The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3
by John Marshall · English · Gutenberg #18593 · 660,198 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Life of George Washington, Vol. 3
Author: John Marshall
Release date: June 15, 2006 [eBook #18593]
Language: English
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[Illustration]
THESE VOLUMES of
The Sponsors'
Edition
OF THE AUTHORIZED LIFE OF
George Washington
by John Marshall
ISSUED IN ITS ORIGINAL
FORMAT, BUT WITH THE
TEXT OF THE REVISED
EDITION, HAVE BEEN
SPECIALLY PREPARED
FOR
Henry H. Kimball
[Illustration: George Washington
_From the portrait by Gilbert Stuart_
_This canvas, valued at $60,000, hangs in the Masonic Lodge rooms at
Fredericksburg, Virginia. It is one of the several portraits of
Washington which the artist began executing in 1795 and which are the
most famous of both artist and sitter. Of our First President, this
celebrated painter has also given us his interesting pen-picture of
his subject: "All of his features were indications of the strongest
and most ungovernable passions, and had he been born in the forest, he
would have been the fiercest man among the savage tribes."_]
THE
LIFE
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
COMMANDER IN CHIEF
OF THE
AMERICAN FORCES,
DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE OF HIS COUNTRY,
AND
FIRST PRESIDENT
OF THE
UNITED STATES.
COMPILED UNDER THE INSPECTION OF
THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON,
FROM
_ORIGINAL PAPERS_
BEQUEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE, AND NOW IN POSSESSION OF
THE AUTHOR.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED,
AN INTRODUCTION,
CONTAINING A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES PLANTED BY THE ENGLISH
ON THE
CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA,
FROM THEIR SETTLEMENT TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THAT WAR WHICH TERMINATED
IN THEIR
INDEPENDENCE.
BY JOHN MARSHALL.
VOL. III.
THE CITIZENS' GUILD
OF WASHINGTON'S BOYHOOD HOME
FREDERICKSBURG, VA.
1926
Printed in the U.S.A.
[Transcriber's Note: In the original book, some proper names are
spelled inconsistently. The inconsistencies have been preserved in
this e-text. For the reader's information, the first of each of the
following pairs of names is the correct spelling: Wemys/Wemyss,
Tarleton/Tarlton; Dundass/Dundas; M'Lane/M'Clane; Viominel/Viominil.]
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
Incursion into Jersey.... General Lacy surprised.... Attempt on
Lafayette at Barren hill.... General Howe resigns the command of the
British army.... Is succeeded by Sir H. Clinton.... He evacuates
Philadelphia, and marches through the Jerseys.... A council of war
which decides against attacking the British on their march.... Battle
of Monmouth.... General Lee arrested.... Sentenced to be suspended for
one year.... Thanks of Congress to General Washington and his army.
CHAPTER II.
Count D'Estaing arrives with a French fleet.... Meditates an attack on
the British fleet in New York harbour.... Relinquishes it.... Sails to
Rhode Island.... Lord Howe appears off Rhode Island.... Both fleets
dispersed by a storm.... General Sullivan lays siege to Newport....
D'Estaing returns.... Sails for Boston.... Sullivan expresses his
dissatisfaction in general orders.... Raises the siege of Newport....
Action on Rhode Island.... The Americans retreat to the Continent....
Count D'Estaing expresses his dissatisfaction with Sullivan in a
letter to congress.... General Washington labours successfully to heal
these discontents.... Lord Howe resigns the command of the British
fleet.... Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised.... Captain Donop
defeated by Colonel Butler.... Expedition of the British against Egg
Harbour.... Pulaski surprised.
CHAPTER III.
Arrival of the British commissioners.... Terms of conciliation
proposed.... Answer of congress to their propositions.... Attempts of
Mr. Johnson to bribe some members of congress.... His private letters
ordered to be published.... Manifesto of the commissioners, and
counter-manifesto of congress.... Arrival of Monsieur Girard, minister
plenipotentiary of France.... Hostilities of the Indians.... Irruption
into the Wyoming settlement.... Battle of Wyoming.... Colonel Dennison
capitulates for the inhabitants.... Distress of the settlement....
Colonel Clarke surprises St. Vincent.... Congress determines to invade
Canada.... General Washington opposes the measure.... Induces congress
to abandon it.
CHAPTER IV.
Divisions in Congress.... Letters of General Washington on the state
of public affairs.... Invasion of Georgia.... General Howe defeated by
Colonel Campbell.... Savannah taken.... Sunbury surrenders.... Georgia
reduced.... General Lincoln takes command of the Southern army....
Major Gardener defeated by General Moultrie.... Insurrection of the
Tories in South Carolina.... They are defeated by Colonel Pickens....
Ash surprised and defeated.... Moultrie retreats.... Prevost marches
to Charleston.... Lincoln attacks the British at Stono Ferry
unsuccessfully.... Invasion of Virginia.
CHAPTER V.
Discontents in a part of the American army.... Letter from General
Washington on the subject.... Colonel Van Schaick destroys an Indian
settlement.... Expedition against the Indians meditated.... Fort
Fayette surrendered to the British.... Invasion of Connecticut....
General Wayne storms Stony Point.... Expedition against Penobscot....
Powles Hook surprised by Major Lee.... Arrival of Admiral
Arbuthnot.... Of the Count D'Estaing.... Siege of Savannah....
Unsuccessful attempt to storm that place.... Siege raised.... Victory
of General Sullivan at Newtown.... Spain offers her mediation to the
belligerents.... Declares war against England.... Letter from General
Washington to congress respecting the annual formation of the army....
The army goes into winter quarters.
CHAPTER VI.
South Carolina invaded.... The British fleet passes the bar, and gets
possession of the harbour of Charleston.... Opinion of General
Washington on the propriety of defending that place.... Sir Henry
Clinton invests the town.... Tarleton surprises an American corps at
Monk's Corner.... Fort Moultrie surrendered.... Tarleton defeats
Colonel White.... General Lincoln capitulates.... Buford defeated....
Arrangements for the government of South Carolina and Georgia.... Sir
Henry Clinton embarks for New York.... General Gates takes command of
the Southern army.... Is defeated near Camden.... Death of De Kalb....
Success of General Sumpter.... He is defeated.
CHAPTER VII.
Distress in the American camp.... Expedition against Staten Island....
Requisitions on the states.... New scheme of finance.... Committee of
congress deputed to camp.... Resolution to make up depreciation of
pay.... Mutiny in the line of Connecticut.... General Knyphausen
enters Jersey.... Sir Henry Clinton returns to New York.... Skirmish
at Springfield.... Exertions to strengthen the army.... Bank
established in Philadelphia.... Contributions of the ladies....
Farther proceedings of the states.... Arrival of a French armament in
Rhode Island.... Changes in the quartermaster's department....
Enterprise against New York abandoned.... Naval superiority of the
British.
CHAPTER VIII.
Treason and escape of Arnold.... Trial and execution of Major
André.... Precautions for the security of West Point.... Letter of
General Washington on American affairs.... Proceedings of congress
respecting the army.... Major Talmadge destroys the British stores at
Coram.... The army retires into winter quarters.... Irruption of Major
Carleton into New York.... European transactions.
CHAPTER IX.
Transactions in South Carolina and Georgia.... Defeat of Ferguson....
Lord Cornwallis enters North Carolina.... Retreat out of that
state.... Major Wemys defeated by Sumpter.... Tarleton repulsed....
Greene appointed to the command of the Southern army.... Arrives in
camp.... Detaches Morgan over the Catawba.... Battle of the
Cowpens.... Lord Cornwallis drives Greene through North Carolina into
Virginia.... He retires to Hillsborough.... Greene recrosses the
Dan.... Loyalists under Colonel Pyle cut to pieces.... Battle of
Guilford.... Lord Cornwallis retires to Ramsay's mills.... To
Wilmington.... Greene advances to Ramsay's mills.... Determines to
enter South Carolina.... Lord Cornwallis resolves to march to
Virginia.
CHAPTER X.
Virginia invaded by Arnold.... He destroys the stores at Westham and
at Richmond.... Retires to Portsmouth.... Mutiny in the Pennsylvania
line.... Sir H. Clinton attempts to negotiate with the mutineers....
They compromise with the civil government.... Mutiny in the Jersey
line.... Mission of Colonel Laurens to France.... Propositions to
Spain.... Recommendations relative to a duty on imported and prize
goods.... Reform in the Executive departments.... Confederation
adopted.... Military transactions.... Lafayette detached to
Virginia.... Cornwallis arrives.... Presses Lafayette.... Expedition
to Charlottesville, to the Point of Fork.... Lafayette forms a
junction with Wayne.... Cornwallis retires to the lower country....
General Washington's letters are intercepted.... Action near
Jamestown.
CHAPTER XI.
Farther state of affairs in the beginning of the year 1781....
Measures of Mr. Morris, the superintendent of finances.... Designs of
General Washington against New York.... Count Rochambeau marches to
the North River.... Intelligence from the Count de Grasse.... Plan of
operations against Lord Cornwallis.... Naval engagement.... The
combined armies march for the Chesapeake.... Yorktown invested....
Surrender of Lord Cornwallis.
THE LIFE
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON
CHAPTER I.
Incursion into Jersey.... General Lacy surprised.... Attempt
on Lafayette at Barren Hill.... General Howe resigns the
command of the British army.... Is succeeded by Sir H.
Clinton.... He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through
the Jerseys.... A council of war which decides against
attacking the British on their march.... Battle of
Monmouth.... General Lee arrested.... Sentenced to be
suspended for one year.... Thanks of congress to General
Washington and his army.
[Sidenote: 1778]
The position at Valley Forge had been taken for the purposes of
covering the country, protecting the magazines, and cutting off all
supplies to Philadelphia. Although the intercourse of the inhabitants
with that place could not be entirely prevented; the sufferings of the
British army from the scarcity of fresh provisions and forage were
considerable; and, as the spring opened, several expeditions were
undertaken both to relieve their own wants, and to distress the army
of the United States.
About the middle of March, Colonel Mawhood and Major Simcoe, who were
detached into Jersey at the head of about twelve hundred men, landed
at Salem, nearly opposite Reedy Island, and dispersed the small bodies
of militia who were stationed in that part of the country.
[Sidenote: March 23.]
General Washington had given early intelligence of this expedition to
Governor Livingston; and had requested that he would immediately order
out the militia to join Colonel Shreve, whose regiment was detached
into Jersey; but the legislature had neglected to make provision for
paying them; and the governor could not bring them into the field.
Colonel Shreve, on his arrival at Haddonfield, the place at which they
had been directed to assemble, found less than one hundred men.
Colonel Ellis, their commanding officer, remarked, in a letter to the
governor, that "without some standing force, little was to be expected
from the militia, who, being alone not sufficient to prevent the
incursions of the enemy, each one naturally consults his own safety,
by not being found in arms."
Mawhood, of course, was unrestrained; and the devastation committed by
his party was wantonly distressing. Its course of destruction was
preceded by a summons to Colonel Hand, the commanding officer of the
militia, to lay down his arms, which was accompanied with a threat of
the consequences to result from his refusal. This threat was too
faithfully executed.
After completing his forage, without molestation, Mawhood returned to
Philadelphia. During the continuance of this incursion, which lasted
six or seven days, not more than two hundred men could be collected to
reinforce Colonel Shreve, who was consequently unable to effect any
thing, and did not even march to the lower parts of Jersey, which were
plundered without restraint.[1]
[Footnote 1: See note No. I. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: May 1.]
Not long after this incursion into Jersey, an enterprise was
undertaken against General Lacy, who, with a small number of
Pennsylvania militia, seldom amounting to six hundred, and sometimes
not exceeding fifty, watched the roads leading to Philadelphia on the
north side of the Schuylkill, and was generally posted within twenty
miles of that town.
[Sidenote: General Lacy surprised.]
This expedition was entrusted to Colonel Abercrombie and Major Simcoe,
who avoided all the posts Lacy had established for his security, and
threw a body of troops into his rear before he discovered their
approach. After a short resistance, he escaped with the loss of a few
men killed, and all his baggage. His corps were entirely dispersed,
and he was soon afterwards relieved by General Potter.
To maintain the command of the water as far as was practicable,
congress had ordered impediments to be sunk in many of the rivers of
common use, so as to obstruct the passage up them, and had
constructed frigates, and other smaller vessels, to be employed above
those impediments or elsewhere, as the occasion might require. Several
of them had been commenced above Philadelphia, but were not completed
when the British obtained the command of the river. General Washington
then became apprehensive for their safety, and repeatedly expressed
his desire that they should be sunk in such a manner as to be weighed
with difficulty, should any attempt be made to raise them. The
persons, however, who were entrusted by congress with this business,
supposed it would be equally secure to put plugs in their bottoms,
which might be drawn out on the approach of danger.
Against these vessels, and some stores collected at Bordentown, an
expedition was planned which ended in their total destruction. General
Dickenson was in the neighbourhood, but his force was too small to
interrupt the execution of the design; and General Maxwell, who had
been ordered to his assistance, was retarded in his march by a heavy
rain, which did not obstruct the movement of the British, who passed
up the river in vessels.
[Sidenote: May 18.]
To cover the country more effectually on the north of the Schuylkill,
to form an advance guard for the security of the main army, and to be
in readiness to annoy the rear of the enemy, should he evacuate
Philadelphia, an event believed to be in contemplation, General
Washington detached the Marquis de Lafayette, with more than two
thousand choice troops, to take post near the lines. As this corps
formed a very valuable part of the army, the Commander-in-chief
recommended in his instructions to General Lafayette the utmost
attention to its safety; and, particularly, to avoid any permanent
station, as a long continuance in one position would facilitate the
execution of measures which might be concerted against him.
[Sidenote: Attempt on Lafayette at Barren Hill.]
The Marquis crossed the Schuylkill and took post near Barren Hill
church, eight or ten miles in front of the army. Immediate notice[2]
of his arrival was given to Sir William Howe, who reconnoitred his
position, and formed a plan to surprise and cut him off.
[Footnote 2: General Wilkinson, in his memoirs, says that this notice
was given by a person formerly a lieutenant in Proctor's regiment of
artillery, who, disgusted at being discarded from the American
service, became a spy to Sir William Howe; and, the better to fulfil
his new engagements, kept up his acquaintance with his former
comrades, and frequently visited the camp at Valley Forge. To avoid
the suspicion which would be excited by his going into Philadelphia, a
rendezvous had been established on Frankford Creek, where he met a
messenger from General Howe, to whom his communications were
delivered. This statement is certainly correct.]
[Sidenote: May 20.]
On the night of the 19th of May, General Grant with five thousand
select troops, took the road which leads up the Delaware, and
consequently diverges from Barren Hill. After marching some distance,
he inclined to the left, and passing White Marsh, where several roads
unite, took one leading to Plymouth meeting-house, the position he was
directed to occupy, something more than a mile in the rear of the
Marquis, between him and Valley Forge. He reached his point of
destination rather before sunrise. Here the roads fork; the one
leading to the camp of Lafayette, and the other to Matron's ford over
the Schuylkill.
In the course of the night, General Gray, with a strong detachment,
had advanced up the Schuylkill on its south side, along the ridge
road, and taken post at a ford two or three miles in front of the
right flank of Lafayette, while the residue of the army encamped on
Chestnut hill.
Captain M'Clane, a vigilant partisan of great merit, was posted on the
lines some distance in front of Barren Hill. In the course of the
night, he fell in with two British grenadiers at Three Mile Run, who
informed him of the movement made by Grant, and also that a large body
of Germans was getting ready to march up the Schuylkill. Immediately
conjecturing the object, M'Clane detached Captain Parr, with a company
of riflemen across the country to Wanderers hill, with orders to
harass and retard the column advancing up the Schuylkill, and hastened
in person[3] to the camp of Lafayette. He arrived soon after daybreak,
and communicated the intelligence he had received. It was, not long
afterwards, confirmed by the fire of Parr on the Ridge road, and by an
inhabitant who had escaped from White Marsh as the British column
passed that place.[4]
[Footnote 3: Extracts of letters from the adjutant general and the
officer of the day to Captain M'Clane.
_Camp Valley Forge, May 21st, 1778._
Dear Captain,--I am happy you have with your brave little party
conducted with so much honour to yourself. The Marquis effected, owing
to your vigilance, a glorious retreat as well as a difficult one.
Signed ALEX. SCAMMELL, _Adj. Gen._
_Camp Valley Forge, May 23d, 1778._
Dear Captain,--I am pleased to hear you are still doing something to
distinguish yourself in the eyes of your country. I have the pleasure
to inform you that your conduct with the Marquis has been very
pleasing to his Excellency and the whole army.
I am your obedient servant,
CHARLES SCOTT, _Brig. Gen. and officer of the day._]
[Footnote 4: The danger with which this detachment was threatened, was
perceived from the camp at Valley Forge, soon after it had been
communicated to Lafayette. Alarm-guns were fired to announce it to
him, and the whole army was put under arms, to act as circumstances
might require. It has been erroneously stated that General Washington
was unapprised of this movement of the British army until its object
was defeated. The author was in camp at the time, saw the
Commander-in-chief, accompanied by his aids and some of the general
officers ride, soon after sun-rise, to the summit of the hill on the
side of which the huts were constructed, and look anxiously towards
the scene of action through a glass. He witnessed too the joy with
which they returned after the detachment had crossed the Schuylkill.]
Thus surrounded with danger, Lafayette took with promptitude and
decision the only course which could preserve him. He instantly put
his troops in motion, and passed over at Matron's ford, which was
rather nearer to General Grant, than to himself, without being
intercepted by that officer, or sustaining a greater loss than nine
men.
General Grant, who reached the ground lately occupied by Lafayette
soon after it was abandoned, followed his rear, and appeared at the
ford just after the Americans had crossed it; but, finding them
advantageously posted, did not choose to attack them; and the whole
army returned to Philadelphia, having effected nothing.
He did not escape censure for having allowed the great advantage he
had acquired, to slip through his hands unused. He might with the
utmost certainty have reached Matron's ford before the Marquis, and
have cut off the only retreat which remained for him. But the same
skill and address were not displayed in executing this plan as in
forming it.[5]
[Footnote 5: It has been said that his troops were excessively
fatigued by a march of upwards of twenty miles, and that he waited,
confident that the Marquis could not escape him, for information that
Gray had reached his position.]
In the statement of this affair made by General Lafayette, he
represents himself to have advanced the head of a column towards
Grant, as if to attack him, while the rear filed off rapidly towards
the Schuylkill. This movement gained ground even for the front, which,
while it advanced towards the enemy, also approached the river, and at
the same time induced General Grant to halt, in order to prepare for
battle.
While this manoeuvre was performing in the face of the detachment
under Grant, a small party was thrown into the church yard, on the
road towards General Gray, which also gave the appearance of an
intention to attack in that quarter. By these dispositions, happily
conceived, and executed with regularity, the Marquis extricated
himself from the destruction which had appeared almost inevitable. In
a letter to congress, General Washington termed it "a timely and
handsome retreat," and certainly the compliment was merited.
It might be supposed that this young nobleman had not displayed the
same degree of military talent in guarding against the approach of
danger, as in extricating himself from it. But the imputation which
generally attaches to an officer who permits an enemy to pass
unobserved into his rear, is removed by a circumstance stated by
Lafayette. The Pennsylvania militia were posted on his left flank with
orders to guard the roads about White Marsh. Without his knowledge,
they changed their position, and retired into the rear, leaving that
important pass open to the enemy.
[Sidenote: General Howe resigns his command and returns to England; is
succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton.]
This was the last enterprise attempted by Sir William Howe. He
resigned the command of the army into the hands of Sir Henry Clinton,
and embarked for Great Britain. About the same time, orders were
received for the evacuation of Philadelphia. The part it was now
evident France was about to take in the war, and the naval force which
had been prepared by that power before she declared herself, rendered
that city a dangerous position, and determined the administration to
withdraw the army from the Delaware.
The preparations for this movement could not be made unobserved; but
they indicated equally an embarkation of the whole army, or an
intention to march to New York through Jersey. The last was believed
by the American chief to be most probable; and he made every exertion
to take advantage of the movement. His detachments were called in, and
the state governments were pressed to expedite the march of their
levies.
In the mean time Sir Henry Clinton hastened his preparations for the
evacuation of Philadelphia; and the opinion that he intended to reach
New York through Jersey, gained ground.
General Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade, was ordered over the
Delaware to take post at Mount Holly, and to join Major General
Dickenson, who was assembling the militia of that state for the
purpose of co-operating with the continental troops, in breaking down
the bridges, felling trees in the roads, and otherwise embarrassing
the march of the British General.
[Sidenote: June 17.]
In this state of things intelligence was received that a great part of
the British army had crossed the Delaware, and that the residue would
soon follow.
The opinion of the general officers was required on the course now to
be pursued. General Lee, who had been lately exchanged, and whose
experience gave great weight to his opinions, was vehement against
risking either a general or partial engagement. The British army was
computed at ten thousand effective men, and that of the Americans
amounted to between ten and eleven thousand. General Lee was decidedly
of opinion that, with such an equality of force, it would be
"criminal" to hazard an action. He relied much on the advantageous
ground on which their late foreign connexions had placed the United
States, and contended that defeat alone could now endanger their
independence. To this he said the army ought not to be exposed. It
would be impossible he thought to bring on a partial action, without
risking its being made general, should such be the choice of the
enemy, since the detachment which might engage must be supported, or
be cut to pieces. A general action ought not to be fought unless the
advantage was manifestly with the American army. This at present was
not the case. He attributed so much to the superior discipline of the
enemy as to be of opinion that the issue of the engagement would be,
almost certainly, unfavourable.
General Du Portail, a French officer of considerable reputation,
maintained the same opinions; and the Baron de Steuben concurred in
them. The American officers seem to have been influenced by the
councils of the Europeans; and, of seventeen generals, only Wayne and
Cadwallader were decidedly in favour of attacking the enemy. Lafayette
appeared inclined to that opinion without openly embracing it; and
General Greene was inclined to hazard more than the councils of the
majority would sanction. The country, he thought, must be protected;
and if, in doing so, an engagement should become unavoidable, it would
be necessary to fight.
[Sidenote: The British army evacuate Philadelphia and march through
the Jerseys.]
On the morning of the 18th, Philadelphia was evacuated;[6] and, by two
in the afternoon, all the British troops were encamped on the Jersey
shore, from Cooper's Creek to Red Bank. Although they availed
themselves to a great extent of the transportation by water, yet their
line of march was so lengthened and encumbered by baggage, and the
weather was so intensely hot, that they were under the necessity of
proceeding slowly. Indeed their movements wore the appearance of
purposed delay; and were calculated to favour the opinion that Sir
Henry Clinton was willing to be overtaken, and wished for a general
engagement.
[Footnote 6: As the British army moved down Second street, Captain
M'Lane, with a few light horse and one hundred infantry, entered the
city, and cut off, and captured one Captain, one Provost Marshal, one
guide to the army, and thirty privates, without losing a man.]
As his line of march, until he passed Crosswicks, led directly up the
Delaware, General Washington found it necessary to make an extensive
circuit, and to cross the river at Coryell's Ferry; after which he
kept possession of the high grounds in Jersey, thereby retaining the
choice of bringing on, or avoiding an action.
[Sidenote: June 24.]
As Sir Henry Clinton encamped at, and about, Allentown, the main body
of the American army lay in Hopewell township, about five miles from
Princeton, Major General Dickenson, with about one thousand militia,
and Maxwell's brigade, hung on Sir Henry Clinton's left flank. General
Cadwallader, with Jackson's regiment and a few militia, was in his
rear; and Colonel Morgan with a regiment of six hundred men watched
his right.
[Sidenote: Council of war called by General Washington; decide
against attacking the enemy on the march.]
Notwithstanding the almost concurrent opinion of his general officers
against risking an action, Washington appears to have been strongly
inclined to that measure. He could not be persuaded that, with an army
rather superior in point of numbers to his enemy, too much was
hazarded by fighting him. The situation of the two armies was,
therefore, once more submitted to the consideration of the general
officers, who were asked whether it would be adviseable, of choice, to
hazard a general action? And, if it would, whether it should be
brought on by an immediate general attack, by a partial attack, or by
taking such a position as must compel the enemy to become the
assailants?
If the council should be of opinion that it was unadviseable to hazard
an engagement, then he asked what measures could be taken with safety
to the army, to annoy the enemy in his march, should he proceed
through the Jerseys?
The proposition respecting a general action was decidedly negatived.
But it was proposed to strengthen the corps on the left flank of the
enemy with a reinforcement of fifteen hundred men, and to preserve,
with the main body of the army, a relative position which would enable
it to act as circumstances might require.
In pursuance of this opinion, the troops on the lines were
strengthened with a detachment of fifteen hundred select men,
commanded by General Scott; and the army moved forward the next day to
Kingston.
[Sidenote: The opinion of the general against this decision.]
[Sidenote: June 25.]
Though the council had been almost unanimous against a general action,
several officers, whose opinions were highly valued, secretly wished
for something more than light skirmishing. Knowing this, General
Washington, who was still in favour of an engagement, determined to
take his measures on his own responsibility. As the British army moved
towards Monmouth court-house, he ordered Brigadier General Wayne, with
an additional detachment of one thousand select men, to join the
advanced corps. As the continental troops, now constituting the front
division, amounted to at least four thousand men, he deemed it proper
that they should be commanded by a major general. Lee had a right to
claim this tour of duty; but, as he had declared himself openly and
strongly against hazarding even a partial engagement, and supposed
that nothing further would be attempted than merely to reconnoitre
the enemy, and restrain plundering parties, he showed no inclination
to assert his claim. Unintentionally promoting the private wishes of
General Washington, that the command should be given to an officer
whose view of the service comported more with his own, Lee yielded
this important tour of duty to Lafayette. The orders given to this
general were, to proceed immediately with the detachment; and, after
forming a junction with General Scott, and taking command of the
troops on the lines, to gain the enemy's left flank and rear; give him
every practicable annoyance; and attack by detachment, or with his
whole force, as the occasion might require.
These dispositions and orders could scarcely fail to bring on an
engagement. Wayne had openly supported that measure; and Lafayette,
though against seeking a general action, had been in favour of a
partial one. Of consequence, should any proper occasion offer, he
would certainly attack with his whole force, which would as certainly
produce such a state of things as would render it proper to support
him with the whole army.
[Sidenote: June 26.]
Immediately after the march of this detachment, General Washington
moved to Cranberry, that he might be in readiness to support his front
division.
The intense heat of the weather; a heavy storm; and a temporary want
of provisions, prevented the army from continuing its march that day.
The advanced corps had pressed forward, and taken a position about
five miles in rear of the British army, with the intention of
attacking it next morning on its march. Thinking this corps too remote
to be supported in case of action, General Washington ordered the
Marquis to file off by his left towards Englishtown. These orders were
executed early in the morning of the twenty-seventh.
[Sidenote: June 27.]
Lafayette had scarcely taken command of the advanced party, when
General Lee began to regret having yielded it to him. He perceived
that, in the opinion of all the general officers, great importance was
attached to it, and that his reputation was in danger of being
impaired by connecting his strenuous opposition to even a partial
action, with his declining the command of a very strong detachment,
which, it was believed, would engage the rear of the enemy. He
therefore solicited earnestly for the command he had before declined.
To relieve the feelings of Lee, without wounding those of Lafayette,
General Washington detached him with two additional brigades to
Englishtown, to support the Marquis. He would, of course, have the
direction of the whole front division, which would now amount to five
thousand continental troops; but it was expressly stipulated, that if
any enterprise had been already formed by Lafayette, it should be
carried into execution, as if the commanding officer had not been
changed. Lee acceded to this condition; and, with two additional
brigades, joined the front division of the army, encamped at
Englishtown. The rear division also moved forward, and encamped about
three miles in his rear. Morgan's corps still hovered on the right
flank of the British, and General Dickenson on their left.
Sir Henry Clinton occupied the high grounds about Monmouth
court-house, having his right flank in the skirt of a small wood,
while his left was secured by a very thick one, and a morass running
towards his rear. His whole front was also covered by a wood, and for
a considerable distance towards his left, by a morass.
This position seemed unassailable; and the British were within twelve
miles of the high grounds about Middletown, after reaching which they
would be perfectly secure.
Under these circumstances, General Washington ordered Lee to attack
the British rear the moment it should move from its ground.
[Sidenote: June 28.]
About five in the morning, intelligence was received from General
Dickenson that the front of the enemy was in motion. The troops were
immediately put under arms, and Lee was ordered to attack the rear,
"unless there should be powerful reasons to the contrary." He was at
the same time informed that the rear division would be on its march to
support him.
Sir Henry Clinton had observed the appearances on his flanks and rear
on the twenty-seventh; and, conjecturing that the American army was in
his neighbourhood, had changed the order of his march. The baggage was
placed under the care of General Knyphausen, while the strength and
flower of his army, entirely unincumbered, formed the rear division,
under the particular command of Lord Cornwallis, who was accompanied
by the Commander-in-chief.
To avoid pressing on Knyphausen, Cornwallis remained on his ground
until about eight; and then, descending from the heights of Freehold
into an extensive plain, took up his line of march in rear of the
front division.[7]
[Footnote 7: Letter of Sir Henry Clinton.]
General Lee had made dispositions for executing the orders given the
preceding evening, and repeated in the morning; and, soon after the
British rear had moved from its ground, prepared to attack it. General
Dickenson had been directed to detach some of his best troops, to take
such a position as to co-operate with him; and Morgan was ordered to
act on the right flank.
Lee appeared on the heights of Freehold soon after Lord Cornwallis had
left them; and, following the British into the plain, ordered General
Wayne to attack the rear of their covering party with sufficient
vigour to check it, but not to press it so closely as either to force
it up to the main body, or to draw reinforcements to its aid. In
the mean time, he intended to gain the front of this party by a
shorter road, and, intercepting its communication with the line, to
bear it off before it could be assisted.
[Illustration: Martha Washington
_From the portrait by Gilbert Stuart_
_After studying under Benjamin West, the American painter who
succeeded Sir Joshua Reynolds as (second) president of the Royal
Academy in London, Gilbert Stuart established a studio in Philadelphia
where he met and painted the first of his famous portraits of George
Washington. This one of Martha Washington, the best known likeness of
her in existence, was painted in the city of Washington, where the
artist had a studio between 1800 and 1802. She gave him several
sittings at Mount Vernon._]
While in the execution of this design, a gentleman in the _suite_ of
General Washington came up to gain intelligence; and Lee communicated
to him his present object.
Before he reached the point of destination, there was reason to
believe that the British rear was much stronger than had been
conjectured. The intelligence on this subject being contradictory, and
the face of the country well calculated to conceal the truth, he
deemed it adviseable to ascertain the fact himself.
Sir Henry Clinton, soon after the rear division was in full march,
received intelligence that an American column had appeared on his left
flank. This being a corps of militia was soon dispersed, and the march
was continued. When his rear guard had descended from the heights, he
saw it followed by a strong corps, soon after which a cannonade was
commenced upon it; and, at the same time, a respectable force showed
itself on each of his flanks. Suspecting a design on his baggage, he
determined to attack the troops in his rear so vigorously, as to
compel a recall of those on his flanks; and, for this purpose, marched
back his whole rear division. This movement was in progress as Lee
advanced for the purpose of reconnoitring. He soon perceived his
mistake respecting the force of the British rear, but still determined
to engage on that ground, although his judgment disapproved the
measure; there being a morass immediately in his rear, which would
necessarily impede the reinforcements which might be advancing to his
aid, and embarrass his retreat should he be finally overpowered.
This was about ten. While both armies were preparing for action,
General Scott (as stated by General Lee) mistook an oblique march of
an American column for a retreat; and, in the apprehension of being
abandoned, left his position, and repassed the ravine in his rear.
Being himself of opinion that the ground was unfavourable, Lee did not
correct the error he ascribed to Scott, but ordered the whole
detachment to regain the heights. He was closely pressed, and some
slight skirmishing ensued without much loss on either side.
As soon as the firing announced the commencement of the action, the
rear division of the army advanced rapidly to the support of the
front. As they approached the scene of action, General Washington, who
had received no intelligence from Lee giving notice of his retreat,
rode forward, and, to his utter astonishment and mortification, met
the advanced corps retiring before the enemy, without having made a
single effort to maintain its ground. The troops he first saw neither
understood the motives which had governed General Lee, nor his present
design; and could give no other information than that, by his orders,
they had fled without fighting.
General Washington rode to the rear of the division, where he met
General Lee, to whom he spoke in terms of some warmth, implying
disapprobation of his conduct.
Orders were immediately given to Colonel Stewart and Lieutenant
Colonel Ramsay to form their regiments for the purpose of checking the
pursuit; and General Lee was directed to take proper measures with the
residue of his force to stop the British column on that ground. The
Commander-in-chief then rode back to arrange the rear division of the
army.
[Sidenote: He attacks the enemy at Monmouth Court-house.]
These orders were executed with firmness; and, when forced from his
ground, Lee brought off his troops in good order, and was directed to
form in the rear of Englishtown.
This check afforded time to draw up the left wing and second line of
the American army on an eminence, covered by a morass in front. Lord
Stirling, who commanded the left wing, brought up a detachment of
artillery under Lieutenant Colonel Carrington, and some field pieces,
which played with considerable effect on a division of the British
which had passed the morass, and was pressing on to the charge. These
pieces, with the aid of several parties of infantry, effectually
stopped the advance of the enemy.
[Sidenote: The action severe but not decisive.]
Finding themselves warmly opposed in front, the British attempted to
turn the left flank of the American army, but were repulsed. They then
attempted the right with as little success. General Greene had
advanced a body of troops with artillery to a commanding piece of
ground in his front, which not only disappointed the design of turning
the right, but enfiladed the party which yet remained in front of the
left wing. At this moment, General Wayne was advanced with a body of
infantry to engage them in front, who kept up so hot and well directed
a fire, that they soon withdrew behind the ravine, to the ground on
which the action had commenced immediately after the arrival of
General Washington.[8]
[Footnote 8: General Lafayette, in a communication made to the author
respecting this battle, expresses himself thus: "Never was General
Washington greater in war than in this action. His presence stopped
the retreat. His dispositions fixed the victory. His fine appearance
on horseback, his calm courage, roused by the animation produced by
the vexation of the morning, (le depit de la matinée) gave him the air
best calculated to excite enthusiasm."]
The position now taken by the British army was very strong. Both
flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses; and their front was
accessible only through a narrow pass. The day had been intensely hot,
and the troops were much fatigued. Notwithstanding these
circumstances, General Washington resolved to renew the engagement.
For this purpose he ordered Brigadier General Poor, with his own and
the North Carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while Woodford
with his brigade should turn their left. At the same time the
artillery was ordered to advance, and play on their front. These
orders were obeyed with alacrity; but the impediments on the flanks of
the British were so considerable that, before they could be overcome,
it was nearly dark. Farther operations were therefore deferred until
next morning; and the brigades which had been detached to the flanks
of the British army continued on their ground through the night, and
the other troops lay on the field of battle with their arms in their
hands. General Washington passed the night in his cloak in the midst
of his soldiers.
The British employed the early part of the night in removing their
wounded; and, about midnight, marched away in such silence that their
retreat was not perceived until day.
As it was certain that they must gain the high grounds about
Middletown before they could be overtaken; as the face of the country
afforded no prospect of opposing their embarkation; and as the battle
already fought had terminated in a manner to make a general impression
favourable to the American arms; it was thought proper to relinquish
the pursuit, leaving a detachment to hover about the British rear, the
main body of the army moved towards the Hudson.
The Commander-in-chief was highly gratified with the conduct of his
troops in this action. Their behaviour, he said, after recovering from
the first surprise occasioned by the unexpected retreat of the
advanced corps, could not be surpassed. General Wayne was particularly
mentioned; and the artillery were spoken of in terms of high praise.
The loss of the Americans in the battle of Monmouth was eight officers
and sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty
wounded. Among the slain were Lieutenant Colonel Bonner of
Pennsylvania, and Major Dickenson of Virginia, both of whom were much
regretted. One hundred and thirty were missing; but a considerable
number of these afterwards rejoined their regiments.
In his official letter, Sir Henry Clinton states his dead and missing
at four officers, and one hundred and eighty-four privates. His
wounded at sixteen officers and one hundred and fifty-four privates.
This account, so far as respects the dead, can not be correct, as four
officers and two hundred and forty-five privates were buried on the
field by persons appointed for the purpose, who made their report to
the Commander-in-chief; and some few were afterwards found, so as to
increase the number to nearly three hundred. The uncommon heat of the
day proved fatal to several on both sides.
As usual, when a battle has not been decisive, both parties claimed
the victory. In the early part of the day, the advantage was certainly
with the British; in the latter part, it may be pronounced with equal
certainty to have been with the Americans. They maintained their
ground, repulsed the enemy, were prevented only by the night, and by
the retreat of the hostile army from renewing the action, and suffered
less in killed and wounded than their adversaries.
It is true that Sir Henry Clinton effected what he states to have been
his principal object,--the safety of his baggage. But when it is
recollected that the American officers had decided against hazarding
an action, that this advice must have trammeled the conduct, and
circumscribed the views of the Commander-in-chief, he will be admitted
to have effected no inconsiderable object in giving the American arms
that appearance of superiority which was certainly acquired by this
engagement.
Independent of the loss sustained in the action, the British army was
considerably weakened in its march from Philadelphia to New York.
About one hundred prisoners were made, and near one thousand soldiers,
chiefly foreigners, deserted while passing through Jersey.
The conduct of Lee was generally disapproved. As however he had
possessed a large share of the confidence and good opinion of the
Commander-in-chief, it is probable that explanations might have been
made which would have rescued him from the imputations that were cast
on him, and have restored him to the esteem of the army, could his
haughty temper have brooked the indignity he believed to have been
offered him on the field of battle. General Washington had taken no
measures in consequence of the events of that day, and would probably
have come to no resolution concerning them without an amicable
explanation, when he received from Lee a letter expressed in very
unbecoming terms, in which he, in the tone of a superior, required
reparation for the injury sustained "from the very singular
expressions" said to have been used on the day of the action by the
Commander-in-chief.
[Sidenote: June 30.]
[Sidenote: General Lee arrested for his behavior in this action, and
afterwards to the commander-in-chief.]
This letter was answered by an assurance that, so soon as
circumstances would admit of an inquiry, he should have an opportunity
of justifying himself, to the army, to America, and to the world in
general; or of convincing them that he had been guilty of disobedience
of orders, and misbehaviour before the enemy. On his expressing a wish
for a speedy investigation of his conduct, and for a court-martial
rather than a court of inquiry, he was arrested.
First. For disobedience of orders in not attacking the enemy on the
28th of June, agreeably to repeated instructions.
Secondly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same day, in making
an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat.
Thirdly. For disrespect to the Commander-in-chief in two letters.
[Sidenote: Court-martial appointed to try him. Sentenced to be
suspended for one year.]
Before this correspondence had taken place, strong and specific
charges of misconduct had been made against General Lee by several
officers of his detachment, and particularly by Generals Wayne and
Scott. In these, the transactions of the day, not being well
understood, were represented in colours much more unfavourable to Lee,
than facts, when properly explained, would seem to justify. These
representations, most probably, induced the strong language of the
second article in the charge. A court-martial, over which Lord
Stirling presided, after a tedious investigation, found him guilty of
all the charges exhibited against him, and sentenced him to be
suspended for one year. This sentence was, afterwards, though with
some hesitation, approved, almost unanimously, by congress. The court
softened, in some degree, the severity of the second charge, by
finding him guilty, not in its very words, but "of misbehaviour before
the enemy, by making an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a
disorderly retreat."
Lee defended himself with his accustomed ability. He proved that,
after the retreat had commenced, in consequence of General Scott's
repassing the ravine, on the approach of the enemy, he had designed to
form on the first advantageous piece of ground he could find; and
that, in his own opinion, and in the opinion of some other officers,
no safe and advantageous position had presented itself until he met
General Washington; at which time it was his intention to fight the
enemy on the very ground afterwards taken by that officer. He
suggested a variety of reasons in justification of his retreat, which,
if they do not absolutely establish its propriety, give it so
questionable a form as to render it probable that a public examination
never would have taken place, could his proud spirit have stooped to
offer explanation instead of outrage, to the Commander-in-chief.
His suspension gave general satisfaction through the army. Without
being masters of his conduct as a military man, they perfectly
understood the insult offered to their general by his letters; and,
whether rightly or not, believed his object to have been to disgrace
Washington, and to obtain the supreme command for himself. So
devotedly were all ranks attached to their general, that the mere
suspicion of such a design, would have rendered his continuance in the
army extremely difficult.
Whatever judgment may be formed on the propriety of his retreat, it is
not easy to justify, either the omission to keep the
Commander-in-chief continually informed of his situation and
intentions, or the very rude letters written after the action was
over.
[Sidenote: The thanks of congress presented to General Washington and
his army for their conduct in the battle at Monmouth.]
The battle of Monmouth gave great satisfaction to congress. A
resolution was passed unanimously, thanking General Washington for the
activity with which he marched from the camp at Valley Forge, in
pursuit of the enemy; for his distinguished exertions in forming the
line of battle, and for his great good conduct in the action; and he
was requested to signify the thanks of congress to the officers and
men under his command, who distinguished themselves by their conduct
and valour in the battle.
[Sidenote: July 5.]
After remaining a few days on the high grounds of Middletown, Sir
Henry Clinton proceeded to Sandy Hook, whence his army passed over to
New York.
CHAPTER II.
Count D'Estaing arrives with a French fleet.... Meditates an
attack on the British fleet in New York harbour....
Relinquishes it.... Sails to Rhode Island.... Lord Howe
appears off Rhode Island.... Both fleets dispersed by a
storm.... General Sullivan lays siege to Newport....
D'Estaing returns.... Sails for Boston.... Sullivan
expresses his dissatisfaction in general orders.... Raises
the siege of Newport.... Action on Rhode Island.... The
Americans retreat to the Continent.... Count D'Estaing
expresses his dissatisfaction with Sullivan in a letter to
congress.... General Washington labours successfully to heal
these discontents.... Lord Howe resigns the command of the
British fleet.... Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised....
Captain Donop defeated by Colonel Butler.... Expedition of
the British against Egg Harbour.... Pulaski surprised.
[Sidenote: 1778 July.]
[Sidenote: Count D'Estaing arrives on the coast of Virginia with a
French fleet under his command.]
Before General Washington could reach the ground he designed to
occupy, intelligence was received that a powerful French fleet, under
the command of the Count D'Estaing, had appeared off Chingoteague
inlet, the northern extremity of the coast of Virginia.
The Count had sailed from Toulon on the 13th of April, with twelve
ships of the line and six frigates, having on board a respectable body
of land forces. His destination was the Delaware; and he hoped to find
the British fleet in that river, and their army in Philadelphia. An
uncommon continuance of adverse winds, protracted his voyage across
the Atlantic to the extraordinary length of eighty-seven days. This
unusual circumstance saved the British fleet and army.
[Sidenote: He meditates an attack on the British fleet at New York,
but is obliged to relinquish it.]
On reaching the capes of the Delaware, the Count announced his arrival
to congress; and, having failed in accomplishing his first object,
proceeded along the coast to New York, in the hope of being able to
attack the British fleet in the harbour of that place.
Sir Henry Clinton was again indebted to some fortunate incidents for
his safety.
The violent storms of the preceding winter had broken through the
narrow isthmus by which Sandy Hook was connected with the continent,
and had converted the peninsula into an island. This rendered it
necessary for the army to pass from the main to the Hook on a bridge
of boats, which would have been impracticable, if obstructed by a
superior fleet. It was effected the very day on which D'Estaing
appeared off Chingoteague inlet.
[Sidenote: July 13.]
At Paramus, in Jersey, General Washington received a letter from the
president of congress, advising him of this important event, and
requesting that he would concert measures with the Count for conjoint
and offensive operations.
The next day he received a second letter on the same subject,
enclosing two resolutions, one directing him to co-operate with the
French admiral, and the other authorizing him to call on the states
from New Hampshire to New Jersey inclusive, for such aids of militia
as he might deem necessary for the operations of the allied arms.
He determined to proceed immediately to the White Plains, whence the
army might co-operate with more facility in the execution of any
attempt which might be made by the fleet, and despatched Lieutenant
Colonel Laurens, one of his aids de camp, with all the information
relative to the enemy, as well as to his own army, which might be
useful to D'Estaing. Lieutenant Colonel Laurens was authorized to
consult on future conjoint operations, and to establish conventional
signals for the purpose of facilitating the communication of
intelligence.
The French admiral, on arriving off the Hook, despatched Major de
Choisi, a gentleman of his family, to General Washington, for the
purpose of communicating fully his views and his strength. His first
object was to attack New York. If this should be found impracticable,
he was desirous of turning his attention to Rhode Island. To assist in
coming to a result on these enterprises, General Washington despatched
Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton with such farther communications as had
been suggested, by inquiries made since the departure of Lieutenant
Colonel Laurens.
[Sidenote: July 21.]
Fearing that the water on the bar at the entrance of the harbour was
not of sufficient depth to admit the passage of the largest ships of
the French fleet without much difficulty and danger, General
Washington had turned his attention to other objects which might be,
eventually, pursued. General Sullivan, who commanded the troops in
Rhode Island, was directed to prepare for an enterprise against
Newport; and the Marquis de Lafayette was detached with two brigades
to join him at Providence. The next day Lieutenant Colonel Hamilton
returned to camp with the final determination of the Count D'Estaing
to relinquish the meditated attack on the fleet in the harbour of New
York, in consequence of the impracticability of passing the bar.
General Greene was immediately ordered to Rhode Island, of which state
he was a native; and Lieutenant Colonel Laurens was directed to attach
himself to the French admiral, and to facilitate all his views by
procuring whatever might give them effect; after which he was to act
with the army under Sullivan.
[Sidenote: Sails out to Rhode Island and arrives off Newport.]
The resolution being taken to proceed against Rhode Island, the fleet
got under way, and, on the 25th of July, appeared off Newport, and
cast anchor about five miles from that place, just without Brenton's
ledge; soon after which, General Sullivan went on board the Admiral,
and concerted with him a plan of operations for the allied forces. The
fleet was to enter the harbour, and land the troops of his Christian
Majesty on the west side of the island, a little to the north of
Dyer's island. The Americans were to land at the same time on the
opposite coast, under cover of the guns of a frigate.
Although the appearance of the French fleet had animated the whole
country, and had produced a considerable degree of alacrity for the
service; although the success of the enterprise essentially depended
on maintaining a superiority at sea, which there was much reason to
apprehend would soon be wrested from them; yet such are the delays
inseparable from measures to bring husbandmen into the field as
soldiers, that the operations against Newport were suspended for
several days on this account.
[Sidenote: August 8.]
As the militia of New Hampshire and Massachusetts approached, General
Sullivan joined General Greene at Tiverton, and it was agreed with the
Admiral that the fleet should enter the main channel immediately, and
that the descent should be made the succeeding day. The ships of war
passed the British batteries and entered the harbour, without
receiving or doing any considerable damage.
The militia not arriving precisely at the time they were expected,
General Sullivan could not hazard the movement which had been
concerted, and stated to the Count the necessity of postponing it till
the next day. Meanwhile, the preparations for the descent being
perceived, General Pigot drew the troops which had been stationed on
the north end of the island into the lines at Newport.
[Sidenote: August 9.]
On discovering this circumstance the next morning, Sullivan determined
to avail himself of it, and to take immediate possession of the works
which had been abandoned. The whole army crossed the east passage, and
landed on the north end of Rhode Island. This movement gave great
offence to the Admiral, who resented the indelicacy supposed to have
been committed by Sullivan in landing before the French, and without
consulting him.
Unfortunately, some difficulties, on subjects of mere punctilio, had
previously arisen. The Count D'Estaing was a land as well as sea
officer; and held the high rank of lieutenant general in the service
of France. Sullivan being only a major general, some misunderstanding
on this delicate point had been apprehended; and General Washington
had suggested to him the necessity of taking every precaution to avoid
it. This, it was supposed, had been effected in their first
conference, in which it was agreed that the Americans should land
first, after which the French should land, to be commanded by the
Count D'Estaing in person. The motives for this arrangement are not
stated; but it was most probably made solely with a view to the
success of the enterprise. Either his own after-reflections or the
suggestions of others dissatisfied the Count with it, and he insisted
that the descent should be made on both sides of the island precisely
at the same instant, and that one wing of the American army should be
attached to the French, and land with them. He also declined
commanding in person, and wished the Marquis de Lafayette to take
charge of the French troops as well as of the Americans attached to
them.
It being feared that this alteration of the plan might endanger both
its parts, D'Estaing was prevailed on to reduce his demand from one
wing of the American army to one thousand militia. When, afterwards,
General Sullivan crossed over into the island before the time to which
he had himself postponed the descent, and without giving previous
notice to the Count of this movement, some suspicions seem to have
been excited, that the measure was taken with other views than were
avowed, and no inconsiderable degree of excitement was manifested. The
Count refused to answer Sullivan's letter, and charged Lieutenant
Colonel Fleury, who delivered it, with being more an American than a
Frenchman.
At this time a British fleet appeared, which, after sailing close into
the land, and communicating with General Pigot, withdrew some
distance, and came to anchor off point Judith, just without the narrow
inlet leading into the harbour.
After it had been ascertained that the destination of the Count
D'Estaing was America, he was followed by a squadron of twelve ships
of the line under Admiral Byron, who was designed to relieve Lord
Howe, that nobleman having solicited his recall. The vessels composing
this squadron meeting with weather unusually bad for the season, and
being separated in different storms, arrived, after lingering through
a tedious passage, in various degrees of distress, on different and
remote parts of the American coast. Between the departure of D'Estaing
from the Hook on the 23d of July, and the 30th of that month, four
ships of sixty-four and fifty guns arrived at Sandy Hook.
This addition to the British fleet, though it left Lord Howe
considerably inferior to the Count D'Estaing, determined him to
attempt the relief of Newport. He sailed from New York on the 6th of
August; and, on the 9th, appeared in sight of the French fleet, before
intelligence of his departure could be received by the Admiral.
[Sidenote: Sails to attack Lord Howe, who appears off Rhode Island.]
[Sidenote: August 10.]
At the time of his arrival the wind set directly into the harbour, so
that it was impossible to get out of it; but it shifted suddenly to
the north-east the next morning, and the Count determined to stand out
to sea, and give battle. Previous to leaving port, he informed General
Sullivan that, on his return, he would land his men as that officer
should advise.
Not choosing to give the advantage of the weather-gage, Lord Howe also
weighed anchor and stood out to sea. He was followed by D'Estaing;
and both fleets were soon out of sight.
The militia were now arrived; and Sullivan's army amounted to ten
thousand men. Some objections were made by Lafayette to his commencing
operations before the return of D'Estaing. That officer advised that
the army should be advanced to a position in the neighbourhood of
Newport, but should not break ground until the Count should be in
readiness to act in concert with them. It was extremely desirable to
avoid whatever might give offence to the great ally on whose
assistance so much depended; but time was deemed of such importance to
an army which could not be kept long together, that this advice was
overruled, and it was determined to commence the siege immediately.
[Sidenote: August 12.]
[Sidenote: Fifteenth.]
[Sidenote: General Sullivan lays siege to Newport.]
Before this determination could be executed, a furious storm blew down
all the tents, rendered the arms unfit for immediate use, and greatly
damaged the ammunition, of which fifty rounds had just been delivered
to each man. The soldiers, having no shelter, suffered extremely; and
several perished in the storm, which continued three days. On the
return of fair weather the siege was commenced, and continued without
any material circumstance for several days.
As no intelligence had been received from the Admiral, the situation
of the American army was becoming very critical. On the evening of
the 19th, their anxieties were relieved for a moment by the
reappearance of the French fleet.
[Sidenote: Both fleets dispersed by a storm.]
The two Admirals, desirous the one of gaining, and the other of
retaining the advantage of the wind, had employed two days in
manoeuvring, without coming to action. Towards the close of the
second, they were on the point of engaging, when they were separated
by the violent storm which had been felt so severely on shore, and
which dispersed both fleets. Some single vessels afterwards fell in
with each other, but no important capture was made; and both fleets
retired in a very shattered condition, the one to the harbour of New
York, and the other to that of Newport.
[Sidenote: D'Estaing returns to Newport, and against the solicitations
of Sullivan, sails for Boston.]
A letter was immediately despatched by D'Estaing to Sullivan,
informing him that, in pursuance of orders from the King, and of the
advice of all his officers, he had taken the resolution to carry the
fleet to Boston. His instructions directed him to sail for Boston
should his fleet meet with any disaster, or should a superior British
fleet appear on the coast.
This communication threw Sullivan and his army into despair. General
Greene and the Marquis de Lafayette were directed to wait on the
Admiral with a letter from Sullivan remonstrating against this
resolution, and to use their utmost endeavors to induce him to change
it.
They represented to him the certainty of carrying the garrison if he
would co-operate with them only two days, urged the impolicy of
exposing the fleet at sea, in its present condition, represented the
port of Boston as equally insecure with that of Newport, and added
that the expedition had been undertaken on condition that the French
fleet and army should co-operate with them; that confiding in this
co-operation, they had brought stores into the island to a great
amount, and that to abandon the enterprise in the present state of
things, would be a reproach and disgrace to their arms. To be deserted
at such a critical moment would have a pernicious influence on the
minds of the American people, and would furnish their domestic foes,
as well as the common enemy, with the means of animadverting severely
on their prospects from an alliance with those who could abandon them
under circumstances such as the present. They concluded with wishing
that the utmost harmony and confidence might subsist between the two
nations, and especially between their officers; and entreated the
Admiral, if any personal indiscretions had appeared in conducting the
expedition, not to permit them to prejudice the common cause.
Whatever impression these observations may have made on the Count,
they could not change the determination he had formed.
General Greene, in his representation of this conversation, stated
that the principal officers on board the fleet were the enemies of
D'Estaing. He was properly a land officer, and they were dissatisfied
with his appointment in the navy. Determined to thwart his measures,
and to prevent, as far as could be justified, his achieving any
brilliant exploit, they availed themselves of the letter of his
instructions, and unanimously persevered in advising him to relinquish
the enterprise, and sail for Boston. He could not venture, with such
instructions, to act against their unanimous opinion; and, although
personally disposed to re-enter the harbour, declined doing so, and
sailed from the island.
On the return of Greene and Lafayette, Sullivan made yet another
effort to retain the fleet. He addressed a second letter to the
Admiral, pressing him, in any event, to leave his land forces. The
bearer of this letter was also charged with a protest signed by all
the general officers in Rhode Island except Lafayette, the only effect
of which was to irritate D'Estaing, who proceeded, without delay, on
his voyage to Boston.
[Sidenote: In consequence of the departure of the French fleet,
Sullivan raises the siege of Newport.]
Thus abandoned by the fleet, Sullivan called a council of general
officers, who were in favour of attempting an assault if five thousand
volunteers who had seen nine months service could be obtained for the
enterprise; but the departure of the fleet had so discouraged the
militia, that this number could not be procured; and, in a few days,
the army was reduced by desertion to little more than five thousand
men. As the British were estimated at six thousand, it was determined
to raise the siege, and retire to the north end of the island, there
to fortify, and wait the result of another effort to induce D'Estaing
to return.
[Sidenote: August 28.]
In the night of the 28th, the army retired by two roads leading to the
works on the north end of the island, having its rear covered by
Colonels Livingston and Laurens, who commanded light parties on each.
[Sidenote: August 29.]
Early next morning the retreat was discovered by the British, who
followed in two columns, and were engaged on each road by Livingston
and Laurens, who retreated slowly and kept up the action with skill
and spirit until the English were brought into the neighbourhood of
the main body of the Americans, drawn up in order of battle on the
ground of their encampment. The British formed on Quaker Hill, a very
strong piece of ground, something more than a mile in front of the
American line.
[Sidenote: Action between Sullivan and the British army.]
Sullivan's rear was covered by strong works; and in his front, rather
to the right, was a redoubt. In this position, the two armies
cannonaded each other for some time, and a succession of skirmishes
was kept up in front of both lines until about two in the afternoon,
when the British advanced in force, attempted to turn the right
flank, and made demonstrations of an intention to carry the redoubt in
front of the right wing. General Greene, who commanded that wing,
advanced to its support, and a sharp engagement was continued for
about half an hour, when the British retreated to Quaker Hill. The
cannonade was renewed, and kept up intermingled with slight
skirmishing until night.
According to the return made by General Sullivan, his loss in killed,
wounded and missing was two hundred and eleven. That of the British,
as stated by General Pigot, amounted to two hundred and sixty.
[Sidenote: August 30.]
The next day, the cannonade was renewed, but neither army was inclined
to attack the other. The British waited for reinforcements, and
Sullivan had at length determined to retire from the island.
The Commander-in-chief had observed some movements among the British
transports indicating the embarkation of troops, and had suggested to
Sullivan the necessity of securing his retreat. A fleet of transports
soon put to sea with a large body of troops, of which immediate notice
was given to Sullivan in a letter recommending his retreat to the
continent. This reinforcement, which consisted of four thousand men,
commanded by Sir Henry Clinton in person, was delayed by adverse winds
until the letter of General Washington was received, and the
resolution to evacuate the island was taken. The whole army passed
over to the continent unobserved by the enemy, and disembarked about
Tiverton by two in the morning.
[Sidenote: Sullivan retreats with his army to the continent.]
Never was retreat more fortunate. Sir Henry Clinton arrived the next
day; and the loss of the American army would have been inevitable.
[Sidenote: Sullivan, in one of his general orders, makes use of
expressions which offend the count.]
The complete success of this expedition had been confidently
anticipated throughout America; and the most brilliant results had
been expected from the capture of so important a part of the British
army as the garrison of Newport. The chagrin produced by
disappointment was proportioned to the exaltation of their hopes. In
general orders issued by Sullivan, soon after the departure of
D'Estaing, he permitted some expressions to escape him which were
understood to impute to the Count D'Estaing, and to the French nation,
an indisposition to promote the interests of the United States. These
insinuations wounded the feelings of the French officers, and added,
in no small degree, to the resentments of the moment. In subsequent
orders, the General sought to correct this indiscretion; and alleged
that he had been misunderstood by those who supposed him to blame the
Admiral, with whose orders he was unacquainted, and of whose conduct
he was, consequently, unable to judge. He also stated explicitly the
important aids America had received from France, aids of which he
ought not to be unmindful under any disappointment; and which should
prevent a too sudden censure of any movement whatever.
[Sidenote: Count D'Estaing expresses to congress his dissatisfaction
with General Sullivan.]
The Count D'Estaing, on his part, addressed a letter to congress
containing a statement of all the movements of his fleet subsequent to
its arrival on the coast, in which his chagrin and irritation were but
ill concealed.
In congress, after approving the conduct of Sullivan and his army, an
indiscreet proposition was made to inquire into the causes of the
failure of the expedition; but this was set aside by the previous
question.
In the first moments of vexation and disappointment, General Sullivan
had addressed some letters to the governor of Rhode Island,
complaining bitterly of being abandoned by the fleet. These despatches
were transmitted by the governor to the speaker of the assembly, and
were on the point of being submitted publicly to the house, when they
were fortunately arrested by General Greene, who had been introduced
on the floor, and placed by the side of the chair; and to whom they
were shown by the speaker.
The discontent in New England generally, and in Boston particularly,
was so great as to inspire fears that the means of repairing the
French ships would not be supplied. To guard against the mischief
which might result from this temper, as well as for other objects,
General Hancock had repaired from camp to Boston, and Lafayette had
followed him on a visit to D'Estaing.
[Sidenote: General Washington labours to heal these discontents, in
which he succeeds.]
The consequences to be apprehended from this unavailing manifestation
of ill temper, soon induced all reflecting men to exert themselves to
control it. In the commencement of its operation, General Washington,
foreseeing the evils with which it was fraught, had laboured to
prevent them. He addressed letters to General Sullivan, to General
Heath, who commanded at Boston, and to other individuals of influence
in New England, urging the necessity of correcting the intemperance of
the moment, and of guarding against the interference of passion with
the public interest.
Soon after the transmission of these letters, he received a resolution
of congress, directing him to take every measure in his power to
prevent the publication of the protest entered into by the officers of
Sullivan's army. In his letter communicating this resolution, he said,
"the disagreement between the army under your command and the fleet,
has given me very singular uneasiness. The continent at large is
concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possible
means, consistent with our honour and policy. First impressions, you
know, are generally longest retained, and will serve to fix, in a
great degree, our national character with the French. In our conduct
towards them, we should remember that they are a people old in war,
very strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others
scarcely seem warm. Permit me to recommend in the most particular
manner, the cultivation of harmony and good agreement, and your
endeavours to destroy that ill humour which may have found its way
among the officers. It is of the utmost importance too, that the
soldiers and the people should know nothing of this misunderstanding,
or, if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its
progress, and prevent its effects." In a letter to General Greene,
after expressing his fears that the seeds of dissension and distrust
might be sown between the troops of the two nations, he added, "I
depend much on your temper and influence, to conciliate that animosity
which, I plainly perceive by a letter from the Marquis, subsists
between the American and French officers in our service. This, you may
be assured, will extend itself to the Count, and to the officers and
men of his whole fleet, should they return to Rhode Island, unless a
reconciliation shall have taken place. The Marquis speaks kindly of a
letter from you to him on this subject. He will therefore take any
advice from you in a friendly way; and, if he can be pacified, the
other French gentlemen will, of course, be satisfied; since they look
up to him as their head. The Marquis grounds his complaint on a
general order of the 24th of August, and upon the universal clamour
that prevailed against the French nation.
"I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered into by
the general officers from being made public. Congress, sensible of the
ill consequences that will flow from our differences being known to
the world, have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my
dear sir, you can conceive my meaning,[9] better than I can express
it, and I therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to heal all
private animosities between our principal officers and the French, and
to prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that may fall
from the army at large."
[Footnote 9: Alluding, it is presumed, to the delicacy of suggesting
to General Sullivan the mischief to be apprehended from any
intemperate expressions.]
The General also seized the first opportunity to recommence his
correspondence with the Count; and his letters, without noticing the
disagreement which had taken place, were calculated to soothe every
angry sensation which might have been excited. A letter from the
admiral stating the whole transaction, was answered by General
Washington in a manner so perfectly satisfactory, that the irritation
which threatened such serious mischief, appears to have entirely
subsided.
Congress also, in a resolution which was made public, expressed their
perfect approbation of the conduct of the Count, and directed the
president to assure him, in the letter which should transmit it, that
they entertained the highest sense of his zeal and attachment.
These prudent and temperate measures restored harmony to the allied
armies.
[Sidenote: Lord Howe resigns command of the British fleet.]
The storm under which the French fleet had suffered so severely did
considerable damage also to that of Lord Howe. The British, however,
had sustained less injury than the French, and were soon in a
condition to put again to sea. Having received information that the
Count D'Estaing had made for Boston, Lord Howe sailed for the same
port, in the hope of reaching it before him. But in this he was
disappointed. On entering the bay he found the French fleet already in
Nantasket Road, where such judicious dispositions had been made for
its defence, that he relinquished the idea of attacking it, and
returned to New York; where he resigned the command to Admiral
Gambier, who was to retain it till the arrival of Admiral Byron.
Finding that General Sullivan had retreated to the continent, Sir
Henry Clinton returned to New York, leaving the command of the troops
on board the transports with Major General Gray, who was directed to
conduct an expedition to the eastward, as far as Buzzards bay.
[Sidenote: September 5.]
Gray entered Acushnet River, where he destroyed a number of privateers
with their prizes, and some merchant vessels. He also reduced part of
the towns of Bedford and Fairhaven to ashes, in which some military
and naval stores had been collected. The troops re-embarked the next
day, before the militia could be assembled in sufficient force to
oppose them, and sailed to Martha's Vineyard, where they destroyed
several vessels, and some salt works, and levied a heavy contribution
of live stock on the inhabitants.
While so large a detachment from the British army was depredating the
coasts of New England, preparations were making in New York for some
distant expedition; and many were of opinion that the French fleet was
its object. To be in readiness to oppose a combined attack by sea and
land on the fleet, General Gates was directed with three brigades, to
proceed by easy marches as far as Danbury, in Connecticut. And
Washington moved northward to Fredericksburg; while General Putnam was
detached with two brigades to the neighbourhood of West Point, and
General M'Dougal, with two others, to join General Gates at Danbury.
[Sidenote: September 22.]
Soon after the return of General Gray from New England, the British
army moved up the North River on each side in great force. The column
on the west side, commanded by Lord Cornwallis, consisting of about
five thousand men, took a position with its right on the river, and
its left extending to Newbridge, on the Hackensack; while the other
division, which was commanded by General Knyphausen, consisting of
about three thousand men, was advanced about the same distance on the
east side of the Hudson. The command of the river enabled these two
columns to communicate freely with each other; and, at any time, to
reunite. Although General Washington conjectured that this movement
was made for the purpose of foraging, yet it was possible that the
passes in the Highlands might be its object; and orders were given to
the detachments on the lines to hold themselves in readiness to
anticipate the execution of such a design.
Colonel Baylor, with his regiment of cavalry, had crossed the
Hackensack early in the morning of the 27th of September, and taken
quarters at Taupaun, or Herringtown, a small village near New Taupaun,
where some militia were posted. Immediate notice of his position was
given to Lord Cornwallis, who formed a plan to surprise and cut off
both the cavalry and militia. The party designed to act against
Colonel Baylor was commanded by General Gray, and that against the
militia, by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell.
[Sidenote: September 28.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Baylor's regiment surprised.]
That part of the plan which was to be executed by Campbell was
defeated by delays in passing the river, during which a deserter gave
notice of his approach, and the militia saved themselves by flight.
But the corps commanded by General Gray, guided by some of the country
people, eluded the patrols, got into the rear of the sergeant's guard
which had been posted at a bridge over the Hackensack, cut it off
without alarming Baylor, and completely surprised his whole regiment.
The British troops rushed into a barn where the Americans slept; and,
refusing to give quarter, bayoneted for a time all they saw. Of one
hundred and four privates, sixty-seven were killed, wounded, and
taken. The number of prisoners, amounting to about forty, is stated to
have been increased by the humanity of one of Gray's captains, who,
notwithstanding his orders, gave quarter to the whole of the fourth
troop. Colonel Baylor and Major Clough, who were both wounded with the
bayonet, the first dangerously, the last mortally, were among the
prisoners.
[Sidenote: September 30.]
[Sidenote: Captain Donop, with his corps, attacked by Colonel Butler,
and defeated.]
Three days after this affair, Colonel Richard Butler, with a
detachment of infantry, assisted by Major Lee with a part of his
cavalry, fell in with a small party of chasseurs and yagers under
Captain Donop, which he instantly charged, and, without the loss of a
man, killed ten on the spot, and took the officer commanding the
chasseur, and eighteen of the yagers, prisoners. Only the extreme
roughness of the country, which impeded the action of the cavalry, and
prevented part of the infantry from coming up, enabled a man of the
enemy to escape. Some interest was taken at the time in this small
affair, because it seemed, in some measure, to revenge the loss of
Colonel Baylor.
After completing their forage, the British army returned to New York.
[Sidenote: Expedition of the British against Egg Harbour.]
This movement had been, in part, designed to cover an expedition
against Little Egg Harbour, which was completely successful; and the
works and store-houses at the place, as well as the merchandise and
vessels, were entirely destroyed.
[Sidenote: Pulaski surprised, and his infantry cut off.]
It has been already stated that Count Pulaski had been appointed
general of the American cavalry. The dissatisfaction given by this
appointment to the officers, had induced him to resign his commission;
but, thirsting for military fame, and zealous in the American cause,
he obtained permission to raise a legionary corps, which he officered
chiefly with foreigners, and commanded in person. In this corps, one
Juliet, a deserter, had been admitted as an officer. The Count had
been ordered to march from Trenton towards Little Egg Harbour, and was
lying eight or ten miles from the coast, when this Juliet again
deserted, carrying with him intelligence of Pulaski's strength and
situation. A plan was formed to surprise him, which succeeded
completely so far as respected his infantry, who were put to the
bayonet. The British accounts of this expedition assert that the whole
corps was destroyed. Pulaski stated his loss at about forty; and
averred that on coming up with his cavalry to the relief of his
infantry, he repulsed the enemy. It is probable that the one account
diminishes the importance of this enterprise as much as the other
magnifies it.
[Sidenote: October 12.]
Admiral Byron reached New York, and took command of the fleet about
the middle of September. After repairing his shattered vessels, he
sailed for the port of Boston. Soon after his arrival in the bay,
fortune disconcerted all his plans. A furious storm drove him out to
sea, and damaged his fleet so much that he found it necessary to put
into the port of Rhode Island to refit. This favourable moment was
seized by the Count D'Estaing, who sailed, on the 3d of November, for
the West Indies.
Thus terminated an expedition from which the most important advantages
had been anticipated. A variety of accidents had defeated plans
judiciously formed, which had every probability in their favour.
The Marquis de Lafayette, ambitious of fame on another theatre, was
desirous of returning to France. Expecting war on the continent of
Europe, he was anxious to tender his services to his king, and to his
native country.
From motives of real friendship as well as of policy, General
Washington was desirous of preserving the connexion of this officer
with the army, and of strengthening his attachment to America. He
therefore expressed to congress his wish that Lafayette, instead of
resigning his commission, might have unlimited leave of absence, to
return when it should be convenient to himself; and might carry with
him every mark of the confidence of the government.
This policy was adopted by congress in its full extent. The partiality
of America for Lafayette was well placed. Never did a foreigner, whose
primary attachments to his own country remained undiminished, feel
more solicitude for the welfare of another, than was unceasingly
manifested by this young nobleman, for the United States.
There being no prospect of an active winter campaign in the northern
or middle states, and the climate admitting of military operations
elsewhere, a detachment from the British army, consisting of five
thousand men commanded by Major General Grant, sailed, early in
November, under a strong convoy, for the West India Islands; and,
towards the end of the same month, another embarkation was made for
the southern parts of the continent. This second detachment was
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who was escorted by
Commodore Hyde Parker, and was destined to act against the southern
states.
[Sidenote: December.]
As a force sufficient for the defence of New York yet remained, the
American army retired into winter quarters. The main body was cantoned
in Connecticut, on both sides the North River, about West Point, and
at Middlebrook. Light troops were stationed nearer the lines; and the
cavalry were drawn into the interior to recruit the horses for the
next campaign. The distribution, the protection of the country, the
security of important points, and a cheap and convenient supply of
provisions, were consulted.
The troops again wintered in huts; but they were accustomed to this
mode of passing that inclement season. Though far from being well
clothed, their condition in that respect was so much improved by
supplies from France, that they disregarded the inconveniences to
which they were exposed.
CHAPTER III.
Arrival of the British commissioners.... Terms of
conciliation proposed.... Answer of congress to their
propositions.... Attempts of Mr. Johnson to bribe some
members of congress.... His private letters ordered to be
published.... Manifesto of the commissioners, and
counter-manifesto of congress.... Arrival of Monsieur
Girard, minister plenipotentiary of France.... Hostilities
of the Indians.... Irruption into the Wyoming settlement....
Battle of Wyoming.... Colonel Dennison capitulates for the
inhabitants.... Distress of the settlement.... Colonel
Clarke surprises St. Vincent.... Congress determines to
invade Canada.... General Washington opposes the measure....
Induces congress to abandon it.
[Sidenote: 1778]
About the time that Commodore Parker sailed for the southern
states, the commissioners appointed to give effect to the late
conciliatory acts of Parliament, embarked for Europe. They had exerted
their utmost powers to effect the object of their mission, but without
success. Great Britain required that the force of the two nations
should be united under one common sovereign; and America was no longer
disposed, or even at liberty to accede to this condition. All those
affections, which parts of the same empire should feel for each other,
had been eradicated by a distressing war; the great body of the people
were determined, at every sacrifice, to maintain their independence;
and the treaty with France had pledged the honour and the faith of
the nation, never to consent to a reunion with the British empire.
[Sidenote: Arrival of the British commissioners.]
[Sidenote: Terms of conciliation proposed.]
The commissioners arrived in Philadelphia while that place was yet in
possession of their army, and are understood to have brought positive
orders for its evacuation. Their arrival was immediately announced to
General Washington by Sir Henry Clinton, who was joined with them in
the commission, and a passport was requested for their secretary,
Doctor Ferguson, as the bearer of their first despatches to congress.
The Commander-in-chief declined granting this passport until he should
receive the instructions of his government; on which a letter
addressed "To the president and other the members of congress," was
forwarded in the usual manner. Copies of their commission, and of the
acts of Parliament on which it was founded, together with propositions
conforming to those acts, drawn in the most conciliatory language,
were transmitted with this letter.
[Sidenote: Answer of Congress to these propositions.]
Some observations having been introduced into it reflecting on the
conduct of France,[10] the reading was interrupted, and a motion made
to proceed no farther in consequence of this offensive language to his
most Christian Majesty. This motion producing some debate, an
adjournment was moved and carried. When congress reassembled, the
warmth of the preceding day had not entirely subsided; but, after
several ineffectual motions to prevent it, the letter was read and
committed. The answer which was reported by the committee, and
transmitted to the commissioners, declared that "nothing but an
earnest desire to spare the farther effusion of human blood, could
have induced them to read a paper containing expressions so
disrespectful to his most Christian Majesty, the good and great ally
of these states, or to consider propositions so derogatory to the
honour of an independent nation.
[Footnote 10: The offensive words were "insidious interposition of a
power which has, from the first settlement of the colonies, been
actuated with enmity to us both; and notwithstanding the pretended
date or present form of the French offers."]
"That the acts of the British Parliament, the commission from their
sovereign, and their letter, supposed the people of the United States
to be subjects of the crown of Great Britain, and were founded on the
idea of dependence, which is totally inadmissible.
"That congress was inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust
claims from which this was originated, and the savage manner in which
it was conducted. They would therefore be ready to enter upon the
consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce, not inconsistent with
treaties already subsisting, when the King of Great Britain should
demonstrate a sincere disposition for that purpose. The only solid
proof of this disposition would be an explicit acknowledgment of the
independence of these states, or the withdrawing his fleets and
armies."
[Sidenote: July 13.]
On the 13th of July, after arriving at New York, the commissioners
addressed a second letter to congress, expressing their regrets that
any difficulties were raised which must prolong the calamities of war;
and reviewing the letter of congress in terms well calculated to make
an impression on those who had become weary of the contest, and to
revive ancient prejudices in favour of England and against France.
This letter being read, congress resolved that, as neither the
independence of the United States was explicitly acknowledged, nor the
fleets and armies withdrawn, no answer should be given to it.
It would seem that the first letter of congress must have convinced
the British commissioners that no hope could be indulged of restoring
peace on any other terms than the independence of the United States.
Congress must have been equally certain that the commissioners were
not empowered to acknowledge that independence, or to direct the
fleets and armies of Great Britain to be withdrawn. The intercourse
between them therefore, after the first communications were exchanged,
and all subsequent measures, became a game of skill, in which the
parties played for the affections and passions of the people; and was
no longer a diplomatic correspondence, discussing the interests of two
great nations with the hope of accommodation.
[Sidenote: Attempts of Mr. Johnson to bribe influential members of
congress.]
The first packet addressed by the commissioners to congress, contained
several private letters, written by Governor Johnson to members of
that body, in which he blended, with flattering expressions of respect
for their characters and their conduct, assurances of the honours and
emoluments to which those would be entitled who should contribute to
restore peace and harmony to the two countries and to terminate the
present war.
[Sidenote: Congress orders the publication of the private letters
from Johnson to the members of that body.]
A few days before the receipt of the letter of the 13th of July,
congress passed a resolution requiring that all letters of a public
nature received by any member from any subject of the British crown,
should be laid before them. In compliance with this resolution, the
letters of Governor Johnson were produced; and, some time afterwards,
Mr. Read stated, in his place, a direct offer which had been made him
by a third person, of a considerable sum of money, and of any office
in the gift of the crown, as an inducement to use his influence for
the restoration of harmony between the two countries. Congress
determined to communicate these circumstances to the American people,
and made a solemn declaration, in which, after reciting the offensive
paragraphs of the private letters, and the conversation stated by Mr.
Read, they expressed their opinion "that these were direct attempts to
corrupt and bribe the congress of the United States, and that it was
incompatible with their honour to hold any manner of correspondence
or intercourse with the said George Johnson, Esquire, especially to
negotiate with him upon affairs in which the cause of liberty is
interested." After an unsuccessful attempt to involve the other
commissioners in the same exclusion, this declaration was transmitted
to them while they were expecting an answer to a remonstrance on the
detention of the army of General Burgoyne.
On receiving it, Mr. Johnson withdrew from the commission, declaring
that he should be happy to find congress inclined to retract their
former declaration, and to negotiate with others on terms equally
conducive to the happiness of both countries. This declaration was
accompanied by one signed by the other commissioners, in which,
without admitting the construction put by congress on his letters, or
the authority of the person who held the conversation with Mr. Read,
they denied all knowledge of those letters or of that conversation.
They at the same time detailed the advantages to be derived by America
from the propositions they had made, "advantages," they added,
"decidedly superior to any which could be expected from an unnatural
alliance with France, only entered into by that nation for the purpose
of prolonging the war, after the full knowledge on their part of the
liberal terms intended to be offered by Great Britain." With this
declaration was transmitted a copy of the former remonstrance[11]
against the detention of the convention troops, without the signature
of Governor Johnson, and an extract from the instructions given by the
Secretary of State to Sir Henry Clinton, authorizing him to demand, in
express terms, a performance of the convention made with General
Burgoyne, and, if required, to renew and ratify all its conditions in
the name of the king.
[Footnote 11: Some expressions having been used in the letter,
respecting the convention troops, which were deemed disrespectful, no
other reply was made to it than that "congress gave no answer to
insolent letters."]
All the publications of the British commissioners indicate an opinion
that they could be more successful with the people than with congress;
and, not unfrequently betray the desire that the constituents of that
body might be enabled to decide on the measures taken by their
representatives.
On the part of congress, it was decreed of the utmost importance to
keep the public mind correct, and to defeat all attempts to make
unfavourable impressions on it. Several members of that body entered
the lists as disputants, and employed their pens with ability and
success, as well in serious argument, as in rousing the various
passions which influence the conduct of men. The attempt to accomplish
the object of the mission by corruption was wielded with great effect;
and it was urged with equal force that should the United States now
break their faith with France, and treat on the footing of dependence,
they would sacrifice all credit with foreign nations, would be
considered by all as faithless and infamous, and would forfeit all
pretensions to future aid from abroad; after which the terms now
offered might be retracted, and the war be recommenced. To these
representations were added the certainty of independence, and the
great advantages which must result from its establishment. The letters
of the commissioners were treated as attempts to sow divisions among
the people of which they might afterwards avail themselves, and thus
effect by intrigue, what had been found unattainable by arms.
These essays were read with avidity, and seem to have produced all the
effect which was expected from them among the friends of the
revolution.
[Sidenote: October 8.]
[Sidenote: Manifesto of the commissioners, and counter-manifestos by
congress.]
The commissioners appear still to have cherished the hope, that a
complete knowledge of the terms they had offered, operating on the
disappointment of the extravagant hopes which had been founded on the
arrival of a French fleet, would make a great impression on a large
portion of the American people. This opinion induced them, before
their departure, to publish a manifesto, addressed, not only to
congress, but to all the provincial assemblies, and all the
inhabitants of the colonies of whatever denomination, briefly
recapitulating the several steps they had taken to accomplish the
object of their mission, and the refusal of congress even to open a
conference with them. They declared their readiness still to proceed
in the execution of the powers contained in their commission, and to
treat either with deputies from all the colonies conjointly, or with
any provincial assembly or convention individually, at any time within
the space of forty days from the date of their manifesto. They also
proclaimed a general pardon for all treasons and rebellious practices
committed at any time previous to the date of their manifesto, to such
as should, within the term of forty days, withdraw from their
opposition to the British government, and conduct themselves as
faithful and loyal subjects. To enable all persons to avail themselves
of this proffered pardon, thirteen copies of the manifesto were
executed, one of which was transmitted by a flag of truce to each
state. A vast number of copies were printed, and great exertions were
made by flags and other means to disperse them among the people.
On being informed of these proceedings, congress, without hesitation,
adopted the course which the government of an independent nation is
bound to pursue, when attempts are made by a foreign power to open
negotiations with unauthorized individuals. They declared the measure
"to be contrary to the law of nations, and utterly subversive of that
confidence which could alone maintain those means which had been
invented to alleviate the horrors of war; and, therefore, that the
persons employed to distribute such papers, were not entitled to the
protection of a flag." They recommended it to the executive
departments in the respective states, "to secure, in close custody,
every person who, under the sanction of a flag, or otherwise, was
found employed in circulating those manifestoes." At the same time, to
show that these measures were not taken for the purpose of
concealment, they directed a publication of the manifesto in the
American papers. Care, however, was taken to accompany it with
comments made by individuals, calculated to counteract its effect. A
vessel containing a cargo of these papers being wrecked on the coast,
the officers and crew were made prisoners; and the requisition of
Admiral Gambier for their release, in consequence of the privilege
afforded by his flag, was answered by a declaration that they had
forfeited that privilege by being charged with seditious papers.
[Sidenote: October 30.]
Not long after the publication of this paper, a counter-manifesto was
issued by congress, in which, after touching on subjects which might
influence the public mind, they "solemnly declare and proclaim, that
if their enemies presume to execute their threats, or persist in their
present course of barbarity, they will take such exemplary vengeance
as shall deter others from a like conduct."
Thus ended this fruitless attempt to restore a connexion which had
been wantonly broken, the reinstatement of which had become
impracticable. With the war, and with independence, a course of
opinion had prevailed in America, which not only opposed great
obstacles to a reunion of the two countries under one common
sovereign, but, by substituting discordant materials in the place of
the cement which formerly bound them together, rendered such an event
undesirable even to the British themselves. The time was arrived when
the true interest of that nation required the relinquishment of an
expensive war, the object of which was unattainable, and which, if
attained, could not be long preserved; and the establishment of those
amicable relations which reciprocal interests produce between
independent states, capable of being serviceable to each other by a
fair and equal interchange of good offices.
This opinion, however, was not yet embraced by the cabinet of London;
and great exertions were still to be made for the reannexation of the
American states to the British empire. Even the opposition was not
united against a continuance of the war for the object now proposed;
and the Earl of Chatham, who had endeavoured first to prevent the
conflict, and afterwards to produce conciliation, closed his splendid
life in unavailing efforts to prevent that dismemberment which had
become inevitable.[12]
[Footnote 12: The author has been favoured by his estimable friend,
Major General Scott, with the perusal of an introduction written by
Mr. L. De Sevelinges, to Botta's "History of the war of the
independence of the United States of America," translated into French.
Mr. De Sevelinges professes to have received the most precious
explanations, relative to incidents and motives, from a gentleman
equally distinguished for his knowledge and his character, whose
situation enabled him to become acquainted with facts which were
concealed from the public. Speaking of the attempt made by Mr.
Johnson, he says, p. 19, it was essential "to break off all
communication with the agents of the British minister. Mr. Girard
directed all his efforts to this object, and had the good fortune to
effect it.
"But the English faction of tories subsisted. It was powerful from the
credit of its chiefs."
In a note on this passage, he says, "The most influential were Samuel
Adams and Richard Lee, (Richard H. Lee,) the brother of Arthur Lee,
one of the deputies of congress in France. He was convicted of having
secret intelligence with the British minister."
It would be injustice to the memoirs of these distinguished patriots
to attempt their vindication against this atrocious and unfounded
calumny. A calumny supported by no testimony, nor by a single
circumstance wearing even the semblance of probability, and confuted
by the whole tenour of their lives. The annals of the American
revolution do not furnish two names more entirely above suspicion than
Samuel Adams and Richard Henry Lee. With the first gentleman the
author was not personally acquainted. With the last he was; and can
appeal with confidence to every man who knew him, to declare the
conviction, that he died as he lived, a pure and devoted, as well as
enlightened friend of American independence. The same character was
maintained by Mr. Adams.
In casting about for the foundation of this calumny, the author is
inclined to look for it in the opinions entertained by these
gentlemen, on subjects connected with the negotiations for peace.
Since the publication of the secret journals of congress, it is
generally known that France countenanced the claim of Spain to
circumscribe the western boundary of the United States, by the line
prescribed in the royal proclamation of 1763, for settlement of vacant
lands. After Great Britain had consented to acknowledge the
independence of the United States, it was understood by those who were
acquainted with the views of the belligerents, that a disposition
existed on the part of France and Spain, to continue the war for
objects in which the United States felt no interest,--among others,
for Gibraltar and Jamaica. Some American statesmen, and the Lees were
of the number, probably Mr. Adams also, were extremely apprehensive
that the miseries of their country would be prolonged for these
objects. It is not impossible that the sentiments of these gentlemen
on these subjects, being in opposition to the views of France, might,
though founded entirely in American policy, be attributed to British
intrigues.]
[Sidenote: July 14.]
[Sidenote: Arrival of Girard, minister plenipotentiary from the King
of France.]
In the midst of these transactions with the commissioners of Great
Britain, the Sieur Girard arrived at Philadelphia, in the character of
Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty.
The joy produced by this event was unbounded; and he was received by
congress with great pomp.
While these diplomatic concerns employed the American cabinet, and
while the war seemed to languish on the Atlantic, it raged to the west
in its most savage form.
[Sidenote: June 11.]
The difficulties which the inability of the American government to
furnish the neighbouring Indians with those European articles which
they were accustomed to use, opposed to all the efforts of congress to
preserve their friendship, have already been noticed. Early in 1778,
there were many indications of a general disposition among those
savages to make war on the United States; and the frontiers, from the
Mohawk to the Ohio, were threatened with the tomahawk and the scalping
knife. Every representation from that country supported the opinion
that a war with the Indians should never be defensive; and that, to
obtain peace, it must be carried into their own country. Detroit,
whose governor was believed to have been particularly active in
exciting hostilities, was understood to be in a defenceless condition;
and congress resolved on an expedition against that place. This
enterprise was entrusted to General M'Intosh, who commanded at
Pittsburg, and was to be carried on with three thousand men, chiefly
militia, to be drawn from Virginia. To facilitate its success, the
resolution was also taken to enter the country of the Senecas at the
same time, by the way of the Mohawk. The officer commanding on the
east of the Hudson was desired to take measures for carrying this
resolution into execution; and the commissioners for Indian affairs,
at Albany, were directed to co-operate with him.
Unfortunately, the acts of the government did not correspond with the
vigour of its resolutions. The necessary preparations were not made,
and the inhabitants of the frontiers remained without sufficient
protection, until the plans against them were matured, and the storm
which had been long gathering, burst upon them with a fury which
spread desolation wherever it reached.
[Sidenote: Colonel John Butler, with a party of Indians, breaks into
the Wyoming settlement.]
About three hundred white men, commanded by Colonel John Butler, and
about five hundred Indians, led by the Indian chief Brandt, who had
assembled in the north, marched late in June against the settlement of
Wyoming. These troops embarked on the Chemung or Tyoga, and
descending the Susquehanna, landed at a place called the Three
Islands, whence they marched about twenty miles, and crossing a
wilderness, and passing through a gap in the mountain, entered the
valley of Wyoming near its northern boundary. At this place a small
fort called Wintermoots had been erected, which fell into their hands
without resistance, and was burnt. The inhabitants who were capable of
bearing arms assembled on the first alarm at Forty fort, on the west
side of the Susquehanna, four miles below the camp of the invading
army.
The regular troops, amounting to about sixty, were commanded by
Colonel Zebulon Butler;[13] the militia by Colonel Dennison. Colonel
Butler was desirous of awaiting the arrival of a small reinforcement
under Captain Spalding, who had been ordered by General Washington to
his aid on the first intelligence of the danger which threatened the
settlement; but the militia generally, believing themselves
sufficiently strong to repel the invading force, urged an immediate
battle so earnestly, that Colonel Butler yielded to their
remonstrances, and on the 3d of July marched from Forty fort at the
head of near four hundred men to attack the enemy.
[Footnote 13: This gentleman is stated not to have been of the same
family with the leader of the invading army.]
The British and Indians were prepared to receive him. Their line was
formed a small distance in front of their camp, in a plain thinly
covered with pine, shrub oaks, and under growth, and extended from the
river about a mile to a marsh at the foot of the mountain. The
Americans advanced in a single column, without interruption, until
they approached the enemy, when they received a fire which did not
much mischief. The line of battle[14] was instantly formed, and the
action commenced with spirit. The Americans rather gained ground on
the right where Colonel Butler commanded, until a large body of
Indians passing through the skirt of the marsh turned their left
flank, which was composed of militia, and poured a heavy and most
destructive fire on their rear. The word "retreat" was pronounced by
some person, and the efforts of the officers to check it were
unavailing. The fate of the day was decided, and a flight commenced on
the left which was soon followed by the right. As soon as the line was
broken, the Indians, throwing down their rifles and rushing upon them
with the tomahawk, completed the confusion. The attempt of Colonel
Butler and of the officers to restore order were unavailing, and the
whole line broke and fled in confusion. The massacre was general, and
the cries for mercy were answered by the tomahawk. Rather less than
sixty men escaped, some to Forty fort, some by swimming the river, and
some to the mountain. A very few prisoners were made, only three of
whom were preserved alive, who were carried to Niagara.
[Footnote 14: The representation of this battle, and of the
circumstances attending the destruction of the Wyoming settlement,
have been materially varied from the statement made of them in the
first edition. The papers of General Washington furnished allusions to
the transaction, but no particular account of it. The author therefore
relied on Mr. Gordon and Mr. Ramsay, whose authority was quoted. Soon
after the work was published, he received a letter from a gentleman
then residing in that country, (Mr. Charles Miner,) who asserted with
confidence that the statement was incorrect, and gave himself a minute
detail of events, collected from persons who were in the settlement at
the time, and witnessed them.
The author has been since indebted to the same gentleman for a
statement of the battle, and of the events which followed it, drawn up
by one of the descendants of Colonel Zebulon Butler, to which the
certificates of several gentlemen are annexed, who were engaged in the
action. These documents, with one which will be mentioned, convince
him that the combined treachery and savage ferocity which have been
painted in such vivid colours, in the narratives that have been given
of this furious and desolating irruption, have been greatly
exaggerated. Historic truth demands that these misstatements should be
corrected.
The other document alluded to, is a letter from Zebulon Butler to the
board of war, making his report of the transaction. The letter has
been lately found among his papers, and is copied below.
_Grandenhutten, Penn Township, July 10th, 1778._
Honoured Sir,--On my arrival at Westmoreland, (which was only four
days after I left Yorktown,) I found there was a large body of the
enemy advancing on that settlement. On the first of July we mustered
the militia, and marched towards them by the river above the
settlement,--found and killed two Indians at a place where the day
before they had murdered nine men engaged in hoeing corn. We found
some canoes, &c. but finding we were above their main body, it was
judged prudent to return. And as every man had to go to his own house
for his provision, we could not muster again till the 3d of July. In
the mean time, the enemy had got possession of two forts, one of which
we had reason to believe was designed for them, though they burnt them
both. The inhabitants had seven forts for the security of their women
and children, extending about ten miles on the river, and too many men
would stay in them to take care of them; but after collecting about
three hundred of the most spirited of them, including Captain Hewitt's
company, I held a council with the officers, who were all agreed that
it was best to attack the enemy before they got any farther. We
accordingly marched,--found their situation,--formed a front of the
same extension of the enemy's, and attacked from right to left at the
same time. Our men stood the fire well for three or four shots, till
some part of the enemy gave way; but unfortunately for us, through
some mistake, the word _retreat_ was understood from some officer on
the left, which took so quick that it was not in the power of the
officers to form them again, though I believe, if they had stood three
minutes longer, the enemy would have been beaten. The utmost pains
were taken by the officers, who mostly fell. A lieutenant colonel, a
major and five captains, who were in commission in the militia, all
fell. Colonel Durkee, and Captains Hewitt and Ransom were likewise
killed. In the whole, about two hundred men lost their lives in the
action on our side. What number of the enemy were killed is yet
uncertain, though I believe a very considerable number. The loss of
these men so intimidated the inhabitants, that they gave up the matter
of fighting. Great numbers ran off, and others would comply with the
terms that I had refused. The enemy sent flags frequently--the terms
you will see in the enclosed letter. They repeatedly said they had
nothing to do with any but the inhabitants, and did not want to treat
with me. Colonel Dennison, by desire of the inhabitants, went and
complied,--which made it necessary for me and the little remains of
Captain Hewitt's company to leave the place. Indeed it was determined
by the enemy to spare the inhabitants after their agreement, and that
myself and the few continental soldiers should be delivered up to the
savages. Upon which I left the place, and came scarcely able to move,
as I have had no rest since I left Yorktown. It has not been in my
power to find a horse or man to wait on the board till now. I must
submit to the board what must be the next step. The little remains of
Hewitt's company (which are about fifteen) are gone to Shamoken, and
Captain Spalding's company, I have heard, are on the Delaware. Several
hundred of the inhabitants are strolling in the country destitute of
provisions, who have large fields of grain and other necessaries of
life at Westmoreland. In short, if the inhabitants can go back, there
may yet be saved double the quantity of provisions to support
themselves, otherwise they must be beggars, and a burthen to the
world.
I have heard from men that came from the place since the people gave
up, that the Indians have killed no person since, but have burnt most
of the buildings, and are collecting all the horses they can, and are
moving up the river. They likewise say the enemy were eight hundred,
one-half white men. I should be glad that, if possible, there might be
a sufficient guard sent for the defence of the place, which will be
the means of saving thousands from poverty--but must submit to the
wisdom of congress. I desire farther orders from the honourable board
of war with respect to myself, and the soldiers under my direction.
I have the honour to be
Your Honour's most obedient, humble servant,
ZEBULON BUTLER.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Dennison capitulates for the inhabitants.]
Further resistance was impracticable, Colonel Dennison proposed terms
of capitulation, which were granted to the inhabitants. It being
understood that no quarter would be allowed to the continental troops,
Colonel Butler with his few surviving soldiers fled from the valley.
[Sidenote: Distress of the settlement.]
The inhabitants generally abandoned the country, and, in great
distress, wandered into the settlements on the Lehigh and the
Delaware. The Indians, as is the practice of savages, destroyed the
houses and improvements by fire, and plundered the country. After
laying waste the whole settlement, they withdrew from it before the
arrival of the continental troops, who were detached to meet them.
[Sidenote: July 15.]
To cover every part of the United States would have required a much
greater number of men than could be raised. Different districts were
therefore unavoidably exposed to the calamities ever to be experienced
by those into the bosom of whose country war is carried. The militia
in every part of the Union, fatigued and worn out by repeated tours of
duty, required to be relieved by continental troops. Their
applications were necessarily resisted; but the danger which
threatened the western frontier had become so imminent; the appeal
made by its sufferings to national feeling was so affecting, that it
was determined to spare a more considerable portion of the army for
its defence, than had been allotted to that part of the Union, since
the capture of Burgoyne. On the first intelligence of the destruction
of Wyoming, the regiments of Hartley and Butler, with the remnant of
Morgan's corps, commanded by Major Posey, were detached to the
protection of that distressed country. They were engaged in several
sharp skirmishes, made separate incursions into the Indian
settlements, broke up their nearest villages, destroyed their corn,
and by compelling them to retire to a greater distance, gave some
relief to the inhabitants.
While the frontiers of New York and Pennsylvania were thus suffering
the calamities incident to savage warfare, a fate equally severe was
preparing for Virginia. The western militia of that state had made
some successful incursions into the country north-west of the Ohio,
and had taken some British posts on the Mississippi. These were
erected in the county of Illinois; and a regiment of infantry, with a
troop of cavalry, were raised for its protection. The command of these
troops was given to Colonel George Rogers Clarke, a gentleman whose
courage, hardihood, and capacity for Indian warfare, had given
repeated success to his enterprises against the savages.
This corps was divided into several detachments, the strongest of
which remained with Colonel Clarke at Kaskaskia. Colonel Hamilton, the
Governor of Detroit, was at Vincennes with about six hundred men,
principally Indians, preparing an expedition, first against Kaskaskia,
and then up the Ohio to Pittsburg; after which he purposed to
desolate the frontiers of Virginia. Clarke anticipated and defeated
his design by one of those bold and decisive measures, which, whether
formed on a great or a small scale, mark the military and enterprising
genius of the man who plans and executes them.
[Sidenote: 1779 February.]
[Sidenote: Colonel Clarke surprises St. Vincents, and takes
possession of it.]
He was too far removed from the inhabited country to hope for support,
and was too weak to maintain Kaskaskia and the Illinois against the
combined force of regulars and Indians by which he was to be attacked
so soon as the season for action should arrive. While employed in
preparing for his defence, he received unquestionable information that
Hamilton had detached his Indians on an expedition against the
frontiers, reserving at the post he occupied only about eighty
regulars, with three pieces of cannon and some swivels. Clarke
instantly resolved to seize this favourable moment. After detaching a
small galley up the Wabash with orders to take her station a few miles
below Vincennes, and to permit nothing to pass her, he marched in the
depth of winter with one hundred and thirty men, the whole force he
could collect, across the country from Kaskaskia to Vincennes. This
march, through the woods, and over high waters, required sixteen days,
five of which were employed in crossing the drowned lands of the
Wabash. The troops were under the necessity of wading five miles in
water, frequently up to their breasts. After subduing these
difficulties, this small party appeared before the town, which was
completely surprised, and readily consented to change its master.
Hamilton, after defending the fort a short time, surrendered himself
and his garrison prisoners of war. With a few of his immediate agents
and counsellors, who had been instrumental in the savage barbarities
he had encouraged, he was, by order of the executive of Virginia, put
in irons, and confined in a jail.
This expedition was important in its consequences. It disconcerted a
plan which threatened destruction to the whole country west of the
Alleghany mountains; detached from the British interest many of those
numerous tribes of Indians south of the waters immediately
communicating with the great lakes; and had, most probably,
considerable influence in fixing the western boundary of the United
States.
[Sidenote: Congress determine to attack Canada, and the other British
possessions in North America.]
We have already seen that congress, actuated by their wishes rather
than governed by a temperate calculation of the means in their
possession, had, in the preceding winter, planned a second invasion of
Canada, to be conducted by the Marquis de Lafayette; and that, as the
generals only were got in readiness for this expedition, it was
necessarily laid aside. The design, however, seems to have been
suspended, not abandoned. The alliance with France revived the latent
wish to annex that extensive territory to the United States. That
favourite subject was resumed; and, towards autumn, a plan was
completely digested for a combined attack to be made by the allies on
all the British dominions on the continent, and on the adjacent
islands of Cape Breton and Newfoundland. This plan was matured about
the time the Marquis de Lafayette obtained leave to return to his own
country, and was ordered to be transmitted by that nobleman to Doctor
Franklin, the minister of the United States at the court of
Versailles, with instructions to induce, if possible, the French
cabinet to accede to it. Some communications respecting this subject
were also made to the Marquis, on whose influence in securing its
adoption by his own government, much reliance was placed; and, in
October, 1778, it was, for the first time, transmitted to General
Washington, with a request that he would inclose it by the Marquis,
with his observations on it, to Doctor Franklin.
This very extensive plan of military operations for the ensuing
campaign, prepared entirely in the cabinet, without consulting, so far
as is known, a single military man, consisted of many parts.
Two detachments, amounting, each, to sixteen hundred men, were to
march from Pittsburg and Wyoming against Detroit, and Niagara.
A third body of troops, which was to be stationed on the Mohawk during
the winter, and to be powerfully reinforced in the spring, was to
seize Oswego, and to secure the navigation of Lake Ontario with
vessels to be constructed of materials to be procured in the winter.
A fourth corps was to penetrate into Canada by the St. Francis, and to
reduce Montreal, and the posts on Lake Champlain, while a fifth should
guard against troops from Quebec.
Thus far America could proceed unaided by her ally. But, Upper Canada
being reduced, another campaign would still be necessary for the
reduction of Quebec. This circumstance would require that the army
should pass the winter in Canada, and, in the mean time, the garrison
of Quebec might be largely reinforced. It was therefore essential to
the complete success of the enterprise, that France should be induced
to take a part in it.
The conquest of Quebec, and of Halifax, was supposed to be an object
of so much importance to France as well as to the United States, that
her aid might be confidently expected.
It was proposed to request his Most Christian Majesty to furnish four
or five thousand troops, to sail from Brest, the beginning of May,
under convoy of four ships of the line and four frigates; the troops
to be clad as if for service in the West Indies, and thick clothes to
be sent after them in August. A large American detachment was to act
with this French army; and it was supposed that Quebec and Halifax
might be reduced by the beginning or middle of October. The army
might then either proceed immediately against Newfoundland, or remain
in garrison until the spring, when the conquest of that place might be
accomplished.
It had been supposed probable that England would abandon the farther
prosecution of the war on the continent of North America, in which
case the government would have a respectable force at its disposal,
the advantageous employment of which had engaged in part the attention
of the Commander-in-chief. He had contemplated an expedition against
the British posts in Upper Canada as a measure which might be
eventually eligible, and which might employ the arms of the United
States to advantage, if their troops might safely be withdrawn from
the sea board. He had, however, considered every object of this sort
as contingent. Having estimated the difficulties to be encountered in
such an enterprise, he had found them so considerable as to hesitate
on the extent which might safely be given to the expedition, admitting
the United States to be evacuated by the British armies.
In this state of mind, he received the magnificent plan already
prepared by congress. He was forcibly struck with the impracticability
of executing that part of it which was to be undertaken by the United
States, should the British armies continue in their country; and with
the serious mischief which would result to the common cause, as well
from diverting so considerable a part of the French force from other
objects to one which was, in his opinion, so unpromising, as from the
ill impression which would be made on the court and nation by the
total failure of the American government to execute its part of a plan
originating with itself; a failure which would, most probably,
sacrifice the troops and ships employed by France.
On comparing the naval force of England with that of France in the
different parts of the world, the former appeared to him to maintain a
decided superiority, and consequently to possess the power of shutting
up the ships of the latter which might be trusted into the St.
Lawrence. To suppose that the British government would not avail
itself of this superiority on such an occasion, would be to impute to
it a blind infatuation, or ignorance of the plans of its adversary,
which could not be safely assumed in calculations of such serious
import.
[Sidenote: General Washington urges reasons against the plan.]
A plan too, consisting of so many parts, to be prosecuted both from
Europe and America, by land and by water; which, to be successful,
required such a harmonious co-operation of the whole, such a perfect
coincidence of events, appeared to him to be exposed to too many
accidents, to risk upon it interests of such high value.
[Illustration: George Washington
_From the portrait by John Trumbull_
_Colonel Trumbull, whose portraits of Washington, Hamilton, Jay,
Adams, George Clinton and other Revolutionary contemporaries form a
notable gallery, was General Washington's aide-de-camp at the outbreak
of the War for Independence, and during its progress became a pupil of
Benjamin West, in London. The news of André's execution fastened upon
him the suspicion of being a spy, and he spent eight months in an
English prison. Returning to America he painted this and other
portraits of Washington, as well as a number of historical pictures,
including the "Resignation of Washington at Annapolis," which hangs in
the Capitol at Washington._]
In a long and serious letter to congress, he apologized for not
obeying their orders to deliver the plan with his observations upon it
to the Marquis; and, entering into a full investigation of all its
parts, demonstrated the mischiefs, and the dangers, with which it was
replete. This letter was referred to a committee, whose report admits
the force of the reasons urged by the Commander-in-chief against the
expedition, and their own conviction that nothing important could be
attempted unless the British armies should be withdrawn from the
United States; and that, even in that event, the present plan was far
too complex.
Men, however, recede slowly and reluctantly from favourite and
flattering projects on which they have long meditated; and the
committee, in their report, proceeded to state the opinion that the
posts held by the British in the United States would probably be
evacuated before the active part of the ensuing campaign; and that,
therefore, eventual measures for the expedition ought to be taken.
This report concludes with recommending "that the general should be
directed to write to the Marquis de Lafayette on that subject; and
also to write to the minister of these states at the court of
Versailles very fully, to the end that eventual measures may be taken,
in case an armament should be sent from France to Quebec, for
co-operating therewith, to the utmost degree, which the finances and
resources of these states will admit."
This report also was approved by congress, and transmitted to the
Commander-in-chief; who felt himself greatly embarrassed by it. While
his objections to the project retained all their force, he found
himself required to open a correspondence for the purposes of
soliciting the concurrence of France in an expedition he disapproved,
and of promising a co-operation he believed to be impracticable. In
reply to this communication, he said, "The earnest desire I have
strictly to comply in every instance, with the views and instructions
of congress, can not but make me feel the greatest uneasiness, when I
find myself in circumstances of hesitation or doubt, with respect to
their directions. But the perfect confidence I have in the justice and
candour of that honourable body, emboldens me to communicate, without
reserve, the difficulties which occur in the execution of their
present order; and the indulgence I have experienced on every former
occasion, induces me to imagine that the liberty I now take will not
meet with disapprobation."
After reviewing the report of the committee, and stating his
objections to the plan, and the difficulties he felt in performing the
duty assigned to him, he added, "But if congress still think it
necessary for me to proceed in the business, I must request their more
definitive and explicit instructions, and that they will permit me,
previous to transmitting the intended despatches, to submit them to
their determination.
"I could wish to lay before congress more minutely the state of the
army, the condition of our supplies, and the requisites necessary for
carrying into execution an undertaking that may involve the most
serious events. If congress think this can be done more satisfactorily
in a personal conference, I hope to have the army in such a situation
before I can receive their answer, as to afford me an opportunity of
giving my attendance."
[Sidenote: Induces Congress to abandon it.]
Congress acceded to his request of a personal interview; and, on his
arrival in Philadelphia, a committee was appointed to confer with him,
as well on this particular subject as on the general state of the army
and of the country.
The result of these conferences was, that the expedition against
Canada was entirely, though reluctantly,[15] given up, and every
arrangement recommended by the Commander-in-chief, received the
attention to which his judgment and experience gave all his opinions
the fairest claim.
[Footnote 15: See note No. II. at the end of the volume.]
CHAPTER IV.
Divisions in Congress.... Letters of General Washington on
the state of public affairs.... Invasion of Georgia....
General Howe defeated by Colonel Campbell.... Savannah
taken.... Sunbury surrenders.... Georgia reduced.... General
Lincoln takes command of the Southern army.... Major
Gardiner defeated by General Moultrie.... Insurrection of
the Tories in South Carolina.... They are defeated by
Colonel Pickens.... Ash surprised and defeated.... Moultrie
retreats.... Prevost marches to Charleston.... Lincoln
attacks the British at Stono Ferry unsuccessfully....
Invasion of Virginia.
[Sidenote: 1779]
After the relinquishment of that extensive plan of conquest which
had been meditated against Canada, no other object seemed to call
forth the energies of the nation, and a general languor appeared to
diffuse itself through all the civil departments. The alliance with
France was believed to secure independence; and a confidence that
Britain could no longer prosecute the war with any hope of success--a
confidence encouraged by communications from Europe--prevented those
exertions which were practicable, but which it was painful to make.
This temper was seen and deplored by the Commander-in-chief, who
incessantly combated the opinion that Britain was about to relinquish
the contest, and insisted that great and vigorous exertions on the
part of the United States were still necessary to bring the war to a
successful termination.
It being no longer practicable to engage soldiers by voluntary
enlistment, and government not daring to force men into the service
for three years, or during the war, the vacant ranks were scantily
supplied with drafts for nine, twelve, and eighteen months. A great
proportion of the troops were discharged in the course of each year;
and, except that the old officers remained, almost a new army was to
be formed for every campaign.
Although the Commander-in-chief pressed congress and the state
governments continually and urgently, to take timely measures for
supplying the places of those who were leaving the service, the means
adopted were so slow and ineffectual in their operation, that the
season for action never found the preparations completed; and the
necessity of struggling against superior numbers was perpetual.
The pleasing delusion that the war was over, to which the public mind
delighted to surrender itself, made no impression on the judgment of
Washington. Viewing objects through a more correct medium, he
perceived that Great Britain had yet much to hope, and America much to
fear, from a continuance of hostilities. He feared that the impression
which the divisions, and apparent inertness of the United States had
made on the British commissioners, would be communicated to their
government; and this consideration increased his anxiety in favour of
early and vigorous preparations for the next campaign. Yet it was not
until the 23d of January that congress passed the resolution,
authorizing the Commander-in-chief to re-enlist the army, nor, until
the 9th of March, that the requisition was made on the several states
for their quotas. The bounty offered by the first resolution being
found insufficient, the government was again under the necessity of
resorting to the states. Thus, at a season when the men ought to have
been in camp, the measures for raising them were still to be adopted.
About this period, several circumstances conspired to foment those
pernicious divisions and factions in congress, which, in times of
greater apparent danger, patriotism would have suppressed.
[Sidenote: Divisions in congress.]
The ministers of the United States, in Europe, had reciprocally
criminated each other, and some of them had been recalled. Their
friends in congress supported their respective interests with
considerable animation; and, at length, Mr. Deane published a
manifesto, in which he arraigned at the bar of the public, the conduct
not only of those concerned in foreign negotiations, but of the
members of Congress themselves.
The irritation excited by these and other contests was not a little
increased by the appearance, in a New York paper, of an extract from
a letter written by Mr. Laurens, the president of congress, to
Governor Huiston, of Georgia, which, during the invasion of that
state, was found among his papers. In this letter, Mr. Laurens had
unbosomed himself with the unsuspecting confidence of a person
communicating to a friend the inmost operations of his mind. In a
gloomy moment, he had expressed himself with a degree of severity,
which even his own opinion, when not under the immediate influence of
chagrin, would not entirely justify, and had reflected on the
integrity and patriotism of members, without particularizing the
individuals he designed to censure.
These altercations added much to the alarm with which General
Washington viewed that security which had insinuated itself into the
public mind; and his endeavours were unremitting to impress the same
apprehensions on those who were supposed capable of removing the
delusion. In his confidential letters to gentlemen of the most
influence in the several states, he represented in strong terms the
dangers which yet threatened the country, and earnestly exhorted them
to a continuance of those sacrifices and exertions which he still
deemed essential to the happy termination of the war. The dissensions
in congress; the removal of individuals of the highest influence and
character from the councils of the nation to offices in the respective
states; the depreciation of the currency; the destructive spirit of
speculation which the imaginary gain produced by this depreciation had
diffused throughout the Union; a general laxity of principles; and an
unwillingness to encounter personal inconvenience for the attainment
of the great object, in pursuit of which so much blood and treasure
had been expended; were the rocks on which, he apprehended, the state
vessel might yet split, and to which he endeavoured, incessantly, to
point the attention of those whose weight of political character
enable them to guide the helm.
[Sidenote: Letters from General Washington on the state of public
affairs.]
"I am particularly desirous of a free communication of sentiments with
you at this time," says the General in a letter written to a gentleman
of splendid political talents, "because I view things very
differently, I fear, from what people in general do, who seem to think
the contest at an end, and that to make money, and get places, are the
only things now remaining to be done. I have seen without despondency,
even for a moment, the hours which America has styled her gloomy ones;
but I have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities, when I
have thought her liberties in such imminent danger as at present.
Friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down the goodly fabric we
have hitherto been raising at the expense of so much time, blood, and
treasure."
After censuring with some freedom the prevailing opinions of the day,
he added, "To me it appears no unjust simile to compare the affairs
of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state
representing some one or other of the smaller parts of it, which they
are endeavouring to put in fine order, without considering how useless
and unavailing their labour is, unless the great wheel, or spring,
which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to, and
kept in good order. I allude to no particular state, nor do I mean to
cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, it may be said, to
do so on their representatives; but, as it is a fact too notorious to
be concealed, that congress is rent by party; that much business of a
trifling nature and personal concernment, withdraws their attention
from matters of great national moment at this critical period; when it
is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close
attention and application, no man who wishes well to the liberties of
this country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid
crying out--where are our men of abilities? Why do they not come forth
to save their country? Let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you,
Jefferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to
sit down under our vine and our own fig-tree, let our hitherto noble
struggle end in ignominy. Believe me when I tell you there is danger
of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking that administration, a
little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a
peace with us upon almost any terms; but I shall be much mistaken if
they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions,
and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing
I am sure will prevent it but the intervention of Spain, and their
disappointed hope from Russia."
The circumstances in the situation and temper of America, which made
so deep an impression on the Commander-in-chief, operated with equal
force on the British commissioners, and induced them to think that, by
continuing the war, more favourable terms than were now demanded might
be obtained. They seem to have taken up the opinion that the mass of
the people, fatigued and worn out by the complicated calamities of the
struggle, sincerely desired an accommodation on the terms proposed by
Great Britain; and that the increasing difficulties resulting from the
failure of public credit, would induce them to desert congress, or
compel that body to accede to those terms. These opinions, when
communicated to the government, most probably contributed to protract
the war.
The narrative of military transactions will now be resumed.
The British arms had heretofore been chiefly directed against the
northern and middle states. The strongest parts of the American
continent were pressed by their whole force; and, with the exception
of the attempt on Sullivan's island in 1776, no serious design had
yet been manifested to make an impression in the south. Entertaining
the most confident hopes of recovering all the colonies, the British
government had not prosecuted the war with a view to partial conquest.
But the loss of the army commanded by Burgoyne, the alliance of
America with France, and the unexpected obstinacy with which the
contest was maintained, had diminished their confidence; and, when the
pacific propositions made in 1778 were rejected, the resolution seems
to have been taken to change, materially, the object of their military
operations; and, maintaining possession of the islands of New York, to
direct their arms against the southern states, on which, it was
believed, a considerable impression might be made.
It was not unreasonable to suppose that the influence of this
impression might extend northward; but, however this might be, the
actual conquest and possession of several states would, when
negotiations for a general peace should take place, give a complexion
to those negotiations, and afford plausible ground for insisting to
retain territory already acquired. The most active and interesting
operations therefore of the succeeding campaigns, were in the southern
states.
Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, who sailed from the Hook about the last
of November, 1778, escorted by a small squadron commanded by
Commodore Hyde Parker, reached the isle of Tybee, near the Savannah,
on the 23d of December; and, in a few days, the fleet and the
transports passed the bar, and anchored in the river.
The command of the southern army, composed of the troops of South
Carolina and Georgia, had been committed to Major General Robert Howe,
who, in the course of the preceding summer, had invaded East
Florida.[16] The diseases incident to the climate made such ravages
among his raw soldiers, that, though he had scarcely seen an enemy, he
found himself compelled to hasten out of the country with considerable
loss. After this disastrous enterprise, his army, consisting of
between six and seven hundred continental troops, aided by a few
hundred militia, had encamped in the neighbourhood of the town of
Savannah, situated on the southern bank of the river bearing that
name. The country about the mouth of the river is one tract of deep
marsh, intersected by creeks and cuts of water, impassable for troops
at any time of the tide, except over causeways extending through the
sunken ground.
[Footnote 16: So early as January, 1776, congress had recommended the
reduction of St. Augustine to the southern colonies.--_Secret Journals
of Congress, page 38._]
[Sidenote: Invasion of Georgia.]
Without much opposition, Lieutenant Colonel Campbell effected a
landing on the 29th, about three miles below the town; upon which Howe
formed his line of battle. His left was secured by the river; and
along the whole extent of his front was a morass which stretched to
his right, and was believed by him to be impassable for such a
distance, as effectually to secure that wing.
After reconnoitring the country, Colonel Campbell advanced on the
great road leading to Savannah; and, about three in the afternoon,
appeared in sight of the American army. While making dispositions to
dislodge it, he accidentally fell in with a negro, who informed him of
a private path leading through the swamp, round the right of the
American lines to their rear. Determining to avail himself of this
path, he detached a column under Sir James Baird, which entered the
morass unperceived by Howe.
[Sidenote: General Howe defeated by the British under Colonel
Campbell, who takes possession of Savannah.]
As soon as Sir James emerged from the swamp, he attacked and dispersed
a body of Georgia militia, which gave the first notice to the American
general of the danger which threatened his rear. At the same instant,
the British troops in his front were put in motion, and their
artillery began to play upon him. A retreat was immediately ordered;
and the continental troops were under the necessity of running across
a plain, in front of the corps which had been led into their rear by
Sir James Baird, who attacked their flanks with great impetuosity, and
considerable effect. The few who escaped, retreated up the Savannah;
and, crossing that river at Zubly's ferry, took refuge in South
Carolina.
The victory was complete, and decisive in its consequences. About one
hundred Americans were either killed in the field, or drowned in
attempting to escape through a deep swamp. Thirty-eight officers, and
four hundred and fifteen privates, were taken. Forty-eight pieces of
cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort with all its military-stores, a
large quantity of provisions collected for the use of the army, and
the capital of Georgia, fell into the hands of the conqueror. These
advantages were obtained at the expense of only seven killed, and
nineteen wounded.
No military force now remained in Georgia, except the garrison of
Sunbury, whose retreat to South Carolina was cut off. All the lower
part of that state was occupied by the British, who adopted measures
to secure the conquest they had made. The inhabitants were treated
with a lenity as wise as it was humane. Their property was spared, and
their persons protected. To make the best use of victory, and of the
impression produced by the moderation of the victors, a proclamation
was issued, inviting the inhabitants to repair to the British
standard, and offering protection to those who would return to their
allegiance.
The effect of these measures did not disappoint those who adopted
them. The inhabitants flocked in great numbers to the royal standard;
military corps for the protection of the country were formed; and
posts were established for a considerable distance up the river.
[Sidenote: Sunbury surrenders to General Prevost.]
The northern frontier of Georgia being supposed to be settled into a
state of quiet, Colonel Campbell turned his attention towards Sunbury,
and was about to proceed against that place, when he received
intelligence that it had surrendered to General Prevost.
[Sidenote: The State of Georgia reduced.]
Sir Henry Clinton had ordered that officer to co-operate from East
Florida, with Colonel Campbell. On hearing that the troops from the
north were off the coast, he entered the southern frontier of Georgia,
and invested Sunbury, which, after a slight resistance, surrendered at
discretion. Having placed a garrison in the fort, he proceeded to
Savannah, took command of the army, and detached Colonel Campbell with
eight hundred regulars and a few provincials to Augusta, which fell
without resistance, and thus the whole state of Georgia was reduced.
While the expedition conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell was
preparing at New York, congress was meditating the conquest of East
Florida.
[Sidenote: General Lincoln takes the command of the southern army.]
The delegates of South Carolina and Georgia, anxious that a general of
more experience than Howe should command in the southern department,
had earnestly pressed that he should be recalled, and that General
Lincoln, whose military reputation was high, should be appointed to
succeed him. In compliance with their solicitations, Howe was ordered
in September, 1778, to repair to the head quarters of General
Washington, and Lincoln was directed to proceed immediately to
Charleston, in South Carolina, in order to take command in the
southern department. In pursuance of this resolution, General Lincoln
repaired to Charleston, where he found the military affairs of the
country in a state of utter derangement. Congress had established no
continental military chest in the southern department. This omission
produced a dependence on the government of the state for supplies to
move the army on any emergency, and consequent subjection of the
troops in continental service to its control. The militia, though
taken into continental service, considered themselves as subject only
to the military code of the state. These regulations threatened to
embarrass all military operations, and to embroil the general with the
civil government.
While Lincoln was labouring to make arrangements for the ensuing
campaign, he received intelligence of the appearance of the enemy off
the coast. The militia of North Carolina, amounting to two thousand
men, commanded by Generals Ash and Rutherford, had already reached
Charleston; but were unarmed, and congress had been unable to provide
magazines in this part of the Union. These troops were, therefore,
entirely dependent on South Carolina for every military equipment; and
arms were not delivered to them until it was too late to save the
capital of Georgia.
So soon as it was ascertained that the British fleet had entered the
Savannah river, General Lincoln proceeded with the utmost expedition
towards the scene of action. On his march, he received intelligence of
the victory gained over General Howe; and was soon afterwards joined
by the remnant of the defeated army at Purysburg, a small town on the
north side of the Savannah, where he established his head quarters.
The regular force commanded by General Prevost must have amounted to
at least three thousand effective men; and this number was increased
by irregulars who had joined him in Georgia. The American army rather
exceeded three thousand six hundred men, of whom not quite two
thousand five hundred were effective. Something more than one thousand
were continental troops, part of whom were new levies; the rest were
militia.
[Sidenote: Major Gardiner defeated by General Moultrie.]
The theatre of action was so well adapted to defensive war, that,
although General Prevost was decidedly superior to his adversary, it
was difficult to extend his conquests into South Carolina. With the
view of entering that state by the way of the sea coast, he detached
Major Gardiner with about two hundred men, to take possession of the
island of Port Royal. That officer, soon after reaching his place of
destination, was attacked by General Moultrie, and compelled to
retreat with considerable loss. This repulse checked the designs of
Prevost on South Carolina.
[Sidenote: Insurrection of the Tories in South Carolina, who are
defeated by Colonel Pickens.]
From the commencement of the war, a considerable proportion of the
western inhabitants of the three southern states had been attached to
the royal cause. The first successes of the British were soon
communicated to them, and they were invited to assemble and join the
king's standard at Augusta. About seven hundred embodied themselves on
the frontiers of South Carolina, and began their march to that place.
They were overtaken by Colonel Pickens at the head of the neighbouring
militia, near Kittle Creek, and defeated with considerable loss.
Colonel Boyd, their leader, was among the slain; and several of those
who escaped were apprehended, tried, and five of them executed as
traitors. About three hundred reached the British out-posts, and
joined the royal standard. This defeat broke the spirits of the Tories
for a time; and preserved quiet in the west.
As the American army gained strength by reinforcements of militia,
General Lincoln began to contemplate offensive operations. A
detachment had been stationed nearly opposite to Augusta under General
Ash, and he purposed joining that officer so soon as a sufficient
force could be collected, and attempting to recover the upper parts of
Georgia. Before he was able to execute this plan, General Prevost
withdrew his troops from Augusta to Hudson's Ferry. Ash was then
ordered to cross the Savannah, and take post near the confluence of
Briar Creek with that river. This camp was thought unassailable. Its
left was covered by a deep swamp, and by the Savannah. The front was
secured by Briar Creek, which is unfordable several miles, and makes
an acute angle with the river.
[Sidenote: Ash surprised and defeated by Prevost.]
Having determined to dislodge the Americans from this position,
Prevost kept up the attention of General Lincoln by the semblance of a
design to cross the Savannah; and, at the same time amused General Ash
with a feint on his front, while Lieutenant Colonel Prevost made a
circuit of about fifty miles, and, crossing Briar Creek fifteen miles
above the ground occupied by Ash, came down, unperceived and
unsuspected, on his rear. Ash, unused to the stratagems of war, was so
completely engaged by the manoeuvres in his front, that Lieutenant
Colonel Prevost was almost in his camp before any intelligence of his
approach was received. The continental troops under General Elbert
were drawn out to oppose him, and commenced the action with great
gallantry; but most of the militia threw away their arms and fled in
confusion. As they precipitated themselves into the swamp and swam the
river, not many of them were taken. General Elbert and his small band
of continental troops, aided by one regiment of North Carolina
militia, were soon overpowered by numbers, and the survivors were
compelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war. The killed and
taken amounted to between three and four hundred men. General Elbert
and Colonel M'Intosh were among the latter. But the loss sustained by
the American army was much more considerable. The dispersed militia
returned to their homes; and not more than four hundred and fifty of
them could be reassembled.
This victory was supposed to give the British such complete possession
of Georgia, that a proclamation was issued the succeeding day by
General Prevost, establishing civil government, and appointing
executive and judicial officers to administer it.
These disasters, instead of terrifying South Carolina into submission,
animated that state to greater exertions. Mr. John Rutledge, a
gentleman of great talents and decision, was elected governor; and the
legislature passed an act empowering him and the council to do every
thing that appeared to him and them necessary for the public good. All
the energies of the state were drawn forth. The militia were called
out in great numbers, and the laws for their government were rendered
more severe.[17]
[Footnote 17: Ramsay.]
Thus reinforced, General Lincoln resumed his plan for recovering the
upper parts of Georgia; and marched the main body of his army up the
Savannah.
This river was now swelled greatly beyond its usual limits; and the
swamps, marshes, and creeks which intersect the country being full,
seemed to present an almost impassable barrier to an invading army. A
small military force being deemed sufficient to arrest the progress of
an enemy through a route which, if at all practicable, was so
difficult, about eight hundred of the state militia, aided by two
hundred continental troops, were left with General Moultrie for the
defence of the country.
[Sidenote: Prevost compels Moultrie to retreat.]
Aware of the importance of this movement, and hoping to recall Lincoln
by alarming him for the safety of Charleston, General Prevost suddenly
crossed the Savannah with three thousand men; and, advancing rapidly
on General Moultrie, obliged him to retreat with precipitation. The
militia could not be prevailed on to defend the passes with any degree
of firmness; and Moultrie, instead of drawing aid from the surrounding
country, sustained an alarming diminution of numbers by desertion.
On the passage of the river by Prevost, an express had been despatched
to Lincoln with the intelligence. Persuaded that the British general
could meditate no serious attempt on Charleston, and that the real
object was to induce him to abandon the enterprise in which he was
engaged, he detached a reinforcement of three hundred light troops to
aid Moultrie, and crossing the Savannah himself, continued his march
down the south side of that river towards the capital of Georgia.
[Sidenote: Prevost marches to Charleston.]
Though the original purpose of General Prevost had been limited to the
security of Georgia, the opposition he encountered was so much less
than he had expected; the tenour of the country was so apparent; the
assurances of those who flocked to his standard; of the general
disposition of the people to terminate the calamities of war by
submission, were so often and so confidently repeated, that he was
emboldened to extend his views, and to hazard the continuation of his
march to Charleston.
On receiving intelligence of this threatening aspect of affairs in
South Carolina, Lincoln recrossed the Savannah, and hastened to the
relief of that state.
The situation of Charleston was extremely critical. The inhabitants,
entirely unapprehensive of an attack by land, had directed their whole
attention to its protection against an invasion by sea. Had Prevost
continued his march with the rapidity with which it was commenced, the
place must have fallen. But, after having gained more than half the
distance, he halted, and consumed two or three days in deliberating on
his future measures. While his intelligence determined him to proceed,
and assured him of a state of things which rendered success almost
certain, that state of things was rapidly changing. Fortifications on
the land side were commenced and prosecuted with unremitting labour;
the neighbouring militia were drawn into the town; the reinforcements
detached by General Lincoln, and the remnant of the legion of Pulaski
arrived; and the governor also entered the city, at the head of some
troops which had been stationed at Orangeburg.
The next morning Prevost crossed Ashly River, and encamped just
without cannon shot of the works. The town was summoned to surrender,
and the day was spent in sending and receiving flags. The neutrality
of South Carolina during the war, leaving the question whether that
state should finally belong to Great Britain or the United States, to
be settled in the treaty of peace, was proposed by the garrison, and
rejected by Prevost; who required that they should surrender
themselves prisoners of war. This proposition being also rejected, the
garrison prepared to sustain an assault. But an attempt to carry the
works by storm was too hazardous to be made; and Prevost came to the
prudent resolution of decamping that night, and recrossing Ashly
River.
[Sidenote: Lincoln attacks the British at the ferry but without
success.]
The British army passed into the island of St. James, and thence to
that of St. John's, which lies south of Charleston harbour; soon after
which General Lincoln encamped in the neighbourhood, so as to confine
them in a great degree to the island they occupied. This island is
separated from the main land by an inlet, to which the name of Stono
River has been given; and the communication is preserved by a ferry. A
British post was established upon the main land at this ferry, and
works were thrown up in front for its defence. When Prevost commenced
his retreat, and the troops were moving from island to island, the
occasion seemed a fair one for attacking it. Only eight hundred men,
commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Maitland, defended it; but a large
corps still lay on the island. To prevent these troops from supporting
those on the main land, General Moultrie, who commanded in Charleston,
was ordered to pass over a body of militia into James's island, who
should amuse the enemy in St. John's, while a real attack should be
made on the post at the ferry. About seven in the morning, General
Lincoln commenced this attack with about one thousand men; and
continued it with great spirit, until he perceived that strong
reinforcements were crossing over from the island; when he called off
his troops, and retreated, unmolested, to his old ground.
General Moultrie had been unable to execute that part of the plan
which devolved on him. Boats were not in readiness to convey the men
into James's island, and consequently the feint on St. John's was not
made.
The loss of the Americans, in killed and wounded, amounted to
twenty-four officers, and one hundred and twenty-five privates. That
of the British was stated to be rather less.
Three days after this action, the posts at Stono and St. John's were
evacuated. The heat now became too excessive for active service; and
the British army, after establishing a post on the island contiguous
to Port Royal and St. Helena, retired into Georgia and St. Augustine.
The American militia dispersed, leaving General Lincoln at the head of
about eight hundred men; with whom he retired to Sheldon, where his
primary object was to prepare for the next campaign, which it was
supposed would open in October.
The invasion of the southern states wore so serious an aspect, that
Bland's regiment of cavalry, and the remnant of that lately Baylor's,
now commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Washington, with the new levies of
Virginia, were ordered to repair to Charleston, and to place
themselves under the command of General Lincoln. The execution of
these orders was for a time suspended by the invasion of Virginia.
[Sidenote: Invasion of Virginia by General Matthews.]
An expedition against that state had been concerted in the spring
between Sir Henry Clinton and Sir George Collier, the
Commander-in-chief of the British naval force on the American station.
The land troops assigned to this service were commanded by General
Matthews. The transports, on board of which they embarked, were
convoyed by the Admiral in person. On the 9th of May the fleet entered
the Chesapeake, and the next day anchored in Hampton Roads.
Virginia had raised a regiment of artillery for the performance of
garrison duty in the state, which had been distributed along the
eastern frontier; and slight fortifications had been constructed in
the most important situations, which were defensible on the side of
the water, but were not tenable against a military force strong enough
to act on land. Fort Nelson, on the west side of Elizabeth river,
garrisoned by about one hundred and fifty soldiers, commanded by Major
Matthews, was designed to protect the towns of Norfolk and Portsmouth,
which were on each side of the river just above it; and the town of
Gosport, which lies still higher up on a point of land intervening
between two branches of the river. Norfolk and Portsmouth were places
of the most considerable commerce in Virginia. Large supplies for the
army were deposited in them; and the state government had established
at Gosport a marine yard, where ships of war and other vessels were
building, for which naval stores were collected to a very great
amount. The destruction of these vessels and stores, constituted the
principal object of General Matthews.
On the morning of the tenth, the fleet entered Elizabeth river, and
the troops were landed about three miles below the fort, without
opposition. Foreseeing that the works would be attacked the next
morning on the land side, the garrison evacuated the fort in the
night, and took refuge in a deep and extensive swamp, called the
Dismal, which could not be penetrated without difficulty, even by
single persons.
The whole sea-board, on the south side of James' river, being now in
possession of General Matthews, he fixed his head quarters at
Portsmouth, whence small parties were detached to Norfolk, Gosport,
Kemps' landing, and Suffolk, where military and naval stores to a
great amount, and several vessels richly laden, fell into his hands.
This invasion was of short duration. General Matthews, after
destroying the magazines which had been collected in the small towns
near the coast, and the vessels in the rivers, was ordered by Sir
Henry Clinton to return to New York, where he arrived towards the last
of May.
The Admiral and General were both so impressed with the importance of
Portsmouth as a permanent station, that they united in representing to
the Commander-in-chief the advantages to be derived from keeping
possession of it. But, in the opinion of Sir Henry Clinton, the army
did not at that time admit of so many subdivisions; and, with a view
to more interesting objects, Portsmouth was evacuated.
CHAPTER V.
Discontents in a part of the American army.... Letter from
General Washington on the subject.... Colonel Van Schaick
destroys an Indian settlement.... Expedition against the
Indians meditated.... Fort Fayette surrendered to the
British.... Invasion of Connecticut.... General Wayne storms
Stony Point.... Expedition against Penobscot.... Powles Hook
surprised by Major Lee.... Arrival of Admiral Arbuthnot....
Of the Count D'Estaing.... Siege of Savannah....
Unsuccessful attempt to storm that place.... Siege
raised.... Victory of General Sullivan at Newtown.... Spain
offers her mediation to the belligerents.... Declares war
against England.... Letter from General Washington to
congress respecting the annual formation of the army.... The
army goes into winter quarters.
[Sidenote: 1779]
The barbarities committed by the Indians, in the course of the
preceding year, on the inhabitants of the western frontiers, had added
motives of mingled resentment and humanity to those of national
interest, for employing a larger force in the protection of that part
of the Union than had heretofore been devoted to it.
General Washington had always believed that it was impossible to
defend the immense western frontier by any chain of posts which could
be established; and that the country would be protected much more
certainly by offensive than by defensive war. His plan was to
penetrate into the heart of the Indian settlements with a force
competent to the destruction of their towns; and also to reduce the
British post at Niagara, which gave its possessors an almost
irresistible influence over the six nations. This plan constituted one
of the various subjects of conference with the committee of congress
in Philadelphia, and received the entire approbation of that body.
The state governments also took a strong interest in the protection of
their western settlements. Connecticut, New York, and Pennsylvania,
applied, severally, to congress, urging the adoption of such vigorous
measures as would secure the frontiers against a repetition of the
horrors which had been already perpetrated. These papers were referred
to the committee which had been appointed to confer with General
Washington, in conformity with whose report it was resolved, "that the
Commander-in-chief be directed to take efficient measures for the
protection of the inhabitants, and chastisement of the savages."
The Six Nations had made some advances towards acquiring the comforts
of civilized life. Several comfortable houses were to be seen in their
populous villages; and their fertile fields and orchards yielded an
abundant supply of corn and fruit. Some few of their towns were
attached to the United States; but, in general, they were under the
influence of the British. Many of the loyalists had taken refuge among
them, and had added to their strength without diminishing their
ferocity. It was determined to lead a force into these villages,
sufficient to overpower any numbers they could possibly bring into the
field, and to destroy the settlements they had made. To guard against
reinforcements from Canada, means were used to inspire that colony
with fears for itself.
[Sidenote: Discontents in a part of the American army.]
As the army destined for this expedition was about to move, alarming
symptoms of discontent appeared in a part of it. The Jersey brigade,
which had been stationed during the winter at Elizabethtown, was
ordered early in May, to march by regiments. This order was answered
by a letter from General Maxwell, stating that the officers of the
first regiment had delivered a remonstrance to their Colonel,
addressed to the legislature of the state, declaring that, unless
their complaints on the subjects of pay and support should obtain the
immediate attention of that body, they were, at the expiration of
three days, to be considered as having resigned; and requesting the
legislature, in that event, to appoint other officers to succeed them.
They declared, however, their readiness to make every preparation for
obeying the orders which had been given, and to continue their
attention to the regiment until a reasonable time should elapse for
the appointment of their successors. "This," added the letter of
General Maxwell, "is a step they are extremely unwilling to take, but
it is such as I make no doubt they will all take; nothing but
necessity--their not being able to support themselves in time to come,
and being loaded with debts contracted in time past, could have
induced them to resign at so critical a juncture."
The intelligence conveyed in this letter made a serious impression on
the Commander-in-chief. He was strongly attached to the army and to
its interests; had witnessed its virtue and its sufferings; and
lamented sincerely its present distresses. The justice of the
complaints made by the officers could no more be denied, than the
measure they had adopted could be approved. Relying on their
patriotism and on his own influence, he immediately wrote a letter to
General Maxwell, to be laid before them, in which, mingling the
sensibility of a friend with the authority of a general, he addressed
to their understanding and to their love of country, observations
calculated to invite their whole attention to the consequences which
must result from the step they were about to take.
[Sidenote: Letter from General Washington on this subject.]
"The patience and perseverance of the army," proceeds the letter,
"have been, under every disadvantage, such as to do them the highest
honour both at home and abroad, and have inspired me with an unlimited
confidence of their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every
perplexity and reverse of fortune, to which our affairs, in a struggle
of this nature, were necessarily exposed. Now that we have made so
great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so
that we can not fail without a most shameful desertion of our own
interests, any thing like a change of conduct would imply a very
unhappy change of principles, and a forgetfulness, as well of what we
owe to ourselves, as to our country. Did I suppose it possible this
could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should be
mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a wound
given to my own honour, which I consider as embarked with that of the
army at large. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was
about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the
consequences; and no officer of common discernment and sensibility
would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of
other consequences, what would be their feelings on reflecting that
they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior
to the rest of the army. Or if their example should be followed, and
become general, how could they console themselves for having been the
foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country. They would
remember that the army would share a double portion of the general
infamy and distress, and that the character of an American officer
would become as infamous as it is now glorious.
"I confess the appearances in the present instance are disagreeable,
but I am convinced they seem to mean more than they really do. The
Jersey officers have not been outdone by any others in the qualities
either of citizens or soldiers; and I am confident, no part of them
would seriously intend any thing that would be a stain on their former
reputation. The gentlemen can not be in earnest; they have only
reasoned wrong about the means of obtaining a good end, and, on
consideration, I hope and flatter myself they will renounce what must
appear to be improper. At the opening of a campaign, when under
marching orders for an important service, their own honour, duty to
the public and to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, will
not suffer them to persist in a measure which would be a violation of
them all. It will even wound their delicacy, coolly to reflect that
they have hazarded a step, which has an air of dictating terms to
their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment.
"The declaration they have made to the state, at so critical a time,
that unless they obtain relief in the short period of three days, they
must be considered out of the service, has very much that aspect; and
the seeming relaxation of continuing until the state can have a
reasonable time to provide other officers, will be thought only a
superficial veil. I am now to request that you will convey my
sentiments to the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them
sensible that they are in an error. The service for which the
regiment was intended will not admit of delay. It must at all events
march on Monday morning, in the first place to camp, and farther
directions will be given when it arrives. I am sure I shall not be
mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obedience."
The representations of this letter did not completely produce the
desired effect. The officers did not recede from their claims. In an
address to the Commander-in-chief, they expressed their unhappiness
that any act of theirs should give him pain, but proceeded to justify
the step they had taken. Repeated memorials had been presented to
their legislature, which had been received with promises of attention,
but had been regularly neglected. "At length," said they, "we have
lost all confidence in our legislature. Reason and experience forbid
that we should have any. Few of us have private fortunes; many have
families who already are suffering every thing that can be received
from an ungrateful country. Are we then to suffer all the
inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our
wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at
home;--and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our
pay is now only nominal? We are sensible that your excellency can not
wish nor desire this from us.
"We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. It
was and still is our determination to march with our regiment, and to
do the duty of officers until the legislature should have a reasonable
time to appoint others, but no longer.
"We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest
sense of your ability and virtues;--that executing your orders has
ever given us pleasure;--that we love the service, and we love our
country;--but when that country gets so lost to virtue and justice as
to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to
retire from its service."
This letter was peculiarly embarrassing. To adopt a stern course of
proceeding might hazard the loss of the Jersey line, an event not less
injurious to the service, than painful to himself. To take up the
subject without doing too much for the circumstances of the army,
would be doing too little for the occasion. He therefore declined
taking any other notice of the letter, than to declare through General
Maxwell that, while they continued to do their duty in conformity with
the determination they had expressed, he should only regret the part
they had taken, and should hope they would perceive its impropriety.
The legislature of New Jersey, alarmed at the decisive step taken by
the officers, was at length induced to pay some attention to their
situation; they consenting, on their part, to withdraw their
remonstrance. In the meantime, they continued to perform their duty;
and their march was not delayed by this unpleasant altercation.
In communicating this transaction to congress, General Washington took
occasion to remind that body of his having frequently urged the
absolute necessity of some general and adequate provision for the
officers of the army. "I shall only observe," continued the letter,
"that the distresses in some corps are so great, either where they
were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the
state has been less provident, that the officers have solicited even
to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiery,
coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not power to comply with the
request.
"The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and honour, will
support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt
not congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this
respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it."
[Sidenote: Colonel Van Schaick surprises and destroys one of the
Indian settlements.]
Before the troops destined for the grand expedition were put in
motion, an enterprise of less extent was undertaken, which was
completely successful. A plan for surprising the towns of the
Onondagas, one of the nearest of the hostile tribes, having been
formed by General Schuyler, and approved by the Commander-in-chief,
Colonel Van Schaick, assisted by Lieutenant Colonel Willet, and Major
Cochran, marched from fort Schuyler on the morning of the 19th of
April, at the head of between five and six hundred men; and, on the
third day, reached the point of destination. The whole settlement was
destroyed, after which the detachment returned to fort Schuyler
without the loss of a single man. For this handsome display of talents
as a partisan, the thanks of congress were voted to Colonel Van
Schaick, and the officers and soldiers under his command.
[Sidenote: Expedition against the Indians meditated.]
The cruelties exercised by the Indians in the course of the preceding
year, had given a great degree of importance to the expedition now
meditated against them; and the relative military strength and
situation of the two parties, rendered it improbable that any other
offensive operations could be carried on by the Americans in the
course of the present campaign. The army under the command of Sir
Henry Clinton, exclusive of the troops in the southern department, was
computed at between sixteen and seventeen thousand men. The American
army, the largest division of which lay at Middlebrook, under the
immediate command of General Washington, was rather inferior to that
of the British in real strength. The grand total, except those in the
southern and western country, including officers of every description,
amounted to about sixteen thousand. Three thousand of these were in
New England under the command of General Gates; and the remaining
thirteen thousand were cantoned on both sides the North River. The
bare statement of numbers, must show the incompetency of the American
army to the expulsion of the British from either New York or Rhode
Island. On their part, therefore, the plan of the campaign was,
necessarily, defensive; and the hazards and difficulties attending the
execution of even a defensive plan were considerable.
Independent of an extensive coast, at all places accessible to the
invading army, the Hudson, penetrating deep into the country which was
to be the theatre of action, gave great advantages in their military
operations to those who commanded the water.
After the destruction of forts Clinton and Montgomery in 1777, it had
been determined to construct the fortifications intended for the
future defence of the North River, at West Point, a position which,
being more completely embosomed in the hills, was deemed more
defensible. The works had been prosecuted with unremitting industry,
but were far from being completed.
Some miles below West Point, about the termination of the Highlands,
is King's Ferry, where the great road, affording the most convenient
communication between the middle and eastern states, crosses the North
River. The ferry is completely commanded by the two opposite points of
land. That on the west side, a rough and elevated piece of ground, is
denominated Stony Point; and the other, on the east side, a flat neck
of land projecting far into the water, is called Verplank's Point. The
command of King's Ferry was an object worth the attention of either
army; and Washington had comprehended the points which protect it
within his plan of defence for the Highlands. A small but strong work,
termed fort Fayette, was completed at Verplank's, and was garrisoned
by a company commanded by Captain Armstrong. The works on Stony Point
were unfinished. As the season for active operations approached, Sir
Henry Clinton formed a plan for opening the campaign with a brilliant
_coup de main_ up the North River; and, towards the latter end of May,
made preparations for the enterprise.
[Sidenote: May.]
These preparations were immediately communicated to General
Washington, who was confident that the British general meditated an
attack on the forts in the highlands, or designed to take a position
between those forts and Middlebrook, in order to interrupt the
communication between the different parts of the American army, to
prevent their reunion, and to beat them in detail. Measures were
instantly taken to counteract either of these designs. The
intelligence from New York was communicated to Generals Putnam and
M'Dougal, who were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march;
and, on the 29th of May, the army moved by divisions from Middlebrook
towards the highlands. On the 30th, the British army, commanded by Sir
Henry Clinton in person, and convoyed by Sir George Collier, proceeded
up the river; and General Vaughan, at the head of the largest
division, landed next morning, about eight miles below Verplank's. The
other division, under the particular command of General Patterson, but
accompanied by Sir Henry Clinton, advancing farther up, landed on the
west side within three miles of Stony Point.
[Sidenote: June 1.]
[Sidenote: Fort Fayette surrendered to the British.]
That place being immediately abandoned, General Patterson took
possession of it on the same afternoon. He dragged some heavy cannon
and mortars to the summit of the hill in the course of the night; and,
at five next morning, opened a battery on fort Fayette, at the
distance of about one thousand yards. During the following night, two
galleys passed the fort, and, anchoring above it, prevented the escape
of the garrison by water; while General Vaughan invested it closely by
land. No means of defending the fort, or of saving themselves
remaining, the garrison became prisoners of war. Immediate directions
were given for completing the works at both posts, and for putting
Stony Point, in particular, in a strong state of defence.
It is scarcely supposable that the views of Sir Henry Clinton in
moving up the river, were limited to this single acquisition. The
means employed were so disproportioned to the object, as to justify a
belief that he contemplated farther and more important conquests.
Whatever may have been his plans, the measures of precaution taken by
Washington counteracted their execution; and before Clinton was in a
situation to proceed against West Point, General M'Dougal was so
strengthened, and the American army took such a position on the strong
grounds about the Hudson, that the enterprise became too hazardous to
be farther prosecuted.
[Sidenote: July.]
[Sidenote: Invasion of Connecticut.]
After completing the fortifications on both sides the river, at King's
Ferry, Sir Henry Clinton placed a strong garrison in each fort, and
proceeded down the river to Philipsburg. The relative situation of the
hostile armies presenting insuperable obstacles to any grand
operation, they could be employed offensively only on detached
expeditions. Connecticut from its contiguity to New York, and its
extent of sea coast, was peculiarly exposed to invasion. The numerous
small cruisers which plied in the Sound, to the great annoyance of
British commerce, and the large supplies of provisions drawn from the
adjacent country, for the use of the continental army, furnished great
inducements to Sir Henry Clinton to direct his enterprises
particularly against that state. He also hoped to draw General
Washington from his impregnable position on the North River into the
low country, and thus obtain an opportunity of striking at some part
of his army, or of seizing the posts, which were the great object of
the campaign. With these views, he planned an expedition against
Connecticut, the command of which was given to Governor Tryon, who
reached New Haven bay on the 5th of July, with about two thousand six
hundred men.
General Washington was at the time on the lines, examining in person
the condition of the works on Stony and Verplank's Points; in
consequence of which, the intelligence which was transmitted to head
quarters that the fleet had sailed, could not be immediately
communicated to the governor of Connecticut, and the first intimation
which that state received of its danger, was given by the appearance
of the enemy. The militia assembled in considerable numbers with
alacrity; but the British effected a landing, and took possession of
the town. After destroying the military and naval stores found in the
place, they re-embarked, and proceeded westward to Fairfield, which
was reduced to ashes. The good countenance shown by the militia at
this place is attested by the apology made by General Tryon for the
wanton destruction of private property, which disgraced his conduct.
"The village was burnt," he says, "to resent the fire of the rebels
from their houses, and to mask our retreat."
[Sidenote: July.]
From Fairfield the fleet crossed the Sound to Huntingdon bay, where it
remained until the eleventh, when it recrossed that water, after
which the troops were landed in the night on the low pasture, a
peninsula on the east side of the bay of Norwalk. About the same time,
a much larger detachment from the British army directed its course
towards Horse Neck, and made demonstrations of a design to penetrate
into the country in that direction.
[Sidenote: July.]
On the first intelligence that Connecticut was invaded, General
Parsons, a native of that state, had been directed by General
Washington to hasten to the scene of action. Placing himself at the
head of about one hundred and fifty continental troops, who were
supported by considerable bodies of militia, he attacked the British
in the morning of the twelfth, as soon as they were in motion, and
kept up an irregular distant fire throughout the day. But being too
weak to prevent the destruction of any particular town on the coast,
Norwalk was reduced to ashes; after which the British re-embarked, and
returned to Huntingdon bay, there to wait for reinforcements. At this
place, however, Tryon received orders to return to the White Stone;
where, in a conference between Sir Henry Clinton and Sir George
Collier, it was determined to proceed against New London with an
increased force.
On the invasion of Connecticut, the Commander-in-chief was prompt in
his exertions to send continental troops from the nearest encampments
to its aid; but, before they could afford any real service, Sir Henry
Clinton found it necessary to recall Tryon to the Hudson.
General Washington had planned an enterprise against the posts at
King's Ferry, comprehending a double attack, to be made at the same
time, on both. But the difficulty of a perfect co-operation of
detachments, incapable of communicating with each other, determined
him to postpone the attack on Verplank's, and to make that part of the
plan dependent on the success of the first. His whole attention
therefore was turned to Stony Point; and the troops destined for this
critical service, proceeded on it as against a single object.
[Sidenote: July.]
The execution of the plan was entrusted to General Wayne, who
commanded the light infantry of the army. Secrecy was deemed so much
more essential to success than numbers, that no addition was made to
the force already on the lines. One brigade was ordered to commence
its march, so as to reach the scene of action in time to cover the
troops engaged in the attack, should any unlooked-for disaster befall
them; and Major Lee of the light dragoons, who had been eminently
useful in obtaining the intelligence which led to the enterprise, was
associated with General Wayne, as far as cavalry could be employed in
such a service. The night of the fifteenth, and the hour of twelve,
were chosen for the assault.
Stony Point is a commanding hill, projecting far into the Hudson,
which washes three-fourths of its base. The remaining fourth is, in a
great measure, covered by a deep marsh, commencing near the river on
the upper side, and continuing into it below. Over this marsh there is
only one crossing place; but at its junction with the river, is a
sandy beach, passable at low tide. On the summit of this hill stood
the fort, which was furnished with heavy ordnance. Several
breast-works and strong batteries were advanced in front of the main
work; and, about half way down the hill, were two rows of abattis. The
batteries were calculated to command the beach and the crossing place
of the marsh, and to rake and enfilade any column which might be
advancing from either of those points towards the fort. In addition to
these defences, several vessels of war were stationed in the river,
and commanded the ground at the foot of the hill. The garrison
consisted of about six hundred men, commanded by Colonel Johnson.
General Wayne arrived about eight in the afternoon at Spring Steel's,
one and a half miles from the fort; and made his dispositions for the
assault.
[Sidenote: General Wayne surprises and takes Stony Point.]
It was intended to attack the works on the right and left flanks at
the same instant. The regiments of Febiger and of Meigs, with Major
Hull's detachment, formed the right column; and Butler's regiment,
with two companies under Major Murfree, formed the left. One hundred
and fifty volunteers, led by Lieutenant Colonel Fleury and Major
Posey, constituted the van of the right; and one hundred volunteers
under Major Stewart, composed the van of the left. At half past eleven
the two columns moved to the assault, the van of each with unloaded
muskets, and fixed bayonets. They were each preceded by a forlorn hope
of twenty men, the one commanded by Lieutenant Gibbon, and the other
by Lieutenant Knox. They reached the marsh undiscovered; and, at
twenty minutes after twelve, commenced the assault.
Both columns rushed forward under a tremendous fire. Surmounting every
obstacle, they entered the works at the point of the bayonet; and,
without discharging a single musket, obtained possession of the fort.
The humanity displayed by the conquerors was not less conspicuous, nor
less honourable than their courage. Not an individual suffered after
resistance had ceased.
All the troops engaged in this perilous service manifested a degree of
ardour and impetuosity, which proved them to be capable of the most
difficult enterprises; and all distinguished themselves, whose
situation enabled them to do so. Colonel Fleury was the first to enter
the fort and strike the British standard. Major Posey mounted the
works almost at the same instant, and was the first to give the watch
word--"The fort's our own."--Lieutenants Gibbon and Knox performed
the service allotted to them with a degree of intrepidity which could
not be surpassed. Of twenty men who constituted the party of the
former, seventeen were killed or wounded.
Sixty-three of the garrison were killed, including two officers. The
prisoners amounted to five hundred and forty-three, among whom were
one lieutenant colonel, four captains, and twenty subaltern officers.
The military stores taken in the fort were considerable.[18]
[Footnote 18: The author was in the covering party, visited the fort
next day, and conversed with the officers who had been engaged in
storming the works.]
The loss sustained by the assailants was not proportioned to the
apparent danger of the enterprise. The killed and wounded did not
exceed one hundred men; General Wayne, who marched with Febiger's
regiment in the right column, received a slight wound in the head
which stunned him for a time, but did not compel him to leave the
column. Being supported by his aids, he entered the fort with a
regiment. Lieutenant Colonel Hay was also among the wounded.
Although the design upon fort Fayette had yielded to the desire of
securing the success of the attack on Stony Point, it had not been
abandoned. Two brigades under General M'Dougal had been ordered to
approach the works on Verplank's, in which Colonel Webster commanded,
and be in readiness to attack them the instant General Wayne should
obtain possession of Stony Point. That this detachment might not
permit the favourable moment to pass unimproved, Wayne had been
requested to direct the messenger who should convey the intelligence
of his success
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