← catalogue

The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II.

by T. Smollett · English · Gutenberg #19217 · 4,886,558 chars · public domain (US)

The Project Gutenberg eBook of The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II.
    
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States,
you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located
before using this eBook.

Title: The History of England in Three Volumes, Vol.II.

Author: T. Smollett


        
Release date: September 8, 2006 [eBook #19217]
                Most recently updated: May 19, 2026

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/19217

Credits: David Widger


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THREE VOLUMES, VOL.II. ***



THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND

Volume II.


BY DAVID HUME, ESQ.

1688


London: James S. Virtue, City Road and Ivy Lane
New York: 26 John Street
1860




In Three Volumes:

VOLUME ONE: The History Of England From The Invasion Of Julius Cæsar To
The End Of The Reign Of James The Second............ By David Hume, Esq.

VOLUME TWO: Continued from the Reign of William and Mary to the Death of
George II........................................... by Tobias Smollett.

VOLUME THREE: From the Accession of George III. to the Twenty-Third Year
of the Reign of Queen Victoria............... by E. Farr and E.H. Nolan.




VOLUME TWO


CONTINUATION

OF

THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND,

BY TOBIAS SMOLLETT, M.D.


[Illustration: 2-frontis-marlborough.jpg FRONTISPIECE: MARLEBOROUGH]

[Illustration: titlepage11.jpg  TITLEPAGE: EXECUTION OF DUDLEY]




MAPS:

[Illustration: map5.jpg MAP OF INDIA]

[Illustration: map6.jpg MAP OF UNITED STATES]

[Illustration: map7.jpg MAP OF SCOTLAND]

[Illustration: map8.jpg MAP OF THE BALTIC]




CHAPTER I.

WILLIAM AND MARY.

     _State of the Nation immediately after the Revolution.....
     Account of the new Ministry..... The Convention converted
     into a Parliament..... Mutiny in the Army..... The
     Coronation, and abolition of Hearth-money..... The Commons
     vote a Sum of Money to indemnify the Dutch..... William’s
     Efforts in Favour of the Dissenters..... Act for a
     Toleration..... Violent disputes about the Bill for a
     Comprehension..... The Commons address the King to summon a
     Convocation of the Clergy..... Settlement of the
     Revenue..... The King takes Umbrage at the Proceedings of
     the Whig-party..... Heats and Animosities about the Bill of
     Indemnity recommended by the King..... Birth of the Duke of
     Gloucester..... Affairs of the Continent..... War declared
     against France..... Proceedings in the Convention of
     Scotland, of which the Duke of Hamilton is chosen
     President..... Letters to the Convention from King William
     and King James..... They recognise the authority of King
     William..... They vote the Crown vacant, and pass an Act of
     settlement in favour of William and Mary..... They appoint
     Commissioners to make a Tender of the Crown to William, who
     receives it on the conditions they propose..... Enumeration
     of their Grievances..... The Convention is declared a
     Parliament, and the Duke of Hamilton King’s
     Commissioner..... Prelacy abolished in that Kingdom..... The
     Scots dissatisfied with the King’s Conduct..... Violent
     disputes in the Scotch Parliament..... which is
     adjourned..... A Remonstrance presented to the King--The
     Castle of Edinburgh besieged and taken-The Troops of King
     William defeated at Killycrankie..... King James cordially
     received by the French King..... Tyrconnel temporizes with
     King William..... James arrives in Ireland..... Issues five
     Proclamations at Dublin..... Siege of Londonderry..... The
     Inhabitants defend themselves with surprising Courage and
     Perseverance..... Cruelty of Rosene, the French General.....
     The Place is relieved by Kirke..... The Inniskilliners
     defeat and take General Maccarty..... Meeting of the Irish
     Parliament..... They repeal the Act of Settlement..... Pass
     an Act of Attainder against Absentees..... James coins base
     Money..... The Protestants of Ireland cruelly oppressed.....
     Their Churches are seized by the Catholics, and they are
     forbid to assemble on pain of Death..... Admiral Herbert
     worsted by the French Fleet in an Engagement near Ban-try-
     bay..... Divers Sentences and Attainders reversed in
     Parliament..... Inquiry into the Cause of Miscarriages in
     Ireland..... Bills passed in this Session of Parliament._




STATE OF THE NATION IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE REVOLUTION.

{1689}

The constitution of England had now assumed a new aspect. The maxim
of hereditary indefeisible right was at length renounced by a free
parliament. The power of the crown was acknowledged to flow from no
other fountain than that of a contract with the people. Allegiance and
protection were declared reciprocal ties depending upon each other. The
representatives of the nation made a regular claim of rights in
behalf of their constituents; and William III. ascended the throne in
consequence of an express capitulation with the people. Yet, on this
occasion, the zeal of the parliament towards their deliverer seems to
have overshot their attachment to their own liberty and privileges: or
at least they neglected the fairest opportunity that ever occurred, to
retrench those prerogatives of the crown to which they imputed all the
late and former calamities of the kingdom. Their new monarch retained
the old regal power over parliaments in its full extent. He was left
at liberty to convoke, adjourn, prorogue, and dissolve them at
his pleasure. He was enabled to influence elections, and oppress
corporations. He possessed the right of choosing his own council; of
nominating all the great officers of the state, and of the household, of
the army, the navy, and the church. He reserved the absolute command
of the militia: so that lie remained master of all the instruments and
engines of corruption and violence, without any other restraint than his
own moderation, and prudent regard to the claim of rights, and principle
of resistance on which the revolution was founded. In a word, the
settlement was finished with some precipitation, before the plan had
been properly digested and matured; and this will be the case in every
establishment formed upon a sudden emergency in the face of opposition.
It was observed, that the king, who was made by the people, had it in
his power to rule without them; to govern _jure divino_ though he was
created _jure humano_: and that, though the change proceeded from a
republican spirit, the settlement was built upon tory maxims; for
the execution of his government continued still independent of his
commission, while his own person remained sacred and inviolable. The
prince of Orange had been invited to England by a coalition of parties,
united by a common sense of danger; but this tie was no sooner broken
than they flew asunder and each resumed its original bias. Their mutual
jealousy and rancour revived, and was heated by dispute into intemperate
zeal and enthusiasm. Those who at first acted from principles of
patriotism were insensibly warmed into partizans; and king William
soon found himself at the head of a faction. As he had been bred, a
Calvinist, and always expressed an abhorrence of spiritual persecution,
the presbyter-ians, and other protestant dissenters, considered him as
their peculiar protector, and entered into his interests with the most
zealous fervour and assiduity. For the same reasons the friends of
the church became jealous of his proceedings, and employed all their
influence, first in opposing his elevation to the throne, and afterwards
in thwarting his measures. Their party was espoused by all the friends
of the lineal succession; by the Roman catholics; by those who were
personally attached to the late king; and by such as were disgusted
by the conduct and personal deportment of William since his arrival
in England. They observed, That, contrary to his declaration, he
had plainly aspired to the crown; and treated his father-in-law with
insolence and rigour; that his army contained a number of foreign
papists, almost equal to that of the English Roman catholics whom James
had employed; that the reports so industriously circulated about the
birth of the prince of Wales, the treaty with France for enslaving
England, and the murder of the earl of Essex-reports countenanced by the
prince of Orange-now appeared to be without foundation; that the Dutch
troops remained in London, while the English forces were distributed in
remote quarters; that the prince declared the first should be kept about
his person, and the latter sent to Ireland; that the two houses out of
complaisance to William, had denied their late sovereign the justice of
being heard in his own defence; and that the Dutch had lately interfered
with the trade of London, which was already sensibly diminished. These
were the sources of discontent, swelled up by the resentment of some
noblemen and other individuals, disappointed in their hopes of profit
and preferment.




ACCOUNT OF THE NEW MINISTRY.

William began his reign with a proclamation, for confirming all
protestants in the offices which they enjoyed on the first day of
December; then he chose the members of his council, who were generally
staunch to his interest, except the archbishop of Canterbury and the
earl of Nottingham, and these were admitted in complaisance to the
church-party, which it was not thought adviseable to provoke. [001]
_[See note A, at the end of this Vol.]_ Nottingham and Shrewsbury were
appointed secretaries of state; the privy-seal was bestowed upon the
marquis of Halifax; the earl of Danby was created president of
the council. These two noblemen enjoyed a good share of the king’s
confidence, and Nottingham was considerable as head of the church-party:
but the chief favourite was Bentinck, first commoner on the list of
privy-counsellors, as well as groom of the stole and privy purse.
D’Averquerque was made master of the horse, Zuylestein of the robes, and
Sehomberg of the ordnance: the treasury, admiralty, and chancery were
put in commission; twelve able judges were chosen;* and the diocese of
Salisbury being vacated by the death of Dr. Ward, the king of his own
free motion filled it with Burnet, who had been a zealous stickler for
his interest; and in a particular manner instrumental in effecting the
revolution. Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, refused to consecrate
this ecclesiastic, though the reasons of his refusal are not specified;
but, being afraid of incurring the penalties of a premunire, he granted
a commission to the bishop of London, and three other suffragans, to
perform that ceremony. Burnet was a prelate of some parts, and great
industry; moderate in his notions of church discipline, inquisitive,
meddling, vain, and credulous. In consequence of having incurred the
displeasure of the late king, he had retired to the continent and fixed
his residence in Holland, where he was naturalized, and attached himself
to the interest of the prince of Orange, who consulted him about the
affairs of England. He assisted in drawing up the prince’s manifesto,
and wrote some other papers and pamphlets in defence of his design.
He was demanded of the States by the English ambassador as a British
fugitive, outlawed by king James, and excepted in the act of indemnity.
Nevertheless, he came over with William in quality of his chaplain; and,
by his intrigues, contributed in some measure to the success of that
expedition. The principal individuals that composed this ministry have
been characterized in the history of the preceding reigns. We have had
occasion to mention the fine talents, the vivacity, the flexibility of
Halifax; the plausibility, the enterprising genius, the obstinacy of
Danby; the pompous eloquence, the warmth, and ostentation of Nottingham;
the probity and popularity of Shrewsbury. Godolphin, now brought into
the treasury, was modest, silent, sagacious, and upright. Mordaunt,
appointed first commissioner of that board, and afterwards created earl
of Monmouth, was open, generous, and a republican in his principles.
Delamere, chancellor of the exchequer, promoted in the sequel to the
rank of earl of Warrington, was close and mercenary. Obsequiousness,
fidelity, and attachment to his master, composed the character of
Bentinck, whom the king raised to the dignity of earl of Portland. The
English favourite, Sidney, was a man of wit and pleasure, possessed of
the most engaging talents for conversation and private friendship, but
rendered unfit for public business by indolence and inattention. He
was ennobled, and afterwards created earl of Romney; a title which he
enjoyed with several successive posts of profit and importance. The
stream of honour and preferment ran strong in favour of the whigs, and
this appearance of partiality confirmed the suspicion and resentment of
the opposite party.

     * Sir John Holt was appointed lord chief justice of the king’s
          bench, and Sir Henry Pollexfen of the common pleas: the
          earl of Devonshire was made lord steward of the
          household, and the earl of Dorset lord
          chamberlain.--_Ralph._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE CONVENTION CONVERTED INTO A PARLIAMENT.

The first resolution taken in the new council was to convert the
convention into a parliament, that the new settlement might be
strengthened by a legal sanction, which was now supposed to be wanting,
as the assembly had not been convoked by the king’s writ of summons.
The experiment of a new election was deemed too hazardous; therefore the
council determined that the king should, by virtue of his own authority,
change the convention into a parliament, by going to the house of peers
with the usual state of a sovereign, and pronouncing a speech from the
throne to both houses. This expedient was accordingly practised. [002]
_[See note B, at the end of this Vol.]_ He assured them he should never
take any step that would diminish the good opinion they had conceived
of his integrity. He told them that Holland was in such a situation as
required their immediate attention and assistance; that the posture of
affairs at home likewise demanded their serious consideration; that
a good settlement was necessary, not only for the establishment of
domestic peace, but also for the support of the protestant interest
abroad: that the affairs of Ireland were too critically situated to
admit the least delay in their deliberations; he therefore begged they
would be speedy and effectual in concerting such measures as should
be judged indispensably necessary for the welfare of the nation. The
commons returning to their house, immediately passed a vote of thanks
to his majesty, and made an order that his speech should be taken into
consideration. After the throne had been declared vacant by a small
majority of the peers, those who opposed that measure had gradually
withdrawn themselves from the house, so that very few remained but such
as were devoted to the new monarch. These therefore brought in a bill
for preventing all disputes concerning the present parliament. In the
meantime, Mr. Hambden, in the lower house, put the question, Whether
a king elected by the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons
assembled at Westminster, coming to and consulting with the said lords
and commons, did not make as complete a parliament and legislative
power and authority as if the said king should cause new elections to
be made by writ? Many members affirmed that the king’s writ was as
necessary as his presence to the being of a legal parliament, and as the
convention was defective in this particular, it could not be vested
with a parliamentary authority by any management whatsoever. The whigs
replied, That the essence of a parliament consisted in the meeting
and co-operation of the king, lords, and commons; and that it was not
material whether they were convoked by writ or by letter: they proved
this assertion by examples deduced from the history of England: they
observed that a new election would be attended with great trouble,
expense, and loss of time; and that such delay might prove fatal to
the protestant interest in Ireland, as well as to the allies on the
continent. In the midst of this debate the bill was brought down from
the lords, and being read, a committee was appointed to make some
amendments. These were no sooner made than the commons sent it back to
the upper house, and it immediately received the royal assent. By this
act the lords and commons assembled at Westminster were declared the two
houses of parliament to all intents and purposes: it likewise ordained,
That the present act, and all other acts to which the royal assent
should be given before the next prorogation, should be understood and
adjudged in law to begin on the thirteenth day of February: that the
members, instead of the old oaths of allegiance and supremacy, should
take the new oath incorporated in this act under the ancient penalty;
and that the present parliament should be dissolved in the usual manner.
Immediately after this transaction a warm debate arose in the house of
commons about the revenue, which the courtiers alleged had devolved with
the crown upon William, at least during the life of James, for which
term the greater part of it had been granted. The members in the
opposition affirmed that these grants were vacated with the throne; and
at length it was voted, That the revenue had expired. Then a motion was
made, That a revenue should be settled on the king and queen; and
the house resolved it should be taken into consideration. While they
deliberated on this affair they received a message from his majesty,
importing that the late king had set sail from Brest with an armament to
invade Ireland. They forthwith resolved to assist his majesty with
their lives and fortunes; they voted a temporary aid of four hundred and
twenty thousand pounds, to be levied by monthly assessments, and both
houses waited on the king to signify this resolution. But this unanimity
did not take place till several lords spiritual as well as temporal had,
rather than take the oaths, absented themselves from parliament. The
nonjuring prelates were Sancroft, archbishop of Canterbury; Turner,
bishop of Ely; Lake, of Chichester; Ken, of Bath and Wells; White, of
Peterborough; Lloyd, of Norwich; Thomas, of Worcester; and Frampton,
of Gloucester. The temporal peers who refused the oath were the duke
of Newcastle; the earls of Clarendon, Litchfield, Exeter, Yarmouth, and
Stafford; the lords Griffin and Stawel. Five of the bishops withdrew
themselves from the house at one time; but before they retired one of
the number moved for a bill of toleration, and another of comprehension,
by which moderate dissenters might be reconciled to the church, and
admitted into ecclesiastical benefices. Such bills were actually
prepared and presented by the earl of Nottingham, who received the
thanks of the house for the pains he had taken. From this period the
party averse to the government of William were distinguished by the
appellation of Nonjurors. They rejected the notion of a king _de facto_,
as well as all other distinctions and limitations; and declared for the
absolute power and divine hereditary indefeisible right of sovereigns.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




MUTINY IN THE ARMY.

This faction had already begun to practise against the new government.
The king having received some intimation of their designs from
intercepted letters, ordered the earl of Arran, sir Robert Hamilton, and
some other gentlemen of the Scottish nation, to be apprehended and sent
prisoners to the Tower. Then he informed the two houses of the step he
had taken, and even craved their advice with regard to his conduct in
such a delicate affair which had compelled him to trespass upon the
law of England. The lords thanked him for the care he took of their
liberties, and desired he would secure all disturbers of the peace: but
the commons empowered him by a bill to dispense with the _habeas-corpus_
act till the seventeenth day of April next ensuing. This was a stretch
of confidence in the crown which had not been made in favour of the late
king, even while Argyle and Monmouth were in open rebellion. A spirit of
discontent had by this time diffused itself through the army, and become
so formidable to the court, that the king resolved to retain the Dutch
troops in England and send over to Holland in their room such regiments
as were most tinctured with disaffection. Of these the Scottish regiment
of Dumbarton, commanded by mareschal Schomberg, mutinied on its march
to Ipswich, seized the military chest, disarmed the officers who opposed
their design, declared for king James, and with four pieces of cannon
began their march for Scotland. William, being informed of this revolt,
ordered general Ginckel to pursue them with three regiments of
Dutch dragoons, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. As the
delinquents were natives of Scotland, which had not yet submitted in
form to the new government, the king did not think proper to punish
them as rebels, but ordered them to proceed for Holland according to his
first intention. Though this attempt proved abortive, it made a strong
impression upon the ministry, who were divided among themselves and
wavered in their principles. However, they used this opportunity to
bring in a bill for punishing mutiny and desertion, which in a little
time passed both houses and received the royal assent.




CORONATION--ABOLITION OF HEARTH-MONEY.

The coronation oath [003] _[See note C, at the end of this Vol.]_ being
altered and explained, that ceremony was performed on the eleventh day
of April, the bishop of London officiating, at the king’s desire, in the
room of the metropolitan, who was a malcontent; and next day the commons
in a body waited on the king and queen at Whitehall, with an address of
congratulation. William, with a view to conciliate the affections of his
new subjects, and check the progress of clamour and discontent,
signified in a solemn message to the house of commons, his readiness to
acquiesce in any measure they should think proper to take for a new
regulation or total suppression of the hearth-money, which he understood
was a grievous imposition on his subjects; and this tax was afterwards
abolished. He was gratified with an address of thanks, couched in the
warmest expressions of duty, gratitude, and affection, declaring they
would take such measures in support of his crown, as would convince the
world that he reigned in the hearts of his people.




THE COMMONS VOTE MONEY TO INDEMNIFY THE DUTCH.

He had, in his answer to their former address, assured them of his
constant regard to the rights and prosperity of the nation: he had
explained the exhausted state of the Dutch; expatiated upon the zeal of
that republic for the interests of Britain, as well as the maintenance
of the protestant religion; and expressed his hope that the English
parliament would not only repay the sums they had expended in his
expedition, but likewise further support them to the utmost of their
ability against the common enemies of their liberties and religion. He
had observed that a considerable army and fleet would be necessary for
the reduction of Ireland and the protection of Britain, and he desired
they would settle the revenue in such a manner that it might be
collected without difficulty and dispute. The sum total of the money
expended by the states-general in William’s expedition amounted to
seven millions of guilders, and the commons granted six hundred thousand
pounds for the discharge of this debt, incurred for the preservation of
their rights and religion. They voted funds for raising and maintaining
an army of two-and-twenty thousand men, as well as for equipping
a numerous fleet: but they provided for no more than half a year’s
subsistence of the troops, hoping the reduction of Ireland might
be finished in that term; and this instance of frugality the king
considered as a mark of their diffidence of his administration. The
whigs were resolved to supply him gradually, that he might be the more
dependent upon their zeal and attachment; but he was not at all pleased
with their precaution.




WILLIAM’S EFFORTS IN FAVOUR OF DISSENTEES.

William was naturally biassed to Calvinism, and averse to persecution.
Whatever promises he had made, and whatever sentiments of respect he had
entertained for the church of England, he seemed now in a great measure
alienated from it by the opposition he had met with from its members,
particularly from the bishops who had thwarted his measures. By
absenting themselves from parliament, and refusing the oath, they had
plainly disowned his title and renounced his government. He therefore
resolved to mortify the church, and gratify his own friends at the
same time, by removing the obstacles affixed to nonconformity, that
all protestant dissenters should be rendered capable of enjoying and
exercising civil employments. When he gave his assent to the bill for
suspending the _habeas-corpus_ act, he recommended the establishment of
a new oath in lieu of those of allegiance and supremacy: he expressed
his hope that they would leave room for the admission of all his
protestant subjects who should be found qualified for the service;
he said, such a conjunction would unite them the more firmly among
themselves, and strengthen them against their common adversaries.
In consequence of this hint, a clause was inserted in the bill
for abrogating the old and appointing the new oaths, by which the
sacramental test was declared unnecessary in rendering any person
capable of enjoying any office or employment. It was, however, rejected
by a great majority in the house of lords. Another clause for the
same purpose, though in different terms, was proposed by the king’s
direction, and met with the same fate, though in both cases several
noblemen entered a protest against the resolution of the house. These
fruitless efforts in favour of dissenters augmented the prejudice of the
churchmen against king William, who would have willingly compromised
the difference by excusing the clergy from the oaths, provided the
dissenters might be exempted from the sacramental test: but this was
deemed the chief bulwark of the church, and therefore the proposal was
rejected. The church party in the house of lords moved, That instead
of inserting a clause obliging the clergy to take the oaths, the king
should be empowered to tender them; and, in case of their refusal, they
should incur the penalty, because deprivation, or the apprehensions of
it, might make them desperate and excite them to form designs against
the government. This argument had no weight with the commons, who
thought it was indispensably necessary to exact the oaths of the clergy,
as their example influenced the kingdom in general, and the youth of
the nation were formed under their instructions. After a long and
warm debate, all the mitigation that could be obtained was a clause
empowering the king to indulge any twelve clergymen, deprived by virtue
of this act, with a third part of their benefices during pleasure.
Thus the ancient oaths of allegiance and supremacy were abrogated: the
declaration of non-resistance in the act of uniformity was repealed: the
new oath of allegiance was reduced to its primitive simplicity, and the
coronation-oath rendered more explicit. The clergy were enjoined to take
the new oaths before the first day of August, on pain of being suspended
from their office for six months, and of entire deprivation, in case
they should not take them before the expiration of this term. They
generally complied, though with such reservations and distinctions as
were not much for the honour of their sincerity.




ACT FOR A TOLERATION.

The king, though baffled in his design against the sacramental test,
resolved to indulge the dissenters with a toleration; and a bill for
this purpose being prepared by the earl of Nottingham, was, after some
debate, passed into a law, under the title of an act for exempting their
majesties’ protestant subjects, dissenting from the church of England,
from the penalties of certain laws. It enacted, That none of the penal
laws should be construed to extend to those dissenters who should take
the oaths to the present government, and subscribe the declaration of
the thirtieth year of the reign of Charles II. provided that they should
hold no private assemblies or conventicles with the doors shut; that
nothing should be construed to exempt them from the payment of tithes or
other parochial duties: that, in case of being chosen into the office
of constable, churchwarden, overseer, &c. and of scrupling to take the
oaths annexed to such offices, they should be allowed to execute the
employment by deputy: that the preachers and teachers in congregations
of dissenting protestants who should take the oaths, subscribe the
declaration, together with all the articles of religion, except
the thirty-fourth and the two succeeding articles, and part of the
twentieth, should be exempted from the penalties decreed against
non-conformists, as well as from serving upon juries, or acting in
parish offices: yet all justices of the peace were empowered to require
such dissenters to subscribe the declaration and take the oaths; and, in
case of refusal, to commit them to prison without bail or mainprize.
The same indulgence was extended to anabaptists, and even to quakers,
on their solemn promise before God to be faithful to the king and queen,
and their assenting by profession and asseveration to those articles
which the others ratified upon oath: they were likewise required to
profess their belief in the Trinity and the Holy Scriptures. Even the
papists felt the benign influence of William’s moderation in spiritual
matters: he rejected the proposal of some zealots, who exhorted him to
enact severe laws against popish recusants. Such a measure, he observed,
would alienate all the papists of Europe from the interests of England,
and might produce a new Catholic league which would render the war
a religious quarrel; besides, he would not pretend to screen the
protestants of Germany and Hungary, while he himself should persecute
the Catholics of England. He therefore resolved to treat them with
lenity; and though they were not comprehended in the act, they enjoyed
the benefit of the toleration.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




VIOLENT DISPUTES ABOUT THE BILL FOR A COMPREHENSION.

We have observed that, in consequence of the motion made by the bishops
when they withdrew from parliament, a bill was brought into the house
of lords for uniting their majesties’ protestant subjects. This was
extremely agreeable to the king, who had the scheme of comprehension
very much at heart. In the progress of the bill a warm debate arose
about the posture of kneeling at the sacrament, which was given up
in favour of the dissenters. Another no less violent ensued upon the
subsequent question, “Whether there should be an addition of laity in
the commission to be given by the king to the bishops and others of the
clergy, for preparing such a reformation of ecclesiastical affairs as
might be the means of healing divisions, and correcting whatever might
be erroneous or defective in the constitution.” A great number of
the temporal lords insisted warmly on this addition, and when it was
rejected four peers entered a formal protest. Bishop Burnet was a
warm stickler for the exclusion of the laity; and, in all probability,
manifested this warmth in hopes of ingratiating himself with his
brethren, among whom his character was very far from being popular. But
the merit of this sacrifice was destroyed by the arguments he had used
for dispensing with the posture of kneeling at the sacrament; and by his
proposing in another proviso of the bill, that the subscribers, instead
of expressing assent or consent, should only submit with a promise of
conformity.




THE COMMONS ADDRESS THE KING TO SUMMON A CONVOCATION.

The bill was with difficulty passed in the house of lords, but the
commons treated it with neglect. By this time a great number of
malcontent members, who had retired from parliament, were returned with
a view to thwart the administration, though they could not prevent
the settlement. Instead of proceeding with the bill they presented
an address to the king, thanking him for his gracious declaration and
repeated assurances that he would maintain the church of England as by
law established; a church whose doctrine and practice had evinced its
loyalty beyond all contradiction. They likewise humbly besought his
majesty to issue writs for calling a convocation of the clergy, to be
consulted in ecclesiastical matters according to the ancient usage
of parliaments; and they declared they would forthwith take into
consideration proper methods for giving ease to protestant dissenters.
Though the king was displeased at this address, in which the lords also
had concurred, he returned a civil answer by the mouth of the earl
of Nottingham, professing his regard for the church of England, which
should always be his peculiar care, recommending the dissenters to their
protection, and promising to summon a convocation as soon as such a
measure should be convenient. This message produced no effect in favour
of the bill which lay neglected on the table. Those who moved for it
had no other view than that of displaying their moderation: and now they
excited their friends to oppose it with all their interest. Others were
afraid of espousing it lost they should be stigmatized as enemies to the
church; and a great number of the most eminent presbyterians wore
averse to a scheme of comprehension, which diminished their strength and
weakened the importance of the party. Being therefore violently opposed
on one hand, and but faintly supported on the other, no wonder it
miscarried. The king however was so bent upon the execution of his
design, that it was next session revived in another form though with no
better success.




SETTLEMENT OF THE REVENUE.

The next object that engrossed the attention of the parliament was the
settlement of a revenue for the support of the government. Hitherto
there had been no distinction of what was allotted for the king’s
use, and what was assigned for the service of the public; so that the
sovereign was entirely master of the whole supply. As the revenue in the
late reigns had been often embezzled and misapplied, it was now resolved
that a certain sum should be set apart for the maintenance of the king’s
household and the support of his dignity; and that the rest of the
public money should be employed under the inspection of parliament.
Accordingly, since this period, the commons have appropriated the
yearly supplies to certain specified services; and an account of the
application has been constantly submitted to both houses at the next
session. At this juncture the prevailing party, or the whigs, determined
that the revenue should be granted from year to year, or at least for a
small term of years; that the king might find himself dependent upon
the parliament, and merit the renewal of the grant by a just and popular
administration. In pursuance of this maxim, when the revenue fell under
consideration, they, under pretence of charges and anticipations which
they had not time to examine, granted it by a provisional act for one
year only. The civil list was settled at six hundred thousand pounds,
chargeable with the appointments of the queen dowager, the prince and
princess of Denmark, the judges, and mareschal Schomberg, to whom
the parliament had already granted one hundred thousand pounds, in
consideration of his important services to the nation. The commons also
voted that a constant revenue of twelve hundred thousand pounds should
be established for the support of the crown in time of peace.




THE KING TAKES UMBRAGE AT THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE WHIG PARTY.

The king took umbrage at these restraints laid upon the application of
the public money, which were the most salutary fruits of the revolution.
He considered them as marks of diffidence by which he was distinguished
from his predecessors; and thought them an ungrateful return for the
services he had done the nation. The tories perceived his disgust, and
did not fail to foment his jealousy against their adversaries, which
was confirmed by a fresh effort of the whigs in relation to a militia.
A bill was brought into the house for regulating it in such a manner as
would have rendered it in a great measure independent both of the king
and the lords-lieutenants of counties. These being generally peers,
the bill was suffered to lie neglected on the table, but the attempt
confirmed the suspicion of the king, who began to think himself in
danger of being enslaved by a republican party. The tories had, by the
channel of Nottingham, made proffers of service to his majesty; but
complained at the same time that as they were in danger of being
prosecuted for their lives and fortunes, they could not, without an act
of indemnity, exert themselves in favour of the crown, lest they should
incur a persecution from their implacable enemies.




HEATS AND ANIMOSITIES ABOUT THE BILL OF INDEMNITY.

These remonstrances made such an impression on the king, that he sent a
message to the house by Mr. Hambden, recommending a bill of indemnity
as the most effectual means for putting an end to all controversies,
distinctions, and occasions of discord. He desired it might be prepared
with all convenient expedition, and with such exceptions only as should
seem necessary for the vindication of public justice, the safety of
him and his consort, and the settlement and welfare of the nation. An
address of thanks to his majesty was unanimously voted. Nevertheless,
his design was frustrated by the backwardness of the whigs, who
proceeded so slowly on the bill that it could not be brought to maturity
before the end of the session. They wanted to keep the scourge over the
heads of their enemies until they should find a proper opportunity for
revenge; and, in the meantime, restrain them from opposition by the
terror of impending vengeance. They affected to insinuate that the
king’s design was to raise the prerogative as high as it had been in
the preceding reigns; and that he for this purpose pressed an act of
indemnity, by virtue of which he might legally use the instruments of
the late tyranny. The earls of Monmouth and Warrington industrously
infused these jealousies into the minds of their party: on the other
hand, the earl of Nottingham inflamed William’s distrust of his old
friends: both sides succeeded in kindling an animosity, which had like
to have produced confusion, notwithstanding the endeavours used by the
earls of Shrewsbury and Devonshire, to allay those heats and remove the
suspicions that mutually prevailed.




BIRTH OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.

It was now judged expedient to pass an act for settling the succession
of the crown according to the former resolution of the convention. A
bill for this purpose was brought into the lower house, with a clause
disabling papists from succeeding to the throne: to this the lords
added, “Or such as should marry papists,” absolving the subject in that
case from allegiance, The bishop of Salisbury, by the king’s direction,
proposed that the princess Sophia, duchess of Hanover, and her
posterity, should be nominated in the act of succession as the next
protestant heirs, failing issue of the king and Anne princess of
Denmark. These amendments gave rise to warm debates in the lower house,
where they were vigorously opposed, not only by those who wished well in
secret to the late king and the lineal succession, but likewise by the
republican party, who hoped to see monarchy altogether extinguished in
England by the death of the three persons already named in the bill
of succession. The lords insisted upon their amendments, and several
fruitless conferences were held between the two houses. At length the
bill was dropt for the present in consequence of an event which in a
great measure dissipated the fears of a popish successor. This was the
delivery of the princess Anne, who, on the twenty-seventh day of July,
brought forth a son, christened by the name of William, and afterwards
created duke of Gloucester.




AFFAIRS OF THE CONTINENT.

In the midst of these domestic disputes, William did not neglect the
affairs of the continent. He retained all his former influence in
Holland, as his countrymen had reason to confide in his repeated
assurances of inviolable affection. The great scheme which he had
projected of a confederacy against France began at this period to
take effect. The princes of the empire assembled in the diet, solemnly
exhorted the emperor to declare war against the French king, who had
committed numberless infractions of the treaties of Munster, Osnabruck,
Nimeguen, and the truce, invaded their country without provocation,
and evinced himself an inveterate enemy of the holy Roman empire. They
therefore besought his imperial majesty to conclude a treaty of peace
with the Turks, who had offered advantageous terms, and proceed to an
open rupture with Louis, in which case they would consider it as a war
of the empire, and support their head in the most effectual manner. The
states-general published a declaration against the common enemy, taxing
him with manifold infractions of the treaty of commerce; with having
involved the subjects of the republic in the persecution which he had
raised against the protestants; with having cajoled and insulted them
with deceitful promises and insolent threats; with having plundered and
oppressed the Dutch merchants and traders in France; and, finally, with
having declared war against the states without any plausible reason
assigned. The elector of Brandenburg denounced war against France as
a power whose perfidy, cruelty, and ambition, it was the duty of every
prince to oppose. The marquis de Castanaga, governor of the Spanish
Netherlands, issued a counter declaration to that of Louis, who had
declared against his master. He accused the French king of having laid
waste the empire, without any regard to the obligations of religion and
humanity, or even to the laws of war; of having countenanced the most
barbarous acts of cruelty and oppression; and of having intrigued with
the enemies of Christ for the destruction of the empire. The emperor
negotiated an alliance offensive and defensive with the states-general,
binding the contracting parties to co-operate with their whole power
against France and her allies. It was stipulated that neither side
should engage in a separate treaty on any pretence whatsoever; that no
peace should be admitted until the treaties of Westphalia, Osnabruck,
Minister, and the Pyrenees, should have been vindicated; that, in case
of a negotiation for a peace or truce, the transactions on both sides
should be communicated _bona fide_; and that Spain and England should be
invited to accede to the treaty. In a separate article, the contracting
powers agreed, that, in case of the Spanish king’s dying without issue,
the states-general should assist the emperor with all their forces to
take possession of that monarchy: that they should use their friendly
endeavours with the princes electors, their allies, towards elevating
his son Joseph to the dignity of king of the Romans, and employ their
utmost force against France should she attempt to oppose his elevation.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




WAR DECLARED AGAINST FRANCE.

William, who was the soul of this confederacy, found no difficulty in
persuading the English to undertake a war against their old enemies and
rivals. On the sixteenth day of April, Mr. Hambden made a motion for
taking into consideration the state of the kingdom with respect to
France, and foreign alliances; and the commons unanimously resolved,
that, in case his majesty should think fit to engage in a war with
France, they would, in a parliamentary way, enable him to carry it on
with vigour. An address was immediately drawn up and presented to the
king, desiring that he would seriously consider the destructive methods
taken of late years by the French king against the trade, quiet, and
interest of the nation, particularly his present invasion of Ireland,
and supporting the rebels in that kingdom. They did not doubt but the
alliances already made, and those that might hereafter be concluded by
his majesty, would be sufficient to reduce the French king to such a
condition, that it should not be in his power to violate the peace of
Christendom, nor prejudice the trade and prosperity of England; in the
mean time they assured his majesty he might depend upon the assistance
of his parliament, according to the vote which had passed in the house
of commons. This was a welcome address to king William. He assured them
that no part of the supplies which they might grant for the prosecution
of the war should be misapplied; and, on the seventh day of May, he
declared war against the French monarch. On this occasion, Louis was
charged with having ambitiously invaded the territories of the emperor,
and denounced war against the allies of England, in violation of the
treaties confirmed under the guarantee of the English crown; with
having encroached upon the fishery of Newfoundland, invaded the Caribbee
Islands, taken forcible possession of New-York and Hudson’s-bay, made
depredations on the English at sea, prohibited the importation of
English manufactures, disputed the right of the flag, persecuted many
English subjects on account of religion, contrary to express treaties
and the law of nations, and sent an armament to Ireland, in support of
the rebels of that kingdom.




PROCEEDINGS IN THE CONVENTION.

Having thus described the progress of the revolution in England, we
shall now briefly explain the measures that were prosecuted in Scotland,
towards the establishment of William on the throne of that kingdom. The
meeting of the Scottish convention was fixed for the fourteenth day of
March; and both parties employed all their interest to influence the
election of members. The duke of Hamilton, and all the presbyterians,
declared for William. The duke of Gordon maintained the castle of
Edinburgh for his old master; but, as he had neglected to lay in a store
of provisions, he depended entirely upon the citizens for subsistence.
The partisans of James were headed by the earl of Balcarras, and Graham
viscount Dundee, who employed their endeavours to preserve union among
the individuals of their party; to confirm the duke of Gordon, who
began to waver in his attachment to their sovereign; and to manage their
intrigues in such a manner as to derive some advantage to their cause
from the transactions of the ensuing session. When the lords and commons
assembled at Edinburgh, the bishop of that diocese, who officiated as
chaplain to the convention, prayed for the restoration of king James.
The first dispute turned upon the choice of a president. The friends of
the late king set up the marquis of Athol in opposition to the duke of
Hamilton; but this last was elected by a considerable majority; and
a good number of the other party, finding their cause the weakest,
deserted it from that moment. The earls of Lothian and Tweedale were
sent as deputies, to require the duke of Gordon, in the name of the
estates, to quit the castle in four-and-twenty hours, and leave the
charge of it to the protestant officer next in command. The duke, though
in himself irresolute, was animated by Dundee to demand such conditions
as the convention would not grant. The négociation proving ineffectual,
the states ordered the heralds, in all their formalities, to summon him
to surrender the castle immediately, on pain of incurring the penalties
of high treason; and he refusing to obey their mandate, was proclaimed
a traitor. All persons were forbid, under the same penalties, to aid,
succour, or correspond with him; and the castle was blocked up with the
troops of the city.




LETTERS TO THE CONVENTION FROM KING WILLIAM AND KING JAMES.

Next day an express arrived from London, with a letter from king William
to the estates; and, at the same time, another from James was presented
by one Crane, an English domestic of the abdicated queen. William
observed that he had called a meeting of their estates at the desire of
the nobility and gentry of Scotland assembled at London, who requested
that he would take upon himself the administration of their affairs. He
exhorted them to concert measures for settling the peace of the kingdom
upon a solid foundation; and to lay aside animosities and factions,
which served only to impede that salutary settlement. He professed
himself sensible of the good effects that would arise from an union of
the two kingdoms; and assured them he would use his best endeavours
to promote such a coalition. A committee being appointed to draw up a
respectful answer to these assurances, a debate ensued about the letter
from the late king James. This they resolved to favour with a reading,
after the members should have subscribed an act, declaring that
notwithstanding any thing that might be contained in the letter for
dissolving the convention, or impeding their procedure, they were a free
and lawful meeting of the states; and would continue undissolved until
they should have settled and secured the protestant religion, the
government, laws, and liberties of the kingdom. Having taken this
precaution, they proceeded to examine the letter of the late sovereign,
who conjured them to support his interest as faithful subjects, and
eternize their names by a loyalty suitable to their former professions.
He said he would not fail to give them such a speedy and powerful
assistance as would enable them to defend themselves from any foreign
attempt; and even to assert his right against those enemies who had
depressed it by the blackest usurpations and unnatural attempts, which
the Almighty God would not allow to pass unpunished. He offered pardon
to all those who should return to their duty before the last day of the
month; and threatened to punish rigorously such as should stand out in
rebellion against him and his authority.




THE CONVENTION RECOGNIZE THE AUTHORITY OF KING WILLIAM.

This address produced very little effect in favour of the unfortunate
exile, whose friends were greatly outnumbered in this assembly. His
messenger was ordered into custody, and afterwards dismissed with a
pass instead of an answer. James, foreseeing this contempt, had, by an
instrument dated in Ireland, authorised the archbishop of Glasgow, the
earl of Balcarras, and the viscount Dundee, to call a convention of the
estates at Stirling. These three depended on the interest of the marquis
of Athol and the earl of Mar, who professed the warmest affection
for the late king; and they hoped a secession of their friends would
embarrass the convention, so as to retard the settlement of king
William. Their expectations, however, were disappointed. Athol deserted
their cause; and Mar suffered himself to be intercepted in his retreat.
The rest of their party were, by the vigilance of the duke of Hamilton,
prevented from leaving the convention, except the viscount Dundee, who
retreated to the mountains with about fifty horse, and was pursued
by order of the estates. This design being frustrated, the convention
approved and recognized, by a solemn act, the conduct of the nobility
and gentlemen who had entreated the king of England to take upon him
the administration. They acknowledged their obligation to the prince of
Orange, who had prevented the destruction of their laws, religion, and
fundamental constitution; they besought his highness to assume the reins
of government for that kingdom; they issued a proclamation requiring
all persons, from sixteen to sixty, to be in readiness to take arms
when called upon for that purpose; they conferred the command of their
horse-militia upon sir Patrick Hume, who was formerly attainted for
having been concerned in Argyle’s insurrection; they levied eight
hundred men for a guard to the city of Edinburgh, and constituted the
earl of Leven their commander; they put the militia all over the kingdom
into the hands of those on whom they could rely; they created the earl
of Mar governor of Stirling-castle; they received a reinforcement of
five regiments from England under the command of Mac-kay, whom they
appointed their general; and they issued orders for securing all
disaffected persons. Then they dispatched lord Ross with an answer to
king William’s letter, professing their gratitude to their deliverer,
and congratulating him upon his success. They thanked him for assuming
the administration of their affairs, and assembling a convention of
their estates.

They declared they would take effectual and speedy measures for securing
the protestant religion, as well as for establishing the government,
laws, and liberties of the kingdom. They assured him they would, as much
as lay in their power, avoid disputes and animosities; and desired the
continuance of his majesty’s care and protection.




CROWN VOTED VACANT, AND AN ACT OF SETTLEMENT PASSED.

After the departure of lord Ross, they appointed a committee, consisting
of eight lords, eight knights, and as many burgesses, to prepare the
plan of a new settlement: but this resolution was not taken without
a vigorous opposition from some remaining adherents of the late king,
headed by the archbishop of Glasgow; all the other prelates, except
he of Edinburgh, having already deserted the convention. After warm
debates, the committee agreed in the following vote:--“The estates of
the kingdom of Scotland find and declare, That king James VII. being a
profest papist, did assume the royal power, and act as a king, without
ever taking the oath required by law; and had, by the advice of evil
and wicked counsellors, invaded the fundamental constitution of
this kingdom, and altered it from a legal and limited monarchy to an
arbitrary despotic power, and had governed the same to the subversion of
the protestant religion, and violation of the laws and liberties of the
nation, inverting all the ends of government; whereby he had forfaulted
the right of the crown, and the throne was become vacant.” When this
vote was reported, the bishop of Edinburgh argued strenuously against
it, as containing a charge of which the king was innocent; and he
proposed that his majesty should be invited to return to his Scottish
dominions. All his arguments were defeated or overruled, and the house
confirmed the vote, which was immediately enacted into a law by a great
majority. The lord president declared the throne vacant, and proposed
that it might be filled with William and Mary, king and queen of
England. The committee was ordered to prepare an act for settling the
crown upon their majesties, together with an instrument of government
for securing the subjects from the grievances under which they
laboured.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE CROWN TENDERED TO WILLIAM.

On the eleventh day of April, this act, with the conditions of
inheritance, and the instrument, were reported, considered, unanimously
approved, and solemnly proclaimed at the market-cross of Edinburgh,
in presence of the lord president, assisted by the lord provost and
magistracy of the city, the duke of Queensbury, the marquisses of Athol
and Douglas, together with a great number of the nobility and gentry.
At the same time they published another proclamation, forbidding all
persons to acknowledge, obey, assist, or correspond with the late king
James; or by word, writing, or sermon, to dispute or disown the
royal authority of king William and queen Mary; or to misconstrue the
proceedings of the estates, or create jealousies or misapprehensions
with regard to the transactions of the government, on pain of incurring
the most severe penalties. Then, having settled the coronation oath,
they granted a commission to the earl of Argyle for the lords, to sir
James Montgomery for the knights, and to sir John Dalrymple for
the boroughs, empowering them to repair to London, and invest their
majesties with the government. This affair being discussed, the
convention appointed a committee to take care of the public peace, and
adjourned to the twenty-first day of May. On the eleventh day of that
month, the Scottish commissioners being introduced to their majesties at
Whitehall, presented first a preparatory letter from the estates, then
the instrument of government, with a paper containing a recital of the
grievances of the nation; and an address desiring his majesty to convert
the convention into a parliament. The king having graciously promised to
concur with them in all just measures for the interest of the kingdom,
the coronation oath was tendered to their majesties by the earl of
Argyle. As it contained a clause, importing that they should root out
heresy, the king declared, that he did not mean by these words that he
should be under an obligation to act as a persecutor: the commissioners
replying that such was not the meaning or import of the oath, he desired
them, and others present, to bear witness to the exception he had made.




THE CONVENTION STATE THEIR GRIEVANCES.

In the meantime lord Dundee exerted himself with uncommon activity in
behalf of his master. He had been summoned by a trumpet to return to the
convention, refused to obey the citation on pretence that the whigs had
made an attempt upon his life; and that the deliberations of the estates
were influenced by the neighbourhood of English troops, under the
command of Mackay. He was forthwith declared a fugitive, outlaw, and
rebel. He was rancorously hated by the pres-byterians, on whom he had
exercised some cruelties as an officer under the former government:
and for this reason the states resolved to inflict upon him exemplary
punishment. Parties were detached in pursuit of him and Balcarras. This
last fell into their hands, and was committed to a common prison;
but Dundee fought his way through the troops that surrounded him, and
escaped to the Highlands, where he determined to take arms in favour
of James, though that prince had forbid him to make any attempt of this
nature until he should receive a reinforcement from Ireland. While this
officer was employed in assembling the clans of his party, king
William appointed the duke of Hamilton commissioner to the convention
parliament. The post of secretary for Scotland was bestowed upon lord
Melvil, a weak and servile nobleman, who had taken refuge in Holland
from the violence of the late reigns: but the king depended chiefly for
advice upon Dalrymple lord Stair, president of the college of justice,
an old crafty fanatic, who for forty years had complied in all things
with all governments. Though these were rigid pres-byterians, the king,
to humour the opposite party, admitted some individuals of the episcopal
nobility to the council-board; and this intermixture, instead of
allaying animosities, served only to sow the seeds of discord and
confusion. The Scottish convention, in their detail of grievances,
enumerated the lords of the articles; the act of parliament in the reign
of Charles II. by which the king’s supremacy was raised so high that he
could prescribe any mode of religion according to his pleasure; and the
superiority of any office in the church above that of presbyters. The
king in his instructions to the lord commissioner, consented to the
regulation of the lords of the articles, though he would not allow the
institution to be abrogated; he was contented that the act relating to
the king’s supremacy should be rescinded, and that the church government
should be established in such a manner as would be most agreeable to the
inclinations of the people.




PRELACY ABOLISHED IN SCOTLAND.

On the seventeenth day of June, duke Hamilton opened the Scottish
parliament, after the convention had assumed this name, in consequence
of an act passed by his majesty’s direction; but the members in general
were extremely chagrined when they found the commissioners so much
restricted in the affair of the lords of the articles, which they
considered as their chief grievance. [008] _[See note D, at the end of
this Vol.]_ The king permitted that the estates should choose the lords
by their own suffrages, and that they should be at liberty to reconsider
any subject which the said lords might reject. He afterwards indulged
the three estates with the choice of eleven delegates each, for this
committee, to be elected monthly, or oftener if they should think fit:
but even these concessions proved unsatisfactory while the institution
itself remained. Their discontents were not even appeased by the passing
of an act abolishing prelacy. Indeed their resentment was inflamed by
another consideration, namely, that of the king’s having given seats
in the council to some individuals attached to the hierarchy. They
manifested their sentiments on this subject by bringing in a bill
excluding from any public trust, place, or employment under their
majesties, all such as had been concerned in the encroachments of the
late reign, or had discovered disaffection to the late happy change, or
in any way retarded or obstructed the designs of the convention. This
measure was prosecuted with great warmth; and the bill passed through
all the forms of the house, but proved ineffectual for want of the royal
assent.




DISPUTES IN THE PARLIAMENT.

Nor were they less obstinate in the affair of the judges whom the
king had ventured to appoint by virtue of his own prerogative. The
malcontents brought in a bill declaring the bench vacant, as it was at
the restoration; asserting their own right to examine and approve those
who should appointed to fill it; providing that if in time to come any
such total vacancy should occur, the nomination should be in the king or
queen, or regent for the time being, and the parliament retain the right
of approbation; and that all the clauses in the several acts relating to
the admission of the ordinary lords of session, and their qualifications
for that office, should be ratified and confirmed for perpetual
observation. Such was the interest of this party, that the bill was
carried by a great majority, notwithstanding the opposition of the
ministers, who resolved to maintain the king’s nomination even in
defiance of a parliamentary resolution. The majority, exasperated at
this open violation of their privileges, forbade the judges whom the
king had appointed to open their commissions, or hold a session until
his majesty’s further pleasure should be known: on the other hand they
were compelled to act by the menaces of the privy-council. The dispute
was carried on with great acrimony on both sides, and produced such a
ferment, that before the session opened, the ministry thought proper
to draw a great number of forces into the neighbourhood of Edinburgh to
support the judges in the exercise of their functions.




SCOTCH PARLIAMENT ADJOURNED.

The lord commissioner, alarmed at this scene of tumult and confusion,
adjourned the house till the eighth day of October; a step which, added
to the other unpopular measures of the court, incensed the opposition to
a violent degree. They drew up a remonstrance to the king, complaining
of this adjournment while the nation was yet unsettled, recapitulating
the several instances in which they had expressed their zeal and
affection for his majesty; explaining their reasons for dissenting from
the ministry in some articles; beseeching him to consider what they had
represented, to give his royal assent to the acts of parliament which
they had prepared, and take measures for redressing all the other
grievances of the nation. This address was presented to the king at
Hampton-court. William was so touched with the reproaches it implied, as
if he had not fulfilled the conditions on which he accepted the crown of
Scotland, that he, in his own vindication, published his instructions
to the commissioner; and by these it appeared that the duke might have
proceeded to greater lengths in obliging his countrymen. Before the
adjournment, however, the parliament had granted the revenue for life;
and raised money for maintaining a body of forces, as well as for
supporting the incidental expense of the government for some months; yet
part of the troops in that kingdom were supplied and subsisted by the
administration of England. In consequence of these disputes in the
Scottish parliament, their church was left without any settled form of
government; for, though the hierarchy was abolished, the presbyterian
discipline was not yet established, and ecclesiastical affairs were
occasionally regulated by the privy-council, deriving its authority from
that very act of supremacy, which, according to the claim of rights,
ought to have been repealed.




THE CASTLE OF EDINBURGH BESIEGED.

The session was no sooner adjourned than sir John Lanier converted the
blockade of Edinburgh castle into a regular siege, which was prosecuted
with such vigour that in a little time the fortifications were ruined,
and the works advanced at the foot of the walls, in which the besiegers
had made several large breaches. The duke of Gordon, finding his
ammunition expended, his defences destroyed, his intelligence entirely
cut off, and despairing of relief from the adherents of his master,
desired to capitulate, and obtained very favourable terms for his
garrison; but he would not stipulate any conditions for himself,
declaring that he had so much respect for all the princes descended from
king James VI. that he would not affront any of them so far as to insist
upon terms for his own particular: he therefore, on the thirteenth day
of June, surrendered the castle and himself at discretion. All the hopes
of James and his party were now concentred in the viscount Dundee, who
had assembled a body of Highlanders, and resolved to attack Mackay, on
an assurance he had received by message, that the regiment of Scottish
dragoons would desert that officer, and join him in the action. Mackay
having received intimation of this design, decamped immediately, and by
long marches retired before Dundee, until he was reinforced by Ramsey’s
dragoons, and another regiment of English infantry: then he faced about,
and Dundee in his turn retreated into Lochaber. Lord Murray, son of the
marquis of Athol, assembled his vassals, to the number of twelve hundred
men, for the service of the regency; but he was betrayed by one of his
own dependents, who seized the castle of Blair for Dundee, and prevailed
upon the Athol men to disperse, rather than fight against James their
lawful sovereign.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




KING WILLIAM’S TROOPS DEFEATED.

The viscount was by this time reduced to great difficulty and distress.
His men had not for many weeks tasted bread or salt, or any drink but
water: instead of five hundred infantry, three hundred horse, with a
supply of arms, ammunition, and provision, which James had promised to
send from Ireland, he received a reinforcement of three hundred naked
recruits; but the transports with the stores fell into the hands of the
English. Though this was a mortifying disappointment, he bore it without
repining; and, far from abandoning himself to despair, began his march
to the castle of Blair, which was threatened with a seige by general
Mackay. When he reached this fortress, he received intelligence that the
enemy had entered the pass of Killycrankie, and he resolved to give
them battle without delay. He accordingly advanced against them, and
a furious engagement ensued, though it was not of long duration. The
Highlanders having received and returned the fire of the English, fell
in among them sword in hand with such impetuosity, that the foot were
utterly broke in seven minutes. The dragoons fled at the first charge
in the utmost consternation. Dundee’s horse, not exceeding one hundred,
broke through Mackay’s own regiment; the earl of Dumbarton, at the
head of a few volunteers, made himself master of the artillery: twelve
hundred of Mackay’s forces were killed on the spot, five hundred taken
prisoners, and the rest fled with great precipitation for some hours,
until they were rallied by their general, who was an officer of approved
courage, conduct, and experience. Nothing could be more complete or
decisive than the victory which the Highlanders obtained; yet it was
clearly purchased with the death of their beloved chieftain the viscount
Dundee, who fell by a random shot in the engagement, and his fate
produced such confusion in his army as prevented all pursuit. He
possessed an enterprising spirit, undaunted courage, inviolable
fidelity, and was peculiarly qualified to command the people who fought
under his banner. He was the life and soul of that cause which he
espoused, and after his death it daily declined into ruin and disgrace.
He was succeeded in command by colonel Cannon, who landed the
reinforcement from Ireland; but all his designs miscarried; so that the
clans, wearied with repeated misfortunes, laid down their arms by
degrees, and took the benefit of a pardon which king William offered to
those who should submit within the time specified in his proclamation.




KING JAMES CORDIALLY RECEIVED BY THE FRENCH KING.

After this sketch of Scottish affairs, it will be necessary to take
a retrospective view of James, and relate the particulars of his
expedition to Ireland. That unfortunate prince and his queen were
received with the most cordial hospitality by the French monarch, who
assigned the castle of St. Germain for the place of their residence,
supported their household with great magnificence, enriched them with
presents, and undertook to re-establish them on the throne of England.
James, however, conducted himself in such a manner as conveyed no
favourable idea of his spirit and understanding. He seems to have been
emasculated by religion: he was deserted by that courage and magnanimity
for which his youth had been distinguished. He did not discover great
sensibility at the loss of his kingdom. All his faculties were swallowed
up in bigotry. Instead of contriving plans for retrieving his crown, he
held conferences with the Jesuits on topics of religion. The pity which
his misfortunes excited in Louis was mingled with contempt. The pope
supplied him with indulgencies, while the Romans laughed at him in
pasquinades: “There is a pious man, (said the archbishop of Rheims
ironically,) who has sacrificed three crowns for a mass.” In a word, he
subjected himself to the ridicule and raillery of the French nation.




TYRCONNEL TEMPORIZES WITH WILLIAM.

All the hope of re-ascending the British throne depended upon his
friends in Scotland and Ireland. Tyr-connel, who commanded in this last
kingdom, was confirmed in his attachment to James by the persuasions of
Hamilton, who had undertaken for his submission to the prince of Orange.
Nevertheless, he disguised his sentiments, and temporized with William,
until James should be able to supply him with reinforcements from
France, which he earnestly solicited by private messages. In the
meantime, with a view to cajole the protestants of Ireland, and
amuse king William with hope of his submission, he persuaded the lord
Mountjoy, in whom the protestants chiefly confided, and baron Rice, to
go in person with a commission to James, representing the necessity of
yielding to the times, and of waiting a fitter opportunity to make use
of his Irish subjects. Mountjoy, on his arrival at Paris, instead of
being favoured with an audience by James, to explain the reasons which
Tyrconnel had suggested touching the inability of Ireland to restore his
majesty, was committed prisoner to the Bastile, on account of the zeal
with which he had espoused the protestant interest. Although Louis was
sincerely disposed to assist James effectually, his intentions were
obstructed by the disputes of his ministry. Louvois possessed the chief
credit in council; but Seignelai enjoyed a greater share of personal
favour, both with the king and madame de Maintenon, the favourite
concubine. To this nobleman, as secretary for marine affairs, James made
his chief application; and he had promised the command of the troops
destined for his service to Latisun, whom Louvois hated. For these
reasons this minister thwarted his measures, and retarded the assistance
which Louis had promised towards his restoration.




JAMES ARRIVES IN IRELAND.

Yet notwithstanding all his opposition, the succours were prepared and
the fleet ready to put to sea by the latter end of February. The French
king is said to have offered an army of fifteen thousand natives of
France to serve in this expedition; but James replied, that he would
succeed by the help of his own subjects, or perish in the attempt.
Accordingly, he contented himself with about twelve hundred British
subjects, [010] _[See note E, at the end of this Vol.]_ and a good
number of French officers, who were embarked in the fleet at Brest,
consisting of fourteen ships of the line, seven frigates, three
fire-ships, with a good number of transports. The French king also
supplied him with a considerable quantity of arms for the use of his
adherents in Ireland; accommodated him with a large sum of money, superb
equipages, store of plate, and necessaries of all kinds for the camp
and the household. At parting he presented him with his own cuirass, and
embracing him affectionately, “The best thing I can wish you (said he)
is, that I may never see you again.” On the seventh day of March, James
embarked at Brest, together with the count D’Avaux, who accompanied him
in quality of ambassador, and his principal officers. He was detained
in the harbour by contrary winds till the seventeenth day of the month,
when he set sail, and on the twenty-second landed at Kinsale in Ireland.
By this time, king William perceiving himself amused by Tyrconnel, had
published a declaration, requiring the Irish to lay down their arms
and submit to the new government. On the twenty-second day of February,
thirty ships of war had been put in commission, and the command of them
conferred upon admiral Herbert; but the armament was retarded in such
a manner by the disputes of the council and the king’s attention to the
affairs of the continent, that the admiral was not in a condition to
sail till the beginning of April, and then with part of his fleet only.
James was received with open arms at Kinsale, and the whole country
seemed to be at his devotion; for although the protestants in the North
had declared for the new government, their strength and number was
deemed inconsiderable when compared with the power of Tyrconnel. This
minister had disarmed all the other protestant subjects in one day, and
assembled an army of thirty thousand foot, and eight thousand cavalry,
for the service of his master.




ISSUES FIVE PROCLAMATIONS AT DUBLIN.

In the latter end of March, James made his public entry into Dublin,
amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants. He was met at the
castle-gate by a procession of popish bishops and priests in their
pontificals, bearing the host, which he publicly adored. He dismissed
from the council-board the lord Granard, judge Keating, and other
protestants, who had exhorted the lord lieutenant to an accommodation
with the new government. In their room he admitted the French
ambassador, the bishop of Chester, colonel Darrington, and, by degrees,
the principal noblemen who accompanied him in the expedition. On the
second day after his arrival in Dublin, he issued five proclamations:
the first recalled all the subjects of Ireland who had abandoned the
kingdom, by a certain time, on pain of outlawry and confiscation, and
requiring all persons to join him against the prince of Orange. The
second contained expressions of acknowledgement to his catholic subjects
for their vigilance and fidelity, and an injunction to such as were not
actually in his service, to retain and lay up their arms until it
should be found necessary to use them for his advantage. By the third he
invited the subjects to supply his army with provisions; and prohibited
the soldiers to take anything without payment. By the fourth he raised
the value of the current coin; and in the fifth he summoned a parliament
to meet on the seventh day of May, at Dublin. Finally, he created
Tyrconnel a duke, in consideration of his eminent services.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY.

The adherents of James in England pressed him to settle the affairs
of Ireland immediately, and bring over his army either to the north of
England, or the west of Scotland, where it might be joined by his party,
and act without delay against the usurper; but his council dissuaded him
from complying with their solicitations, until Ireland should be totally
reduced to obedience. On the first alarm of an intended massacre, the
protestants of Londonderry had shut their gates against the regiment
commanded by the earl of Antrim, and resolved to defend themselves
against the lord lieutenant. They transmitted this resolution to the
government of England, together with an account of the danger they
incurred by such a vigorous measure, and implored immediate assistance.
They were accordingly supplied with some arms and ammunition, but did
not receive any considerable reinforcement till the middle of April,
when two regiments arrived in Loughfoyl, under the command of Cunningham
and Richards. By this time king James had taken Coleraine, invested
Killmore, and was almost in sight of Londonderry. George Walker,
rector of Donaghmore, who had raised a regiment for the defence of the
protestants, conveyed this intelligence to Lundy the governor. This
officer directed him to join colonel Grafton, and take post at the
Long-causey, which he maintained a whole night against the advanced
guard of the enemy; until being overpowered by numbers, he retreated to
Londonderry and exhorted the governor to take the field, as the army of
king James was not yet completely formed. Lundy assembling a council of
war, at which Cunningham and Richards assisted; they agreed, that as the
place was not tenable, it would be imprudent to land the two regiments,
and that the principal officers should withdraw themselves from
Londonderry, the inhabitants of which would obtain the more favourable
capitulation in consequence of their retreat. An officer was immediately
dispatched to king James with proposals of a negotiation; and
lieutenant-general Hamilton agreed that the army should halt at the
distance of four miles from the town. Notwithstanding this preliminary,
James advanced at the head of his troops; but met with such a warm
reception from the besieged, that he was fain to retire to St. John’s
Town in some disorder. The inhabitants and soldiers in garrison at
Londonderry were so incensed at the members of the council of war,
who had resolved to abandon the place, that they threatened immediate
vengeance. Cunningham and Richards retired to their ships, and Lundy
locked himself in his chamber. In vain did Walker and major Baker exhort
him to maintain his government. Such was his cowardice or treachery,
that he absolutely refused to be concerned in the defence of the place,
and he was suffered to escape in disguise with a load of match upon his
back; but he was afterwards apprehended in Scotland, from whence he was
sent to London to answer for his perfidy or misconduct.




COURAGEOUS DEFENCE.

After his retreat, the townsmen chose Mr. Walker and major Baker for
their governors, with joint authority; but this office they would
not undertake until it had been offered to colonel Cunningham, as the
officer next in command to Lundy. He rejected the proposal, and with
Richards returned to England, where they were immediately cashiered. The
two new governors, thus abandoned to their fate, began to prepare for
a vigorous defence; indeed their courage seems to have transcended
the bounds of discretion, for the place was very ill fortified; their
cannon, which did not exceed twenty pieces, were wretchedly mounted;
they had not one engineer to direct their operations; they had a very
small number of horse; the garrison consisted of people unacquainted
with military discipline; they wore destitute of provisions; they were
besieged by a king in person, at the head of a formidable army, directed
by good officers, and supplied with all the necessary implements for a
siege or battle. This town was invested on the twentieth day of April;
the batteries were soon opened, and several attacks were made with great
impetuosity; but the besiegers were always repulsed with considerable
loss. The townsmen gained divers advantages in repeated sallies, and
would have held their enemies in the utmost contempt, had they not been
afflicted with a contagious distemper, as well as reduced to extremity
by want of provisions. They were even tantalized in their distress;
for they had the mortification to see some ships which had arrived
with supplies from England, prevented from sailing up the river by the
batteries the enemy had raised on both sides, and a boom with which they
had blocked up the channel. At length a reinforcement arrived in the
Lough, under the command of general Kirke, who had deserted his master
and been employed in the service of king William. He found means to
convey intelligence to Walker, that he had troops and provisions on
board for their relief, but found it impracticable to sail up the river:
he promised, however, that he would land a body of forces at the Inch,
and endeavour to make a diversion in their favour-, when joined by the
troops at Inniskilling, which amounted to five thousand men, including
two thousand cavalry. He said he expected six thousand men from England,
where they were embarked before he set sail. He exhorted them to
persevere in their courage and loyalty, and assured them he would come
to their relief at all hazards. These assurances enabled them to bear
their miseries a little longer, though their numbers daily diminished.
Major Baker dying, his place was filled with colonel Michel-burn, who
now acted as colleague to Mr. Walker.




CRUELTY OF ROSENE.

King James having returned to Dublin to be present at the parliament,
the command of his army devolved to the French general Rosene, who was
exasperated at such an obstinate opposition by a handful of half-starved
militia. He threatened to raze the town to its foundations, and destroy
the inhabitants without distinction of age or sex, unless they would
immediately submit themselves to their lawful sovereign. The governors
treated his menaces with contempt, and published an order that no
person, on pain of death, should talk of surrendering. They had now
consumed the last remains of their provisions, and supported life by
eating the flesh of horses, dogs, cats, rats, mice, tallow, starch,
and salted hides, and even this loathsome food began to fail. Rosene,
finding him deaf to all his proposals, threatened to wreak his vengeance
on all the protestants of that country, and drive them under the walls
of Londonderry, where they should be suffered to perish by famine. The
bishop of Meath being informed of this design, complained to king James
of the barbarous intention, entreating his majesty to prevent its being
put in execution. That prince assured him that he had already ordered
Rosene to desist from such proceeding: nevertheless, the Frenchman
executed his threats with the utmost rigour. Parties of dragoons
were detached on this cruel service: after having stripped all the
protestants for thirty miles round, they drove these unhappy people
before them like cattle, without even sparing the enfeebled old men,
nurses with infants at their breasts, tender children, women just
delivered, and some even in the pangs of labour. Above four thousand of
these miserable objects were driven under the walls of Londonderry. This
expedient, far from answering the purpose of Rosene, produced quite
a contrary effect. The besieged were so exasperated at this act of
inhumanity, that they resolved to perish rather than submit to such
a barbarian. They erected a gibbet in sight of the enemy, and sent a
message to the French general, importing that they would hang all the
prisoners they had taken during the siege, unless the protestants whom
they had driven under the walls should be immediately dismissed. This
threat produced a negotiation, in consequence of which the protestants
were released after they had been detained three days without tasting
food. Some hundreds died of famine or fatigue; and those who lived to
return to their own habitations, found them plundered and sacked by the
papists, so that the greater number perished for want, or were murdered
by the straggling parties of the enemy; yet these very people had for
the most part obtained protections from king James, to which no respect
was paid by his general.




THE PLACE IS RELIEVED BY KIRKE

The garrison of Londonderry was now reduced from seven to five thousand
seven hundred men, and these were driven to such extremity of distress,
that they began to talk of killing the popish inhabitants and feeding on
their bodies. In this emergency Kirke, who had hitherto lain inactive,
ordered two ships laden with provisions to sail up the river under
convoy of the Dartmouth frigate. One of them, called the Mountjoy, broke
the enemy’s boom; and all the three, after having sustained a very hot
fire from both sides of the river, arrived in safety at the town to
the inexpressible joy of the inhabitants. The army of James were so
dispirited by the success of this enterprise, that they abandoned the
siege in the night and retired with precipitation, after having
lost about nine thousand men before the place. Kirke no sooner took
possession of the town, than Walker was prevailed upon to embark
for England with an address of thanks from the inhabitants to their
majesties for the seasonable relief they had received.




THE INNISKILLINEES DEFEAT AND TAKE GENERAL MACARTY.

The Inniskilliners were no less remarkable than the people of
Londonderry for the valour and perseverance with which they opposed the
papists. They raised twelve companies, which they regimented under the
command of Gustavus Hamilton, whom they chose for their governor. They
proclaimed William and Mary on the eleventh day of March, and resolved
in a general council to maintain their title against all opposition. The
lord Gilmoy invested the castle of Groin belonging to the protestants
in the neighbourhood of Inniskilling, the inhabitants of which threw
succours into the place, and compelled Gilmoy to retire to Belturbet. A
detachment of the garrison, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Lloyd, took
and demolished the castle of Aughor, and they gained the advantage in
several skirmishes with the enemy. On the day that preceded the relief
of Londonderry, they defeated six thousand Irish papists at a place
called Newton-Butler, and took their commander Macarty, commonly called
lord Moncashel.




MEETING OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The Irish parliament being assembled at Dublin, according to the
proclamation of king James, he, in a speech from the throne, thanked
them for the zeal, courage, and loyalty they had manifested; extolled
the generosity of the French king, who had enabled him to visit them in
person; insisted upon executing his design of establishing liberty of
conscience as a step equally agreeable to the dictates of humanity and
discretion, and promised to concur with them in enacting such laws as
would contribute to the peace, affluence, and security of his subjects.
Sir Richard Neagle, being chosen speaker of the commons, moved for an
address of thanks to his majesty, and that the count D’Avaux should be
desired to make their acknowledgments to the most christian king for
the generous assistance he had given to their sovereign. These addresses
being drawn up with the concurrence of both houses, a bill was brought
in to recognize the king’s title, to express their abhorence of the
usurpation by the prince of Orange, as well as of the defection of the
English. Next day James published a declaration, complaining of the
calumnies which his enemies had spread to his prejudice; expatiating
upon his own impartiality in preferring his protestant subjects;
his care in protecting them from their enemies, in redressing their
grievances, and in granting liberty of conscience; promising that he
would take no step but with the approbation of parliament; offering a
free pardon to all persons who should desert his enemies and join with
him in four-and-twenty days after his landing in Ireland, and charging
all the blood that might be shed upon those who should continue in
rebellion.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT REPEALED.

His conduct, however, very ill agreed with this declaration; nor can it
be excused on any other supposition but that of his being governed, in
some cases against his own inclination, by the count D’Avaux and the
Irish catholics, on whom his whole dependence was placed. As both houses
were chiefly filled with members of that persuasion, we ought not to
wonder at their bringing in a bill for repealing the act of settlement,
by which the protestants of the kingdom had been secured in the
possession of their estates. These were by this law divested of their
lands, which reverted to the heirs of those catholics to whom they
belonged before the rebellion. This iniquitous bill was framed in such
a manner, that no regard was paid to such protestant owners as had
purchased estates for valuable considerations; no allowance was made for
improvements, nor any provision for protestant widows; the possessor,
and tenants were not even allowed to remove their stock and corn. When
the bill was sent up to the lords, Dr. Dopping, bishop of Meath, opposed
it with equal courage and ability, and an address in behalf of the
purchasers under the act of settlement was presented to the king by the
earl of Granard; but notwithstanding these remonstrances, it received
the royal assent, and the protestants of Ireland were mostly ruined.




THEY PASS AN ACT OF ATTAINDER.

Yet in order to complete their destruction, an act of attainder was
passed against all protestants, whether male or female, whether of high
or low degree, who were absent from the kingdom, as well as against all
those who retired into any part of the three kingdoms, which did not own
the authority of king James, or corresponded with rebels, or were any
ways aiding, abetting, or assisting them, from the first day of August
in the preceding year. The number of protestants attainted by name in
this act amounted to about three thousand, including two archbishops,
one duke, seventeen earls, seven countesses, as many bishops, eighteen
barons, three-and-thirty baronets, one-and-fifty knights, eighty-three
clergymen, who were declared traitors, and adjudged to suffer the pains
of death and forfeiture. The individuals subjected to this dreadful
proscription, were even cut off from all hope of pardon and all benefit
of appeal; for by a clause in the act, the king’s pardon was deemed null
unless enrolled before the first day of December. A subsequent law was
enacted, declaring Ireland independent of the English parliament. This
assembly passed another act, granting twenty thousand pounds per annum
out of the forfeited estates to Tyrconnel, in acknowledgment of his
signal services: they imposed a tax of twenty thousand pounds per month
for the service of the king: the royal assent was given to an act for
liberty of conscience; they enacted that the tithes payable by papists
should be delivered to priests of that communion: the maintenance of
the protestant clergy in cities and corporations was taken away; and all
dissenters were exempted from ecclesiastical jurisdictions. So that
the established church was deprived of all power and prerogative,
notwithstanding the express promise of James, who had declared,
immediately after his landing, that he would maintain the clergy in
their rights and privileges.




JAMES COINS BASE MONEY.

Nor was the king less arbitrary in the executive part of his government,
if we suppose that he countenanced the grievous acts of oppression that
were daily committed upon the protestant subjects of Ireland; but the
tyranny of his proceedings may be justly imputed to the temper of
his ministry, consisting of men abandoned to all sense of justice and
humanity, who acted from the dictates of rapacity and revenge, inflamed
with all the acrimony of religious rancour. Soldiers were permitted to
live upon free quarter; the people were robbed and plundered; licenses
and protections were abused in order to extort money from the trading
part of the nation. The king’s old stores were ransacked; the shops of
tradesmen and the kitchens of burghers were pillaged, to supply the mint
with a quantity of brass, which was converted into current coin for his
majesty’s occasions; an arbitrary value was set upon it, and all persons
were required and commanded to take it in payment under the severest
penalties, though the proportion between its intrinsic worth and
currency was nearly as one to three hundred. A vast sum of this
counterfeit coin was issued in the course of one year, and forced upon
the protestants in payment of merchandize, provision, and necessaries
for the king’s service. James, not content with the supply granted by
parliament, imposed, by his own authority, a tax of twenty thousand
pounds per month on chattels, as the former was laid upon lands. This
seems to have been a temporary expedient during the adjournment of the
two houses, as the term of the assessment was limited to three months;
it was however levied by virtue of a commission under the seals, and
seems to have been a stretch of prerogative the less excusable, as he
might have obtained the money in a parliamentary way. Understanding that
the protestants had laid out all their brass money in purchasing great
quantities of hides, tallow, wool, and corn, he assumed the despotic
power of fixing the prices of these commodities, and then bought them
for his own use. One may see his ministers were bent upon the utter
destruction of those unhappy people.




PROTESTANT CHURCHES SEIZED BY THE CATHOLICS.

All vacancies in public schools were supplied with popish teachers. The
pension allowed from the exchequer to the university of Dublin was
cut off; the vice-provost, fellows, and scholars, were expelled: their
furniture, plate, and public library were seized without the least
shadow or pretence, and in direct violation of a promise the king had
made to preserve their privileges and immunities. His officers converted
the college into a garrison, the chapel into a magazine, and the
apartments into prisons; a popish priest was appointed provost; one
Maccarty, of the same persuasion, was made library-keeper, and the whole
foundation was changed into a catholic seminary. When bishoprics and
benefices in the gift of the crown became vacant, the king ordered the
profits to be lodged in the exchequer, and suffered the cures to be
totally neglected. The revenues were chiefly employed in the maintenance
of Romish bishops and priests, who grew so insolent under this
indulgence, that in several places they forcibly seized the protestant
churches. When complaint was made of this outrage, the king promised
to do justice to the injured, and in some places actually ordered the
churches to be restored; but the popish clergy refused to comply with
this order, alleging, that in spirituals they owed obedience to no
earthly power but the holy see, and James found himself unable to
protect his protestant subjects against a powerful body which he durst
not disoblige. Some ships appearing in the bay of Dublin, a proclamation
was issued forbidding the protestants to assemble in any place of
worship, or elsewhere, on pain of death. By a second, they were
commanded to bring in their arms on pain of being treated as rebels and
traitors. Luttrel, governor of Dublin, published an ordinance by beat
of drum, requiring the farmers to bring in their corn for his majesty’s
horses within a certain day, otherwise he would order them to be hanged
before their own doors. Brigadier Sarsfield commanded all protestants
of a certain district to retire to the distance of ten miles from their
habitations on pain of death; and in order to keep up the credit of the
brass money, the same penalty was denounced, in a proclamation, against
any person who should give more than one pound eighteen shillings for a
guinea.

[Illustration: 2-013-dover.jpg DOVER]




ACTION WITH THE FRENCH FLEET.

All the revenues of Ireland, and all the schemes contrived to bolster up
the credit of the base coin, would have proved insufficient to support
the expenses of the war, had not James received occasional supplies from
the French monarch. After the return of the fleet which had conveyed
him to Ireland, Louis sent another strong squadron, commanded by Chateau
Benault, as a convoy to some transports laden with arms, ammunition, and
a large sum of money for the use of king James. Before they sailed
from Brest, king William, being informed of their destination, detached
admiral Herbert from Spithead with twelve ships of the line, one
fire-ship, and four tenders, in order to intercept the enemy. He was
driven by stress of weather into Mil-ford-haven, from whence he steered
his course to Kin-sale, on the supposition that the French fleet had
sailed from Brest, and that in all probability he should fall in with
them on the coast of Ireland. On the first day of May he discovered them
at anchor in Bantry-bay, and stood in to engage them, though they were
greatly superior to him in number. They no sooner perceived him at
day-break, than they weighed, stood out to windward, formed their line,
bore down, and began the action, which was maintained for two hours
with equal valour on both sides, though the English fleet sustained
considerable damage from the superior fire of the enemy. Herbert tacked
several times in hope of gaining the weather-gage; but the French
admiral kept his wind with uncommon skill and perseverance. At length
the English squadron stood off to sea, and maintained a running fight
till five in the afternoon, when Chateau Renault tacked about and
returned into the bay, content with the honour he had gained. The loss
of men was inconsiderable on both sides; and where the odds were so
great, the victor could not reap much glory. Herbert retired to
the isles of Scilly, where he expected a reinforcement; but being
disappointed in this expectation, he returned to Portsmouth in very
ill humour, with which his officers and men were infected. The common
sailors still retained some attachment to James, who had formerly been
a favourite among them; and the officers complained that they had been
sent upon this service with a force so much inferior to that of the
enemy. King William, in order to appease their discontent, made an
excursion to Portsmouth, where he dined with the admiral on board
the ship Elizabeth, declared his intention of making him an earl in
consideration of his good conduct and services, conferred the honour of
knighthood on the captains Ashby and Shovel, and bestowed a donation of
ten shillings on every private sailor.




DIVERS SENTENCES REVERSED.

The parliament of England thought it incumbent upon them not only to
raise supplies for the maintenance of the war in which the nation was
involved, but also to do justice with respect to those who had been
injured by illegal or oppressive sentences in the late reigns. The
attainders of lord Russel, Algernon Sidney, alderman Cornish, and lady
Lisle, were now reversed. A committee of privileges was appointed by
the lords to examine the case of the earl of Devonshire, who in the
late reign had been fined thirty thousand pounds for assaulting colonel
Culpepper in the presence-chamber. They reported that the court of
king’s bench, in overruling the earl’s plea of privilege of parliament,
had committed a manifest breach of privilege; that the fine was
excessive and exhorbitant, against the great charter, the common right
of the subject, and the law of the realm. The sentence pronounced upon
Samuel Johnson, chaplain to lord Russel, in consequence of which he
had been degraded, fined, scourged, and set in the pillory, was now
annulled, and the commons recommended him to his majesty for some
ecclesiastical preferment. He received one thousand pounds in money,
with a pension of three hundred pounds for his own life and that of his
son, who was moreover gratified with a place of one hundred pounds a
year; but the father never obtained any ecclesiastical benefice. Titus
Oates seized this opportunity of petitioning the house of lords for a
reversal of the judgments given against him on his being convicted of
perjury. The opinions of all the judges and counsel at the bar were
heard on this subject, and a bill of reversal passed the commons; but
the peers having inserted some amendments and a proviso, a conference
was demanded, and violent heats ensued. Oates, however, was released
from confinement, and the lords, with the consent of the commons,
recommended him to his majesty for a pardon, which he obtained, together
with a comfortable pension. The committee appointed to inquire into the
cases of the state-prisoners, found sir Robert Wright, late lord chief
justice, to have been concerned in the cruelties committed in the west
after the insurrection of Monmouth; as also one of the ecclesiastical
commissioners, and guilty of manifold enormities. Death had by this time
delivered Jefferies from the resentment of the nation. Graham and Burton
had acted as solicitors in the illegal prosecutions carried on against
those who opposed the court in the reign of Charles II.; these were now
reported guilty of having been instrumental in taking away the lives and
estates of those who had suffered the loss of either under colour of
law for eight years last past; of having, by malicious indictments,
informations, and prosecutions of _quo warranto_, endeavoured the
subversion of the protestant religion, and the government of the realm;
and of having wasted many thousand pounds of the public revenue in the
course of their infamous practices.




INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSE OF MISCARRIAGES IN IRELAND.

Nor did the misconduct of the present ministry escape the animadversion
of the parliament. The lords having addressed the king to put the
Isle of Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, Scilly, Dover-castle, and the other
fortresses of the kingdom, in a posture of defence, and to disarm the
papists, empowered a committee to inquire into the miscarriages in
Ireland, which were generally imputed to the neglect of the marquisses
of Cærmarthan and Halifax. They presented an address to the king,
desiring the minute-book of the committee for Irish affairs might be
put into their hands; but his majesty declined gratifying them in this
particular: then the commons voted that those persons who had advised
the king to delay this satisfaction were enemies to the kingdom.
William, alarmed at this resolution, allowed them to inspect the book,
in which they found very little for their purpose. The house resolved,
that an address should be presented to his majesty, declaring that the
succour of Ireland had been retarded by unnecessary delays; that the
transports prepared were not sufficient to convey the forces to that
kingdom; and that several ships had been taken by the enemy, for want
of proper convoy. At the same time the question was put, whether or not
they should address the king against the marquis of Halifax. But it was
carried in the negative by a small majority. Before this period, Howe,
vice-chamberlain to the queen, had moved for an address against such
counsellors as had been impeached in parliament, and betrayed the
liberties of the nation. This motion was levelled at Cæmarthen and
Halifax, the first of whom had been formerly impeached of high treason,
under the title of earl of Danby; and the other was charged with all the
misconduct of the present administration. Warm debates ensued, and in
all probability the motion would have been carried in the affirmative,
had not those who spoke warmly in behalf it suddenly cooled in the
course of the dispute. Some letters from king James to his partisans
being intercepted, and containing some hints of an intended invasion,
Mr. Hambden, chairman of the committee of the whole house, enlarged upon
the imminent danger to which the kingdom was exposed, and moved for
a further supply to his majesty. In this unexpected motion he was not
seconded by one member. The house, however, having taken the letters
into consideration, resolved to draw up an address to the king, desiring
him to secure and disarm all papists of note; and they brought in a bill
for attainting several persons in rebellion against their majesties; but
it was not finished during this session.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




BILLS PASSED IN THIS SESSION.

Another bill being prepared in the house of lords, enjoining the
subjects to wear the woollen manufacture at certain seasons of the year,
a petition was presented against it by the silk-weavers of London and
Canterbury, assembled in a tumultuous manner at Westminster. The
lords refused their petition, because this was an unusual manner of
application. They were persuaded to return to their respective places
of abode; precautions were taken against a second riot; and the bill was
unanimously rejected in the upper house. This parliament passed an act,
vesting in the two universities the presentations belonging to papists:
those of the southern counties being given to Oxford; and those of
the northern to Cambridge, on certain specified conditions, Courts of
conscience were erected at Bristol, Gloucester, and Newcastle; and that
of the marches of Wales was abolished as an intolerable oppression. The
protestant clergymen, who had been forced to leave their benefices in
Ireland, were rendered capable of holding any living in England, without
forfeiting their title to their former preferment, with the proviso that
they should resign their English benefices when restored to ‘those
they had been obliged to relinquish. The statute of Henry IV. against
multiplying gold and silver was now repealed; the subjects were allowed
to melt and refine metals and ores, and extract gold and silver from
them, on condition that it should be brought to the Mint, and converted
into money, the owners receiving its full value in current coin. These,
and several other bills of smaller importance being passed, the two
houses adjourned to the twentieth day of September, and afterwards to
the nineteenth day of October.




CHAPTER II.

     _Duke of Schomberg lands with an Army in Ireland..... The
     Inniskilliners obtain a Victory over the Irish.....
     Schomberg censured for his Inactivity..... The French
     worsted at Walcourt..... Success of the Confederates in
     Germany..... The Turks defeated at Pacochin, Nissa, and
     Widen..... Death of Pope Innocent XI..... .King William
     becomes unpopular..... A good Number of the Clergy refuse to
     take the Oaths..... The King grants a Commission for
     reforming Church Discipline..... Meeting of the
     Convocation..... Their Session discontinued by repeated
     Prorogations..... Proceedings in Parliament..... The Whigs
     obstruct the Bill of Indemnity..... The Commons resume the
     Inquiry into the Cause of the Miscarriages in Ireland.....
     King William irritated against the Whigs..... Plot against
     the Government by Sir James Montgomery discovered by Bishop
     Burnet..... Warm Debates in Parliament about the Corporation
     Bills..... The King resolves to finish the Irish War in
     Person ..... General Ludlow arrives in England, but is
     obliged to withdraw..... Efforts of the Jacobites in
     Scotland..... The Court Interest triumphs over all
     Opposition in that Country..... The Tory Interest prevails
     in the New Parliament of England..... Bill for recognising
     their Majesties..... Another violent Contest about the Bill
     of Abjuration..... King William lands in Ireland..... King
     James marches to the Boyne..... William resolves to give him
     battle..... Battle of the Boyne..... Death and Character of
     Schomberg..... James embarks for France..... William enters
     Dublin and publishes his Declaration..... The French obtain
     a Victory over the English and Dutch Fleets off Beachy-
     head..... Torrington committed Prisoner to the Tower.....
     Progress of William in Ireland..... He Invests Limerick; but
     is obliged to raise the Siege, and returns to England.....
     Cork and Kinsale reduced by the Earl of Marlborough .....
     Lausun and the French Forces quit Ireland..... The Duke of
     Savoy joins the Confederacy..... Prince Waldeck defeated at
     Fleurus..... The Archduke Joseph elected King of the
     Romans..... Death of the Duke of Lorrain..... Progress of
     the War against the Turks..... Meeting of the
     Parliament..... The Commons comply with all the King’s
     Demands..... Petition of the Tories in the City of
     London..... Attempt against the Marquis of Cærmarthen.....
     The King’s Voyage to Holland..... He assists at a
     Congress..... Returns to England._

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




SCHOMBERG LANDS WITH AN ARMY.

Though the affairs of Ireland were extremely pressing, and the
protestants of that country had made repeated application for relief,
the succours were retarded either by disputes among the ministers, or
the neglect of those who had the management of the expedition, in such
a manner that king James had been six months in Ireland before the army
was embarked for that kingdom. At length eighteen regiments of infantry,
and five of dragoons, being raised for that service, a train of
artillery provided, and transports prepared, the duke of Sehomberg, on
whom king William had conferred the chief command of this armament,
set out for Chester, after he had in person thanked the commons for the
uncommon regard they had paid to his services, and received assurances
from the house, that they would pay particular attention to him and his
army. On the thirteenth day of August he landed in the neighbourhood
of Carrickfergus with about ten thousand foot and dragoons, and took
possession of Belfast, from whence the enemy retired at his approach
to Carrickfergus, where they resolved to make a stand. The duke having
refreshed his men, marched thither, and invested the place; the siege
was carried on till the twenty-sixth day of the month, when the
breaches being practicable, the besieged capitulated, on condition of
marching out with their arms, and as much baggage as they could carry on
their backs; and of their being conducted to the next Irish garrison,
which was at Newry. During this siege the duke was joined by the rest of
his army from England; but he had left orders for conveying the greater
part of the artillery and stores from Chester directly to Carlingford.
He now began his march through Lisburne and Hillsborough, and encamped
at Drummore, where the protestants of the north had been lately routed
by Hamilton; thence he proceeded to Loughbrillane, where he was joined
by the horse and dragoons of Inniskilling. Then the enemy abandoned
Newry and Dundalk, in the neighbourhood of which Sehomberg encamped on a
low damp ground, having the town and river on the south, and surrounded
on every other part by hills, bogs, and mountains.




THE INNISKILLINERS OBTAIN A VICTORY.

His army, consisting chiefly of new-raised men little inured to
hardship, began to flag under the fatigue of marching, the inclemency of
the weather, and scarcity of provisions. Here he was reinforced by the
regiments of Kirke, Hanmer, and Stuart; and would have continued his
march to Drogheda, where he understood Rosene lay with about twenty
thousand men, had he not been obliged to wait for the artillery, which
was not yet arrived at Carlingford. King James, having assembled all
his forces, advanced towards Schomberg, and appeared before his
intrenchments in order of battle; but the duke, knowing they were
greatly superior in number of horse, and that his own army was
undisciplined, and weakened by death and sickness, restrained his men
within the lines, and in a little time the enemy retreated. Immediately
after their departure, a conspiracy was discovered in the English camp,
hatched by some French papists, who had insinuated themselves into
the protestant regiments. One of these, whose name was Du Plessis, had
written a letter to the ambassador D’Avaux, promising to desert with
all the papists of the three French regiments in Schomberg’s army. This
letter being found, Du Plessis and five accomplices were tried by a
court-martial, and executed. About two hundred and fifty papists being
discovered in the French regiments, they were sent over to England,
from thence to Holland. While Schomberg remained in this situation, the
Inniskilliners made excursions in the neighbourhood, under the command
of colonel Lloyd; and on the twenty-seventh day of September they
obtained a complete victory over five times their number of the Irish.
They killed seven hundred on the spot, and took O’Kelly their commander,
with about fifty officers, and a considerable booty of cattle. The duke
was so pleased with their behaviour on this occasion, that they received
a very honourable testimony of his approbation.




SCHOMBERG CENSURED.

Meanwhile, the enemy took possession of James-Town, and reduced Sligo,
one of the forts of which was gallantly defended by St. Sauver, a
French captain, and his company of grenadiers, until he was obliged
to capitulate for want of water and provisions. A contagious distemper
still continued to rage in Schomberg’s camp, and swept off a great
number of officers and soldiers; so that in the beginning of next
spring, not above half the number of those who went over with the
general remained alive. He was censured for his inactivity, and the
king, in repeated letters, desired him to hazard an engagement, provided
any opportunity should occur; but he did not think proper to run the
risk of a battle, against an enemy that was above thrice his number,
well disciplined, healthy, and conducted by able officers. Nevertheless,
he was certainly blameable for having chosen such an unwholesome
situation. At the approach of winter he retired into quarters, in hopes
of being reinforced with seven thousand Danes, who had already arrived
in Britain. These auxiliaries were stipulated in a treaty which William
had just concluded with the king of Denmark. The English were not more
successful at sea than they had proved in their operations by land.
Admiral Herbert, now created earl of Torrington, having sailed to
Ireland with the combined squadrons of England and Holland, made a
fruitless attempt upon Cork, and lost a great number of seamen by
sickness, which was imputed to bad provisions. The Dartmouth ship of war
fell into the hands of the enemy, who infested the channel with such
a number of armed ships and privateers, that the trade of England
sustained incredible damage.




THE FRENCH WORSTED AT WALCOURT.

The affairs of France wore but a gloomy aspect on the continent, where
all the powers of Europe seemed to have conspired her destruction. King
William had engaged in a new league with the states-general, in which
former treaties of peace and commerce were confirmed. It was stipulated,
that in case the king of Great Britain should be attacked, the Dutch
should assist him with six thousand infantry, and twenty ships of the
line; and that, provided hostilities should be committed against the
states-general, England should supply them with ten thousand infantry,
and twenty ships of war. This treaty was no sooner ratified, than king
William dispatched the lord Churchill, whom he had by this time created
earl of Marlborough, to Holland, in order to command the British
auxiliaries in that service to the number of eleven thousand, the
greater part of which had been in the army of king James when the prince
of Orange landed in England. The earl forthwith joined the Dutch army,
under the command of prince Waldeck, who had fixed his rendezvous in the
county of Liege, with a view to act against the French army commanded by
the mareschal D’Humieres; while the prince of Vaudemont headed a little
army of observation, consisting of Spaniards, Dutch, and Germans, to
watch the motions of Calvo in another part of the Low-Countries. The
city of Liege was compelled to renounce the neutrality, and declare for
the allies. Mareschal D’Humieres attacked the foragers belonging to the
army of the states at Walcourt, in the month of August; an obstinate
engagement ensued, and the French were obliged to retreat in confusion,
with the loss of two thousand men, and some pieces of artillery. The
army of observation levelled part of the French lines on the side of
Courtray, and raised contributions on the territories of the enemy.




SUCCESS OF THE CONFEDERATES IN GERMANY.

The French were almost entire masters of the three ecclesiastical
electorates of Germany. They possessed Mentz, Triers, Bonne,
Keiserswaert, Philipsburgh, and Landau. They had blown up the castle of
Heildelberg, in the Palatinate, and destroyed Manheim. They had reduced
Worms and Spiers to ashes; and demolished Frankendahl, together
with several other fortresses. These conquests, the fruits of sudden
invasion, were covered with a numerous army, commanded by the mareschal
de Duras; and all his inferior generals were officers of distinguished
courage and ability. Nevertheless, he found it difficult to maintain
his ground against the different princes of the empire. The duke of
Lorraine, who commanded the imperial troops, invested Mentz, and took
it by capitulation; the elector of Brandenburgh, having reduced
Keiserswaert, undertook the siege of Bonne, which the garrison
surrendered after having made a long and vigorous defence. Nothing
contributed more to the union of the German princes than their
resentment of the shocking barbarity with which the French had
plundered, wasted, and depopulated their country. Louis having, by his
intrigues in Poland and at Constantinople, prevented a pacification
between the emperor and the Ottoman Porte, the campaign was opened in
Croatia, where five thousand Turks were defeated by a body of Croates
between Vihitz and Novi. The prince of Baden, who commanded the
imperialists on that side, having thrown a bridge over the Morava at
Passarowitz, crossed that river, and marched in quest of a Turkish
army amounting to fifty thousand men, headed by a seraskier. On the
thirteenth day of August he attacked the enemy in their intrenchments
near Patochin, and forced their lines, routed them with great slaughter,
and took possession of their camp, baggage, and artillery. They returned
to Nissa, where the general finding them still more numerous than the
imperialists, resolved to make a stand, and encamped in a situation that
was inaccessible in every part except the rear, which he left open
for the convenience of a retreat. Through this avenue he was, on the
twenty-fourth day of September, attacked by the prince of Baden,
who, after a desperate resistance, obtained another complete victory,
enriched his troops with the spoil of the enemy, and entered Nissa
without opposition. There he found above three thousand horses and a
vast quantity of provisions. Having reposed his army for a few days in
this place, he resumed his march against the Turks, who had chosen
an advantageous post at Widen, and seemed ambitious of retrieving the
honour they had lost in the two former engagements. The Germans attacked
their lines without hesitation; and though the Musselmen fought with
incredible fury, they were a third time defeated with great slaughter.
This defeat was attended with the loss of Widen, which being surrendered
to the victor, he distributed his troops in winter quarters, and
returned to Vienna covered with laurels.




DEATH OF POPE INNOCENT XI.

The French were likewise baffled in their attempt upon Catalonia, where
the duke de Noailles had taken Campredon in the month of May. Leaving a
garrison in this place, he retreated to the frontiers of France, while
the duke de Villa Hermosa, at the head of a Spanish army, blocked up the
place and laid Rousillon under contribution. He afterwards undertook the
siege in form, and Noailles marched to its relief; but he was so hard
pressed by the Spaniards that he withdrew the garrison, dismantled the
place, and retreated with great precipitation. The French king hoped to
derive some considerable advantage from the death of Pope Innocent XL
which happened on the twelfth day of August. That pontiff had been an
inveterate enemy to Louis ever since the affair of the franchises, and
the seizure of Avignon. [016] _[See note F, at the end of this Vol.]_
Cabals were immediately formed at Eome by the French faction against
the Spanish and Imperial interest. The French cardinals, de Bouillon and
Bonzi, accompanied by Furstemberg, repaired to Eome with a large sum
of money. Peter Ottoboni, a Venetian, was elected pope, and assumed the
name of Alexander VIII. The duke de Chaulnes, ambassador from France,
immediately signified in the name of his master, that Avignon should
be restored to the patrimony of the church; and Louis renounced the
franchises in a letter written by his own hand to the pontiff. Alexander
received these marks of respect with the warmest acknowledgments; but
when the ambassador and Furstemberg besought him to re-examine the
election of the bishop of Cologne, which had been the source of so much
calamity to the empire, he lent a deaf ear to their solicitations.
He even confirmed the dispensations granted by his predecessor to the
prince of Bavaria, who was thus empowered to take possession of the
electorate, though he had not yet attained the age required by the
canons. Furstemberg retired in disgust to Paris, where Louis immediately
gratified him with the abbey of St. Germains.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




KING WILLIAM BECOMES UNPOPULAR.

King William found it an easier task to unite the councils of Europe
against the common enemy than to conciliate and preserve the affections
of his own subjects, among whom he began visibly to decline in point of
popularity. Many were dissatisfied with his measures; and a great number
even of those who exerted themselves for his elevation had conceived a
disgust from his personal deportment, which was very unsuitable to the
manners and disposition of the English people. Instead of mingling
with his nobility in social amusements and familiar conversation, he
maintained a disagreeable reserve which had all the air of sullen pride;
he seldom or never spoke to his courtiers or attendants, he spent his
time chiefly in the closet retired from all communication; or among
his troops in a camp he had formed at Hounslow; or in the exercise of
hunting, to which he was immoderately addicted. This had been prescribed
to him by physicians as necessary to improve his constitution, which was
naturally weak, and by practice had become so habitual that he could not
lay it aside. His ill health co-operating with his natural aversion
to society, produced a peevishness which could not fail of being
displeasing to those who were near his person: this was increased by the
disputes in his cabinet, and the opposition of those who were professed
enemies to his government, as well as by the alienation of his former
friends. As he could not breathe without difficulty in the air of
London, he resided chiefly at Hampton-court, and expended considerable
sums in beautifying and enlarging that palace; he likewise purchased the
house at Kensington of the earl of Nottingham; and such profusion in the
beginning of an expensive war gave umbrage to the nation in general.
Whether he was advised by his counsellors, or his own sagacity pointed
out the expediency of conforming with the English humour, he now seemed
to change his disposition, and in some measure adopt the manners of his
predecessors. In imitation of Charles II. he resorted to the races at
Newmarket; he accepted an invitation to visit Cambridge, where he
behaved himself with remarkable affability to the members of the
university; he afterwards dined with the lord-mayor of London, accepted
the freedom of the city, and condescended so far as to become
sovereign-master of the company of grocers.




A GOOD NUMBER OF THE CLERGY REFUSE TO TAKE THE OATHS.

While William thus endeavoured to remove the prejudices which had been
conceived against his person, the period arrived which the parliament
had prescribed for taking the oaths to the new government. Some
individuals of the clergy sacrificed their benefices to their scruples
of conscience, and absolutely refused to take oaths that were contrary
to those they had already sworn in favour of their late sovereign. These
were distinguished by the epithet of nonjurors: but their number bore
a very small proportion to that of others, who took them with such
reservations and distinctions as redounded very little to the honour of
their integrity. Many of those who had been the warmest advocates for
non-resistance and passive obedience, made no scruple of renouncing
their allegiance to king James, and complying with the present act,
after having declared that they took the oaths in no other sense than
that of a peaceable submission to the powers that were. They even
affirmed that the legislature itself had allowed the distinction between
a king _de facto_ and a king _de jure_, as they had dropped the word
“rightful” when the form was under debate. They alleged that as prudence
obliged them to conform to the letter of the oath, so conscience
required them to give it their own interpretation. Nothing could be more
infamous and of worse tendency than this practice of equivocating in
the most sacred of all obligations. It introduced a general disregard of
oaths, which hath been the source of universal perjury and corruption.
Though this set of temporizers were bitterly upbraided both by the
nonjurors and the papists, they all concurred in representing William as
an enemy to the church; as a prince educated in the doctrines of Calvin,
which he plainly espoused, by limiting his favour and preferment to such
as were latitudinarians in religion, and by his abolishing episcopacy
in Scotland. The presbyterians in that kingdom now tyrannized in their
turn. They were headed by the earl of Crawford, a nobleman of a violent
temper and strong prejudices. He was chosen president of the parliament
by the interest of Melvil, and oppressed the episcopalians in such a
manner that the greater part of them from resentment became well-wishers
to king James. Every circumstance of the hardships they underwent was
reported in England; and the earl of Clarendon, as well as the suspended
bishops, circulated these particulars with great assiduity. The oaths
being rejected by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishops of Ely,
Chichester, Bath and Wells, Peterborough and Gloucester, they were
suspended from their functions, and threatened with deprivation. Lake
of Chichester, being seized with a dangerous distemper, signed a solemn
declaration, in which he professed his adherence to the doctrine of
non-resistance and passive obedience, which he believed to be the
distinguishing characteristic of the church of England. After his death
this paper was published, industriously circulated, and extolled by the
party as an inspired oracle pronounced by a martyr to religious truth
and sincerity.




THE KING GRANTS A COMMISSION FOR REFORMING CHURCH DISCIPLINE.

All the clamour that was raised against the king could not divert him
from prosecuting the scheme of comprehension. He granted a commission
under the great seal to ten bishops and twenty dignitaries of the
church, authorizing them to meet from time to time in the Jerusalem
chamber, to prepare such alterations of the liturgy and the canons, and
such proposals for the reformation of ecclesiastical courts as might
most conduce to the good order, edification, and uniting of the church,
and tend to reconcile all religious differences among the protestant
subjects of the kingdom. A cry was immediately raised against this
commission, as an ecclesiastical court illegal and dangerous. At their
first meeting the authority of the commission was questioned by Sprat,
bishop of Rochester, who retired in disgust, and was followed by Mew of
Winchester, and the doctors Jane and Aldrich. These were averse to any
alteration of the forms and constitution of the church in favour of an
insolent and obstinate party, which ought to have been satisfied with
the toleration they enjoyed. They observed that an attempt to make such
alteration would divide the clergy, and bring the liturgy into disesteem
with the people, as it would be a plain acknowledgment that it wanted
correction. They thought they should violate the dignity of the church
by condescending to make offers which the dissenters were at liberty to
refuse; and they suspected some of their colleagues of a design to give
up episcopal ordination--a step inconsistent with their honour, duty,
oaths, and subscriptions.




MEETING OF THE CONVOCATION.

The commissioners, notwithstanding this secession, proceeded to debate
with moderation on the abuses of which the dissenters had complained,
and corrected every article that seemed liable to any just objection;
but the opposite party employed all their art and industry to inflame
the minds of the people. The two universities declared against all
alterations, and those who promoted them. The king himself was
branded as an enemy to the hierarchy; and they bestirred themselves so
successfully in the election of members for the convocation, that
they procured a very considerable majority. At their first meeting the
friends of the comprehension scheme proposed Dr. Tillotson, clerk of the
closet to his majesty, as prolocutor; but the other party carried it in
favour of Dr. Jane, who was counted the most violent churchman in the
whole Assembly. In a Latin speech to the bishop of London as president,
he, in the name of the lower house, asserted that the liturgy of England
needed no amendment, and concluded with the old declaration of the
barons, “_Nolumus leges Angliæ mutari_. We will not suffer the laws
of England to be changed.” The bishop, in his reply, exhorted them
to moderation, charity, and indulgence towards their brethren the
dissenters, and to make such abatements in things indifferent as might
serve to open a door of salvation to multitudes of straying christians.
His injunctions, however, produced no favourable effect; the lower house
seemed to be animated by a spirit of opposition. Next day the president
prorogued them, on pretence that the royal commission, by which
they were to act, was defective for want of being sealed, and that a
prorogation was necessary until that sanction should be obtained. In
this interval means were used to mollify their non-compliant tempers,
but all endeavours proved ineffectual. When they met again, the earl of
Nottingham delivered the king’s commission to both houses, with a
speech of his own, and a message from his majesty, importing that he had
summoned them out of a pious zeal to do every thing that might tend to
the best establishment of the church of England, which should always
enjoy his favour and protection. He exhorted them to lay aside all
prejudice, and consider calmly and impartially whatever should be
proposed: he assured them he would offer nothing but what should be for
the honour, peace, and advantage of the protestant religion in general,
and particularly of the church of England.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




THEIR SESSION PROROGUED.

The bishops adjourning to the Jerusalem chamber, prepared a zealous
address of thanks to his majesty, which, being sent to the lower house
for their concurrence, met with violent opposition. Amendments were
proposed; a conference ensued, and, after warm debates, they agreed upon
a cold address, which was accordingly presented. The majority of the
lower house, far from taking any measures in favour of dissenters,
converted all their attention to the relief of their nonjuring brethren.
Zealous speeches were made in behalf of the suspended bishops; and Dr.
Jane proposed that something might be done to qualify them to sit in the
convocation. This, however, was such a dangerous point as they would not
venture to discuss; yet, rather than proceed upon the business for which
they had been assembled, they began to take cognizance of some pamphlets
lately published, which they conceived to be of dangerous consequence
to the christian religion. The president and his party, perceiving
the disposition of the house, did not think proper to communicate any
proposal touching the intended reformation, and the king suffered the
session to be discontinued by repeated prorogations.




PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

The parliament meeting on the nineteenth day of October, the king, in a
speech of his own composing, explained the necessity of a present supply
to carry on the war. He desired that they might be speedy in their
determinations on this subject, for these would in a great measure
influence the deliberations of the princes and states concerned in the
war against France, as a general meeting of them was appointed to be
held next month at the Hague, to settle the operations of the ensuing
campaign. He concluded with recommending the dispatch of a bill of
indemnity, that the minds of his subjects might be quieted, and that
they might unanimously concur in promoting the honour and welfare of the
kingdom. As several inflammatory bills and disputes, which had produced
heats and animosities in the last session, were still depending, the
king, after having consulted both houses, resolved to put an end to
those disputes by a prorogation. He accordingly went to the house of
lords and prorogued the parliament till the twenty-first day of October,
by the mouth of the new speaker, sir Robert Atkins; the marquis of
Halifax having resigned that office. When they re-assembled, the
king referred them to his former speech: then the commons unanimously
resolved to assist his majesty in reducing Ireland, and in joining with
his allies abroad for a vigorous prosecution of the war against France:
for these purposes they voted a supply of two millions.




THE WHIGS OBSTRUCT THE INDEMNITY BILL.

During this session the whigs employed all their influence and intrigues
in obstructing the bill of indemnity, which they knew would open a door
for favour and preferment to the opposite party, which began to gain
ground in the king’s good graces. With this view they revived the
prosecution of the state prisoners. A committee was appointed to prepare
a charge against Burton and Graham. The commons resolved to impeach the
earls of Peterborough, Salisbury, and Castlemain, sir Edward Hales,
and Obadiah Walker, of high treason, for having been reconciled to the
church of Rome, contrary to the laws of the realm. A bill was ordered
to be brought in to declare the estate of the late lord chancellor
Jefferies forfeited to the crown, and attaint his blood; but it met with
such opposition that the measure was dropped: the house however agreed,
that the pecuniary penalties incurred by those persons who had exercised
offices contrary to the laws against popish recusants, should be
speedily levied and applied to the public service. The lord Griffin
being detected in maintaining a correspondence with king James and his
partizans, was committed to the Tower; but as no other evidence appeared
against him than written letters, found in the false bottom of a pewter
bottle, they could not help consenting to his being released upon bail,
as they had lately resolved that Algernon Sidney was unjustly condemned
in the reign of Charles II. because nothing but writings had been
produced against him at his trial. The two houses concurred in
appointing a committee to inquire who were the advisers and prosecutors
in taking away the lives of lord Russel, colonel Sydney, sir Thomas
Armstrong, alderman Cornish, and others; and who were chiefly concerned
in the arbitrary practices touching the writs of _quo warranto_, and
the surrender of charters. This inquiry was levelled at the marquis of
Halifax, who had concurred with the ministry of Charles in all these
severities. Though no proof appeared upon which votes or addresses could
be founded, that nobleman saw it was necessary for him to withdraw
himself from the administration; he therefore resigned the privy-seal,
which was put in commission, and reconciled himself to the tories, of
whom he became the patron and protector.




INQUIRY INTO THE CAUSE OF THE MISCARRIAGES IN IRELAND RESUMED.

The commons likewise resumed the examination of the miscarriages in
Ireland, and desired the king would appoint commissioners to go over
and inquire into the condition of the army in that kingdom. Schomberg,
understanding that he had been blamed in the house of commons for his
inactivity, transmitted to the king a satisfactory vindication of his
own conduct; and it appeared that the miscarriages in Ireland were
wholly owing to John Shales, purveyor-general to the army. The commons
immediately presented an address to his majesty, praying that Shales
might be taken into custody; that all his papers, accounts, and stores,
should be secured; and that duke Schomberg might be empowered to fill
his place with a more able purveyor. The king gave them to understand
that he had already sent orders to the general for that purpose.
Nevertheless, they in another petition requested his majesty to name
those who had recommended Shales to his service, as he had exercised the
same office under king James, and was suspected of treasonable practices
against the government. William declined gratifying their request; but
he afterwards sent a message to the house, desiring them to recommend
a certain number of commissioners to superintend such provisions and
preparations as might be necessary for that service, as well as to
nominate certain persons to go over and examine the state of the army
in Ireland. The commons were so mollified by this instance of his
condescension, that they left the whole affair to his own direction,
and proceeded to examine other branches of misconduct. Instances of
mismanagement appeared so numerous and so flagrant, that they resolved
upon a subsequent address, to explain the ill conduct and success of
his army and navy; to desire he would find out the author of these
miscarriages, and for the future intrust unsuspected persons with the
management of affairs. They ordered the victuallers of the fleet to be
taken into custody, on suspicion of their having furnished the navy with
unwholesome provisions, and new commissioners were appointed. Bitter
reproaches were thrown out against the ministry. Mr. Hambden expressed
his surprise that the administration should consist of those very
persons whom king James had employed, when his affairs were desperate,
to treat with the prince of Orange, and moved that the king should be
petitioned in an address to remove such persons from his presence and
councils. This was a stroke aimed at the earl of Nottingham, whose
office of secretary Hambden desired to possess; but his motion was not
seconded, the court-members observing that James did not depute these
lords to the prince of Orange because they were attached to his own
interest, but for a very different reason, namely, that they were well
known to disapprove of his measures, and therefore would be the more
agreeable to his highness. The house however voted an address to the
king, desiring that the authors of the miscarriages might be brought to
condign punishment.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




WILLIAM IRRITATED AGAINST THE WHIGS.

In the sequel, the question was proposed, Whether a placeman ought to
have a seat in the house? and a very warm debate ensued: but it was
carried in the affirmative, on the supposition that by such exclusion
the commonwealth would be deprived of some of the ablest senators of the
kingdom. But what chiefly irritated William against the whigs was their
backwardness in promoting the public service, and their disregard of the
earnest desire he expressed to see his revenue settled for life. He said
his title was no more than a pageant, and the worst of all governments
was that of a king without treasure. Nevertheless, they would not grant
the civil list for a longer term than one year. They began to think
there was something arbitrary in his disposition. His sullen behaviour
in all probability first infused this opinion, which was strengthened
and confirmed by the insinuations of his enemies. The Scots who had come
up to London to give an account of the proceedings in their parliament,
were infected with the same notion. One Simpson, a presbyterian of that
country, whom the earl of Portland employed as a spy, had insinuated
himself into the confidence of Nevil Payne, an active and intelligent
partisan and agent of king James; by which means he supplied the earl
with such intelligence as raised him to some degree of credit with that
minister. This he used in prepossessing the earl against the king’s best
friends, and infusing jealousies which were soon kindled into mutual
distrust and animosity.




PLOT AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT.

Sir James Montgomery, who had been a warm advocate for the revolution,
received advice that the court suspected him and others of disaffection,
and was employed in seeking evidence by which they might be prosecuted.
They were equally alarmed and incensed at this intimation, and Payne
seized the opportunity of seducing them into a correspondence with the
exiled king. They demanded the settlement of the presbytery in Scotland,
and actually engaged in a treaty for his restoration. They reconciled
themselves to the duke of Queensbury, and the other noblemen of the
episcopal party: they wrote to James for a supply of money, arms, and
ammunition, together with a reinforcement of three thousand men from
Dunkirk. Montgomery had acquired great interest among the whigs of
England, and this he-employed in animating them against the king and
the ministry. He represented them as a set of wicked men, who employed
infamous spies to insnare and ruin the fast friends of the government,
and found means to alienate them so much from William, that they began
to think in earnest of recalling their banished prince The duke of
Bolton and the earl of Monmouth were almost persuaded into a conspiracy
for this purpose; they seemed to think James was now so well convinced
of his former errors, that they might trust him without scruple.
Montgomery and Payne were the chief managers of the scheme, and they
admitted Ferguson into their councils, as a veteran in the arts of
treason. In order to blast William’s credit in the city, they circulated
a report that James would grant a full indemnity, separate himself
entirely from the French interest, and be contented with a secret
connivance in favour of the Roman catholics. Montgomery’s brother
assured the bishop of Salisbury that a treaty with king James was
absolutely concluded, and an invitation subscribed by the whole cabal.
He said this paper would be sent to Ireland by the way of France, as the
direct communication was difficult; and he proposed a method for seizing
it before it should be conveyed out of the kingdom. Williamson, the
supposed bearer of it, had obtained a pass for Flanders, and a messenger
being sent in pursuit of him, secured his clothes and portmanteau; but
after a very strict examination nothing appeared to justify the
intelligence. Williamson had previously delivered the papers to Simpson,
who hired a boat at Deal, and arrived in safety at France. He returned
with large assurances, and twelve thousand pounds were remitted to the
Scottish undertakers. Montgomery the informer seeing his intelligence
falsified, lost his credit with the bishop, and dreading the resentment
of the other party, retired to the continent. The conspirators loudly
complained of the false imputations they had incurred. The pretended
discoveries were looked upon as fictions of the ministry, and the king
on this occasion suffered greatly in the opinion of his subjects.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




DEBATES ABOUT THE CORPORATION BILLS.

The tories still continued to carry on a secret negotiation with the
court. They took advantage of the ill-humour subsisting between the
king and the whigs; and promised large supplies of money provided this
parliament should be dissolved and another immediately convoked. The
opposite party, being apprized of their intention, brought a bill into
the house of commons for restoring corporations to their ancient rights
and privileges. They knew their own strength at elections consisted
in these corporations; and they inserted two additional severe clauses
against those who were in any shape concerned in surrendering charters.
The whole power of the tories was exerted against this clause; and now
the whigs vied with them in making court to his majesty, promising to
manifest the most submissive obedience should this bill be enacted into
a law. The strength of the tories was now become so formidable to
the house, that they out-voted the other party, and the clauses were
rejected; but the bill passed in its original form. The lords debated
upon the point, Whether a corporation could be forfeited or surrendered?
Lord chief justice Holt and two other judges declared their opinion in
the affirmative: the rest thought otherwise, as no precedents could be
produced farther back than the reign of Henry VIII. when the abbeys were
surrendered; and this instance seemed too violent to authorize such a
measure in a regular course of administration. The bill, however, passed
by one voice only. Then both parties quickened their applications to the
king, who found himself so perplexed and distracted between two factions
which he equally feared, that he resolved to leave the government in the
queen’s hands and retire to Holland. He communicated this design to the
marquis of Carmarthen, the earl of Shrewsbury, and some other noblemen,
who pressed him to lay aside his resolution, and even mingled tears with
their remonstrances.




THE KING RESOLVES TO FINISH THE IRISH WAR IN PERSON.

He at length complied with their request, and determined to finish the
Irish war in person. This design was far from being agreeable to the
parliament. His friends dreaded the climate of that country, which might
prove fatal to his weak constitution. The well-wishers of James were
afraid of that prince’s being hard pressed, should William take the
field against him in person.

Both houses, therefore, began to prepare an address against this
expedition. In order to prevent this remonstrance, the king went to the
parliament, and formally signified his resolution. After his speech they
were prorogued to the second day of April. On the sixth day of February
they were dissolved by proclamation, and a new parliament was summoned
to meet on the twentieth day of March. During this session, the commons,
in an address to the king, desired that a revenue of fifty thousand
pounds might be settled upon the prince and princess of Denmark, out of
the civil list; and his majesty gratified them in this particular: yet
the warmth and industry with which the friends of the princess
exerted themselves in promoting the settlement, produced a coldness and
misunderstanding between the two sisters; and the subsequent disgrace of
the earl of Marlborough was imputed to the part which his wife acted on
the occasion. She was lady of the bed-chamber, and chief confidant to
the princess, whom she strenuously advised to insist upon the settlement
rather than depend upon the generosity of the king and queen.




LUDLOW ARRIVES IN ENGLAND, BUT IS OBLIGED TO WITHDRAW.

About this period general Ludlow, who at the restoration had been
excepted from the act of indemnity, as one of those who sat in judgment
upon Charles I. arrived in England, and offered his service in reducing
Ireland, where he had formerly commanded. Though a rigid republican,
he was reputed a conscientious man, and a good officer. He had received
some encouragement to come over, and probably would have been employed
had not the commons interposed. Sir Edward Seymour, who enjoyed by grant
an estate in Wiltshire which had formerly belonged to Ludlow, began to
be in pain for his possession. He observed in the house, that the nation
would be disgraced should one of the J parricides be suffered to live in
the kingdom. An address was immediately presented to the king, desiring
a proclamation might be issued promising a reward for apprehending
general Ludlow. This was accordingly published; but not before he had
landed in Holland, from whence he returned to Vevay in Switzerland,
where he wrote the memoirs of his life, and died after an exile of
thirty years.




EFFORTS OF THE JACOBITES IN SCOTLAND.

While king William fluctuated between two parties in England, his
interest in Scotland had well nigh given way to a coalition between the
original Jacobites and Montgomery’s party of discontented presbyterians.
Colonel Cannon, who succeeded the viscount Dundee in command, after
having made several unsuccessful efforts in favour of the late king’s
interest, retired into Ireland; and the highlanders chose sir Hugh
Cameron for their leader. Under him they renewed their incursions with
the better prospect of success, as several regiments of the regular
troops had been sent to reinforce the army of Schomberg. James assisted
them with clothes, arms, and ammunition, together with some officers,
amongst whom was colonel Bucan, appointed to act as their chief
commander. This officer, at the head of fifteen hundred men, advanced
into the shire of Murray, in hopes of being joined by other malcontents;
but he was surprised and routed by sir Thomas Livingstone, while major
Ferguson destroyed the places they possessed in the Isle of Mull; so
that the highlanders were obliged to retire and conceal themselves among
their hills and fastnesses. The friends of James, despairing of doing
any thing effectual for his service in the field, converted all their
attention to the proceedings in parliament; where they imagined their
interest was much stronger than it appeared to be upon trial. They took
the oaths without hesitation, and hoped, by the assistance of their new
allies, to embroil the government in such a manner that the majority of
the people would declare for a restoration. But the views of these new
cemented parties were altogether incompatible, and their principles
diametrically opposite. Notwithstanding their concurrence in parliament,
the earl of Melvil procured a small majority. The opposition was
immediately discouraged: some individuals retracted, rather than fall
with a sinking cause; and mutual jealousies began to prevail. The
leaders of the coalition treated separately with king James; made
inconsistent demands; reciprocally concealed their negotiations; in a
word, they distrusted and hated one another with the most implacable
resentment.




THE COURT INTEREST PREVAILS.

The earls of Argyle, Annandale, and Breadalbane, withdrew from their
councils and repaired to England. Montgomery, terrified at their
defection, went privately to London, after he had hinted something
of the plot to Melvil, and solicited a pass from the queen, which was
refused. Annandale, having received information that Montgomery had
disclosed all the particulars of the negotiation, threw himself upon the
queen’s mercy, and discovered all he knew of the conspiracy. As lie had
not treated with any of the malcontents in England, they remained secure
from his evidence; but he informed against Nevil Payne, who had been
sent down as their agent to Scotland, where he now resided. He was
immediately apprehended by the council of that kingdom, in consequence
of a letter from the earl of Nottingham; and twice put to the torture,
which he resolutely bore, without discovering his employers. Montgomery
still absconded in London, soliciting a pardon; but finding he could not
obtain it, except on condition of making a full discovery, he
abandoned his country, and chose to die in exile rather than betray his
confederates. This disunion of the conspirators, and discovery of the
plot, left the earl of Melvil in possession of a greater majority;
though even this he was fain to secure by overstraining his instructions
in the articles of patronage, and the supremacy of the crown, which he
yielded up to the fury of the fanatic presbyterians, contrary to the
intention of king William. In lieu of these, however, they indulged him
with the tax of chimney or hearth-money; as well as with a test to be
imposed upon all persons in office or parliament, declaring William and
Mary their lawful sovereigns, and renouncing the pretended title of king
James. All the laws in favour of episcopacy were repealed. Threescore
of the presbyterian ministers, who had been ejected at the restoration,
were still alive; and these the parliament declared the only sound part
of the church. The government of it was lodged in their hands; and
they were empowered to admit such as they should think proper to their
assistance. A few furious fanatics being thus associated, proceeded with
ungovernable violence to persecute the episcopal party, exercising the
very same tyranny against which they themselves had so loudly exclaimed.




THE TORY INTEREST PREVAILS IN THE NEW PARLIAMENT.

While the presbyterian interest thus triumphed in Scotland, the
two parties that divided England employed their whole influence and
attention in managing the elections for a new parliament; and the tories
obtained the victory. The king seemed gradually falling into the arms of
this party. They complained of their having been totally excluded from
the lieutenancy of London at the king’s accession to the crown; and
now a considerable number of the most violent tories in the city were
admitted into the commission by the interest and address of the bishop
of London, the marquis of Carmarthen, and the earl of Nottingham. To
gratify that party, the earls of Monmouth and Warrington were dismissed
from their employments; nay, when the parliament met on the twentieth
day of March, the commons chose for their speaker sir John Trevor, a
violent partisan of that faction, who had been created master of the
rolls by the late king. He was a bold artful man, and undertook to
procure a majority to be at the devotion of the court, provided
he should be supplied with the necessary sums for the purposes of
corruption. William, finding there was no other way of maintaining his
administration in peace, thought proper to countenance the practice of
purchasing votes, and appointed Trevor first commissioner of the great
seal. In his speech to the new parliament, he gave them to understand
that he still persisted in his resolution of going in person to Ireland.
He desired they would make a settlement of the revenue, or establish it
for the present as a fund of credit, upon which the necessary sums for
the service of government might be immediately advanced; he signified
his intention of sending to them an act of grace, with a few exceptions,
that he might manifest his readiness to extend his protection to all his
subjects, and leave no colour of excuse for raising disturbances in
his absence, as he knew how busy some ill-affected men were in their
endeavours to alter the established government; he recommended an union
with Scotland, the parliament of which had appointed commissioners for
that purpose; he told them he should leave the administration in the
hands of the queen, and desired they would prepare an act to confirm her
authority; he exhorted them to dispatch the business for which they were
assembled, to avoid debates, and expressed his hope that they should
soon meet again to finish what might be now left imperfect.




BILL FOR RECOGNISING THEIR MAJESTIES.

The commons, in compliance with his request, voted a supply of twelve
hundred thousand pounds, one million of that sum to be raised by a
clause of credit in the revenue bills; but he could not prevail
upon them to settle the revenue for life. They granted, however, the
hereditary excise for that term, but the customs for four years only.
They considered this short term as the best security the kingdom could
have for frequent parliaments; though this precaution was not at all
agreeable to their sovereign. A poll-bill was likewise passed, other
supplies were granted, and both parties seemed to court his majesty
by advancing money on those funds of credit. The whigs, however, had
another battery in reserve. They produced, in the upper house, a bill
for recognising their majesties as the rightful and lawful sovereign of
these realms, and for declaring all the acts of the last parliament
to be good and valid. The tories were now reduced to a very perplexed
situation. They could not oppose the bill without hazarding the
interest they had so lately acquired, nor assent to it without solemnly
renouncing their former arguments and distinctions. They made no great
objections to the first part, and even proposed to enact, That those
should be deemed good laws for the time to come; but they refused to
declare them valid for that which was past. After a long debate, the
bill was committed; yet the whigs lost their majority on the report;
nevertheless, the bill was recovered, and passed with some alteration in
the words; in consequence of a nervous spirited protest, signed Bolton,
Macclesfield, Stamford, Newport, Bedford, Her bert, Suffolk, Monmouth,
Delamere, and Oxford. The whole interest of the court was thrown into
the scale with this bill, before it would preponderate against the
tories; the chiefs of whom, with the earl of Nottingham at their head,
protested in their turn. The same party in the house of commons were
determined upon a vigorous opposition; and in the mean time some
trifling objections were made, that it might be committed for amendment;
but their design was prematurely discovered by one of their faction,
who chanced to question the legality of the convention, as it was not
summoned by the king’s writ. This insinuation was answered by Somers the
solicitor general, who observed, that if it was not a legal parliament,
they who were then met, and who had taken the oaths enacted by that
parliament, were guilty of high treason; the laws repealed by it were
still in force: it was their duty therefore to return to king James; and
all concerned in collecting and paying the money levied by the acts of
that parliament were highly criminal. The tories were so struck with
these arguments that the bill passed without further opposition, and
immediately received the royal assent. Thus the settlement was confirmed
by those very people who had so loudly exclaimed against it as illegal;
but the whigs, with all their management, would not have gained their
point had not the court been interested in the dispute.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




ANOTHER VIOLENT CONTEST.

There was another violent contest between the two parties, on the import
of a bill requiring all subjects in office to abjure king James on pain
of imprisonment. Though the clergy were at first exempted from this
test, the main body of the tories opposed it with great vehemence; while
the whigs, under countenance of the ministry, supported it with equal
vigour. It produced long and violent debates; and the two factions
seemed pretty equally balanced. At length the tories represented to
the king that a great deal of precious time would be lost in fruitless
altercation; that those who declared against the bill would grow sullen
and intractable, so as to oppose every other motion that might be made
for the king’s service; that, in case of its being carried, his majesty
must fall again into the hands of the whigs, who would renew their
former practices against the prerogative; and many individuals, who
were now either well affected to him, or at least neutral, would become
Jacobites from resentment. These suggestions had such weight with king
William, that he sent an intimation to the commons, desiring they would
drop the debate and proceed to matters that were more pressing. The
whigs in general were disgusted at this interposition; and the earl of
Shrewsbury, who had interested himself warmly in behalf of the bill,
resented it so deeply that he insisted on resigning his office of
secretary of state. The king, who revered his talents and integrity,
employed Dr. Tillotson and others, who were supposed to have credit with
the earl, to dissuade him from quitting his employment; but he continued
deaf to all their remonstrances, and would not even comply with the
request of his majesty, who pressed him to keep the seals until he
should return from Ireland. Long debates were likewise managed in the
house of lords upon the bill of abjuration, or rather an oath of special
fidelity to William, in opposition to James. The tories professed
themselves willing to enter into a negative engagement against the late
king and his adherents; but they opposed the oath of abjuration with all
their might: and the house was so equally divided that neither side was
willing to hazard a decision, so that all the fruit of their debates was
a prolongation of the session.




KING WILLIAM LANDS IN IRELAND.

An act was prepared for investing the queen with the administration
during the king’s absence; another for reversing the judgment on a _quo
warranto_ against the city of London, and restoring it to its ancient
rights and privileges; at length the bill of indemnity so cordially
recommended by the king passed both houses. [021] _[See note G, at the
end of this Vol.]_ On the twenty-first day of May, the king closed the
session with a Short speech, in which he thanked them for the supplies
they had granted, and recommended to them a punctual discharge of their
duties in their respective counties, that the peace of the nation might
not be interrupted in his absence. The houses were adjourned to the
seventh day of July, when the parliament was prorogued and adjourned
successively. As a further security for the peace of the kingdom, the
deputy-lieutenants were authorized to raise the militia in case of
necessity. All papists were prohibited to stir above five miles from
their respective places of abode; a proclamation was published for
apprehending certain disaffected persons; sir John Cochran and Ferguson
were actually arrested on suspicion of treasonable practices. On the
fourth day of June the king set out for Ireland, attended by prince
George of Denmark, the duke of Ormond, the earls of Oxford, Scarborough,
Manchester, and many other persons of distinction: on the fourteenth
day of the month he landed at Carrickfergus, from whence he immediately
proceeded to Belfast, where he was met by the duke of Schomberg, the
prince of Wirtemberg, major-general Kirke, and other officers. By this
time colonel Wolsey, at the head of a thousand men, had defeated a
strong detachment of the enemy near Belturbat; sir John Lanier had
taken Bedloe castle; and that of Charlemont, a strong post of great
importance, together with Balingary near Cavan, had been reduced. King
William having reposed himself for two or three days at Belfast, visited
the duke’s head-quarters at Lis-burne; then advancing to Hillsborough,
published an order against pressing horses, and committing violence on
the country people. When some of his general officers proposed cautious
measures, he declared he did not come to Ireland to let the grass
grow under his feet. He ordered the army to encamp and be reviewed
at Loughbrilland, where he found it amount to six-and-thirty thousand
effective men, well appointed. Then he marched to Dundalk; and
afterwards advanced to Ardee, which the enemy had just abandoned.




JAMES MARCHES TO THE BOYNE.

King James trusted so much to the disputes in the English parliament,
that he did not believe his son-in-law would be able to quit that
kingdom; and William had been six days in Ireland before he received
intimation of his arrival. This was no sooner known than he left
Dublin under the guard of the militia commanded by Luttrel, and with
a reinforcement of six thousand infantry, which he had lately received
from France, joined the rest of his forces, which now almost equalled
William’s army in number, exclusive of about fifteen thousand men who
remained in different garrisons. He occupied a very advantageous post
on the bank of the Boyne, and, contrary to the advice of his general
officers, resolved to stand battle. They proposed to strengthen their
garrisons and retire to the Shannon to wait the effect of the operations
at sea. Louis had promised to equip a powerful armament against the
English fleet, and send over a great number of small frigates to destroy
William’s transports, as soon as their convoy should be returned to
England. The execution of this scheme was not at all difficult, and must
have proved fatal to the English army; for their stores and ammunition
were still on board; the ships sailed along the coast as the troops
advanced in their march; and there was not one secure harbour into
which they could retire on any emergency. James, however, was bent upon
hazarding an engagement; and expressed uncommon confidence and alacrity.
Besides the river which was deep, his front was secured by a morass and
a rising ground, so that the English army could not attack him without
manifest disadvantage.




WILLIAM RESOLVES TO GIVE HIM BATTLE

King William marched up to the opposite bank of the river, and, as
he reconnoitred their situation, was exposed to the fire of some
field-pieces which the enemy purposely planted against his person.
They killed a man and two horses close by him; and the second bullet,
rebounding from the earth, grazed upon his right shoulder so as to carry
off part of his clothes and skin, and produce a considerable contusion.
This accident, which he bore without the least emotion, created some
confusion among his attendants, which the enemy perceiving, concluded
he was killed, and shouted aloud in token of their joy. The whole camp
resounded with acclamation; and several squadrons of their horse
were drawn down towards the river as if they had intended to pass
it immediately and attack the English army. The report was instantly
communicated from place to place until it reached Dublin; from thence
it was conveyed to Paris, where, contrary to the custom of the French
court, the people were encouraged to celebrate the event with bonfires
and illuminations. William rode along the line to show himself to the
army after this narrow escape. At night he called a council of war, and
declared his resolution to attack the enemy in the morning. Schomberg
at first opposed his design; but finding the king determined, he advised
that a strong detachment of horse and foot should that night pass the
Boyne at Slane-bridge, and take post between the enemy and the pass of
Duleck, that the action might be the more decisive. This council
being rejected, the king determined that early in the morning
lieutenant-general Douglas, with the right wing of infantry, and young
Schomberg, with the horse, should pass at Slane-bridge, while the main
body of foot should force their passage at Old-bridge, and the left
at certain fords between the enemy’s camp and Drogheda. The duke,
perceiving his advice was not relished by the Dutch generals, retired to
his tent, where the order of battle being brought to him, he received it
with an air of discontent, saying, It was the first that had ever been
sent him in that manner. The proper dispositions being made, William
rode quite through the army by torchlight, and then retired to his tent,
after having given orders for the soldiers to distinguish themselves
from the enemy by wearing green boughs in their hats during the action.




BATTLE OF THE BOYNE.

At six o’clock in the morning, general Douglas, with young Schomberg,
the earl of Portland, and Auverquerque, marched towards Slane-bridge,
and passed the river with very little opposition. When they reached the
farther bank, they perceived the enemy drawn up in two lines, to a
considerable number of horse and foot, with a morass in their front, so
that Douglas was obliged to wait for a reinforcement. This being
arrived, the infantry was led on to the charge through the morass,
while count Schomberg rode round it with his cavalry to attack the
enemy in flank. The Irish, instead of waiting the assault, faced about
and retreated towards Duleck with some precipitation; yet not so fast
but that Schomberg fell in among their rear and did considerable
execution. King James however soon reinforced his left wing from the
centre; and the count was in his turn obliged to send for assistance.
At this juncture, king William’s main body, consisting of the Dutch
guards, the French regiments, and some battalions of English, passed
the river, which was waist high, under a general discharge of
artillery. King James had imprudently removed his cannon from the other
side; but he had posted a strong body of musqueteers along the bank,
behind hedges, houses, and some works raised for the occasion. These
poured in a close fire upon the English troops before they reached the
shore; but it produced very little effect: then the Irish gave way; and
some battalions landed without further opposition. Yet, before they
could form, they were charged with great impetuosity by a squadron of
the enemy’s horse; and a considerable body of their cavalry and foot,
commanded by general Hamilton, advanced from behind some little
hillocks to attack those that were landed, as well as to prevent the
rest from reaching the shore. His infantry turned their backs and fled
immediately; but the horse charged with incredible fury, both upon the
bank and in the river, so as to put the unformed regiments in
confusion. Then the duke of Schomberg, passing the river in person, put
himself at the head of the French protestants, and pointing to the
enemy, “Gentlemen,” said he, “those are your persecutors;” with these
words he advanced to the attack, where he himself sustained a violent
onset from a party of the Irish horse which had broke through one of
the regiments, and were now on their return. They were mistaken for
English, and allowed to gallop up to the duke, who received two severe
wounds in the head; but the French regiments being now sensible of
their mistake, rashly threw in their fire upon the Irish while they
were engaged with the duke, and instead of saving, shot him dead upon
the spot. The fate of this general had well nigh proved fatal to the
English army, which was immediately involved in tumult and disorder;
while the infantry of king James rallied, and returned to their posts
with a face of resolution. They were just ready to fall upon the
centre, when king William having passed with the left wing, composed of
the Danish, Dutch, and Inniskilling horse, advanced to attack them on
the right. They were struck with such a panic at his appearance that
they made a sudden halt, and then facing about, retreated to the
village of Dunore. There they made such a vigorous stand that the Dutch
and Danish horse, though headed by the king in person, recoiled; even
the Inniskillmers gave way; and the whole wing would have been routed,
had not a detachment of dragoons, belonging to the regiment of
Cunningham and Livison, dismounted, and lined the hedges on each side
of the defile through which the fugitives were driven. There they did
such execution upon the pursuers as soon checked their ardour. The
horse, which were broken, had now time to rally, and returning to the
charge, drove the enemy before them in their turn. In this action
general Hamilton, who had been the life and soul of the Irish during
the whole engagement, was wounded and taken--an incident which
discouraged them to such a degree, that they made no further efforts to
retrieve the advantage they had lost. He was immediately brought to the
king, who asked him if he thought the Irish would make any further
resistance; and he replied, “Upon my honour, I believe they will; for
they have still a good body of horse entire.” William, eyeing him with
a look of disdain, repeated, “Your honour! your honour!” but took no
other notice of his having acted contrary to his engagement, when he
was permitted to go to Ireland on promise of persuading Tyrconnel to
submit to the new government. The Irish now abandoned the field with
precipitation; but the French and Swiss troops, that acted as their
auxiliaries under Lausun, retreated in good order, after having
maintained the battle for some time with intrepidity and perseverance.




DEATH OF SCHOMBERG.

As king William did not think proper to pursue the enemy, the carnage
was not great. The Irish lost fifteen hundred men, and the English
about one-third of that number; though the victory was dearly purchased,
considering the death of the gallant duke of Schomberg, who fell in the
eighty-second year of his age, after having rivalled the best generals
of the time in military reputation. He was descended of a noble family
in the Palatinate, and his mother was an English woman, daughter of lord
Dudley. Being obliged to leave his country on account of the troubles
by which it was agitated, he commenced a soldier of fortune, and served
successively in the armies of Holland, England, France, Portugal, and
Brandenburgh. He attained to the dignities of mareschal in France,
grandee in Portugal, generalissimo in Prussia, and duke in England.
He professed the protestant religion; was courteous and humble in his
deportment; cool, penetrating, resolute, and sagacious; nor was his
probity inferior to his courage. This battle likewise proved fatal
to the brave Caillemote, who had followed the duke’s fortunes, and
commanded one of the protestant regiments. After having received a
mortal wound, he was carried back through the river by four soldiers,
and though almost in the agonies of death, he with a cheerful
countenance encouraged those who were crossing to do their duty,
exclaiming, “_A la gloire, mes enfans; à la gloire_. To glory, my
lads; to glory!” The third remarkable person who lost his life on
this occasion was Walker the clergyman, who had so valiantly defended
Londonderry against the whole army of king James. He had been very
graciously received by king William, who gratified him with a reward of
five thousand pounds, and a promise of further favour; but his military
genius still predominating, he attended his royal patron in this battle,
and being shot in the belly, died in a few minutes. The persons of
distinction who fell on the other side were the lords Dongan and
Carlingford, sir Neile O’Neile, and the marquis of Hoequincourt. James
himself stood aloof during the action on the hill of Dunmore, surrounded
with some squadrons of horse; and seeing victory declare against him,
retired to Dublin without having made the least effort to re-assemble
his broken forces. Had he possessed either spirit or conduct, his army
might have been rallied, and reinforced from his garrisons, so as to be
in a condition to keep the field, and even act upon the offensive; for
his loss was inconsiderable, and the victor did not attempt to molest
his troops in their retreat--an omission which has been charged upon him
as a flagrant instance of misconduct. Indeed, through the whole of this
engagement, William’s personal courage was much more conspicuous than
his military skill.

{WILLIAM AND MARY, 1688--1701.}




JAMES EMBARKS FOR FRANCE.

King James no sooner arrived at Dublin than he assembled the magistrates
and council of the city, and in a short speech resigned them to the
fortune of the victor. He complained of the cowardice of the Irish;
signified his resolution of leaving the kingdom immediately; forbade
them, on their allegiance, to burn or plunder the city after his
departure; and assured them, that, though he was obliged to yield to
force, he would never cease to labour for their deliverance. Next day he
set out for Waterford, attended by the duke of Berwick, Tyrconnel,
and the marquis of Powis. He ordered all the bridges to be broken down
behind him, and embarked in a vessel which had been prepared for his
reception. At sea he fell in with the French squadron, commanded by the
Sieur de Foran, who persuaded him to go on board one of his frigates,
which was a prime sailer. In this he was safely conveyed to France, and
returned to the place of his former residence at St. Germain’s. He had
no sooner quitted Dublin than it was also abandoned by all the papists.
The protestants immediately took possession of the arms belonging to
the militia, under the conduct of the bishops of Meath and Limerick.
A committee was formed to take charge of the administration; and an
account of these transactions was transmitted to king William, together
with a petition that he would honour the city with his presence.




WILLIAM ENTERS DUBLIN.

On the morning after the battle of the Boyne, William sent a detachment
of horse and foot, under the command of M. Mellionere, to Drogheda, the
governor of which surrendered the place without opposition. The king at
the head of the army began his march for Dublin, and halted the first
night at Bally-Breghan; where, having received advice of the enemy’s
retreat from the capital, he sent the duke of Ormond with a body of
horse to take possession. These were immediately followed by the Dutch
guards, who secured the castle. In a few days the king encamped at
Finglas, in the neighbourhood of Dublin, where he was visited by the
bishops of Meath and Limerick, at the head of the protestant clergy,
whom he assured of his favour and protection. Then he published a
declaration of pardon to all the common people who had served against
him, provided they should return to their dwellings and surrender their
arms by the first day of August. Those that rented lands of popish
proprietors who had been concerned in the rebellion, were required to
retain their rents in their own hands until they should have notice
from the commissioners of the revenue to whom they should be paid. The
desperate leaders of the rebellion, who had violated the laws of the
kingdom, called in the French, authorized the depredations which had
been committed upon protestants, and rejected the pardon offered to them
on the king’s first proclamation, were left to the event of war, unless
by evident demonstrations of repentance they should deserve mercy, which
would never be refused to those who were truly penitent. The next step
taken by king William was to issue a proclamation reducing the brass
money to nearly its intrinsic value. In the meantime, the principal
officers in the army of James, after having seen him embark at
Waterford, returned to their troops, determined to prosecute the war as
long as they could be supplied with means to support their operations.




VICTORY GAINED BY THE FRENCH.

During these transactions, the queen, as regent, found herself
surrounded with numberless cares and perplexities. Her council was
pretty equally divided into whigs and tories, who did not always act
with unanimity. She was distracted between her apprehensions for her
father’s safety and her husband’s life: she was threatened with an
invasion by the French from abroad, and with an insurrection by the
Jacobites at home. Nevertheless she disguised her fears, and behaved
with equal prudence and fortitude. Advice being received that a fleet
was ready to sail from Brest, lord Torrington hoisted his flag in the
Downs, and sailed round to St. Helen’s, in order to assemble such a
number of ships as would enable him to give them battle. The enemy
being discovered off Plymouth on the twentieth day of June, the English
admiral, reinforced with a Dutch squadron, stood out to sea with a view
to intercept them at the back of the Isle of Wight, should they presume
to sail up the channel, not that he thought himself strong enough to
cope with them in battle. Their fleet consisted of seventy-eight ships
of war, and two-and-twenty fire-ships; whereas, the combined squadrons
of England and Holland did not exceed six-and-fifty; but he had received
orders to hazard an engagement if he thought it might be done with any
prospect of success. After the hostile fleets had continued five days
in sight of each other, lord Torrington bore down upon the enemy off
Beachy-head, on the thirtieth day of June, at day-break. The Dutch
squadron, which composed the van, began the engagement about nine in
the morning; in about half an hour the blue division of the English were
close engaged with the rear of the French; but the red, which formed
the centre, under the command of Torrington in person, did not fill the
line till ten o’clock, so that the Dutch were almost surrounded by the
enemy, and, though they fought with great valour, sustained considerable
damage. At length the admiral’s division drove between them and the
French, and in that situation the fleet anchored about five in the
afternoon, when the action was interrupted by a calm. The Dutch had
suffered so severely, that Torrington thought it would be imprudent to
renew the battle; he therefore weighed anchor in the night, and with the
tide of flood retired to the eastward. The next day the disabled ships
were destroyed, that they might not be retarded in their retreat.
They were pursued as far as Rye; an English ship of seventy guns being
stranded near Winchelsea, was set on fire and deserted by the captain’s
command. A Dutch ship of sixty-four guns met with the same accident, and
some French frigates attempted to burn her; but the captain defended her
so vigorously that they were obliged to desist, and he afterwards found
means to carry her safe to Holland. In this engagement the English lost
two ships, two sea-captains, and about four hundred men; but the Dutch
were more unfortunate: six of their great ships were destroyed. Dick
and Brackel, rear-admirals, were slain, together with a great number
of inferior officers and seamen. Torrington retreated without further
interruption into the mouth of the Thames; and, having taken precaution
against any attempts of the enemy in that quarter, returned to London,
the inhabitants of which were overwhelmed with consternation.




TORRINGTON COMMITTED TO THE TOWER.

The government was infected with the same panic. The ministry pretended
to believe that the French acted in concert with the malcontents of the
nation; that insurrections in the different parts of the kingdom had
been projected by the Jacobites; and that there would be a general
revolt in Scotland. These insinuations were circulated by the court
agents in order to justify, in the opinion of the public, the measures
that were deemed necessary at this juncture; and they produced the
desired effect. The apprehensions thus artfully raised among the people
inflamed their aversion to nonjurors and Jacobites. Addresses were
presented to the queen by the Cornish tinners, by the lieutenancy of
Middlesex, and by the mayor, aldermen, and lieutenancy of London, filled
with professions of loyalty and promises of supporting their majesties
as their lawful sovereigns, against all opposition. The queen at this
crisis exhibited remarkable proofs of courage, activity, and discretion.
She issued out proper orders and directions for putting the nation in a
posture of defence, as well as for refitting and augmenting the fleet;
she took measures for appeasing the resentment of the states-general,
who exclaimed against the earl of Torrington for his behaviour in the
late action. He was deprived of his command, and sent prisoner to
the Tower; and commissioners were appointed to examine the particular
circumstances of his conduct. A camp was formed in the neighbourhood
of Torbay, where the French seemed to threaten a descent. Their fleet,
which lay at anchor in the bay, cannonaded a small village called
Teign-mouth. About a thousand of their men landed without opposition,
set fire to the place, and burned a few coasting vessels; then they
re-embarked and returned to Brest, so vain of this achievement that they
printed a pompous account of their invasion. Some of the whig partizans
published pamphlets and diffused reports, implying that the suspended
bishops were concerned in the conspiracy against the government; and
these arts proved so inflammatory among the common people, that the
prelates thought it necessary to print a paper, in which they asserted
their innocence in the most solemn protestations. The court seems to
have harboured no suspicion against them, otherwise they would not have
escaped imprisonment. The queen issued a proclamation for apprehending
the earls of Litchfield, Aylesbury, and Castlemain; viscount Preston; the
lords Montgomery and Bellasis; sir Edward Hales, sir Robert Tharold, sir
Robert Hamilton, sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, colonel Edward Sackville,
and some other officers. These were accused of having conspired with
other disaffected persons to disturb and destroy the government, and of
a design to concur with her majesty’s enemies in the intended invasion.
The earl of Torrington continued a prisoner in the Tower till next
session, when he was brought into the house of commons and made a speech
in his own defence. His case produced long debates in the upper house,
where the form of his commitment was judged illegal: at length he
was tried by a court-martial appointed by the commissioners of the
admiralty, though not before an act had passed, declaring the power of
a lord high-admiral vested in those commissioners. The president of the
court was sir Ralph Délavai, who had acted as vice-admiral of the blue
in the engagement. The earl was acquitted, but the king dismissed him
from the service; and the Dutch exclaimed against the partiality of his
judges.




PROGRESS OF WILLIAM IN IRELAND.

William is said to have intercepted all the papers of his father-in-law
and Tyrconnel, and to have learned from them not only the design
projected by the French to burn the English transports, but likewise the
undertaking of one Jones, who engaged to assassinate king William. No
such attempt however was made, and in all probability the whole report
was a fiction, calculated to throw an odium on James’ character. On the
ninth day of July, William detached general Douglas with a considerable
body of horse and foot towards Athlone, while he himself, having left
Trelawny to command at Dublin, advanced with the rest of his army to
Inchiquin in his way to Kilkenny. Colonel Grace, the governor of Athlone
for king James, being summoned to surrender, fired a pistol at the
trumpeter, saying, “These are my terms.” Then Douglas resolved to
undertake the siege of the place, which was naturally very strong, and
defended by a resolute garrison. An inconsiderable breach was made, when
Douglas, receiving intelligence that Sarsfield was on his march to the
relief of the besieged, abandoned the enterprise after having lost above
four hundred men in the attempt. The king continued his march to the
westward; and, by dint of severe examples, established such order and
discipline in his army, that the peasants were secure from the least
violence. At Carlow he detached the duke of Ormond to take possession of
Kilkenny, where that nobleman regaled him in his own castle, which
the enemy had left undamaged. While the army encamped at Carrick,
major-general Kirke was sent to Waterford, the garrison of which,
consisting of two regiments, capitulated upon condition of marching out
with their arms and baggage, and being conducted to Mallow. The fort of
Duncannon was surrendered on the same terms. Here the lord Dover and the
lord George Howard were admitted to the benefit of the king’s mercy and
protection.




HE INVESTS LIMERICK; IS OBLIGED TO RAISE THE SIEGE.

On the first day of August, William being at Chapel-Izard, published a
second declaration of mercy, confirming the former, and even extending
it to persons of superior rank and station, whether natives or
foreigners, provided they would, by the twenty-fifth day of the month,
lay down their arms and submit to certain conditions. This offer of
indemnity produced very little effect, for the Irish were generally
governed by their priests, and the news of the victory which the French
fleet had obtained over the English and Dutch, was circulated with such
exaggerations as elevated their spirits, and effaced all thoughts of
submission. The king had returned to Dublin with a view to embark for
England, but receiving notice that the designs of his domestic enemies
were discovered and frustrated, that the fleet was repaired, and the
French navy retired to Brest, he postponed his voyage and resolved to
reduce Limerick; in which Monsieur Boisseleau commanded as governor, and
the duke of Berwick and colonel Sarsfield acted as inferior officers.
On the ninth day of August, the king having called in his detachment and
advanced into the neighbourhood of the place, summoned the commander to
deliver the town; and Boisseleau answered, that he imagined the best way
to gain the good opinion of the prince of Orange, would be a vigorous
defence of the town which his majesty had committed to his charge.
Before the place was fully invested, colonel Sarsfield, with a body of
horse and dragoons, passed the Shannon in the night, intercepted the
king’s train of artillery on its way to the camp, routed the troops that
guarded it, disabled the cannon, destroyed the carriages, waggons, and
ammunition, and returned in safety to Limerick. Notwithstanding this
disaster, the trenches were opened on the seventeenth day of the month,
and a battery was raised with some cannon brought from Waterford. The
siege was carried on with vigour, and the place defended with great
resolution. At length the king ordered his troops to make a lodgment in
the covered way or counterscarp, which was accordingly assaulted with
great fury; but the assailants met with such a warm reception from the
besieged, that they were repulsed with the loss of twelve hundred men
either killed on the spot or mortally wounded. This disappointment,
concurring with the badness of the weather, which became rainy and
unwholesome, induced the king to renounce his undertaking. The heavy
baggage and cannon being sent away, the army decamped and marched
towards Clonmel. William having constituted the lord Sydney and Thomas
Coningsby lords justices of Ireland, and left the command of the army
with count Solmes, embarked at Duncannon with prince George of Denmark
on the fifth of September, and next day arrived in King road, near
Bristol, from whence he repaired to Windsor.




CORK AND KINSALE REDUCED.

About the latter end of this month the earl of Marlborough arrived in
Ireland with five thousand English troops, to attack Cork and Kinsale in
conjunction with a detachment from the great army, according to a scheme
he had proposed to king William. Having landed his soldiers without much
opposition in the neighbourhood of Cork, he was joined by five thousand
men under the prince of Wirtemberg, between whom and the earl a dispute
arose about the command; but this was compromised by the interposition
of La Mellionere. The place being invested, and the batteries raised,
the besiegers proceeded with such rapidity that a breach was soon
effected. Colonel Mackillicut the governor demanded a parley, and
hostages were exchanged; but he rejected the conditions that were
offered, and hostilities recommenced with redoubled vigour. The duke
of Grafton, who served on this occasion as a volunteer, was mortally
wounded in one of the attacks, and died regretted as a youth of
promising talents. Preparations being made for a general assault,
the besieged thought proper to capitulate, and surrendered themselves
prisoners of war. Besides the governor and colonel Bicaut, the victor
found the earls of Clancarty and Tyrone among the individuals of
the garrison. Marlborough having taken possession of Cork, detached
brigadier Villiers with a body of horse and dragoons to summon the town
and forts of Kinsale, and next day advanced with the rest of the forces.
The old fort was immediately taken by assault; but sir Edward Scott,
who commanded the other, sustained a regular siege until the breach
was practicable, and then obtained an honourable capitulation. These
maritime places being reduced, all communication between France and
the enemy on this side of the island was cut off, and the Irish
were confined to Ulster, where they could not subsist without great
difficulty. The earl of Marlborough having finished this expedition in
thirty days, returned with his prisoners to England, where the fame of
this exploit added greatly to his reputation.




THE FRENCH FORCES QUIT IRELAND.

During these transactions count de Lausan, commander of the French
auxiliaries in Ireland, lay inactive in the neighbourhood of Galway, and
transmitted such a lamentable account of his situation to the court of
France, that transports were sent over to bring home the French forces.
In these he embarked with his troops, and the command of the Irish
forces devolved to the duke of Berwick, though it was afterwards
transferred to M. St. Ruth. Lausan was disgraced at Versailles for
having deserted the cause before it was desperate: Tyrconnel, who
accompanied him in his voyage, solicited the French court for a further
supply of officers, arms, clothes, and ammunition for the Irish army,
which he said would continue firm to the interest of king James if thus
supported. Meanwhile they formed themselves into separate bodies
of freebooters, and plundered the country, under the appellation of
rapparees: while the troops of king William either enjoyed their ease in
quarters, or imitated the rapine of the enemy; so that between both the
poor people were miserably harassed.




SAVOY JOINS THE CONFEDERACY.

The affairs of the continent had not yet undergone any change of
importance, except in the conduct of the duke of Savoy, who renounced
his neutrality, engaged in an alliance with the emperor and king of
Spain; and, in a word, acceded to the grand confederacy. He had no
sooner declared himself, than Catinat the French general entered his
territories at the head of eighteen thousand men, and defeated him in
a pitched battle near Saluces, which immediately surrendered to the
conqueror. Then he reduced Savillana, Villa Franca, with several other
places, pursued the duke to Carignan, surprised Suza, and distributed
his forces in winter quarters, partly in Provence and partly in the
duchy of Savoy, which St. Ruth had lately reduced under the dominion
of France. The duke finding himself disappointed in the succours he
expected from the emperor and the king of Spain, demanded assistance of
the states-general and king William: to this last he sent an ambassador,
to congratulate him upon his accession to the throne of England. The
confederates in their general congress at the Hague, had agreed that
the army of the states under prince Waldeck should oppose the forces
of France, commanded by the duke of Luxembourg in Flanders; while the
elector of Brandenburgh should observe the marquis de Boufflers on
the Moselle: but before the troops of Brandenburgh could be assembled,
Boufflers encamped between the Sambre and the Mouse, and maintained a
free communication with Luxembourg.




PRINCE WALDECK DEFEATED.

Prince Waldeck understanding that this general intended to cross
the Sambre between Namur and Charleroy, in order to lay the Spanish
territories under contribution, decamped from the river Piéton, and
detached the count of Berlo with a great body of horse to observe
the motions of the enemy. He was encountered by the French army near
Fleuras, and slain: and his troops, though supported by two other
detachments, were hardly able to rejoin the main body, which continued
all night in order of battle. Next day they were attacked by the French,
who were greatly superior to them in number: after a very obstinate
engagement the allies gave way, leaving about five thousand men dead
upon the field of battle. The enemy took about four thousand prisoners,
and the greatest part of their artillery; but the victory was dearly
bought. The Dutch infantry fought with surprising resolution and
success. The duke of Luxembourg owned with surprise, that they had
surpassed the Spanish foot at the battle of Rocroy. “Prince Waldeck,
said he, ought always to remember the French horse; and I shall never
forget the Dutch infantry.” The Dutch general exerted himself with
such activity, that the French derived very little advantage from their
victory. The prince being reinforced with the five English regiments,
nine thousand Hanoverians, ten thousand from the bishopric of Liege and
Holland, joined the elector of Brandenburgh; so that the confederate
army amounted to five-and-fifty thousand men, and they marched by
the way of Genap to Bois-Seigneur-Isaac. They were now superior to
Luxembourg, who thought proper to fortify his camp, that he might not
be obliged to fight except with considerable advantage. Nevertheless,
prince Waldeck would have attacked him in his intrenchments, had he not
been prohibited from hazarding another engagement by an express
order of the states-general; and when this restriction was removed, the
elector would not venture a battle.




ARCHDUKE JOSEPH ELECTED KING.

By this time the emperor’s son Joseph was by the electoral college
chosen king of the Romans; but his interest sustained a rude shock in
the death of the gallant duke of Lorraine, who was suddenly seized
with a quin-sey at a small village near Lintz, and expired, not without
suspicion of having fallen a sacrifice to the fears of the French king,
against whom he had formerly declared war as a sovereign prince unjustly
expelled from his territories. He possessed great military talents, and
had threatened to enter Lorraine at the head of forty thousand men, in
the course of the ensuing summer. The court of France, alarmed at this
declaration, is said to have had recourse to poison, for preventing the
execution of the duke’s design. At his death the command of the imperial
army was conferred upon the elector of Bavaria. This prince having
joined the elector of Saxony, advanced against the Dauphin, who had
passed the Rhine at Fort-Louis with a considerable army, and intended to
penetrate into Wirtemberg; but the duke of Bavaria checked his progress,
a

Showing first 200,000 characters. Full text: gutenberg.org/ebooks/19217