the comparison of
Schoolcraft’s statements with what is now found shows that, in
substance, he told the truth, but with much exaggeration and coloring.
The word “coloring” is particularly appropriate, because, in his
copious illustrations, various colors were used freely with apparent
significance, whereas, in fact, the general rule in regard to the
birch-bark rolls was that they were never colored at all; indeed, the
bark was not adapted to coloration. The metaphorical coloring was also
used by him in a manner which, to any thorough student of the Indian
philosophy and religion, seems absurd. Metaphysical expressions are
attached to some of the devices, or, as he calls them, symbols, which,
could never have been entertained by a people in the stage of culture
of the Ojibwa.
SHAMANS.
There are extant among the Ojibwa Indians three classes of mystery men,
termed respectively and in order of importance the Midē´, the
Jĕs´sakkīd´, and the Wâbĕnō´, but before proceeding to elaborate in
detail the Society of the Midē´, known as the Midē´wiwin, a brief
description of the last two is necessary.
The term Wâbĕnō´ has been explained by various intelligent Indians as
signifying “Men of the dawn,” “Eastern men,” etc. Their profession is
not thoroughly understood, and their number is so extremely limited that
but little information respecting them can be obtained. Schoolcraft,[5]
in referring to the several classes of Shamans, says “there is a third
form or rather modification of the medawin, * * * the Wâbĕnō´;
a term denoting a kind of midnight orgies, which is regarded as a
corruption of the Meda.” This writer furthermore remarks[6] that “it is
stated by judicious persons among themselves to be of modern origin.
They regard it as a degraded form of the mysteries of the Meda.”
[Footnote 5: Information respecting the history, condition, and
prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States. Philadelphia,
1851, vol. 1, p. 319.]
[Footnote 6: Ibid., p. 362.]
From personal investigation it has been ascertained that a Wâbĕnō´ does
not affiliate with others of his class so as to constitute a society,
but indulges his pretensions individually. A Wâbĕnō´ is primarily
prompted by dreams or visions which may occur during his youth, for
which purpose he leaves his village to fast for an indefinite number of
days. It is positively affirmed that evil man´idōs favor his desires,
and apart from his general routine of furnishing “hunting medicine,”
“love powders,” etc., he pretends also to practice medical magic. When a
hunter has been successful through the supposed assistance of the
Wâbĕnō´, he supplies the latter with part of the game, when, in giving a
feast to his tutelary daimon, the Wâbĕnō´ will invite a number of
friends, but all who desire to come are welcome. This feast is given at
night; singing and dancing are boisterously indulged in, and the
Wâbĕnō´, to sustain his reputation, entertains his visitors with a
further exhibition of his skill. By the use of plants he is alleged to
be enabled to take up and handle with impunity red-hot stones and
burning brands, and without evincing the slightest discomfort it is said
that he will bathe his hands in boiling water, or even boiling maple
sirup. On account of such performances the general impression prevails
among the Indians that the Wâbĕnō´ is a “dealer in fire,” or
“fire-handler.” Such exhibitions always terminate at the approach of
day. The number of these pretenders who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin, is very limited; for instance, there are at present but two
or three at White Earth Reservation and none at Leech Lake.
As a general rule, however, the Wâbĕnō´ will seek entrance into the
Midē´wiwin when he becomes more of a specialist in the practice of
medical magic, incantations, and the exorcism of malevolent man´idōs,
especially such as cause disease.
The Jĕs´sakkīd´ is a seer and prophet; though commonly designated a
“juggler,” the Indians define him as a “revealer of hidden truths.”
There is no association whatever between the members of this profession,
and each practices his art singly and alone whenever a demand is made
and the fee presented. As there is no association, so there is no
initiation by means of which one may become a Jĕs´sakkīd´. The gift is
believed to be given by the thunder god, or Animiki´, and then only at
long intervals and to a chosen few. The gift is received during youth,
when the fast is undertaken and when visions appear to the individual.
His renown depends upon his own audacity and the opinion of the tribe.
He is said to possess the power to look into futurity; to become
acquainted with the affairs and intentions of men; to prognosticate the
success or misfortune of hunters and warriors, as well as other affairs
of various individuals, and to call from any living human being the
soul, or, more strictly speaking, the shadow, thus depriving the victim
of reason, and even of life. His power consists in invoking, and causing
evil, while that of the Midē´ is to avert it; he attempts at times to
injure the Midē´ but the latter, by the aid of his superior man´idos,
becomes aware of, and averts such premeditated injury. It sometimes
happens that the demon possessing a patient is discovered, but the Midē´
alone has the power to expel him. The exorcism of demons is one of the
chief pretensions of this personage, and evil spirits are sometimes
removed by sucking them through tubes, and startling tales are told how
the Jĕs´sakkīd´ can, in the twinkling of an eye, disengage himself of
the most complicated tying of cords and ropes, etc. The lodge used by
this class of men consists of four poles planted in the ground, forming
a square of three or four feet and upward in diameter, around which are
wrapped birch bark, robes, or canvas in such a way as to form an upright
cylinder. Communion is held with the turtle, who is the most powerful
man´idō of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and through him, with numerous other
malevolent man´idōs, especially the Animiki´, or thunder-bird. When the
prophet has seated himself within his lodge the structure begins to sway
violently from side to side, loud thumping noises are heard within,
denoting the arrival of man´idōs, and numerous voices and laughter are
distinctly audible to those without. Questions may then be put to the
prophet and, if everything be favorable, the response is not long in
coming. In his notice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, Schoolcraft affirms[7] that
“while he thus exercises the functions of a prophet, he is also a member
of the highest class of the fraternity of the Midâwin--a society of men
who exercise the medical art on the principles of magic and
incantations.” The fact is that there is not the slightest connection
between the practice of the Jĕs´sakkīd´ and that of the Midē´wiwin, and
it is seldom, if at all, that a Midē´ becomes a Jĕs´sakkīd´, although
the latter sometimes gains admission into the Midē´wiwin, chiefly with
the intention of strengthening his power with his tribe.
[Footnote 7: Op. cit., vol. 5, p. 423.]
The number of individuals of this class who are not members of the
Midē´wiwin is limited, though greater than that of the Wâbĕnō´. An idea
of the proportion of numbers of the respective classes may be formed by
taking the case of Menomoni Indians, who are in this respect upon the
same plane as the Ojibwa. That tribe numbers about fifteen hundred, the
Midē´ Society consisting, in round numbers, of one hundred members, and
among the entire population there are but two Wâbĕnō´ and five
Jĕs´sakkīd´.
It is evident that neither the Wâbĕnō´ nor the Jĕs´sakkīd´ confine
themselves to the mnemonic songs which are employed during their
ceremonial performances, or even prepare them to any extent. Such bark
records as have been observed or recorded, even after most careful
research and examination extending over the field seasons of three
years, prove to have been the property of Wâbĕnō´ and Jĕs´sakkīd´, who
were also Midē´. It is probable that those who practice either of the
first two forms of ceremonies and nothing else are familiar with and may
employ for their own information certain mnemonic records; but they are
limited to the characteristic formulæ of exorcism, as their practice
varies and is subject to changes according to circumstances and the
requirements and wants of the applicant when words are chanted to accord
therewith.
Some examples of songs used by Jĕs´sakkīd´, after they have become
Midē´, will be given in the description of the several degrees of the
Midē ’wiwin.
There is still another class of persons termed Mashkī´kĭkē´winĭnĭ, or
herbalists, who are generally denominated “medicine men,” as the Ojibwa
word implies. Their calling is a simple one, and consists in knowing the
mysterious properties of a variety of plants, herbs, roots, and berries,
which are revealed upon application and for a fee. When there is an
administration of a remedy for a given complaint, based upon true
scientific principles, it is only in consequence of such practice having
been acquired from the whites, as it has usually been the custom of the
Catholic Fathers to utilize all ordinary and available remedies for the
treatment of the common disorders of life. Although these herbalists are
aware that certain plants or roots will produce a specified effect upon
the human system, they attribute the benefit to the fact that such
remedies are distasteful and injurious to the demons who are present in
the system and to whom the disease is attributed. Many of these
herbalists are found among women, also; and these, too, are generally
members of the Midē´wiwin. In Fig. 1 is shown an herbalist preparing a
mixture.
[Illustration: Fig. 1.--Herbalist preparing medicine and treating
patient.]
The origin of the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society, commonly, though
erroneously, termed Grand Medicine Society, is buried in obscurity. In
the Jesuit Relations, as early as 1642, frequent reference is made to
sorcerers, jugglers, and persons whose faith, influence, and practices
are dependent upon the assistance of “Manitous,” or mysterious spirits;
though, as there is no discrimination made between these different
professors of magic, it is difficult positively to determine which of
the several classes were met with at that early day. It is probable that
the Jĕs´sakkīd´, or juggler, and the Midē´, or Shaman, were referred to.
The Midē´, in the true sense of the word, is a Shaman, though he has by
various authors been termed powwow, medicine man, priest, seer, prophet,
etc. Among the Ojibwa the office is not hereditary; but among the
Menomoni a curious custom exists, by which some one is selected to fill
the vacancy one year after the death of a Shaman. Whether a similar
practice prevailed among other tribes of the Algonkian linguistic stock
can be ascertained only by similar research among the tribes
constituting that stock.
Among the Ojibwa, however, a substitute is sometimes taken to fill the
place of one who has been prepared to receive the first degree of the
Midē´wiwin, or Society of the Midē´, but who is removed by death before
the proper initiation has been conferred. This occurs when a young man
dies, in which case his father or mother may be accepted as a
substitute. This will be explained in more detail under the caption of
Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or “Ghost Lodge,” a collateral branch of the
Midē´wiwin.
As I shall have occasion to refer to the work of the late Mr. W. W.
Warren, a few words respecting him will not be inappropriate. Mr. Warren
was an Ojibwa mixed blood, of good education, and later a member of the
legislature of Minnesota. His work, entiled “History of the Ojibwa
Nation,” was published in Vol. V of the Collections of the Minnesota
Historical Society, St. Paul, 1885, and edited by Dr. E. D. Neill. Mr.
Warren’s work is the result of the labor of a lifetime among his own
people, and, had he lived, he would undoubtedly have added much to the
historical material of which the printed volume chiefly consists. His
manuscript was completed about the year 1852, and he died the following
year. In speaking of the Society of the Midē´,[8] he says:
The grand rite of Me-da-we-win (or, as we have learned to term it,
“Grand Medicine,”) and the beliefs incorporated therein, are not yet
fully understood by the whites. This important custom is still
shrouded in mystery even to my own eyes, though I have taken much
pains to inquire and made use of every advantage possessed by speaking
their language perfectly, being related to them, possessing their
friendship and intimate confidence has given me, and yet I frankly
acknowledge that I stand as yet, as it were, on the threshold of the
Me-da-we lodge. I believe, however, that I have obtained full as much
and more general and true information on this matter than any other
person who has written on the subject, not excepting a great and
standard author, who, to the surprise of many who know the Ojibways
well, has boldly asserted in one of his works that he has been
regularly initiated into the mysteries of this rite, and is a member
of the Me-da-we Society. This is certainly an assertion hard to
believe in the Indian country; and when the old initiators or Indian
priests are told of it they shake their heads in incredulity that a
white man should ever have been allowed _in truth_ to become a member
of their Me-da-we lodge.
An entrance into the lodge itself, while the ceremonies are being
enacted, has sometimes been granted through courtesy; though this does
not initiate a person into the mysteries of the creed, nor does it
make him a member of the Society.
[Footnote 8: Op. cit., pp. 65, 66.]
These remarks pertaining to the pretensions of “a great and standard
authority” have reference to Mr. Schoolcraft, who among numerous other
assertions makes the following, in the first volume of his Information
Respecting the Indian Tribes of the United States, Philadelphia, 1851,
p. 361, viz:
I had observed the exhibitions of the Medawin, and the exactness and
studious ceremony with which its rites were performed in 1820 in the
region of Lake Superior; and determined to avail myself of the
advantages of my official position, in 1822, when I returned as a
Government agent for the tribes, to make further inquiries into its
principles and mode of proceeding. And for this purpose I had its
ceremonies repeated in my office, under the secrecy of closed doors,
with every means of both correct interpretation and of recording the
result. Prior to this transaction I had observed in the hands of an
Indian of the Odjibwa tribe one of those symbolic tablets of pictorial
notation which have been sometimes called “music boards,” from the
fact of their devices being sung off by the initiated of the Meda
Society. This constituted the object of the explanations, which, in
accordance with the positive requisitions of the leader of the society
and three other initiates, was thus ceremoniously made.
This statement is followed by another,[9] in which Mr. Schoolcraft, in a
foot-note, affirms:
Having in 1823 been myself admitted to the class of a Meda by the
Chippewas, and taken the initiatory step of a _Sagima_ and
_Jesukaid_in each of the other fraternities, and studied their
pictographic system with great care and good helps, I may speak with
the more decision on the subject.
[Footnote 9: Op. cit., vol. 5, p, 71.]
Mr. Schoolcraft presents a superficial outline of the initiatory
ceremonies as conducted during his time, but as the description is
meager, notwithstanding that there is every evidence that the ceremonies
were conducted with more completeness and elaborate dramatization nearly
three-quarters of a century ago than at the present day, I shall not
burden this paper with useless repetition, but present the subject as
conducted within the last three years.
Mr. Warren truly says:
In the Me-da-we rite is incorporated most that is ancient amongst
them--songs and traditions that have descended not orally, but in
hieroglyphs, for at least a long time of generations. In this rite is
also perpetuated the purest and most ancient idioms of their language,
which differs somewhat from that of the common everyday use.
As the ritual of the Midē´wiwin is based to a considerable extent upon
traditions pertaining to the cosmogony and genesis and to the thoughtful
consideration by the Good Spirit for the Indian, it is looked upon by
them as “their religion,” as they themselves designate it.
In referring to the rapid changes occurring among many of the Western
tribes of Indians, and the gradual discontinuance of aboriginal
ceremonies and customs, Mr. Warren remarks[10] in reference to the
Ojibwa:
Even among these a change is so rapidly taking place, caused by a
close contact with the white race, that ten years hence it will be too
late to save the traditions of their forefathers from total oblivion.
And even now it is with great difficulty that genuine information can
be obtained of them. Their aged men are fast falling into their
graves, and they carry with them the records of the past history of
their people; they are the initiators of the grand rite of religious
belief which they believe the Great Spirit has granted to his red
children to secure them long life on earth and life hereafter; and in
the bosoms of these old men are locked up the original secrets of this
their most ancient belief. * * *
They fully believe, and it forms part of their religion, that the
world has once been covered by a deluge, and that we are now living on
what they term the “new earth.” This idea is fully accounted for by
their vague traditions; and in their Me-da-we-win or religion,
hieroglyphs are used to denote this second earth.
[Footnote 10: Op. cit., p. 25.]
Furthermore,
They fully believe that the red man mortally angered the Great Spirit
which caused the deluge, and at the commencement of the new earth it
was only through the medium and intercession of a powerful being, whom
they denominate Manab-o-sho, that they were allowed to exist, and
means were given them whereby to subsist and support life; and a code
of religion was more lately bestowed on them, whereby they could
commune with the offended Great Spirit, and ward off the approach and
ravages of death.
It may be appropriate in this connection to present the description
given by Rev. Peter Jones of the Midē´ priests and priestesses. Mr.
Jones was an educated Ojibwa Episcopal clergyman, and a member of the
Missasauga--i.e., the Eagle totemic division of that tribe of Indians
living in Canada. In his work[11] he states:
Each tribe has its medicine men and women--an order of priesthood
consulted and employed in all times of sickness. These powwows are
persons who are believed to have performed extraordinary cures, either
by the application of roots and herbs or by incantations. When an
Indian wishes to be initiated into the order of a powwow, in the first
place he pays a large fee to the faculty. He is then taken into the
woods, where he is taught the names and virtues of the various useful
plants; next he is instructed how to chant the medicine song, and how
to pray, which prayer is a vain repetition offered up to the Master of
Life, or to some munedoo whom the afflicted imagine they have
offended.
The powwows are held in high veneration by their deluded brethren; not
so much for their knowledge of medicine as for the magical power which
they are supposed to possess. It is for their interest to lead these
credulous people to believe that they can at pleasure hold intercourse
with the munedoos, who are ever ready to give them whatever
information they require.
[Footnote 11: History of the Ojebway Indians, London [1843(?)],
pp. 143,144.]
The Ojibwa believe in a multiplicity of spirits, or man´idōs, which
inhabit all space and every conspicuous object in nature. These
man´idōs, in turn, are subservient to superior ones, either of a
charitable and benevolent character or those which are malignant and
aggressive. The chief or superior man´idō is termed Ki´tshi
Man´idō--Great Spirit--approaching to a great extent the idea of the God
of the Christian religion; the second in their estimation is Dzhe
Man´idō, a benign being upon whom they look as the guardian spirit of
the Midē´wiwin and through whose divine provision the sacred rites of
the Midē´wiwin were granted to man. The Ani´miki or Thunder God is, if
not the supreme, at least one of the greatest of the malignant man´idōs,
and it is from him that the Jĕs´sakkīd´ are believed to obtain their
powers of evil doing. There is one other, to whom special reference will
be made, who abides in and rules the “place of shadows,” the hereafter;
he is known as Dzhibai´ Man´idō--Shadow Spirit, or more commonly Ghost
Spirit. The name of Ki´tshi Man´idō is never mentioned but with
reverence, and thus only in connection with the rite of Midē´wiwin, or a
sacred feast, and always after making an offering of tobacco.
The first important event in the life of an Ojibwa youth is his first
fast. For this purpose he will leave his home for some secluded spot in
the forest where he will continue to fast for an indefinite number of
days; when reduced by abstinence from food he enters a hysterical or
ecstatic state in which he may have visions and hallucinations. The
spirits which the Ojibwa most desire to see in these dreams are those of
mammals and birds, though any object, whether animate or inanimate, is
considered a good omen. The object which first appears is adopted as the
personal mystery, guardian spirit, or tutelary daimon of the entranced,
and is never mentioned by him without first making a sacrifice. A small
effigy of this man´idō is made, or its outline drawn upon a small piece
of birch bark, which is carried suspended by a string around the neck,
or if the wearer be a Midē´ he carries it in his “medicine bag” or
pinji´gosân. The future course of life of the faster is governed by his
dream; and it sometimes occurs that because of giving an imaginary
importance to the occurrence, such as beholding, during the trance some
powerful man´idō or other object held in great reverence by the members
of the Midē´ Society, the faster first becomes impressed with the idea
of becoming a Midē´. Thereupon he makes application to a prominent Midē´
priest, and seeks his advice as to the necessary course to be pursued to
attain his desire. If the Midē´ priest considers with favor the
application, he consults with his confrères and action is taken, and the
questions of the requisite preliminary instructions, fees, and presents,
etc., are formally discussed. If the Midē´ priests are in accord with
the desires of the applicant an instructor or preceptor is designated,
to whom he must present himself and make an agreement as to the amount
of preparatory information to be acquired and the fees and other
presents to be given in return. These fees have nothing whatever to do
with the presents which must be presented to the Midē´ priests previous
to his initiation as a member of the society, the latter being collected
during the time that is devoted to preliminary instruction, which period
usually extends over several years. Thus ample time is found for
hunting, as skins and peltries, of which those not required as presents
may be exchanged for blankets, tobacco, kettles, guns, etc., obtainable
from the trader. Sometimes a number of years are spent in preparation
for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin, and there are many who have
impoverished themselves in the payment of fees and the preparation for
the feast to which all visiting priests are also invited.
Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society
he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase
a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a
small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His
application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and
the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a Wâbĕnō´ wishes
to become a Midē´.
MIDĒ´WIWIN.
The Midē´wiwin--Society of the Midē´ or Shamans--consists of an
indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded into
four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general
impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond
the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained
by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having
submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the
officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain
localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there
is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One
circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that
is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the
Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of
the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which
reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in
forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the
importance and sacredness of the ceremony.
It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve
birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent
pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner
is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to
the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when an
accepted candidate has paid his fee, and then only after necessary
preparation by fasting and offerings of tobacco.
During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good
fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which,
according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests,
had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian
unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½
inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of
birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat
strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured
transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as
to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A,
is a reproduction of the design referred to.
It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at
the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it
in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish
Ojibwa.
It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand
Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin
was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict
accordance with ancient and traditional usage.
The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the
preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very
great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the
traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions
occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and
the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On
account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long
continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually
occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial
representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and
ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has
already been given.
A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented
further on in connection with two interesting variants which were
subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the
widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa,
and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the
ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at
some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of
tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the
origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was
possible to procure will be submitted.
In all of their traditions pertaining to the early history of the tribe
these people are termed A-nish´-in-â´-bēg--original people--a term
surviving also among the Ottawa, Patawatomi, and Menomoni, indicating
that the tradition of their westward migration was extant prior to the
final separation of these tribes, which is supposed to have occurred at
Sault Ste. Marie.
Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of
the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit, and
acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally
supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and
the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.
The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as
given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake
(Pl. III A), is as follows:
When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the
earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the
Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth--the northeast, the
southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they
were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases
with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with
animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabō´zho
remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring
to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something
laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water
to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching
it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the
north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared.
Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the
water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it
might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it
disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south
(No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he
might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing
in the west Mi´nabō´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the
earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was
the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then
Mi´nabō´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and
gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of
the sick; the sacred Midē´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of
initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in
invocations and in making peace.
[Illustration: Plate III.
Red Lake and Leech Lake Records.]
The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of a
large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is
called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then Mi´nabō´zho
built a Midē´wigân (sacred Midē´ lodge), and taking his drum he beat
upon it and sang a Midē´ song, telling the Otter that Dzhe Man´idō had
decided to help the Aníshinâ´bōg, that they might always have life and
an abundance of food and other things necessary for their comfort.
Mi´nabō´zho then took the Otter into the Midē´wigân and conferred upon
him the secrets of the Midē´wiwin, and with his Midē´ bag shot the
sacred mī´gis into his body that he might have immortality and be able
to confer these secrets to his kinsmen, the Aníshinâ´bēg.
The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may
consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar
to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and
the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this
day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the
Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted
that much of the information has been lost through the death of their
aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the
sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the
adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´
priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are
in consequence termed “pagans.”
My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other
information in explanation of the various characters represented
thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of
the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter
appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the
semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the
earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8.
Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who
endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of
the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the
outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding
lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the
lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the
course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13,
14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are
always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a
rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of
this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No.
20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents
the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to
which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may
compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the
Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred
drum which the candidate must use when chanting the prayers, and two
offerings must be made, as indicated by the number two.
After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to
advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers
to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No.
29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are
indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27.
Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs who
oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers
directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the
four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the
two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the
middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his
way to the second degree.
Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the
entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos.
37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but
while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45
simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this second
initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in
the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and
intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as
specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.
When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō
supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from
the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he
can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that
he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance,
however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his
ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or
duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a
Midē´ of this degree has several times had the mī´gis--life--“shot into
his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity
of influence obtained thereby.
No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his
powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any
animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim,
immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent
of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass
the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the
intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the
modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig.
24, page 238.
Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special
reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No. 50,
represents such an individual in his disguise of a bear, the characters
at Nos. 51 and 52 denoting footprints of a bear made by him, impressions
of which are sometimes found in the vicinity of lodges occupied by his
intended victims. The trees shown upon either side of No. 50 signify a
forest, the location usually sought by bad Midē´ and witches.
If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of
the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before
described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating
Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53
denotes that the candidate now personates the bear--not one of the
malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to
be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He
is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the
Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)--who has until this opposed his
advancement--now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances
toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midē´wiwin,
where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits,
the guardians of this degree.
Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this
degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in
connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and
more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he
becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he
possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented
in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms
denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp
from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish
extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and
assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes
more widely extended.
Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special
guardians of the third degree lodge.
To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater
number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to
personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown
sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for
his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most
powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a
candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure
(No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of
Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern
entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit.
Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain
possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance
to the candidate’s entrance. The chiefs of this group of malevolent
beings are Bears (Nos. 88 and 96), the Panther (No. 91), the Lynx (No.
97), and many others whose names they have forgotten, their positions
being indicated at Nos. 85, 86, 87, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, and 95, all but
the last resembling characters ordinarily employed to designate
serpents.
The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing
through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure
(No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is
covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midē´wiwin.
These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests, during the
initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines connecting them
in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or
organs of the body may be exercised.
The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to
accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only
endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others,
as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head,
but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at
pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the
prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he
usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly
designated “the Jugglery.”
The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may
have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was
not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the
history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin.
Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is
an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed
by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of
his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the
right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at
which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are
designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and
left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is
termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´--End of the road--and is alluded to in the
ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e.,
the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes
(No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have
been a fourth degree Midē´ for a period of 14 years.
The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the same
individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical
strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midē´
priest of the society for that number of years.
[Illustration: Plate IV.
Sikas´sige’s Record.]
The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the
interior designating the location of the sacred post (No. 107) and the
stone (No. 108) against which the sick are placed during the time of
treatment, signifies the owner to have practiced his calling of the
exorcism of demons. But that he also visited the sick beyond the
acknowledged jurisdiction of the society in which he resided, is
indicated by the path (No. 109) leading around the sacred inclosure.
Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge
is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114),
leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another
similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to
the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the
north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge.
Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting
the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided
over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´.
No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân to
the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the
dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is personated by
a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when giving a feast
to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the
Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.
Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal
record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4
represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been
initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he
has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear
tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit,
considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits
of the fourth degree wigwam.
The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a
birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a
lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together
with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the
Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose
courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no
information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had
an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech
Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data
concerning them.
The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second
degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at
Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and
4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in
the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. 9, 10, 11, 12,
and 13 denote the sacred drum, which may be used by him during his
initiation, while Nos. 14, 15, 16, and 17 denote that he was one of the
four officiating priests of the Midē´wigân at his place of residence.
Each of these figures is represented as holding their sacred bags as
during the ceremonies. No. 18 denotes the path he has been pursuing
since he became a Midē´, while at Nos. 19 and 20 diverging lines signify
that his course is beset with temptations and enemies, as referred to in
the description of the Red Lake chart, Pl. III A.
The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred to
will be described and figured hereafter.
The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by
Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident
at White Earth.
The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several
degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at
Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years,
received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ
received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although
he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the
society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation
he was permitted to be present.
Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the
officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by
him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following
tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which
Pl. V is a reduced copy:
In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´ Man´idōs. He
first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5);
but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1)
made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they
should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians.
When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon
observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and
that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon
become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth were four
lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Man´idō decided to
commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians
could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told
him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information
to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They
all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at
Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for
the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask
Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the
people.
Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go
to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the
council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the
earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own.
[Illustration: Plate V.
Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.]
This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this
woman’s son died. The parents were so much distressed that they
decided to return to the village and bury the body there; so they made
preparations to return, and as they traveled along, they would each
evening erect several poles upon which the body was placed to prevent
the wild beasts from devouring it. When the dead boy was thus hanging
upon the poles, the adopted child--who was the Sun Spirit--would play
about the camp and amuse himself, and finally told his adopted father
he pitied him, and his mother, for their sorrow. The adopted son said
he could bring his dead brother to life, whereupon the parents
expressed great surprise and desired to know how that could be
accomplished.
The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he
said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead
boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in
the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been
done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated
themselves around the corpse.
When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through
the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came
towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead
body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it towards the
left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began
quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he
had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and
stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the
distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the
following words:
Nōs ka-wī´-na ni´-shi-na´-bi wis-sī´ a´-ya-wī´-an man´-i-dō
My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit
nin-gī´-sis. Be-mai´-a-mī´-nik ni´-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mī-a-zhĭ´-gwa
son. Insomuch my fellow spirit now
tshí-gĭ-a´-we-ân´. Nōs a-zhĭ´-gwa a-sē´-ma tshi´-a-tō´-yēk.
as you are. My father now tobacco you shall put.
A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem mi-ē´-ta â´-wi-dink´ dzhi-gŏsh´-kwi-tōt´
He speaks of only once to be able to do it
wen´-dzhi-bi-mâ´-di-zid´-o-ma´ a-gâ´-wa bi-mâ-dĭ-zĭd´-mi-o-ma´;
why he shall live here now that he scarcely lives;
ni-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mí-a-zhĭ´-gwa tshí-gĭ-wĕ´-ân.
my fellow spirit now I shall go home.
The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then
remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of
the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his
adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return
to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear
sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable
them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life
but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would
feel his influence.
This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī gē-wī-nĭp--
“Little-boy-his-work.”
From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes
the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of
initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a
candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are
denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts
of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the
ceremony can take place.
Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the
tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate
the Makwa´ Man´idō--Bear Spirit--when entering the Midē´wiwin (No. 19).
No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō is termed by the Midē´
priests. The presence of horns attached to the head is a common symbol
of superior power found in connection with the figures of human and
divine forms in many Midē´ songs and other mnemonic records. No. 21
represents the earth’s surface, similar to that designated at No. 22.
Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians
with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of
Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be
explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of
events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that
there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances
being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative
relating to the chart on Pl. III A.
This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baiē´dzhĕk,
was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe
about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sigĕ is
similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting
variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the
delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.
By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1,
resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl.
III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe
inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated between the cardinal
points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island,
only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted.
The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A
and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. V, No. 21)
upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands
vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the
first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between
Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have
occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sigĕ the two
charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration,
Fig. 2.
[Illustration: Fig. 2.--Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent
of Min´abō´zho.]
[Illustration: Plate VI.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
Sikas´sigĕ’s explanation of the Mille Lacs chart (Pl. IV) is
substantially as follows:
[Illustration: Fig. 3.--Origin of Ginseng.]
When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg
the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi
Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without the means of
protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent
Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over
the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to
communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an
otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the
waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the
surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which
pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he
might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi
Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the
north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would
come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make
its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of
sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to
approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did.
This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of
the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit
always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.
Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When
the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish to give
them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them the
means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through
you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.”
Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed the Otter
in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door
of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10), sunning himself,
after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14), where his
progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and
13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was
enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the
first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which
those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the
ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17)
painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also
have to pray to the stone and to the post, when he is within the
Midē´wigân, because within them would be the Midē´ spirits whose help
he invoked. The Otter was then taken to the middle of the Midē´wigân
where he picked up the mī´gis (No. 18) from among a heap of sacred
objects which form part of the gifts given by Ki´tshi Man´idō. The
eight man´idōs around the midē´wigân (Nos. 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25,
and 26) were also sent by Ki´tshi Man´idō to guard the lodge against
the entrance of bad spirits.
A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short
lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human
progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of
one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the
beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his
course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special
events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age
(No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos.
28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety,
terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,”
because when a Midē´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in
faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his
confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing--such as
making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was
not given him by Ki´tshi Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart
must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.
To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sigĕ
said:
The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân (No. 34), and
finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho shot into his
body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then Mi´nabō´zho
said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and
36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the
night.”
The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree
structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idōs
(Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away
by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the
sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to
him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at
the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other
post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top,
similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where
sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midē´wiwin is
guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there
by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as
shown in Nos. 58, 59.
The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the
structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line
(No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote
the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points (Nos. 64,
65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the
feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.
To continue the informant’s tradition:
When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midē´wigân four
times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when
Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which gave him
renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each
day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree.
(This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70,
and 71.)
The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day
by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by
the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night
by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi
Man´idō. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again
arrested in his progress by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who
opposed his admission, but Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter
entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a
post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two
corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs
of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and
the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred
stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104)
which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105,
106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post
with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106),
a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle,
as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red,
each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to
have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the
Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân he again made four
circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated
himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabō´zho, for the
third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus adding to the powers
which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the
fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin.
Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as
follows:
The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted
at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually cedar,
though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be
had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and
connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119,
and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.
After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for
the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four
successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded
toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179),
which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the
four doors of the sacred structure.
The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the
Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the
larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by
Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line
leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or
stages of progress, equal to as many days--one spot denoting one
day--which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the
entrance.
[Illustration: Fig. 4.--Peep-hole post.]
When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a
short post (No. 119) in which there was a small aperture. The post was
painted green on the side from which he approached and red upon the
side toward the Midē´wigân [see Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted
to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´idō,
that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path. Then, when the
Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the
inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to
attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the outside of
the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idōs
(Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door
(No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the
five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited (Nos. 126,
127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132,
133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted
red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with
two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third
consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the
top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the
side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green,
that toward the west red, and that toward the north black.
The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western
doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit. When the
Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of
the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west,
facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and for the
fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him life
that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This
degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and
138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any
of your people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will
guard the Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so.
The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and
southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places
where Makwa´ Man´idō takes his station when guarding the doors.
Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167,
168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which Ki´tshi
Man´idō had given him.
[Illustration: Plate VII.
Ojibwa Facial Decoration.]
The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ, viz:
The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos.
171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners
(Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there
by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for the reception
of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting
line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding
degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life--that it should be
without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the
Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184,
and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he
shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or,
in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187,
and 188, consisting of four spots each, which radiate from the larger
circle at No. 179 and that before mentioned at No. 116, symbolize the
four bear nests and their respective approaches, which are supposed to
be placed opposite the four doors of the fourth degree; and it is
obligatory, therefore, for a candidate to enter these four doors on
hands and knees when appearing for his initiation and before he finally
waits to receive the concluding portion of the ceremony.
[Illustration: Fig. 5.--Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.]
The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made
by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west
after he had received the rite of the Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the
circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the
earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line
separating the history of the Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as
follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned,
which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the
surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg
followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected
the Midē´wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again
disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at
A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred
rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus
was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being
given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the
Midē´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate
at was Mi´shenama´kinagung-- Mackinaw (No. 6); then Ne´mikung (No. 7);
Kiwe´winang´ (No. 8); Bâwating-- Sault Ste. Marie (No. 9); Tshiwi´towi´
(No. 10); Nega´wadzhĕ´ŭ-- Sand Mountain (No. 11), northern shore of Lake
Superior; Mi´nisa´wĭk [Mi´nisa´bikkăng]-- Island of rocks (No. 12);
Kawa´sitshĭŭwongk-- Foaming rapids (No. 13); Mush´kisi´wi
[Mash´kisi´bi]-- Bad River (No. 14); Shagawâmikongk--
Long-sand-bar-beneath-the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe´dâⁿwonggâⁿ-- Sandy Bay
(No. 16); Neâ´shiwikongk-- Cliff Point (No. 17); Netâⁿ´wayaⁿ´sink--
Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); Aⁿ´nibiⁿs-- Little elm tree
(No. 19); Wikup´biⁿmiⁿsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20);
Makubiⁿ´miⁿsh-- Bear Island (No. 21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22);
Ni´wigwas´sikongk-- The place where bark is peeled (No. 23);
Ta´pakwe´ĭkak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]--
The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi
[Ne´wisaku´desi´biⁿ]-- Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25);
Aⁿnibi´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as
Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).
This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the
Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was finally
located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to
have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well
as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been
the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies
of the Midē´wiwin.
According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the
Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the
Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the
first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration
was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each
adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled,
viz:
_First degree._--A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow
stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
_Second degree._--A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the
eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a
similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again
one of green.
_Third degree._--Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the
spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the
colors.
_Fourth degree._--Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the
first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green
extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal
region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face
was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of green across
the forehead. Either of these was also employed as a sign of mourning by
one whose son has been intended for the priesthood of the Midē´wiwin,
but special reference to this will be given in connection with the
ceremony of the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân, or Ghost Society.
On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by
Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the
society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The
illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in
imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōⁿsh; and this last
had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years
before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile,
and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake,
and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the
rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon
the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to do.
No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2,
indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots
surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about
him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No.
4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while
the ten--all but himself--upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are
represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of
conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân
(No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched
Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō--the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from
side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two
rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate
respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred
stone--this according to modern practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he
prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each
day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are
indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge,
representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the
officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20)
may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an
offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and
singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of
the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24,
and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No.
26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final
directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The
candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the
offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His
relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which
are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the
entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is
shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing
two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27
has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to
Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon
the following morning the Midē´ priests, with the candidate in advance
(No. 30), approach and enter the Midē´wigân and the initiation begins.
No. 31 is the place of the sacred drum and those who are detailed to
employ the drum and rattles, while No. 32 indicates the officiating
priests; No. 33 is the degree post, surmounted by Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´, the
Owl (No. 34). The post is painted with vermilion, with small white
spots all over its surface, emblematic of the mī´gis shell. The line
(No. 35) extending along the upper portion of the inclosure represents
the pole from which are suspended the robes, blankets, kettles, etc.,
which constitute the fee paid to the society for admission.
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō.
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to
the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants
(No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is
the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No.
36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two
sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that
of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing
two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A
small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang
the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants;
No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45
pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole
(No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from
it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47)
he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and
whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the
interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the
first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the
Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the
top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with
vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small
wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their
tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their
religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The
horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to
the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no--the Turtle--as he
appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54).
Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No.
55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower;
the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a
black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which
is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´--the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the
arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots--to
designate the sacred mī´gis--the lower half of the trunk cut square,
the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white,
and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross
signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No.
60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall
of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum.
Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting
gifts to the society.
[Illustration: Plate VIII.
Ojibwa’s Record.]
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII),
according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:
_First degree._--One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the
ears across the tip of the nose.
_Second degree._--One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids,
temples, and the root of the nose.
_Third degree._--The upper half of the face is painted green and the
lower half red.
_Fourth degree._--The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer
canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion
are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the
green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the
golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back.
This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of
the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of
persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it
may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of
the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his
reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the
officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the
following words[12] caught his attention:
“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising
sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the
great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were
reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the
An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and
for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to
the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the
waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to
our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it
disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of
the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it
sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our
forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun
once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a
long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and
the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated
and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La
Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the
sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays
reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man
delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he
represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory,
* * * I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we
harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he
proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we
religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the
shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were
suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the
intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the
An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored
and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great
water and proceeded westward.
“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till
our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river
where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our
forefathers, still proceeding westward, lit not their fires till they
reached the shores of Lake Huron, where again the rites of the
Me-da-we were practiced.
“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not
built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting
(outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still
the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge
was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale
face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most
original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted
to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were
mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning
of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by
our fathers for many generations.”
[Footnote 12: Op. cit., p. 78 et seq.]
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the
tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of
society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr.
Warren,[13] as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village
of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence
on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in
character to the one I have related that its introduction here would
only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two
traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four
Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is
used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in
the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the
depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then
on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at
Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced
the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still
pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke
through.
[Footnote 13: Op. cit., p. 81.]
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the
Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the
country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These
have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber
people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc.
Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du
Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more
than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe
westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the
timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation
of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several
versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the
Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in
favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost
entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.
On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the
various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight
intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the
nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic representation
of the same general ideas, variants which are frequently not recognized
by Midē´ priests who are not members of the Midē´wiwin in which these
mnemonic charts had their origin. As there are variants in the
pictographic delineation of originally similar ideas, there are also
corresponding variations in the traditions pertaining to them.
[Illustration: Fig. 6.--Birch-bark record, from White Earth.]
The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received
from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6,
which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record
is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of
the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin:
“They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.”
Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of
the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō
is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the
privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the
left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the
Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred
objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō,
but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are
visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or
pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to
prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the
Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the
informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only
from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but
also in the light of later information and research in the
exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.
Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and
5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the
earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog
given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others
to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from a chart in
the possession of a stranger Midē´, and failed to learn its true
signification, simply desiring it to add to his collection of sacred
objects and to gain additional respect from his confrères and admirers.
[Illustration: Fig. 7.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
[Illustration: Fig. 8.--Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.]
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in
the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are
almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are
reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the
place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from
Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a
substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures
were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the
American Anthropologist.[14] At that time I could obtain but little
direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been
ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or
rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the
Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the
possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following
explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A
few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to
both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg,
and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is
resumed.
No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an
otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.
No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the
Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the
line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 6, denotes that No. 5 is a member of the Midē´wiwin. This
character, with the slight addition of lines extending upward from
the straight top line, is usually employed by the more southern
Ojibwa to denote the wig´iwam of a Jĕss´akkīd´, or jugglery.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to
the Midē´wiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving
life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head,
and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line
extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing
the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure
with magic plants.
No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no
explanation was given.
[Footnote 14: Vol. 1, No. 3, 1888, p. 216, Figs. 2 and 3.]
[Illustration: Fig. 9.--Esh´gibō´ga.]
Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of
Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use
of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate
form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more
in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
MIDĒ´WIGÂN.
Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time,
performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed
in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely
constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the
top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing
what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to
the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is
given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as
it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first
describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge
with which the candidate has also to do.
[Illustration: Fig. 10.--Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.]
The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated
“Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing;
it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width,
extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the
compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings
from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short
branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open
spaces, each about 4 feet wide, used as entrances to the inclosure. From
each side of the opening the wall-like structure extends at right angles
to the end wall, appearing like a short hallway leading to the
inclosure, and resembles double doors opened outward. Fig. 10 represents
a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view.
Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon
which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently
shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend
across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so
as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of
blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a
large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed
upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient;
and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the
sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet
in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band
of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the
stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the
stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and
presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from
each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine
trees, each about 10 feet in height.
[Illustration: Fig. 11.--Interior of Midē´wigân.]
About a hundred yards east of the main entrance is constructed a
wig´iwam or sweat lodge, to be used by the candidate, both to take his
vapor baths and to receive final instructions from his preceptor.
This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6
feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily
covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of
saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others
from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally
to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as
the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood
bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark--frequently the
bark of the pine is used--leaving a narrow opening on the side facing
the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or
blankets.
The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear
of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the
numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.
When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has
been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three
assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a
specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been
previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke
offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the
deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object
of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the
candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and
dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased
son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned,
as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the
ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents
and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those
intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also
discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the
selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being
usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the
applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the
four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most
acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person
designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´
council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days
upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire
information. The question of remuneration being settled, tobacco is
furnished at each sitting, as the Midē´ never begins his lecture until
after having made a smoke-offering, which is done by taking a whiff and
pointing the stem to the east; then a whiff, directing the stem to the
south; another whiff, directing the stem to the west; then a whiff and a
similar gesture with the stem to the north; another whiff is taken
slowly and with an expression of reverence, when the stem is pointed
forward and upward as an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō; and finally, after
taking a similar whiff, the stem is pointed forward and downward toward
the earth as an offering to Nokō´mis, the grandmother of the universe,
and to those who have passed before. After these preliminaries, the
candidate receives at each meeting only a small amount of information,
because the longer the instruction is continued daring the season before
the meeting at which it is hoped the candidate may be admitted the
greater will be the fees; and also, in order that the instruction may be
looked upon with awe and reverence, most of the information imparted is
frequently a mere repetition, the ideas being clothed in ambiguous
phraseology. The Midē´ drum (Fig. 12 _a_) differs from the drum commonly
used in dances (Fig. 12 _b_) in the fact that it is cylindrical,
consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section
of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to
20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while
wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing,
when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great
distance.
[Illustration: Fig. 12.--Ojibwa drums.]
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the
drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to
intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the
applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it
through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the
presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking
direction as to information desired, success, etc.; that it is to be
employed at the side of the sick to assist in the expulsion or exorcism
of evil man´idōs who may possess the body of the sufferer; and that it
is to be used in the. Midē´wigân during the initiation of new members or
the advancement of a Midē´ from a degree to a higher one.
[Illustration: Fig. 13.--Midē´ rattle.]
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its
origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a
patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the
drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an
accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two
forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains
of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also
filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely
through the rattle case.
[Illustration: Fig. 14.--Midē´ rattle.]
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and
their properties extolled.
The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted
from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the
sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the
account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III,
IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the
narrative of the history connected with either of the records is
extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and
purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained
on page 215.
[Illustration: Fig. 15.--Shooting the mī´gis.]
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs,
i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and
which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when
searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a
comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which
information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the
composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters
employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of
his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite
correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the
character of the record and the particular class of service in which it
may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at
Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading
Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.
From among the various songs given by my preceptor are selected and
presented herewith those recognized by him as being part of the ritual.
The greater number of songs are mere repetitions of short phrases, and
frequently but single words, to which are added meaningless sounds or
syllables to aid in prolonging the musical tones, and repeated ad
libitum in direct proportion to the degree of inspiration in which the
singer imagines himself to have attained. These frequent outbursts of
singing are not based upon connected mnemonic songs preserved upon birch
bark, but they consist of fragments or selections of songs which have
been memorized, the selections relating to the subject upon which the
preceptor has been discoursing, and which undoubtedly prompts a rythmic
vocal equivalent. These songs are reproduced on Pl. IX, A, B, C. The
initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the
original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in
English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters
employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists
of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key;
furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by
comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the
ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the
songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi
Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the day of ceremonial, and
also an affirmation to the candidate that the singer’s words are a
faithful rendering of his creed.
[Illustration: Plate IX.
Mnemonic Songs.]
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often
as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and
awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief
interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance
of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy,
therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
[Illustration]
Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win.
I rock you, you that are a spirit.
[A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech--i.e., singing
of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line
indicate.]
[Illustration]
Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´.
The sky I tell you.
[The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something
therefrom.]
[Illustration]
O-we-nen´; hwīn´.
Who is it, who?
[The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´.
The man helping me.
[A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Nu-waⁿ´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´?
Have I told the truth to my son?
[The bear going to the Midē´wigan, and takes with him life to the
Ani´shinâ´bēg.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Ni´-nīn-dē´, ĕ´, ō´, ya´.
My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart).
[My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.]
[Illustration]
A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´.
I follow with my arms.
[Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an.
Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of
“medicine” in the earth.
[A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the
secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth
denote direction.]
[Illustration]
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain?
[The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.]
[Illustration]
Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan.
The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit.
[Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan.
Very seldom I make this request of you.
[The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge
of secrets of the earth.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate
the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good
Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred
objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his
having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon
the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which
he has thus far pursued.
[Illustration]
Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-aⁿ´?
When I am out of hearing, where am I?
[The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed
toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually
made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the
body.]
[Illustration]
We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan.
In my house, I see.
[Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns
denote superiority of the singer.]
[Illustration]
Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi.
When I rise it gives me life, and I take it.
[The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed
down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the
forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an
abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same
idea.]
[Illustration]
Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-aⁿ´.
The reason why I am happy.
[Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is
filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines
from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances--
singing.]
[Illustration (two vertical lines) missing]
Rest.
[Illustration]
Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´.
The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam.
[Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose
bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where
the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines
are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line,
at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.].
[Illustration]
Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ.
The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it.
[The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc.,
indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short
vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.]
[Illustration]
Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-naⁿ´.
I am holding this that I bring to you.
[The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of
entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.]
[Illustration]
Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´.
I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends.
[The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as
indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body,
i.e., the heart, the seat of life.]
In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel
satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation,
and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the
assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises
of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
[Illustration]
Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă.
I hear the spirit speaking to us.
[The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns
and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.]
[Illustration]
Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yaⁿ.
I am going into the medicine lodge.
[The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he
is going through it, as in the initiation.]
[Illustration]
Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man.
I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live.
[The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.]
[Illustration]
O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´.
I give you medicine, and a lodge, also.
[The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to
offer this privilege to the candidate.]
[Illustration]
O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt.
I am flying into my lodge.
[Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the
sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of
spirits or Man´idōs.]
[Illustration]
Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an.
The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it.
[The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that
the sacred objects occur in scattered places.]
[Illustration]
Hē´-wōg, ē´, ē´.
I have the medicine in my heart.
[The singer’s body--i.e., heart--is filled with knowledge relating
to sacred medicines from the earth.]
MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS.
During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the
foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is
also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and
preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in
regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being
enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate
is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree
may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled
out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the
ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis--the
earth, the grandmother of mankind--for the benefits which are derived
from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō.
In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the
botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in
which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that
portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of
them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of
season.
It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and
decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific
remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is
probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the
Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of
medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal
form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned
below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their
administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that
the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional
derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent
beings--commonly designated as bad Man´idōs--supposed to have taken
possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears
most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of
the plants employed will be made at the proper time.
Although the word Mashki kiwa´buⁿ--medicine broth--signifies liquid
medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to
pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged
medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees
and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or
employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils,
and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property,
an explanation of which they have forgotten.
_Pinus strobus_, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk´.
1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also
boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground
and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which
is inhaled to cure backache.
The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are
inhaled to cure headache.
2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is
obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon
which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence.
The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.
_Pinus resinosa_, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed
Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.
Used as the preceding.
_Abies balsamea_, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandŏk.
1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is
used to induce diaphoresis.
2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and
also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the
crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken
internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the
chest resulting from colds.
3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.
_Abies alba_, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split
roots--wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers
of canoes.
_Abies nigra_, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dŏk.
1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and
sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.
2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.
_Abies Canadensis_, Michx. Hemlock. Saga´īⁿwuⁿsh-- “Raven Tree.”
Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of
diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.
_Larix Americana_, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.
1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.
2. Gum used in mending boats.
3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.
_Cupressus thyoides_, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhĭk-- “Day.”
1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety
of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert
their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons
possessing the patient’s body.
2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe
and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing
habitations.
_Juniperus Virginiana_, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wâ´ak.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
_Quercus alba_, L. White Oak. Mītig´ōmish´.
1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is
boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.
2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.
_Quercus rubra_, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emītig´omish´-- “Bitter Acorn
Tree.”
Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.
_Acer saccharinum_, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innīnâ´tik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.
3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.
_Acer nigrum_, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Ishig´omeaush´--
“Sap-flows-fast.”
Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer
projicitur.
Sometimes used as the preceding.
_Betula excelsa_, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´umis´sik.
The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer
saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.
_Betula papyracea_, Ait. White Birch. Mīgwas´.
Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes,
syrup-pans, mōkoks´--or sugar boxes--etc. The record of the
Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.
_Populus monilifera_, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ´nâsâ´ti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
_Populus balsamifera_, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´dĭ.
1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and
eaten.
2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and
particularly for the Midē´wigân.
_Juglans nigra_, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nŏk-- “Nut wood.”
Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is
sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.
_Smilacina racemosa_, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinē´wigwŏshk-- “Snake
weed or Snake Vine.”
1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.
2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a
blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve
headache.
3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.
_Helianthus occidentalis_, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭkbŏkuⁿs´.
The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.
_Polygala senega_, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikēⁿs´.
1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.
2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to
destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.
_Rubus occidentalis_, L. Black Raspberry. Makadē´wĭskwi´minŏk--
“Black Blood Berry.”
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in
the stomach.
_Rubus strigosus_, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minŏk´-- “Blood
Berry.”
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
_Gaylussacia resinosa_, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mī´nŭn.
Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The
berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of
the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”
_Prunus Virginiana_, L. Choke Cherry. Sisaⁿ´wewi´nakâⁿsh´.
1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also
during gestation.
2. The fruit is eaten.
_Prunus serotina_, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwē´wĭsh-- “Scabby
Bark.”
1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first
boiling, bruising, or chewing it.
2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains
and soreness of the chest.
_Prunus Pennsylvanica_, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.
1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other
stomach disorders.
2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.
3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of
Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the
“Ghost Society.”
_Prunus Americana_, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogē´sanŏk.
The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and
boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a
remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the
time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were
not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish
only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows,
viz: Minēⁿ´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with
yellow ones; Wabō´saminī´sŏk-- “Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk,
having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea,
L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.
_Typha latifolia_, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk-- “Flat grass.”
The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a
poultice to sores.
_Sporobolus heterolepis_ Gr. Napŏ´gŭshkūⁿs´-- “Little Flat Grass.”
1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.
2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to
remove bile.”
_Fragaria vesca_, L. Wild Strawberry. Odē īmĭn´nĕ-- Heart Berry.
Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”
The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.
_Acer Pennsylvanicum_, L. Striped Maple. Mōⁿ´zomĭsh´-- “Moose Wood.”
The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet
long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can
subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as
an emetic.
_Fraxinus sambucifolia_, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´.
1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to
sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.
_Veronica Virginica_, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´wik-- “Bitter
Root.”
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
_Salix Candida_, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gewe´mĭsh.
The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the
decoction taken for cough.
_Symphoricarpus vulgaris_, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.
The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold,
applied to sore eyes.
_Geum strictum_, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´âk-- “Hair on one side.”
The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for
soreness in the chest, and cough.
_Rumex crispus_, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wĭk.
The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores,
etc.
_Amorpha canescens_, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abŏnag´kak-- “That which
turns white.”
A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach.
_Rosa blanda_, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.
A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is
applied to inflamed eyes.
_Anemone_ (_sp.?_) Anemone. Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant
by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.
The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of
headache.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Termed Kine´bĭk waⁿsh´koⁿs and “Snake weed.”
This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that
identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it
to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when
necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a
snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of
extraordinary muscular strength.
_Rhus_ (_aromatica_, Ait. ?) “White Sumac.” Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.
Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the
decoction taken to cure diarrhea.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk-- “Big Heart Leaf.”
Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.
_Monarda fistulosa_, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkōs´waⁿowiⁿs´-- “Little
Elk’s Tail.”
The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several
swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.
_Hydrophyllum Virginicum_, L. Waterleaf. Huⁿkite´wagūŭs´.
The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest,
back, etc.
_Anemone Pennsylvanicum_, L. Pennsylvania Anemone.
Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk.
A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.
_Viola_ (_Canadensis_, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.
The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of
the bladder.
_Phryma leptostachya_, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.
The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in
the legs.
_Viola pubescens_, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet, Ogitē´waguⁿs.
A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at
intervals for sore throat.
_Rosa_ (_lucida_, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagaⁿ´mŏs.
The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid
applied to sore eyes.
(_Gen. et sp. ?_) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.
This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at
which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the
decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.
_Actæa rubra_, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzī´bĭkĕⁿs´-- “Little Root.”
A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for
stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used
also in conjunction with Ginseng.
This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male
plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and
boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size,
color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is
prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The
roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become
black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner
as above.
The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.
_Botrychium Virginicum_, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigŭm.
The root is bruised and applied to cuts.
_Aralia trifolia_, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesō´wakŏk-- “Three Leafed.”
The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest
hemorrhage.
_Echinospermum lappula_, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tĭgomĕⁿs-- “Burr
Bush.”
The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to
cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and
has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled
for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same
purpose.
It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former
times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not
imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was
reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree
to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the
mysteries of the order. As much knowledge is believed to have been lost
through the reticence and obstinacy of former chief priests, the
so-called higher secrets are now imparted at the first and second degree
preparatory instructions. The third and fourth degrees are very rarely
conferred, chiefly because the necessary presents and fees are beyond
the reach of those who so desire advancement, and partly also because
the missionaries, and in many instances the Indian agents, have done
their utmost to suppress the ceremonies, because they were a direct
opposition and hindrance to progress in Christianizing influences.
When the preparatory instruction has come to an end and the day of the
ceremony of initiation is at hand, the preceptor sings to his pupil a
song, expatiating upon his own efforts and the high virtue of the
knowledge imparted. The pipe is brought forward and an offering of
tobacco smoke made by both preceptor and pupil, after which the former
sings a song (Pl. X, A.), the time of its utterance being tediously
prolonged. The mnemonic characters were drawn by Sikas´sigĕ, and are a
copy of an old birch-bark scroll which has for many years been in his
possession, and which was made in imitation of one in the possession of
his father, Baiē´dzĭk, one of the leading Midē´ at Mille Lacs,
Minnesota.
[Illustration]
Wī-ka-no´-shi-aⁿ-ŏ.
My arm is almost pulled out from digging medicine. It is full of
medicine.
[The short zigzag lines signifying magic influence, erroneously
designated “medicine.”]
[Illustration]
We-wī´-ka-ni´-an.
Almost crying because the medicine is lost.
[The lines extending downward from the eye signifies weeping;
the circle beneath the figure is the place where the “medicine”
is supposed to exist. The idea of “lost” signifies that some
information has been forgotton through death of those who possessed
it.]
[Illustration]
Me-shi´-âk-kĭnk mi-sui´-a-kĭnk.
Yes, there is much medicine you may cry for.
[Refers to that which is yet to be learned of.]
[Illustration]
Pe-i´-e-mĭ-ko-ya´-na-kĭnk´.
Yes, I see there is plenty of it.
[The Midē´ has knowledge of more than he has imparted, but reserves
that knowledge for a future time. The lines of “sight” run to
various medicines which he perceives or knows of.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
[Illustration: Plate X.
Mnemonic Songs.]
[Illustration]
We´-a-kwĕ´-nĭnk pe-ĭ-e´-mi-wĭt´-o-wan´.
When I come out the sky becomes clear.
[When the otter-skin Midē´ sack is produced the sky becomes clear,
so that the ceremonies may proceed.]
[Illustration]
We´-kwĕ-nĭnk´ ke´-tŏ-nĭnk´ e´-to-wa´.
The spirit has given me power to see.
[The Midē´ sits on a mountain the better to commune with the Good
Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Mi´-sha-kwat´-ni-yō´.
I brought the medicine to bring life.
[The Midē´ Man´idō, the Thunderer, after bringing some of the
plants--by causing the rains to fall--returns to the sky. The short
line represents part of the circular line usually employed to
designate the imaginary vault of the sky.]
[Illustration]
Me´-ka-yē´-nĭnk te´-a-yĕ-am´-ban.
I, too, see how much there is.
[His power elevates the Midē´ to the rank of a man´idō, from which
point he perceives many secrets hidden in the earth.]
[Illustration]
In-de´-be-mĭ´-ko.
I am going to the medicine lodge.
[The vertical left-hand figure denotes a leg going toward the
Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
In-de´-bi-bi´-toⁿ.
I take life from the sky.
[The Midē´ is enabled to reach into the sky and to obtain from
Ki´tshi Man´idō the means of prolonging life. The circle at the
top denotes the sacred mī´gis, or shell.]
[Illustration]
No-a´-wi´-mi-kō´.
Let us talk to one another.
[The circles denote the places of the speaker (Midē´) and the hearer
(Ki´tshi Man´idō), the short lines signifying magic influences, the
Midē´ occupying the left hand and smaller seat.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō-ye-na´-ni ni-kan´.
The spirit is in my body, my friend.
[The mī´gis, given by Ki´tshi Man´idō, is in contact with the
Midē´’s body, and he is possessed of life and power.]
From ten days to two weeks before the day of initiation, the chief Midē´
priest sends out to all the members invitations, which consist of sticks
one-fourth of an inch thick and 6 or 7 inches long. The courier is
charged with giving to the person invited explicit information as to the
day of the ceremony and the locality where it is to be held. Sometimes
these sticks have bands of color painted around one end, usually green,
sometimes red, though both colors may be employed, the two ends being
thus tinted. The person invited is obliged to bring with him his
invitation stick, and upon entering the Midē´wigân he lays it upon the
ground near the sacred stone, on the side toward the degree post.
In case a Midē´ is unable to attend he sends his invitation with a
statement of the reason of his inability to come. The number of sticks
upon the floor are counted, on the morning of the day of initiation, and
the number of those present to attend the ceremonies is known before the
initiation begins.
About five or six days preceding the day set for the ceremony of
initiation, the candidate removes to the neighborhood of the locality of
the Midē´wigân. On the evening of the fifth day he repairs to the
sudatory or sweat-lodge, which has, in the meantime, been built east of
the sacred inclosure, and when seated within he is supplied with water
which he keeps for making vapor by pouring it upon heated stones
introduced for the purpose by assistants upon the outside. This act of
purification is absolutely necessary and must be performed once each day
for four days, though the process may be shortened by taking two vapor
baths in one day, thus limiting the process to two days. This, however,
is permitted, or desired only under extraordinary circumstances. During
the process of purgation, the candidates thoughts must dwell upon the
seriousness of the course he is pursuing and the sacred character of the
new life he is about to assume.
When the fumigation has ceased he is visited by the preceptor and the
other officiating Midē´ priests, when the conversation is confined
chiefly to the candidate’s progress. He then gives to each of them
presents of tobacco, and after an offering to Ki´tshi Man´idō, with the
pipe, they expose the articles contained in their Midē´ sacks and
explain and expatiate upon the merits and properties of each of the
magic objects. The candidate for the first time learns of the manner of
preparing effigies, etc., with which to present to the incredulous
ocular demonstration of the genuineness and divine origin of the
Midē´wiwin, or, as it is in this connection termed, religion.
Several methods are employed for the purpose, and the greater the power
of the Midē´ the greater will appear the mystery connected with the
exhibition. This may be performed whenever circumstances demand such
proof, but the tests are made before the candidate with a twofold
purpose: first, to impress him with the supernatural powers of the Midē´
themselves; and second, in an oracular manner, to ascertain if Ki´tshi
Ma´nidō is pleased with the contemplated ceremony and the initiation of
the candidate.
[Illustration: Fig. 16.]
The first test is made by laying upon the floor of the wig´iwam a string
of four wooden beads each measuring about 1 inch in diameter. See Fig.
16. After the owner of this object has chanted for a few moments in an
almost inaudible manner the beads begin to roll from side to side as if
animated. The string is then quickly restored to its place in the Midē´
sack. Another Midē´ produces a small wooden effigy of a man (Fig. 17),
measuring about 5 inches in height. The body has a small orifice running
through it from between the shoulders to the buttocks, the head and neck
forming a separate piece which may be attached to the body like a glass
stopper to a bottle.
[Illustration: Fig. 17.]
[Illustration: Fig. 18.]
A hole is made in the ground deep enough to reach to the hips of the
effigy, when the latter is put into it and the loose earth loosely
restored so as to hold it in an upright position. Some magic powder of
herbs is sprinkled around the body, and into the vertical orifice in it,
when the head is put in place. A series of inarticulate utterances are
chanted, when, if everything be favorable, the figure will perceptibly
move up and down as if possessed of life. Fig. 18 represents another
figure used in a similar manner. It consists of one piece, however, and
is decorated with narrow bands of dark blue flannel about the ankles and
knees, a patch of red cloth upon the breast and bands about the wrists,
each of the eyes being indicated by three white porcelain beads.
One of the most astonishing tests, however, and one that can be produced
only by Midē´ of the highest power, consists in causing a Midē´ sack to
move upon the ground as if it were alive. This, it is confidently
alleged, has been done repeatedly, though it is evident that the
deception is more easily produced than in the above-mentioned instances,
as the temporary retention within a bag of a small mammal could readily
be made to account for the movements.
In most of these private exhibitions the light is so obscured as to
prevent the deception being observed and exposed; and when public
demonstrations of skill are made the auditors invariably consist of the
most credulous of the uninitiated, or the confréres of the performer,
from whom no antagonism or doubt would be expected.
The preceptor then consults with the Midē´ priests respecting the
presents to be delivered by the candidate, and repeats the following
words, viz:
Mis-shai´-ĕ-gwa tshi-dĕ-bŏg-in-de-mung´.
Now is the time that we shall fix the price
gi´-she-gŏ-dung´ ka-mi´-nĕ-nŏngk
of everything pertaining to the sky, that has been given to us
gi´-she-goy-dŭng´ di´-bi-ga-dōnk´ gai-yé´.
from the day [and] the night also.
A-pē´-gĕ-dá´wŭnk i´-wa-pī
When it shall come to pass and at the time
ge-bin´-de-ga-yŏngk´, ă-au´-wa-mi-dē´-wĭd.
that we shall enter, he who wishes to become a Midē´.
When the four vapor baths have been taken by the candidate, and the eve
of the ceremony has arrived, he remains in the sudatory longer than
usual so as not to come in contact with the large crowd of visitors who
have arrived upon the scene. The woods resound with the noises incident
to a large camp, while in various directions may be heard the monotonous
beating of the drum indicating the presence of a number of dancers, or
the hard, sharp taps of the midē´ drum, caused by a priest propitiating
and invoking the presence and favor of Ki´tshi Ma´nidō in the service
now so near at hand.
When the night is far advanced and all becomes hushed, the candidate,
with only the preceptor accompanying, retires to his own wig´iwam, while
the assistant Midē´ priests and intimate friends or members of his
family collect the numerous presents and suspend them from the
transverse and longitudinal poles in the upper part of the Midē´wigân.
Watchers remain to see that nothing is removed during the night.
At the approach of day, the candidate breakfasts and again returns to
the sweat-lodge to await the coming of his preceptor, and, later, of the
officiating priests. The candidate puts on his best clothing and such
articles of beaded ornaments as he may possess. The preceptor and Midē´
priests are also clad in their finest apparel, each wearing one or two
beaded dancing bags at his side, secured by a band of beaded cloth
crossing the opposite shoulder. The members of the Midē´wiwin who are
not directly concerned in the preliminaries resort to the Midē´wigân and
take seats around the interior, near the wall, where they may continue
to smoke, or may occasionally drum and sing. The drummer, with his
assistants, takes a place near upon the floor of the sacred inclosure to
the left of the eastern entrance, i.e., the southeast corner.
IMPLORATION FOR CLEAR WEATHER.
Should the day open up with a threatening sky, one of the Midē´ priests
accompanying the candidate sings the following song (Pl. X B) to dispel
the clouds. Each of the lines is repeated an indefinite number of times,
and after being repeated once or twice is sung also by the others as an
accompaniment.
It will be observed that the words as spoken vary to some extent when
chanted or sung.
[Illustration]
Hi-na-nē´, hē´, ki´-ne-na-wē´ man´-i-dō.
I swing the spirit like a child.
[The Midē´ Spirit, showing magic lines radiating from his body. The
Midē´ claims to be able to receive special favor.]
[Music: 207_1]
Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
Man´ido´weēg; Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein, Ki´nana´wein,
Man´ido´weēg´; Ki´nana´wein, Man´ido´weēg´.
[Illustration]
Gi-zhik´-ē´ ka-hwē´ da-mū´-nĕ.
The sky is what I am telling you about.
[The sky and the earth united by a pathway of possible rain.]
[Music: 207_2]
Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ´
Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ´, Ki´zhi-ga´wi-dâ mu´nedē´, Ki´zhiga´widâ mu´nedē´.
[Illustration]
Wa-ne-o-ho ne´-ge-shi´-go-ni
Ko-sa´-we, hē´, wa-ni´-sha´-na´.
We have lost the sky [it becomes dark].
[Clouds obscure the sky, and the arm of the Midē´ is reaching up
into it for its favor of clear weather.]
[Music: 208_1]
Waneo-ho hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni, Wane-o-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni,
Ko´sawe ne hē wa´nishi-na-ha, waneo-ho-hē ne´-ge-shi-go-ni.
[Illustration]
Wi-tshi´-hi-na´-ne-he, nē´, kō´, hō.
ne´-ni-wi-tshi-nan´.
I am helping you.
[The Otter-skin Midē´ sack is held up to influence the Otter Spirit
to aid them.]
[Music: 208_2]
Wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō hō´, ne´niwi´tshinan,
wi´tshihinanehe nē´ kō´ hō´. U-a-ni-ma wē u-a-ni-ma wē henigwish.
[Illustration]
U-a´-ni-ma´, wē´, he´-ni-gwĭsh.
I have made an error [in sending].
[The Otter-skin Midē´ sack has failed to produce the desired
effect.]
[Illustration]
Rest.
The Midē´ women who have gathered without the lodge now begin to dance
as the song is renewed.
[Illustration]
Na-nin-dē´, hē´, he-yo-ya, nē´.
I am using my heart.
[Refers to sincerity of motives in practice of Midē´ ceremony.]
[Illustration]
Yo´-na-hĭsh´-i-me´-a´-ne´, hē´.
yá-na-hĭsh-a-me´-a-ne´, hē´.
What are you saying to me, and I am “in my senses”?
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō, hē´ nē´, mē´-de-wē´, ē´.
The spirit wolf.
[One of the malevolent spirits who is opposed to having the ceremony
is assisting the evil man´idōs in causing the sky to be overcast.]
[Illustration]
Wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´, nē´, wen´-tshi-o-ne-se hē´.
I do not know where I am going.
[The Midē´ is in doubt whether to proceed or not in the performance
of initiation.]
[Illustration]
Mi´-shok-kwo´-ti-ne be-wa´-ne,
ni-bin´-zhi man´-i-dō i-ya´-nē.
I depend on the clear sky.
[To have the ceremony go on. Arm reaching toward the sky for help.]
[Illustration]
Ke-me´-ni-na-ne´ a-nō´-ē´
a´-sho-wē´ me-nō´-de ki-man´-i-dō.
I give you the other village, spirit that you are.
[That rain should fall anywhere but upon the assemblage and
Midē´wigân.]
[Illustration]
Tshing-gwē´-o-dē ||: gē´.
The thunder is heavy.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain.]
[Transcriber’s Note:
The long gap followed by “gē´” is not explained in the text. It may
refer to the structure of the song.]
[Illustration]
We´-ka-ka-nō´, hō´ shi´-a-dē´.
We are talking to one another.
[The Midē´ communes with Ki´tshi Man´idō; he is shown near the sky;
his horns denoting superior wisdom and power, while the lines from
the mouth signify speech.]
In case the appearance of the sky becomes sufficiently favorable the
initiation begins, but if it should continue to be more unfavorable or
to rain, then the song termed the “Rain Song” is resorted to and sung
within the inclosure of the Midē´wigân, to which they all march in
solemn procession. Those Midē´ priests who have with them their Midē´
drums use them as an accompaniment to the singing and to propitiate the
good will of Ki´tshi Man´idō. Each line of the entire song appears as an
independent song, the intervals of rest varying in time according to the
feelings of the officiating priest.
The words of the song are known to most of the Midē´ priests; but, as
there is no method of retaining a set form of musicial notation, the
result is entirely individual and may vary with each singer, if sung
independently and out of hearing of others; so that, under ordinary
circumstances, the priest who leads off sings through one stanza of the
song, after which the others will readily catch the notes and accompany
him. It will be observed, also, that the words as spoken vary to some
extent when chanted or sung.
If this song does not appear to bring about a favorable change the
priests return to their respective wig´iwams and the crowd of visitors
disperses to return upon the first clear day.
INITIATION OF CANDIDATE.
If, however, the day be clear and promising the candidate goes early to
the sweat-lodge, where he is joined by his preceptor, and later by the
officiating priest. After all preliminaries have been arranged and the
proper time for regular proceedings has arrived, the preceptor sings the
following song (Pl. X, C), the musical notation of which varies
according to his feelings, clearly showing that there is no recognized
method of vocal delivery, as is the case with the music of dancing
songs:
[Illustration]
Kan-do´-e-a-nē´,
to´-e-a-nē´ kan-do´-e-a-nē´,
in-nin´-nĭ man´-e-dō´-ē´.
The spirit man is crying out.
[The head of the Midē´, a synonym of Ki´tshi Man´idō. The voice
lines show spots denoting intensity of accentuation, and that
Ki´tshi Man´idō is pleased to look with favor upon the proceedings.]
[Illustration]
Ya-ni-nē´, na´, tshi-mo-tē´, hē´,
Talking around in various sections.
[The voice lines, as in the preceding figure, extending downward
from the mouth to either side, have spots upon them to indicate
“talks” in various directions addressed to the Midē´.]
[Illustration]
Man´-e-dō, wē´, hē´, pe-me´-so-wa´.
The spirit is flying.
[The Thunder Bird, who causes the rain, is away at some remote
place.]
[Illustration]
Mi-de´-we-tē-we´ me´-wa-gwi´-shak-wa´,
mi-de´-we-ta´.
The day is clear; let us have the grand medicine.
[The Midē’s hand reaches to the sky, and rain falls at places other
than upon the Midē´wigân, as shown by rain lines from the end of the
curved lines denoting the sky.]
[Illustration]
Me-shak´-kwot dung´-ke-hē´,
ne-mē´-gĭs-sĭm´.
I am the sign that the day will be clear.
[The Midē´’s hand reaches to the sky, as indicated by the short
transverse line, and the sun’s rays diverge in all directions.]
[Illustration]
Sun´-gis-ni de´-wit-ka-nē´, hē´,
wi-no´-wo-he´-she-wat´ man´-i-do-wi-tshik.
I am the strongest medicine, is what is said of me.
[The speaker compares himself to Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit.]
[Illustration]
Hwo´-ba-mī´-de, hwo´-ba-mī-de, man-ĕ-dō
na´-wa-gī-zhĭk.
The spirit in the middle of the sky sees me.
[The upper spot denotes the abode of Ki´tshi Man´idō, the “line of
vision” extending to the speaker, shown at a corresponding spot
below.]
[Illustration]
Ni-wĭ-we´-wai-a-de´ hi´-me nai´-o-nā´.
I take my sack and touch him.
[The Midē´ will use his sacred Otter-skin sack to touch the
candidate.]
[Illustration]
Man´-i-dō wi-kan-ē´, mi-de´-yo.
My medicine is the sacred spirit.
[The Midē´ professes to have received the divine gift from Ki´tshi
Man´idō; the gifts are seen descending to the hand held up to
receive them.]
[Illustration]
Ha-ni-ne´ ku-mē´ ni´-kan-nē´?
How do you answer me, my Midē´ friends?
[This is addressed to the Midē´ priests (Nika´ni) present, and is an
inquiry as to their willingness to proceed. The Midē´wigân is shown,
the line running horizontally through it the path of the candidate
(or one who has gone through), the two spots within the place of the
sacred stone and the post, while the spot to the right of the
outside of the inclosure denotes the beginning, or the sweat-lodge,
symbolizing the circle of the earth upon the Midē´ chart (Pl. III),
those upon the left denoting the three possible degrees of
advancement in the future.]
Upon the conclusion of the song there is a brief interval, during which
all partake of a smoke in perfect silence, making the usual offerings to
the four points of the compass, to Ki´tshi Man´idō´, and toward the
earth.
The preceptor then says:
Mĭs-sa´i´-a-shi-gwa, mĭs-sa´-a-shĭ-gwa- nŏn´-do-nŭng; ka-kĭ-nâ
Now is the time, now is the time he hears us; all of us
ka-kĭn´-nâ-gi-nŏn´-do-da´g-u-nan´ ga-o´-shī-dōt mi-dē´-wĭ´-win.
he hears us all the one who made the midē´wiwin.
After this monologue he continues, and addresses to the candidate the
midē´ gagĭ´kwewĭn´, or Midē´ sermon, in the following language, viz:
An-be´-bi-sĭn´-di-wi´-shĭn, wa´-i-ni´-nan;
now listen to me what I am about to say to you;
kēsh´-pin-pe´-sin-da´-nin-wĭn da-ma´-dzhi shka´
If you take heed of that which I say to you shall continue
ke´-bi-mâ´-di-si-wĭn´. Uⁿ, nun´-gūm, ke-za´-ki-gi-zi-toⁿ mŏn
always your life. Now, to-day I make known to you
ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ō´-dik-kid´-do-wĭn´; o´-wi-dŏsh kid´-di-nĭn´
the great spirit That which he says; and now this I say to you.
ki-ī´-kid-dō´kī´-tshi man´-i-dō gi´-sa-gi-ĭg´.
This is what says the great spirit that he loves you.
to-wa´-bish-ga´ gi-shtig-wa a-pī-we-
It shall be white the sacred object at the time
sa´-gi-sit´-to-wad o-sa´-in-di-kid´-do-wīn
When they shall let it be known and this is what I say
ĕ´-kid-dōdt ki´-tshi man´-i-dō ŏ´-gi-din´-nĭn
That which he says the great spirit now this I impart to you
mis-sâ´-wa ke´-a-ked´-de-wó wa´-ba-ma-tshin´ni-bŭdt
even if they say That they saw him dead
mi´-â-ma´ tshī´-ō- nish-gâd´, ini-â-má
in this place he shall be Raised again in this place
a-pe´-ni-nut´ nin-dē´ kid´-do-wĭn min-nik´
he puts his trust In my heart in this “saying” the time
kid-da´- kĭ-o-wink´. Ka-wī´-ka-da-an´-na-we´-was-si-nan,
of the duration Of the world. It shall never fail.
me-ē´-kid-dodt´ man´-i-dō. Nin´-ne-dzha´-nis
That is what he says, the spirit. My child,
ke-un´-dzhi be-mâ´-dis si´-an.
this shall give you life.
The Midē´ priests then leave the sweat-lodge and stand upon the outside,
while the candidate gathers up in his arms a number of small presents,
such as tobacco, handkerchiefs, etc., and goes out of the wig´iwam to
join the Midē´ priests. The order of marching to the main entrance of
the Midē´wigân is then taken up in the following order: First the
candidate, next the preceptor, who in turn is followed by the
officiating priests, and such others, and members of his family and
relatives as desire. At the door of the Midē´wigân all but one of the
priests continue forward and take their stations within the inclosure,
the preceptor remaining on one side of the candidate, the Midē´ priest
upon the other, then all march four times around the outside of the
inclosure, toward the left or south, during which time drumming is
continued within. Upon the completion of the fourth circuit the
candidate is placed so as to face the main entrance of the Midē´wigân.
When he is prompted to say:
“Man- un´-ga-bīn´-di-gĕ o-bŏg´-ga-dĭ-nan´, o-dai´-ye-din´.”
Let me come in and these I put down my things [gifts].
The presents are then laid upon the ground. The preceptor goes inside,
taking with him the gifts deposited by the candidate, and remains
standing just within the door and faces the degree post toward the west.
Then the chief officiating priest, who has remained at the side of the
candidate, turns toward the latter and in a clear, distinct, and
exceedingly impressive manner sings the following chant, addressed to
Ki´tshi Man´idō whose invisible form is supposed to abide within the
Midē´wigan during such ceremonies, stating that the candidate is
presented to receive life (the mī´gis) for which he is suffering, and
invoking the divine favor.
Hai ya ha man´-i-dō, hō´, ti-bish´-ko-gish´-i-gŭng, hē´,
There is a spirit ho, just as the one above, he,
we-zá-ba-mid´-mi niⁿ-dzhá-nis, esh-ĭ-gan´-do-we, hē´, hwē´,
now sits with me my child and now I proclaim, he, hwe,
mé-a-tshi-bin´-de-gan´-ni-nan, nōs, dzhi-man´-i-dō, hō´, hwō´,
that I enter you here my father good spirit, ho, hwo,
sha-wé-nĭ-mi-shin´, hē´, hwē´, a-shig´-wa-bin´-de-gan-nŏk
have pity on me, he, hwe now that I enter him here,
gé-gwa-da-gí-sid wi-bĭ-mâ´-di-sĭd, dé-bwe-daú-wi-shĭn
he that is suffering for life, believe me
dzhí-bi-mâ´-di-sĭd´, nōs, wē´-o-sĭm´-in-nan´, hē´, hē´.
that he shall live, my father, whose child I am, he, he.
The following is the musical notation:
[Music: 213_1]
he-he-he-he yo.
The candidate is then led within the inclosure when all the members of
the society arise while he is slowly led around toward the southern side
to the extreme end in the west, thence toward the right and back along
the western side to the point of beginning. This is done four times. As
he starts upon his march, the member nearest the door falls in the line
of procession, each member continuing to drop in, at the rear, until the
entire assembly is in motion. During this movement there is a monotonous
drumming upon the Midē´ drums and the chief officiating priest sings:
Ni´-sha-bōn´-da shkan wig´-i-wam ke-nōn´-dēg,
I go through [the] “house” the long,
i.e., through the Midē´wigân.
At the fourth circuit, members begin to stop at the places previously
occupied by them, the candidate going and remaining with his preceptor
to a point just inside the eastern entrance, while the four officiating
priests continue around toward the opposite end of the inclosure and
station themselves in a semicircle just beyond the degree post, and
facing the western door. Upon the ground before them are spread blankets
and similar goods, which have been removed from the beams above, and
upon which the candidate is to kneel. He is then led to the western
extremity of the inclosure where he stands upon the blankets spread upon
the ground and faces the four Midē´ priests. The preceptor takes his
position behind and a little to one side of the candidate, another
assistant being called upon by the preceptor to occupy a corresponding
position upon the other side. During this procedure there is gentle
drumming which ceases after all have been properly stationed, when the
preceptor steps to a point to the side and front of the candidate and
nearer the officiating priests, and says:
Mĭ-i´-shi-gwa´ bŏ´-gi-ta-moⁿ´-nan,
The time has arrived that I yield it to you.
mi´-na-nan´-kĕ-ân-dzhi bi-mâ´-dĭ-si´-an.
[the midē´migis] that will give you life.
The preceptor then returns to his position back of and a little to one
side of the candidate, when the chief officiating priest sings the
following song, accompanying himself upon a small cylindrical midē´drum.
The words are: Kit´-ta-noⁿ´-do-wē man´-i-do´-wid--you shall hear me,
spirit that you are--, and the music is rendered as follows:
[Music: 214_1]
Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō´wid-hō dō, wē, hē,
Kit´ta-no´do-we man´i-dō-wid-hō, hē, hwē, hē,
Kit´-ta-no´-do-we man´-i- dō´-wid, kit´ta- no´do-wē,
kit´ta-no´do-wid, man´i-do´-wid, man´i-do´wid-hō, wē, hwē, hē,
Kit´ta-no´dowē´ man´idō´wid, hō, hē, hwē, hē, hē, hwē, hē.
After this song is ended the drum is handed to one of the members
sitting near by, when the fourth and last of the officiating priests
says to the candidate, who is now placed upon his knees:
Mĭs-sa´-a-shi´-gwa ki-bo´-gĭs-sē-na-min tshi´-ma-mâd
Now is the time that I hope of you that you shall
bi-mâ´-di-sĭ-wĭn, mĭ-nē´-sĭd.
take life the bead [mi´gis shell.]
This priest then grasps his Midē´ sack as if holding a gun, and,
clutching it near the top with the left hand extended, while with the
right he clutches it below the middle or near the base, he aims it
toward the candidate’s left breast and makes a thrust forward toward
that target uttering the syllables “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,”
rapidly, rising to a higher key. He recovers his first position and
repeats this movement three times, becoming more and more animated, the
last time making a vigorous gesture toward the kneeling man’s breast as
if shooting him. (See Fig. 15, page 192.) While this is going on, the
preceptor and his assistants place their hands upon the candidate’s
shoulders and cause his body to tremble.
Then the next Midē´, the third of the quartette, goes through a similar
series of forward movements and thrusts with his Midē´ sack, uttering
similar sounds and shooting the sacred mī´gis--life--into the right
breast of the candidate, who is agitated still more strongly than
before. When the third Midē´, the second in order of precedence, goes
through similar gestures and pretends to shoot the mī´gis into the
candidate’s heart, the preceptors assist him to be violently agitated.
The leading priest now places himself in a threatening attitude and says
to the Midē´; “Mī´-dzhi-de´-a-mi-shĭk´”--“put your helping heart with
me”--, when he imitates his predecessors by saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” at the fourth time aiming the Midē´ sack at the
candidate’s head, and as the mī´gis is supposed to be shot into it,
he falls forward upon the ground, apparently lifeless.
Then the four Midē´ priests, the preceptor and the assistant, lay their
Midē´ sacks upon his back and after a few moments a mī´gis shell drops
from his mouth--where he had been instructed to retain it. The chief
Midē´ picks up the mī´gis and, holding it between the thumb and index
finger of the right hand, extending his arm toward the candidate’s mouth
says “wâ! wâ! hĕ hĕ hĕ hĕ,” the last syllable being uttered in a high
key and rapidly dropped to a low note; then the same words are uttered
while the mī´gis is held toward the east, and in regular succession to
the south, to the west, to the north, then toward the sky. During this
time the candidate has begun to partially revive and endeavor to get
upon his knees, but when the Midē´ finally places the mī´gis into his
mouth again, he instantly falls upon the ground, as before. The Midē´
then take up the sacks, each grasping his own as before, and as they
pass around the inanimate body they touch it at various points, which
causes the candidate to “return to life.” The chief priest then says to
him, “Ō´mishga‘n”--“get up”--which he does; then indicating to the
holder of the Midē´ drum to bring that to him, he begins tapping and
presently sings the following song:
[Music: 216_1]
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-dian,
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an, Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an Mi´-si-ni-en´-di-an,
Ni-kan. Hĭū, Hĭū, Hĭu.
The words of the text signify, “This is what I am, my fellow Midē´; I
fear all my fellow Midē´.” The last syllables, hĭū´, are meaningless.
At the conclusion of the song the preceptor prompts the candidate to ask
the chief Midē´:
Ni-kan´ k´kĕ´-nō´-mo´, maⁿ-dzhi´-an na´-ka-mō´-in.
Colleague instruct me, give me a song.
In response to which the Midē´ teaches him the following, which is
uttered as a monotonous chant, viz:
We´-go-nĕn´ ge-gwed´-dzhi-me-an´, mi-dē´-wi-wĭn
What are you asking, grand medicine
ke-kwed´-dzhi-me-an´? Ki´-ka-mi´-nin en-da-wĕn´-da
are you asking? I will give you you want me to
ma-wi´-nĕn mi-dē´-wi-wĭn tshi-da-si-nē´-ga´-na-win´-da-mōn;
give you “grand medicine” always take care of;
ki-ĭn´-tshun-di´-nĕ-ma´-so-wĭn, tsho´-a-wa´-nin di´-sĕ-wan.
you have received it yourself, never forget.
To this the candidate, who is now a member, replies, ēⁿ, yes, i.e.,
assent, fully agreeing with the statement made by the Midē´, and adds:
Mi-gwĕtsh´ a-shi´-wa-ka-kish´-da-win be-mâ´-di-si´-an.
Thanks for giving to me life.
Then the priests begin to look around in search of spaces in which to
seat themselves, saying:
Mi´-a-shi´-gwa ki´-tshi-an´-wâ-bin-da-man tshi-ō´-we-na´-bi-an.
Now is the time I look around where we shall be [sit].
and all go to such places as are made, or reserved, for them.
The new member then goes to the pile of blankets, robes, and other gifts
and divides them among the four officiating priests, reserving some of
less value for the preceptor and his assistant; whereas tobacco is
carried around to each person present. All then make an offering of
smoke, to the east, south, west, north, toward the center and top of the
Midē´wigân--where Ki´tshi Man´idō presides--and to the earth. Then each
person blows smoke upon his or her Midē´ sack as an offering to the
sacred mī´gis within.
The chief Midē´ advances to the new member and presents him with a new
Midē´ sack, made of an otter skin, or possibly of the skin of the mink
or weasel, after which he returns to his place. The new member rises,
approaches the chief Midē´, who inclines his head to the front, and,
while passing both flat hands down over either side,
Mi-gwĕtsh´, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, ni-ka´-ni, na-ka´.
Thanks, my colleagues, my colleagues, my colleagues.
Then, approaching the next in rank, he repeats the ceremony and
continues to do so until he has made the entire circuit of the
Midē´wigân.
At the conclusion of this ceremony of rendering thanks to the members of
the society for their presence, the newly elected Midē´ returns to his
place and, after placing within his Midē´ sack his mī´gis, starts out
anew to test his own powers. He approaches the person seated nearest the
eastern entrance, on the south side, and, grasping his sack in a manner
similar to that of the officiating priests, makes threatening motions
toward the Midē´ as if to shoot him, saying, “yâ, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,
hŏ´,” gradually raising his voice to a higher key. At the fourth
movement he makes a quick thrust toward his victim, whereupon the latter
falls forward upon the ground. He then proceeds to the next, who is
menaced in a similar manner and who likewise becomes apparently
unconscious from the powerful effects of the mī´gis. This is continued
until all persons present have been subjected to the influence of the
mī´gis in the possession of the new member. At the third or fourth
experiment the first subject revives and sits up, the others recovering
in regular order a short time after having been “shot at,” as this
procedure is termed.
When all of the Midē´ have recovered a very curious ceremony takes
place. Each one places his mī´gis shell upon the right palm and,
grasping the Midē´ sack with the left hand, moves around the inclosure
and exhibits his mī´gis to everyone present, constantly uttering the
word “hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´, hŏ´,” in a quick, low tone. During this period
there is a mingling of all the persons present, each endeavoring to
attract the attention of the others. Each Midē´ then pretends to swallow
his mī´gis, when suddenly there are sounds of violent coughing, as if
the actors were strangling, and soon thereafter they gag and spit out
upon the ground the mī´gis, upon which each one falls apparently dead.
In a few moments, however, they recover, take up the little shells again
and pretend to swallow them. As the Midē´ return to their respective
places the mī´gis is restored to its receptacle in the Midē´ sack.
Food is then brought into the Midē´wigân and all partake of it at the
expense of the new member.
After the feast, the older Midē´ of high order, and possibly the
officiating priests, recount the tradition of the Ani´shinâ´bēg and the
origin of the Midē´wiwin, together with speeches relating to the
benefits to be derived through a knowledge thereof, and sometimes, tales
of individual success and exploits. When the inspired ones have given
utterance to their thoughts and feelings, their memories and their
boastings, and the time of adjournment has almost arrived, the new
member gives an evidence of his skill as a singer and a Midē´. Having
acted upon the suggestion of his preceptor, he has prepared some songs
and learned them, and now for the first time the opportunity presents
itself for him to gain admirers and influential friends, a sufficient
number of whom he will require to speak well of him, and to counteract
the evil which will be spoken of him by enemies--for enemies are
numerous and may be found chiefly among those who are not fitted for the
society of the Midē´, or who have failed to attain the desired
distinction.
The new member, in the absence of a Midē´ drum of his own, borrows one
from a fellow Midē´ and begins to beat it gently, increasing the strokes
in intensity as
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