The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2
by John Marshall · English · Gutenberg #18592 · 809,526 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Life of George Washington, Vol. 2
Author: John Marshall
Release date: June 15, 2006 [eBook #18592]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/18592
Credits: Produced by Linda Cantoni and David Widger
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, VOL. 2 ***
Produced by Linda Cantoni and David Widger
THE
LIFE
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE
AMERICAN FORCES,
DURING THE WAR WHICH ESTABLISHED THE INDEPENDENCE OF HIS COUNTRY, AND
FIRST PRESIDENT
OF THE
UNITED STATES.
COMPILED UNDER THE INSPECTION OF
THE HONOURABLE BUSHROD WASHINGTON,
FROM
_ORIGINAL PAPERS_
BEQUEATHED TO HIM BY HIS DECEASED RELATIVE, AND NOW IN POSSESSION OF
THE AUTHOR.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED,
AN INTRODUCTION,
CONTAINING A COMPENDIOUS VIEW OF THE COLONIES PLANTED BY THE ENGLISH
ON THE
CONTINENT OF NORTH AMERICA,
FROM THEIR SETTLEMENT TO THE COMMENCEMENT OF THAT WAR WHICH TERMINATED
IN THEIR
INDEPENDENCE.
BY JOHN MARSHALL.
VOL. II.
THE CITIZENS' GUILD
OF WASHINGTON'S BOYHOOD HOME
FREDERICKSBURG, VA.
1926
Printed in the U.S.A.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I.
Birth of Mr. Washington.... His mission to the French on the Ohio....
Appointed Lieutenant Colonel of a regiment of regular troops....
Surprises Monsieur Jumonville.... Capitulation of fort Necessity....
Is appointed aid-de-camp to General Braddock.... Defeat and death of
that general.... Is appointed to the command of a regiment.... Extreme
distress of the frontiers, and exertions of Colonel Washington to
augment the regular forces of the colony.... Expedition against fort
Du Quesne.... Defeat of Major Grant.... Fort Du Quesne evacuated by
the French, and taken possession of by the English.... Resignation of
Colonel Washington.... His marriage.
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Washington appointed commander-in-chief of the American
forces.... Arrives at Cambridge.... Strength and disposition of the
two armies.... Deficiency of the Americans in arms and ammunitions....
Falmouth burnt.... Success of the American cruisers.... Distress of
the British from the want of fresh provisions.... Measures to form a
continental army.... Difficulty of re-enlisting the troops.... Plan
for attacking Boston.... General Lee detached to New York....
Possession taken of the heights of Dorchester.... Boston evacuated....
Correspondence respecting prisoners.
CHAPTER III.
Invasion of Canada meditated.... Siege of St. John's.... Capture of
fort Chamblée.... Carleton defeated at Longueisle.... St. John's
capitulated.... Montreal surrenders.... Arnold's expedition.... He
arrives before Quebec.... Retires to Point Aux Trembles.... Montgomery
lays siege to Quebec.... Unsuccessful attack on that place.... Death
of Montgomery.... Blockade of Quebec.... General Thomas takes command
of the army.... The blockade raised.... General Sullivan takes the
command.... Battle of the Three Rivers.... Canada evacuated....
General Carleton constructs a fleet.... Enters lake Champlain....
Defeats the American flotilla.... Takes possession of Crown Point....
Retires into winter quarters.
CHAPTER IV.
Transaction in Virginia.... Action at Great Bridge.... Norfolk
evacuated.... Burnt.... Transactions in North Carolina.... Action at
Moore's Creek Bridge.... Invasion of South Carolina.... British fleet
repulsed at Fort Moultrie.... Transactions in New York.... Measures
leading to Independence.... Independence declared.
CHAPTER V.
Lord and Sir William Howe arrive before New York.... Circular letter
of Lord Howe.... State of the American Army.... The British land in
force on Long Island.... Battle of Brooklyn.... Evacuation of Long
Island.... Fruitless negotiations.... New York evacuated.... Skirmish
on the heights of Haerlem.... Letter on the state of the army.
CHAPTER VI.
The British land at Frog's Neck.... The American army evacuates York
Island, except fort Washington.... Both armies move towards the White
Plains.... Battle of the White Plains.... The British army returns to
Kingsbridge.... General Washington crosses the North river.... The
lines of fort Washington carried by the British, and the garrison made
prisoners.... Evacuation of fort Lee.... Weakness of the American
army.... Ineffectual attempts to raise the militia.... General
Washington retreats through Jersey.... General Washington crosses the
Delaware.... Danger of Philadelphia.... Capture of General Lee.... The
British go into winter quarters.... Battle of Trenton.... Of
Princeton.... Firmness of congress.
CHAPTER VII.
American army inoculated.... General Heath moves to Kingsbridge....
Returns to Peekskill.... Skirmishes.... State of the army....
Destruction of stores at Peekskill.... At Danbury.... Expedition to
Sagg Harbour.... Camp formed at Middlebrook.... Sir William Howe moves
out to Somerset Court House.... Returns to Amboy.... Attempts to cut
off the retreat of the American army to Middlebrook.... Lord
Cornwallis skirmishes with Lord Stirling.... General Prescott
surprised and taken.... The British army embarks.
CHAPTER VIII.
General Washington commences his march to the Delaware.... Takes
measures for checking Burgoyne.... British army land at Elk River....
General Washington advances to Brandywine.... Retreat of Maxwell....
Defeat at Brandywine.... Slight skirmish near the White Horse, and
retreat to French Creek.... General Wayne surprised.... General Howe
takes possession of Philadelphia.... Removal of Congress to Lancaster.
CHAPTER IX.
Measures to cut off the communication between the British army and
fleet.... Battle of Germantown.... Measures to intercept supplies to
Philadelphia.... Attack on fort Mifflin.... On Red Bank.... The
Augusta blows up.... Fort Mifflin evacuated.... Fort Mercer
evacuated.... The British open the communication with their fleet....
Washington urged to attack Philadelphia.... General Howe marches out
to Chestnut Hill.... Returns to Philadelphia.... General Washington
goes into winter quarters.
CHAPTER X.
Inquiry into the conduct of General Schuyler.... Burgoyne appears
before Ticonderoga.... Evacuation of that place,... of
Skeensborough.... Colonel Warner defeated.... Evacuation of fort
Anne.... Proclamation of Burgoyne.... Counter-proclamation of
Schuyler.... Burgoyne approaches fort Edward.... Schuyler retires to
Saratoga,... to Stillwater.... St. Leger invests fort Schuyler....
Herkimer defeated.... Colonel Baum detached to Bennington.... is
defeated.... Brechman defeated.... St. Leger abandons the siege of
fort Schuyler.... Murder of Miss M'Crea.... General Gates takes
command.... Burgoyne encamps on the heights of Saratoga.... Battle of
Stillwater.... Burgoyne retreats to Saratoga.... Capitulates.... The
British take forts Montgomery and Clinton.... The forts Independence
and Constitution evacuated by the Americans.... Ticonderoga evacuated
by the British.
CHAPTER XI.
Defects in the Commissary departments.... Distress of the army at
Valley Forge.... The army subsisted by impressments.... Combination in
congress against General Washington.... Correspondence between him and
General Gates.... Distress of the army for clothes.... Washington's
exertions to augment the army.... Congress sends a committee to
camp.... Attempt to surprise Captain Lee.... Congress determines on a
second expedition to Canada.... Abandons it.... General Conway
resigns.... The Baron Steuben appointed Inspector General.... Congress
forbids the embarkation of Burgoyne's army.... Plan of reconciliation
agreed to in Parliament.... Communicated to congress and rejected....
Information of treaties between France and the United States....
Complaints of the treatment of prisoners.... A partial exchange agreed
to.
THE LIFE
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON
CHAPTER I.
Birth of Mr. Washington.... His mission to the French on the
Ohio.... Appointed Lieutenant Colonel of a regiment of
regular troops.... Surprises Monsieur Jumonville....
Capitulation of fort Necessity.... Is appointed aid-de-camp
to General Braddock.... Defeat and death of that general....
Is appointed to the command of a regiment.... Extreme
distress of the frontiers, and exertions of Colonel
Washington to augment the regular forces of the colony....
Expedition against fort Du Quesne.... Defeat of Major
Grant.... Fort Du Quesne evacuated by the French, and taken
possession of by the English.... Resignation of Colonel
Washington.... His marriage.
{1732}
[Sidenote: Birth of Mr. Washington.]
George Washington, the third son of Augustine Washington, was born on
the 22d of February, 1732, near the banks of the Potowmac, in the
county of Westmoreland, in Virginia. His father first married Miss
Butler, who died in 1728; leaving two sons, Lawrence and Augustine. In
1730, he intermarried with Miss Mary Ball, by whom he had four sons,
George, John, Samuel and Charles; and one daughter, Betty, who
intermarried with Colonel Fielding Lewis, of Fredericksburg.
His great grandfather, John Washington, a gentleman of a respectable
family, had emigrated from the north of England about the year 1657,
and settled on the place where Mr. Washington was born.
At the age of ten years he lost his father. Deprived of one parent, he
became an object of more assiduous attention to the other; who
continued to impress those principles of religion and virtue on his
tender mind, which constituted the solid basis of a character that was
maintained through all the trying vicissitudes of an eventful life.
But his education was limited to those subjects, in which alone the
sons of gentlemen, of moderate fortune, were, at that time, generally
instructed. It was confined to acquisitions strictly useful, not even
extending to foreign languages.
In 1743, his eldest brother intermarried with the daughter of the
Honourable George William Fairfax, then a member of the council; and
this connexion introduced Mr. Washington to Lord Fairfax, the
proprietor of the Northern Neck of Virginia, who offered him, when in
his eighteenth year, an appointment as surveyor, in the western part
of that territory. His patrimonial estate being inconsiderable, this
appointment was readily accepted; and in the performance of its
duties, he acquired that information respecting vacant lands, and
formed those opinions concerning their future value, which afterwards
contributed greatly to the increase of his private fortune.
{1750}
Those powerful attractions which the profession of arms presents to
young and ardent minds, possessed their full influence over Mr.
Washington. Stimulated by the enthusiasm of military genius, to take
part in the war in which Great Britain was then engaged, he had
pressed so earnestly to enter into the navy, that, at the age of
fifteen, a midshipman's warrant was obtained for him. The interference
of a timid and affectionate mother deferred the commencement, and
changed the direction of his military career. Four years afterwards,
at a time when the militia were to be trained for actual service, he
was appointed one of the Adjutants General of Virginia, with the rank
of Major. The duties annexed to this office soon yielded to others of
a more interesting character.
France was beginning to develop the vast plan of connecting her
extensive dominions in America, by uniting Canada with Louisiana. The
troops of that nation had taken possession of a tract of country
claimed by Virginia, and had commenced a line of posts, to be extended
from the Lakes to the Ohio. The attention of Mr. Dinwiddie, Lieutenant
Governor of that Province, was attracted to these supposed
encroachments; and he deemed it his duty to demand, in the name of the
King his master, that they should be suspended.
{1753}
This mission was toilsome and hazardous. The Envoy would be under the
necessity of passing through an extensive and almost unexplored
wilderness, intersected with rugged mountains and considerable rivers,
and inhabited by fierce savages, who were either hostile to the
English, or of doubtful attachment. While the dangers and fatigues of
this service deterred others from undertaking it, they seem to have
possessed attractions for Mr. Washington, and he engaged in it with
alacrity.
{October 31.}
[Sidenote: His mission to the French on the Ohio.]
On receiving his commission, he left Williamsburg and arrived, on the
14th of November, at Wills' creek, then the extreme frontier
settlement of the English, where guides were engaged to conduct him
over the Alleghany mountains. After surmounting the impediments
occasioned by the snow and high waters, he reached the mouth of Turtle
creek, where he was informed that the French General was dead, and
that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters.
Pursuing his route, he examined the country through which he passed
with a military eye, and selected the confluence of the Monongahela
and Alleghany rivers, the place where fort Du Quesne was afterwards
erected by the French, as an advantageous position, which it would be
adviseable to seize and to fortify immediately.
{1754}
{January 16}
After employing a few days among the Indians in that neighbourhood,
and procuring some of their chiefs to accompany him, whose fidelity he
took the most judicious means to secure, he ascended the Alleghany
river. Passing one fort at the mouth of French creek, he proceeded up
the stream to a second, where he was received by Monsieur Le Gardeur
de St. Pierre, the commanding officer on the Ohio, to whom he
delivered the letter of Mr. Dinwiddie, and from whom he received an
answer with which he returned to Williamsburg. The exertions made by
Mr. Washington on this occasion, the perseverance with which he
surmounted the difficulties of the journey, and the judgment displayed
in his conduct towards the Indians, raised him in the public opinion,
as well as in that of the Lieutenant Governor. His journal,[1] drawn
up for the inspection of Mr. Dinwiddie, was published, and impressed
his countrymen with very favourable sentiments of his understanding
and fortitude.
[Footnote 1: See note No. I. at the end of the volume.]
[Sidenote: Appointed lieutenant colonel of a regiment of regular
troops.]
[Sidenote: Surprises Monsieur Jumonville.]
As the answer from the commandant of the French forces on the Ohio
indicated no disposition to withdraw from that country, it was deemed
necessary to make some preparations to maintain the right asserted
over it by the British crown; and the assembly of Virginia authorized
the executive to raise a regiment for that purpose, to consist of
three hundred men. The command of this regiment was given to Mr.
Fry,[2] and Major Washington was appointed Lieutenant Colonel. Anxious
to be engaged in active service, he obtained permission, about the
beginning of April, to advance with two companies to the Great Meadows
in the Alleghany mountains. By this movement he hoped to cover that
frontier, to make himself more perfectly acquainted with the country,
to gain some information respecting the situation and designs of the
French, and to preserve the friendship of the savages. Soon after his
arrival at that place, he was visited by some friendly Indians, who
informed him that the French, having dispersed a party of workmen
employed by the Ohio company to erect a fort on the south-eastern
branch of the Ohio, were themselves engaged in completing a
fortification at the confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela
rivers: a detachment from which place was then on its march towards
his camp. Open hostilities had not yet commenced; but the country was
considered as invaded: and several circumstances were related,
confirming the opinion that this party was approaching with hostile
views. Among others, it had withdrawn itself some distance from the
path, and had encamped for the night in a bottom, as if to ensure
concealment. Entertaining no doubt of the unfriendly designs with
which these troops were advancing, Lieutenant Colonel Washington
resolved to anticipate them. Availing himself of the offer made by the
Indians to serve him as guides, he proceeded through a dark and rainy
night to the French encampment, which he completely surrounded. At
day-break, his troops fired and rushed upon the party, which
immediately surrendered. One man only escaped capture, and M.
Jumonville alone, the commanding officer, was killed.
[Footnote 2: With an unaffected modesty which the
accumulated honours of his after life could never impair,
Major Washington, though the most distinguished military man
then in Virginia, declined being a candidate for the command
of this regiment. The following letter written on the
occasion to Colonel Richard Corbin, a member of the council,
with whom his family was connected by the ties of friendship
and of affinity, was placed in the hands of the author by
Mr. Francis Corbin, a son of that gentleman.
"DEAR SIR,--In a conversation at Green Spring you gave me
some room to hope for a commission above that of a Major,
and to be ranked among the chief officers of this
expedition. The command of the whole forces is what I
neither look for, expect, or desire; for I must be impartial
enough to confess, it is a charge too great for my youth and
inexperience to be intrusted with. Knowing this, I have too
sincere a love for my country, to undertake that which may
tend to the prejudice of it. But if I could entertain hopes
that you thought me worthy of the post of
Lieutenant-colonel, and would favour me so far as to mention
it at the appointment of officers, I could not but entertain
a true sense of the kindness.
"I flatter myself that under a skilful commander, or man of
sense, (which I most sincerely wish to serve under,) with my
own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be
able to conduct my steps without censure, and in time,
render myself worthy of the promotion that I shall be
favoured with now."
The commission he solicited was transmitted to him by Mr.
Corbin, in the following laconic letter:
"DEAR GEORGE,--I inclose you your commission. God prosper
you with it.
"Your friend, RICHARD CORBIN."]
While the regiment was on its march to join the detachment advanced in
front, the command devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Washington by the
death of Colonel Fry. Soon after its arrival, it was reinforced by two
independent companies of regulars. After erecting a small stockade at
the Great Meadows, Colonel Washington commenced his march towards fort
Du Quesne, with the intention of dislodging the French from that
place. He had proceeded about thirteen miles, when he was met by some
friendly Indians, who informed him that the French and their savage
allies, "as numerous as the pigeons in the woods," were advancing
rapidly to meet him. Among those who brought this information was a
trusty chief, only two days from the fort on the Ohio, who had
observed the arrival of a considerable reinforcement at that place,
and had heard their intention of marching immediately to attack the
English, with a corps composed of eight hundred French and four
hundred Indians. This intelligence was corroborated by information
previously received from deserters, who had reported that a
reinforcement was expected.
The troops commanded by Colonel Washington were almost destitute of
provisions; and the ground he occupied was not adapted to military
purposes. A road at some distance, leading through other defiles in
the mountains, would enable the French to pass into his rear,
intercept his supplies, and starve him into a surrender, or fight him
with a superiority of three to one.
{June 23.}
In this hazardous situation, a council of war unanimously advised a
retreat to the fort at the Great Meadows, now termed fort Necessity;
where the two roads united, and where the face of the country was such
as not to permit an enemy to pass unperceived. At that place, it was
intended to remain, until reinforcements of men, and supplies of
provisions, should arrive.
{July 2.}
{Third.}
[Sidenote: Capitulation of fort Necessity.]
{Fourth.}
In pursuance of this advice, Colonel Washington returned to fort
Necessity, and began a ditch around the stockade. Before it was
completed, the French, amounting to about fifteen hundred men,
commanded by Monsieur de Villier, appeared before the fort, and
immediately commenced a furious attack upon it. They were received
with great intrepidity by the Americans, who fought partly within the
stockade, and partly in the surrounding ditch, which was nearly filled
with mud and water. Colonel Washington continued the whole day on the
outside of the fort, encouraging the soldiers by his countenance and
example. The assailants fought under cover of the trees and high
grass, with which the country abounds. The engagement was continued
with great resolution from ten in the morning until dark; when
Monsieur de Villier demanded a parley, and offered terms of
capitulation. The proposals first made were rejected; but, in the
course of the night, articles were signed, by which the fort was
surrendered, on condition that its garrison should be allowed the
honours of war--should be permitted to retain their arms and baggage,
and be suffered to march without molestation into the inhabited parts
of Virginia. The capitulation being in French--a language not
understood by any person in the garrison, and being drawn up hastily
in the night, contains an expression which was inaccurately translated
at the time, and of which advantage has been since taken, by the
enemies of Mr. Washington, to imply an admission on his part, that
Monsieur Jumonville was assassinated. An account of the transaction
was published by Monsieur de Villier, which drew from Colonel
Washington a letter to a friend, completely disproving the calumny.
Though entirely discredited at the time, it was revived at a
subsequent period, when circumstances, well understood at the date of
the transaction, were supposed to be forgotten.[3]
[Footnote 3: See note No. II. at the end of the volume.]
The loss of the Americans in this affair is not ascertained. From a
return made on the 9th of July, at Wills' Creek, it appears that the
killed and wounded, of the Virginia regiment, amounted to fifty-eight;
but the loss sustained by the two independent companies is not stated.
That of the assailants was supposed to be more considerable.
Great credit was given to Colonel Washington by his countrymen, for
the courage displayed on this occasion. The legislature evinced its
satisfaction with the conduct of the whole party, by passing a vote of
thanks[4] to him, and the officers under his command; and by giving
three hundred pistoles, to be distributed among the soldiers engaged
in the action.
[Footnote 4: To the vote of thanks, the officers made the
following reply:
"We, the officers of the Virginia regiment, are highly
sensible of the particular mark of distinction with which
you have honoured us, in returning your thanks for our
behaviour in the late action; and can not help testifying
our grateful acknowledgments, for your '_high sense_' of
what we shall always esteem a duty to our country and the
best of kings.
"Favoured with your regard, we shall zealously endeavour to
deserve your applause, and, by our future actions, strive to
convince the worshipful house of burgesses, how much we
esteem their approbation, and, as it ought to be, regard it
as the voice of our country.
"Signed for the whole corps,
"GEO: WASHINGTON."]
The regiment returned to Winchester, to be recruited; soon after which
it was joined by a few companies from North Carolina and Maryland. On
the arrival of this reinforcement, the Lieutenant Governor, with the
advice of council, regardless of the condition or number of the
forces, ordered them immediately to march over the Alleghany
mountains, and to expel the French from fort Du Quesne, or to build
one in its vicinity.
{August.}
{September.}
The little army in Virginia, which was placed under the command of
Colonel Innes, from North Carolina, did not, as now reinforced, exceed
half the number of the enemy, and was neither provided with the means
of moving, nor with supplies for a winter campaign. With as little
consideration, directions had been given for the immediate completion
of the regiment, without furnishing a single shilling for the
recruiting service. Although a long peace may account for many errors
at the commencement of war, some surprise will be felt at such
ill-considered and ill-judged measures. Colonel Washington
remonstrated strongly against these orders, but prepared to execute
them. The assembly, however, having risen without making any provision
for the farther prosecution of the war, this wild expedition was laid
aside, and the Virginia regiment was reduced to independent companies.
In the course of the winter, orders were received "for settling the
rank of the officers of his majesty's forces when serving with the
provincials in North America." These orders directed "that all
officers commissioned by the King, or by his General in North America,
should take rank of all officers commissioned by the Governors of the
respective provinces; and farther, that the general and field officers
of the provincial troops should have no rank when serving with the
general and field officers commissioned by the crown; but that all
captains, and other inferior officers of the royal troops, should take
rank over provincial officers of the same grade, having senior
commissions."
Strong as was his attachment to a military life, Colonel Washington
possessed in too eminent a degree the proud and punctilious feelings
of a soldier, to submit to a degradation so humiliating as was
produced by his loss of rank. Professing his unabated inclination to
continue in the service, if permitted to do so without a sacrifice too
great to be made, he retired indignantly from the station assigned
him, and answered the various letters which he received, pressing him
still to hold his commission, with assurances that he would serve with
pleasure, when he should be enabled to do so without dishonour.
His eldest brother had lately died, and left him a considerable estate
on the Potowmac. This gentleman had served in the expedition against
Carthagena; and, in compliment to the admiral who commanded the fleet
engaged in that enterprise, had named his seat _Mount Vernon_! To this
delightful spot Colonel Washington withdrew, resolving to devote his
future attention to the avocations of private life. This resolution
was not long maintained.
{1755}
{March.}
General Braddock, being informed of his merit, his knowledge of the
country which was to be the theatre of action, and his motives for
retiring from the service, gratified his desire to make one campaign
under a person supposed to possess some knowledge of war, by inviting
him to enter his family as a volunteer aid-de-camp.
[Sidenote: Is appointed aid-de-camp to General Braddock.]
{April.}
{June.}
Having determined to accept this invitation, he joined the
commander-in-chief, immediately after his departure from Alexandria,
and proceeded with him to Wills' Creek. The army, consisting of two
European regiments and a few corps of provincials, was detained at
that place until the 12th of June, by the difficulty of procuring
wagons, horses, and provisions. Colonel Washington, impatient under
these delays, suggested the propriety of using pack-horses instead of
wagons, for conveying the baggage. The commander-in-chief, although
solicitous to hasten the expedition, was so attached to the usages of
regular war, that this salutary advice was at first rejected; but,
soon after the commencement of the march, its propriety became too
obvious to be longer neglected.
{Fifteenth.}
On the third day after the army had moved from its ground, Colonel
Washington was seized with a violent fever, which disabled him from
riding on horseback, and was conveyed in a covered wagon. General
Braddock, who found the difficulties of the march greater than had
been expected, continuing to consult him privately, he strenuously
urged that officer to leave his heavy artillery and baggage with the
rear division of the army; and with a chosen body of troops and some
pieces of light artillery, to press forward with the utmost expedition
to fort Du Quesne. In support of this advice, he stated that the
French were then weak on the Ohio, but hourly expected reinforcements.
During the excessive drought which prevailed at that time, these could
not arrive; because the river Le Boeuf, on which their supplies must
be brought to Venango, did not then afford a sufficient quantity of
water for the purpose. A rapid movement therefore might enable him to
carry the fort, before the arrival of the expected aid; but if this
measure should not be adopted, such were the delays attendant on the
march of the whole army, that rains sufficient to raise the waters
might reasonably be expected, and the whole force of the French would
probably be collected for their reception; a circumstance which would
render the success of the expedition doubtful.
This advice according well with the temper of the commander-in-chief,
it was determined in a council of war, held at the Little Meadows,
that twelve hundred select men, to be commanded by General Braddock in
person, should advance with the utmost expedition against fort Du
Quesne. Colonel Dunbar was to remain with the residue of the two
regiments, and all the heavy baggage.
{June 19.}
Although this select corps commenced its march with only thirty
carriages, including ammunition wagons, the hopes which had been
entertained of the celerity of its movements were not fulfilled. "I
found," said Colonel Washington, in a letter to his brother, written
during the march, "that instead of pushing on with vigour, without
regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every
mole-hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." By these means they
employed four days in reaching the great crossings of the Yohiogany,
only nineteen miles from the Little Meadows.
Colonel Washington was obliged to stop at that place;--the physician
having declared that his life would be endangered by continuing with
the army. He obeyed, with reluctance, the positive orders of the
general to remain at this camp, under the protection of a small guard,
until the arrival of Colonel Dunbar; having first received a promise
that means should be used to bring him up with the army before it
reached fort Du Quesne.
{July 8.}
The day before the action of the Monongahela he rejoined the general
in a covered wagon; and, though weak, entered on the duties of his
station.
In a short time after the action had commenced, Colonel Washington was
the only aid remaining alive, and unwounded. The whole duty of
carrying the orders of the commander-in-chief, in an engagement with
marksmen who selected officers, and especially those on horseback, for
their objects, devolved on him alone. Under these difficult
circumstances, he manifested that coolness, that self-possession, that
fearlessness of danger which ever distinguished him, and which are so
necessary to the character of a consummate soldier. Two horses were
killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat; but, to the
astonishment of all, he escaped unhurt,--while every other officer on
horseback was either killed or wounded. "I expected every moment,"
says an eye-witness,[5] "to see him fall. His duty and situation
exposed him to every danger. Nothing but the superintending care of
Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him."
[Footnote 5: Dr. Craik.]
[Sidenote: Defeat and death of that general.]
{August.}
At length, after an action of nearly three hours, General Braddock,
under whom three horses had been killed, received a mortal wound; and
his troops fled in great disorder. Every effort to rally them was
ineffectual until they had crossed the Monongahela, when, being no
longer pursued, they were again formed. The general was brought off in
a small tumbril by Colonel Washington, Captain Stewart of the guards,
and his servant. The defeated detachment retreated with the utmost
precipitation to the rear division of the army; soon after which,
Braddock expired. In the first moments of alarm, all the stores were
destroyed, except those necessary for immediate use; and not long
afterwards, Colonel Dunbar marched the remaining European troops to
Philadelphia, in order to place them in, what he termed, winter
quarters.
Colonel Washington was greatly disappointed and disgusted by the
conduct of the regular troops in this action. In his letter to
Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddie, giving an account of it, he said, "They
were struck with such an inconceivable panic, that nothing but
confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. The
officers in general behaved with incomparable bravery, for which they
greatly suffered; there being upwards of sixty killed and wounded--a
large proportion out of what we had.
"The Virginia companies behaved like men, and died like soldiers; for,
I believe, out of three companies on the ground that day, scarce
thirty men were left alive. Captain Peronny, and all his officers down
to a corporal, were killed. Captain Poulson had almost as hard a fate,
for only one of his escaped. In short, the dastardly behaviour of the
regular troops (so called,) exposed those who were inclined to do
their duty, to almost certain death; and, at length, in spite of every
effort to the contrary, they broke, and ran as sheep before hounds;
leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, and in short
every thing, a prey to the enemy; and when we endeavoured to rally
them, in hopes of regaining the ground, and what we had left upon it,
it was with as little success as if we had attempted to have stopped
the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivulets with our feet: for
they would break by, in spite of every effort to prevent it."[6]
[Footnote 6: In another letter, he says, "We have been
beaten, shamefully beaten--shamefully beaten by a handful of
men, who only intended to molest and disturb our march!
Victory was their smallest expectation! But see the wondrous
works of Providence, the uncertainty of human things! We,
but a few moments before, believed our numbers almost equal
to the force of Canada; they only expected to annoy us. Yet,
contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even
to the common course of things, we were totally defeated,
and have sustained the loss of every thing."]
[Illustration: Wakefield--the Birthplace of George Washington
_This is from an etching made in idealization of the original house,
situated on the banks of the Potomac, 38 miles from Fredericksburg, in
Westmoreland County, Virginia, where our First President was born,
February 22, 1732. The original house, which was built by Washington's
father, Augustine, was destroyed by fire more than 150 years ago,
before the Declaration of Independence was signed._]
{August.}
[Sidenote: Is appointed to the command of a regiment.]
Colonel Washington had long been the favourite soldier of Virginia;
and his reputation grew with every occasion for exertion. His conduct
in this battle had been universally extolled;[7] and the common
opinion of his countrymen was, that, had his advice been pursued, the
disaster had been avoided. The assembly was in session, when
intelligence was received of this defeat, and of the abandonment of
the colony by Colonel Dunbar. The legislature, perceiving the
necessity of levying troops for the defence of the province,
determined to raise a regiment, to consist of sixteen companies, the
command of which was offered to Colonel Washington; who was also
designated, in his commission, as the Commander-in-chief of all the
forces raised and to be raised in the colony of Virginia. The uncommon
privilege of naming his Field Officers was added to this honourable
manifestation of the public confidence.
[Footnote 7: In a sermon preached not long after the defeat
of General Braddock, the Rev. Mr. Davies, speaking of that
disaster, and of the preservation of Colonel Washington,
said: "I can not but hope that Providence has preserved that
youth to be the saviour of this country." These words were
afterwards considered as prophetic; and were applied by his
countrymen to an event very opposite to that which was
contemplated by the person who uttered them.]
Retaining still his prepossessions in favour of a military life, he
cheerfully embraced this opportunity of re-entering the army. After
making the necessary arrangements for the recruiting service, and
visiting the posts on the frontiers, which he placed in the best state
of defence of which they were susceptible; he set out for the seat of
government, where objects of the first importance required his
attention; but was overtaken below Fredericksburg by an express,
carrying the intelligence, that a large number of French and Indians,
divided into several parties, had broken up the frontier settlements;
were murdering and capturing men, women, and children; burning their
houses, and destroying their crops. The troops stationed among them
for their protection, were unequal to that duty; and, instead of being
able to afford aid to the inhabitants, were themselves blocked up in
their forts.
[Sidenote: Extreme distress of the frontiers and exertions of Colonel
Washington to augment the regular forces of the colony.]
Colonel Washington hastened back to Winchester, where the utmost
confusion and alarm prevailed. His efforts to raise the militia were
unavailing. Attentive only to individual security, and regardless of
the common danger, they could not be drawn from their families.
Instead of assembling in arms, and obtaining safety by meeting their
invaders, the inhabitants fled into the lower country, and increased
the general terror. In this state of things, he endeavoured to collect
and arm the men who had abandoned their houses, and to remove their
wives and children to a distance from this scene of desolation and
carnage. Pressing orders were at the same time despatched to the newly
appointed officers, to forward their recruits; and to the county
lieutenants, east of the Blue Ridge, to hasten their militia to
Winchester: but before these orders could be executed, the party which
had done so much mischief, and excited such alarm, had recrossed the
Alleghany mountains.
{1756}
{April.}
Early in the following spring, the enemy made another irruption into
the inhabited country, and did great mischief. The number of troops on
the regular establishment was totally insufficient for the protection
of the frontier, and effective service from the militia was found to
be unattainable. The Indians, who were divided into small parties,
concealed themselves with so much dexterity, as seldom to be perceived
until the blow was struck. Their murders were frequently committed in
the very neighbourhood of the forts; and the detachments from the
garrisons, employed in scouring the country, were generally eluded, or
attacked to advantage. In one of these skirmishes, the Americans were
routed, and Captain Mercer was killed. The people either abandoned the
country, or attempted to secure themselves in small stockade forts,
where they were in great distress for provisions, arms, and
ammunition; were often surrounded, and sometimes cut off. Colonel
Washington was deeply affected by this state of things. "I see their
situation," said he, in a letter to the Lieutenant Governor, "I know
their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in
my power to give them farther relief than uncertain promises. In
short, I see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that unless
vigorous measures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance
sent from below, the poor inhabitants now in forts must unavoidably
fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe. In
fine, the melancholy situation of the people; the little prospect of
assistance; the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in
general, which is reflecting upon me in particular for suffering
misconduct of such extraordinary kind; and the distant prospect, if
any, of gaining reputation in the service, cause me to lament the hour
that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other time than
this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating moment, a
command from which I never expect to reap either honour or benefit;
but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring
displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid
to my account here."
Colonel Washington had been prevented from taking post at fort
Cumberland by an unfortunate and extraordinary difficulty, growing out
of an obscurity in the royal orders, respecting the relative rank of
officers commissioned by the king, and those commissioned by the
governor. A Captain Dagworthy, who was at that place, and of the
former description, insisted on taking the command, although it had
been committed to Lieutenant Colonel Stevens; and, on the same
principle, he contested the rank of Colonel Washington also. This
circumstance had retained that officer at Winchester, where public
stores to a considerable amount were deposited, with only about fifty
men to guard them. In the deep distress of the moment, a council of
war was called, to determine whether he should march this small body
to some of the nearest forts, and, uniting with their petty garrisons,
risk an action; or wait until the militia could be raised. The council
unanimously advised a continuance at Winchester. Lord Fairfax, who
commanded the militia of that and the adjacent counties, had ordered
them to his assistance; but they were slow in assembling. The
unremitting exertion of three days, in the county of Frederick, could
produce only twenty men.
The incompetency of the military force to the defence of the country
having become obvious, the assembly determined to augment the regiment
to fifteen hundred men. In a letter addressed to the house of
burgesses, Colonel Washington urged the necessity of increasing it
still farther, to two thousand men; a less number than which could not
possibly, in his opinion, be sufficient to cover the extensive
frontier of Virginia, should the defensive system be continued. In
support of this demand, he stated, in detail, the forts which must be
garrisoned; and observed, that, with the exception of a few
inhabitants in forts on the south branch of the Potowmac, the north
mountain near Winchester had become the frontier; and that, without
effectual aid, the inhabitants would even pass the Blue Ridge. He
farther observed that the woods seemed "alive with French and
Indians;" and again described so feelingly the situation of the
inhabitants, that the assembly requested the governor to order half
the militia of the adjoining counties to their relief; and the
attorney general, Mr. Peyton Randolph, formed a company of one hundred
gentlemen, who engaged to make the campaign, as volunteers. Ten well
trained woodsmen, or Indians, would have rendered more service.
The distress of the country increased. As had been foreseen,
Winchester became almost the only settlement west of the Blue Ridge,
on the northern frontier; and fears were entertained that the enemy
would soon pass even that barrier, and ravage the country below.
Express after express was sent to hasten the militia, but sent in
vain. At length, about the last of April, the French and their savage
allies, laden with plunder, prisoners, and scalps, returned to fort Du
Quesne.
Some short time after their retreat, the militia appeared. This
temporary increase of strength was employed in searching the country
for small parties of Indians, who lingered behind the main body, and
in making dispositions to repel another invasion. A fort was commenced
at Winchester, which, in honour of the general who had been appointed
to the command of the British troops in America, was called fort
Loudoun; and the perpetual remonstrances of Colonel Washington at
length effected some improvement in the laws for the government of the
troops.
Instead of adopting, in the first instance, that military code which
experience had matured, the assembly passed occasional acts to remedy
particular evils as they occurred; in consequence of which, a state of
insubordination was protracted, and the difficulties of the commanding
officer increased. Slight penalties were at first annexed to serious
military offences; and when an act was obtained to punish mutiny and
desertion with death, such crimes as cowardice in action, and sleeping
on a post, were pretermitted. It was left impossible to hold a general
court martial, without an order from the governor; and the commanding
officer was not at liberty to make those arrangements in other
respects which his own observation suggested, but shackled by the
control of others, who could neither judge so correctly, nor be so
well informed, as himself.
These errors of a government unused to war, though continually
remarked by the officer commanding the troops, were slowly perceived
by those in power, and were never entirely corrected.
Successive incursions continued to be made into the country by small
predatory parties of French and Indians, who kept up a perpetual
alarm, and murdered the defenceless, wherever found. In Pennsylvania,
the inhabitants were driven as far as Carlisle; and in Maryland,
Fredericktown, on the eastern side of the Blue Ridge, became a
frontier. With the Virginia regiment, which did not yet amount to one
thousand men, aided occasionally by militia, Colonel Washington was to
defend a frontier of near four hundred miles in extent, and to
complete a chain of forts. He repeatedly urged the necessity and
propriety of abandoning fort Cumberland, which was too far in advance
of the settlements, and too far north, to be useful, while it required
for its defence a larger portion of his force than could be spared
with a proper regard to the safety of other and more advantageous
positions. The governor, however, thought the abandonment of it
improper, since it was a "_king's fort_;" and Lord Loudoun, on being
consulted, gave the same opinion.
Among the subjects of extreme chagrin to the commander of the Virginia
troops, was the practice of desertion. The prevalence of this crime
was ascribed, in a considerable degree, to the ill-judged parsimony of
the assembly. The daily pay of a soldier was only eight pence, out of
which two pence were stopped for his clothes. This pay was inferior to
what was received in every other part of the continent; and, as ought
to have been foreseen, great discontents were excited by a distinction
so invidious. The remonstrances of the commanding officer, in some
degree, corrected this mischief; and a full suit of regimentals was
allowed to each soldier, without deducting its price from his pay.
This campaign furnishes no event which can interest the reader; yet
the duties of the officer, though minute, were arduous; and the
sufferings of the people, beyond measure afflicting. It adds one to
the many proofs which have been afforded, of the miseries to be
expected by those who defer preparing the means of defence, until the
moment when they ought to be used; and then, rely almost entirely, on
a force neither adequate to the danger, nor of equal continuance.
It is an interesting fact to those who know the present situation of
Virginia, that, so late as the year 1756, the Blue Ridge was the
northwestern frontier; and that she found immense difficulty in
completing a single regiment to protect the inhabitants from the
horrors of the scalping knife, and the still greater horrors of being
led into captivity by savages who added terrors to death by the manner
of inflicting it.
As soon as the main body of the enemy had withdrawn from the
settlements, a tour was made by Colonel Washington to the
south-western frontier. There, as well as to the north, continued
incursions had been made; and there too, the principal defence of the
country was entrusted to an ill-regulated militia. The fatal
consequences of this system are thus stated by him, in a letter to the
lieutenant governor: "The inhabitants are so sensible of their danger,
if left to the protection of these people, that not a man will stay at
his place. This I have from their own mouths, and the principal
inhabitants of Augusta county. The militia are under such bad order
and discipline, that they will come and go, when and where they
please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safety of the
inhabitants, but consulting solely their own inclinations. There
should be, according to your honour's orders, one-third of the militia
of these parts on duty at a time; instead of that, scarce
one-thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved every month, and they
are a great part of that time marching to and from their stations; and
they will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether
relieved or not, however urgent the necessity for their continuance
may be." Some instances of this, and of gross misbehaviour, were then
enumerated; after which, he pressed the necessity of increasing the
number of regulars to two thousand men.
After returning from this tour, to Winchester, he gave the Lieutenant
Governor, in curious detail, a statement of the situation in which he
found the country, urging, but urging in vain, arguments which will
always be suggested by experience, against relying chiefly on militia
for defence.
Sensible of the impracticability of defending such an extensive
frontier, Colonel Washington continued to press the policy of enabling
him to act on the offensive. The people of Virginia, he thought, could
be protected only by entering the country of the enemy; giving him
employment at home, and removing the source of all their calamities by
taking possession of fort Du Quesne.
"As defensive measures," he observed in a letter to the Lieutenant
Governor, "are evidently insufficient for the security and safety of
the country, I hope no arguments are necessary to evince the necessity
of altering them to a vigorous offensive war, in order to remove the
cause." But in the event, that the assembly should still indulge their
favourite scheme of protecting the inhabitants by forts along the
frontiers, he presented a plan, which, in its execution, would require
two thousand men--these were to be distributed in twenty-two forts,
extending from the river Mayo to the Potowmac, in a line of three
hundred and sixty miles. In a letter written about the same time to
the speaker of the assembly, he said, "The certainty of advantage, by
an offensive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt,
preferable to our defensive measures. Our scattered force, so
separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails little to stop the
secret incursions of the savages. We can only perhaps put them to
flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which
answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to
invade their lands, we should restrain them from coming abroad, and
leaving their families exposed. We should then remove the principal
cause, and have stronger probability of success; we should be free
from the many alarms, mischiefs, and murders, that now attend us; we
should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more
esteem with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Maryland be induced
to join us in an expedition of this nature, and to petition his
Excellency Lord Loudoun for a small train of artillery, with some
engineers, we should then be able, in all human probability, to subdue
the terror of fort Du Quesne; retrieve our character with the Indians;
and restore peace to our unhappy frontiers."
His total inability to act offensively, or even to afford protection
to the frontiers of Virginia, was not the only distressing and
vexatious circumstance to which he was exposed. The Lieutenant
Governor, to whose commands he was subjected in every minute
particular, and who seems to have been unequal to the difficulties of
his station, frequently deranged his system by orders which could not
be executed without considerable hazard and inconvenience. Colonel
Washington could not always restrain his chagrin on such occasions;
and, on one of them, observed in a letter to an intimate friend, who
possessed great influence in the country, "whence it arises, or why, I
am truly ignorant, but my strongest representations of matters
relative to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded, as idle and
frivolous; my propositions and measures, as partial and selfish; and
all my sincerest endeavours for the service of my country, perverted
to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain:
to-day approved, tomorrow condemned; left to act and proceed at
hazard; accountable for the consequences, and blamed without the
benefit of defence. If you can think my situation capable of exciting
the smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satisfaction,
the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain notions very
different from the reality of the case. However, I am determined to
bear up under all these embarrassments some time longer, in the hope
of better regulations under Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the
future fate of Virginia."
Not long after this letter was written, Lord Loudoun, in whose person
the offices of Governor and Commander-in-chief were united, arrived in
Virginia. A comprehensive statement of the situation of the colony, in
a military point of view, and of the regiment in particular, was drawn
up and submitted to him by Colonel Washington. In this he enumerated
the errors which had prevented the completion of his regiment, showed
the insufficiency of the militia for any military purpose, and
demonstrated the superiority of an offensive system over that which
had been pursued.
{1757}
This statement was probably presented by Colonel Washington in person,
who was permitted, during the winter, to visit Lord Loudoun in
Philadelphia, where that nobleman met the Governors of Pennsylvania,
Maryland, and North Carolina, and the Lieutenant Governor of Virginia,
in order to consult with them on the measures to be taken, in their
respective Provinces, for the ensuing campaign. He was, however,
disappointed in his favourite hope of being able to act offensively
against the French on the Ohio. Lord Loudoun had determined to direct
all his efforts against Canada, and to leave only twelve hundred men
in the middle and southern colonies. Instead of receiving assistance,
Virginia was required to send four hundred men to South Carolina. Not
discouraged by these disappointments, Colonel Washington continued
indefatigable in his endeavours to impress on Mr. Dinwiddie, and on
the assembly, the importance of reviving, and properly modifying their
military code, which had now expired, of making a more effective
militia law, and of increasing their number of regular troops.
{May.}
So far from succeeding on the last subject, he had the mortification
to witness a measure which crushed his hopes of an adequate regular
force. Being unable to complete the regiment by voluntary enlistment,
the assembly changed its organization, and reduced it to ten
companies; each to consist of one hundred men. Yet his anxious wishes
continued to be directed towards fort Du Quesne. In a letter written
about this time to Colonel Stanwix, who commanded in the middle
colonies, he said, "You will excuse me, sir, for saying, that I think
there never was, and perhaps never again will be, so favourable an
opportunity as the present for reducing fort Du Quesne. Several
prisoners have made their escape from the Ohio this spring, and agree
in their accounts, that there are but three hundred men left in the
garrison; and I do not conceive that the French are so strong in
Canada, as to reinforce this place, and defend themselves at home this
campaign: surely then this is too precious an opportunity to be lost."
But Mr. Pitt did not yet direct the councils of Britain; and a spirit
of enterprise and heroism did not yet animate her generals. The
campaign to the north was inglorious; and to the west, nothing was
even attempted, which might relieve the middle colonies.
{October 8.}
Large bodies of savages, in the service of France, once more spread
desolation and murder over the whole country, west of the Blue Ridge.
The regular troops were inadequate to the protection of the
inhabitants; and the incompetency of the defensive system to their
security became every day more apparent. "I exert every means," said
Colonel Washington, in a letter to Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddie, "to
protect a much distressed country; but it is a task too arduous. To
think of defending a frontier of more than three hundred and fifty
miles extent, as ours is, with only seven hundred men, is vain and
idle; especially when that frontier lies more contiguous to the enemy
than any other.
"I am, and for a long time have been, fully convinced, that if we
continue to pursue a defensive plan, the country must be inevitably
lost."
{October 24.}
In another letter he said, "The raising a company of rangers, or
augmenting our strength in some other manner, is so far necessary,
that, without it, the remaining inhabitants of this once fertile and
populous valley will scarcely be detained at their dwellings until the
spring. And if there is no expedition to the westward then, nor a
force more considerable than Virginia can support, posted on our
frontiers; if we still adhere, for the next campaign, to our
destructive defensive schemes, there will not, I dare affirm, be one
soul living on this side the Blue Ridge the ensuing autumn, if we
except the troops in garrison, and a few inhabitants of this town, who
may shelter themselves under the protection of this fort. This I know
to be the immoveable determination of all the settlers of this
country." To the Speaker of the assembly he gave the same opinion; and
added, "I do not know on whom these miserable undone people are to
rely for protection. If the assembly are to give it to them, it is
time that measures were at least concerting, and not when they ought
to be going into execution, as has always been the case. If they are
to seek it from the Commander-in-chief, it is time their condition was
made known to him. For I can not forbear repeating again, that, while
we pursue defensive measures, we pursue inevitable ruin."
{August 27.}
It was impossible for Colonel Washington, zealous in the service of
his country, and ambitious of military fame, to observe the errors
committed in the conduct of the war, without censuring them. These
errors were not confined to the military affairs of the colony. The
Cherokee and Catawba Indians had hitherto remained faithful to the
English, and it was very desirable to engage the warriors of those
tribes heartily in their service; but so miserably was the intercourse
with them conducted, that, though a considerable expense was incurred,
not much assistance was obtained, and great disgust was excited among
them. The freedom with which the Commander-in-chief of the Virginia
forces censured public measures, gave offence to the Lieutenant
Governor, who considered these censures as manifesting a want of
respect for himself. Sometimes he coarsely termed them _impertinent_;
and at other times, charged him with looseness in his information, and
inattention to his duty. On one of these occasions, Colonel Washington
thus concluded a letter of detail, "Nothing remarkable has happened,
and therefore I have nothing to add. I must beg leave, however, before
I conclude, to observe, in justification of my own conduct, that it is
with pleasure I receive reproof when reproof is due, because no person
can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an error, when I
have committed it; nor more desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am
sensible of being guilty of one. But, on the other hand, it is with
concern I remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward; and that
my conduct, although I have uniformly studied to make it as
unexceptionable as I could, does not appear to you in a favourable
point of light. Otherwise, your honour would not have accused me of
_loose_ behaviour, and _remissness_ of duty, in matters where, I
think, I have rather exceeded than fallen short of it. This, I think,
is evidently the case in speaking of Indian affairs at all, after
being instructed in very express terms, '_Not to have any concern
with, or management of Indian affairs_.' This has induced me to
forbear mentioning the Indians in my letters to your honour of late,
and to leave the misunderstanding, which you speak of, between Mr.
Aikin and them, to be related by him."
Not long after this, he received a letter informing him of some coarse
calumny, reflecting on his veracity and honour, which had been
reported to the Lieutenant Governor. He enclosed a copy of this letter
to Mr. Dinwiddie, and thus addressed him,--"I should take it
infinitely kind if your honour would please to inform me whether a
report of this nature was ever made to you; and, in that case, who was
the author of it.
"It is evident from a variety of circumstances, and especially from
the change in your honour's conduct towards me, that some person, as
well inclined to detract, but better skilled in the art of detraction
than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my
character. For I can not suppose, that malice so absurd, so barefaced,
so diametrically opposite to truth, to common policy, and, in short,
to everything but villany, as the above is, could impress you with so
ill an opinion of my honour and honesty.
"If it be possible that ----, for my belief is staggered, not being
conscious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to
that gentleman, to reflect so grossly; I say, if it be possible that
---- could descend so low as to be the propagator of this story, he
must either be vastly ignorant of the state of affairs in this country
_at that time_, or else, he must suppose that the whole body of the
inhabitants had combined with me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or
why did they, almost to a man, forsake their dwellings in the greatest
terror and confusion; and while one half of them sought shelter in
paltry forts, (of their own building,) the other should flee to the
adjacent counties for refuge; numbers of them even to Carolina, from
whence they have never returned?
"These are facts well known; but not better known than that these
wretched people, while they lay pent up in forts, destitute of the
common supports of life, (having in their precipitate flight
forgotten, or rather, been unable to secure any kind of necessaries,)
did despatch messengers of their own, (thinking I had not represented
their miseries in the piteous manner they deserved,) with addresses to
your honour and the assembly, praying relief. And did I ever send any
alarming account, without sending also the original papers (or the
copies) which gave rise to it?
"That I have foibles, and perhaps many of them, I shall not deny. I
should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I
to arrogate perfection.
"Knowledge in military matters is to be acquired only by practice and
experience; and if I have erred, great allowance should be made for
want of them; unless my errors should appear to be wilful; and then, I
conceive, it would be more generous to charge me with my faults, and
to let me stand or fall according to evidence, than to stigmatize me
behind my back.
"It is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your
Honour: but this I know, and it is the highest consolation I am
capable of feeling, that no man that ever was employed in a public
capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust reposed in him with
greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest than I have
done; and if there is any person living, who can say with justice that
I have offered any intentional wrong to the public, I will cheerfully
submit to the most ignominious punishment that an injured people ought
to inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have my character
arraigned, and my actions condemned, without a hearing.
"I must therefore again beg in _more plain_, and in very _earnest_
terms, to know if ---- has taken the liberty of representing my conduct
to your Honour with such ungentlemanly freedom as the letter implies.
Your condescension herein will be acknowledged a singular favour."
In a letter, some short time after this, to the Lieutenant Governor,
he said, "I do not know that I ever gave your Honour cause to suspect
me of ingratitude; a crime I detest, and would most carefully avoid.
If an open, disinterested behaviour carries offence, I may have
offended; for I have all along laid it down as a maxim, to represent
facts freely and impartially, but not more so to others than to you,
sir. If instances of my ungrateful behaviour had been particularized,
I would have answered them. But I have been long convinced that my
actions and their motives have been maliciously aggravated." A request
that he might be permitted to come to Williamsburg for the settlement
of some accounts, which he was desirous of adjusting under the
inspection of the Lieutenant Governor, who proposed to leave the
province in the following November, was refused in abrupt and
disobliging terms. In answer to the letter containing the refusal,
Colonel Washington, after stating the immoveable disposition of the
inhabitants to leave the country unless more sufficiently protected,
added, "To give a more succinct account of their affairs than I could
in writing, was the principal, among many other reasons, that induced
me to ask leave to come down. It was not to enjoy a party of pleasure
that I asked leave of absence. I have indulged with few of those,
winter or summer."
Mr. Dinwiddie soon afterwards took leave of Virginia, and the
government devolved on Mr. Blair, the President of the Council.
Between him and the commander of the colonial troops the utmost
cordiality existed.
[Sidenote: General Forbes undertakes the expedition against Fort Du
Quesne.]
After the close of this campaign, Lord Loudoun returned to England,
and General Abercrombie succeeded to the command of the army. The
department of the middle and southern provinces was committed to
General Forbes, who, to the inexpressible gratification of Colonel
Washington, determined to undertake an expedition against fort Du
Quesne.
{1758}
He urged an early campaign, but he urged it ineffectually; and, before
the troops were assembled, a large body of French and Indians broke
into the country, and renewed the horrors of the tomahawk and
scalping-knife. The county of Augusta was ravaged and about sixty
persons were murdered. The attempts made to intercept these savages
were unsuccessful; and they recrossed the Alleghany, with their
plunder, prisoners, and scalps.
{May 24.}
At length, orders were given to assemble the regiment at Winchester,
and be in readiness to march in fifteen days. On receiving them,
Colonel Washington called in his recruiting parties; but so
inattentive had the government been to his representations that,
previous to marching his regiment, he was under the necessity of
repairing to Williamsburg, personally to enforce his solicitations for
arms, ammunition, money, and clothing. That these preparations for an
expedition vitally interesting to Virginia, should remain to be made
after the season for action had commenced, does not furnish stronger
evidence of the difficulties encountered by the chief of the military
department, than is given by another circumstance of about the same
date. He was under the necessity of pointing out and urging the
propriety of allowing to his regiment, which had performed much severe
service, the same pay which had been granted to a second regiment,
voted the preceding session of Assembly, to serve for a single year.
Among other motives for an early campaign, Colonel Washington had
urged the impracticability of detaining the Indians. His fears were
well founded. Before a junction of the troops had been made, these
savages became impatient to return to their homes; and, finding that
the expedition would yet be delayed a considerable time, they left the
army, with promises to rejoin it at the proper season.
{June 24.}
In pursuance of the orders which had been received, the Virginia
troops moved in detachments from Winchester to fort Cumberland, where
they assembled early in July: after which, they were employed in
opening a road to Raystown, where Colonel Bouquet was stationed. As
the English were continually harassed by small parties of French and
Indians, the general had contemplated advancing a strong detachment
over the Alleghany mountains, for the purpose of giving them
employment at home. By the advice of Colonel Washington this plan was
relinquished. In support of his opinion, he stated the probability
that a large force was collected at fort Du Quesne, and the
impracticability of moving a strong detachment, without such a
quantity of provisions, as would expose it to the danger of being
discovered and cut to pieces. He advised to harass them with small
parties, principally of Indians; and this advice was pursued.
{July.}
Colonel Washington had expected that the army would march by
Braddock's road: but, late in July, he had the mortification to
receive a letter from Colonel Bouquet, asking an interview with him,
in order to consult on opening a new road from Raystown, and
requesting his opinion on that route. "I shall," says he, in answer to
this letter, "most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any route, or
enter upon any service, that the general or yourself may think me
usefully employed in, or qualified for; and shall never have a will of
my own, when a duty is required of me. But since you desire me to
speak my sentiments freely, permit me to observe, that, after having
conversed with all the guides, and having been informed by others
acquainted with the country, I am convinced that a road, to be
compared with General Braddock's, or indeed that will be fit for
transportation even by pack-horses, can not be made. I own I have no
predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me."
A few days after writing this letter, he had an interview with Colonel
Bouquet, whom he found decided in favour of opening the new road.
After their separation, Colonel Washington, with his permission,
addressed to him a letter to be laid before General Forbes, then
indisposed at Carlisle, in which he stated his reasons against this
measure. He concluded his arguments against the new road: arguments
which appear to be unanswerable, by declaring his fears that, should
the attempt be made, they would be able to do nothing more than
fortify some post on the other side of the Alleghany, and prepare for
another campaign. This he prayed Heaven to avert.
He was equally opposed to a scheme which had been suggested of
marching by the two different routes, and recommended an order of
march by Braddock's road, which would bring the whole army before fort
Du Quesne in thirty-four days, with a supply of provisions for
eighty-six days.
{August 2.}
In a letter of the same date addressed to Major Halket, aid of General
Forbes, Colonel Washington thus expressed his forebodings of the
mischiefs to be apprehended from the adoption of the proposed route.
"I am just returned from a conference held with Colonel Bouquet. I
find him fixed--I think I may say unalterably fixed--to lead you a new
way to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at
this advanced season, when we have scarcely time left to tread the
beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage through the
mountains.
"If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the general, all is
lost! all is lost indeed! our enterprise is ruined! and we shall be
stopped at the Laurel hill this winter; but not to gather laurels,
except of the kind which cover the mountains. The southern Indians
will turn against us, and these colonies will be desolated by such an
accession to the enemy's strength. These must be the consequences of a
miscarriage; and a miscarriage, the almost necessary consequence of an
attempt to march the army by this route."
Colonel Washington's remonstrances and arguments were unavailing; and
the new route was adopted. His extreme chagrin at this measure, and at
the delays resulting from it, was expressed in anxious letters to Mr.
Fauquier, then governor of Virginia, and to the speaker of the house
of burgesses.
{September 2.}
In a letter to the speaker, written while at fort Cumberland, he said:
"We are still encamped here; very sickly, and dispirited at the
prospect before us. That appearance of glory which we once had in
view--that hope--that laudable ambition of serving our country, and
meriting its applause, are now no more: all is dwindled into ease,
sloth, and fatal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways of
men in power, like certain ways of Providence, are not inscrutable.
But we who view the actions of great men at a distance can only form
conjectures agreeably to a limited perception; and, being ignorant of
the comprehensive schemes which may be in contemplation, might mistake
egregiously in judging of things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet
every f--l will have his notions--will prattle and talk away; and why
may not I? We seem then, in my opinion, to act under the guidance of
an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by
superior orders, is tempered with something--I do not care to give a
name to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy
issue." He then recapitulated the arguments he had urged against
attempting a new road, and added, "But I spoke unavailingly. The road
was immediately begun; and since then, from one to two thousand men
have constantly wrought on it. By the last accounts I have received,
they had cut it to the foot of the Laurel hill, about thirty-five
miles; and I suppose, by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken
post about ten miles further, at a placed called Loyal Hanna, where
our next fort is to be constructed.
"We have certain intelligence that the French strength at fort Du
Quesne did not exceed eight hundred men, the thirteenth ultimo;
including about three or four hundred Indians. See how our time has
been misspent--behold how the golden opportunity is lost--perhaps,
never to be regained! How is it to be accounted for? Can General
Forbes have orders for this?--Impossible. Will then our injured
country pass by such abuses? I hope not. Rather let a full
representation of the matter go to his majesty; let him know how
grossly his glory and interests, and the public money have been
prostituted."
{September 22.}
[Sidenote: Defeat of Major Grant.]
Colonel Washington was soon afterwards ordered to Raystown. Major
Grant had been previously detached from the advanced post at Loyal
Hanna, with a select corps of eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the
country about fort Du Quesne. In the night he reached a hill near the
fort, and sent forward a party for the purpose of discovery. They
burnt a log house, and returned. Next morning, Major Grant detached
Major Lewis, of Colonel Washington's regiment, with a baggage guard,
two miles into his rear; and sent an engineer, with a covering party,
within full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works. In the mean
time he ordered the _reveillée_ to be beaten in different places. An
action soon commenced, on which Major Lewis, leaving Captain Bullett,
with about fifty Virginians to guard the baggage, advanced with the
utmost celerity to support Major Grant. The English were defeated with
considerable loss; and both Major Grant and Major Lewis were taken
prisoners. In this action, the Virginians evidenced the spirit with
which they had been trained. Out of eight officers, five were killed,
a sixth wounded, and a seventh taken prisoner. Captain Bullett, who
defended the baggage with great resolution, and contributed to save
the remnant of the detachment, was the only officer who escaped
unhurt. Of one hundred and sixty-two men, sixty-two were killed on the
spot, and two wounded. This conduct reflected high honour on the
commanding officer of the regiment as well as on the troops; and he
received, on the occasion, the compliments of the general. The total
loss was two hundred and seventy-three killed, and forty-two wounded.
{October 8.}
It was at length determined that the main body of the army should move
from Raystown; and the general called on the colonels of regiments, to
submit severally to his consideration, a plan for his march. That
proposed by Colonel Washington has been preserved, and appears to have
been judiciously formed.
They reached the camp at Loyal Hanna, through a road indescribably
bad, about the fifth of November; where, as had been predicted, a
council of war determined that it was unadviseable to proceed farther
this campaign. It would have been almost impossible to winter an army
in that position. They must have retreated from the cold inhospitable
wilderness into which they had penetrated, or have suffered immensely;
perhaps have perished. Fortunately, some prisoners were taken, who
informed them of the extreme distress of the fort. Deriving no support
from Canada, the garrison was weak; in great want of provisions; and
had been deserted by the Indians. These encouraging circumstances
changed the resolution which had been taken, and determined the
general to prosecute the expedition.
[Sidenote: Fort Du Quesne evacuated by the French, and taken
possession of by the English.]
{November 25.}
Colonel Washington was advanced in front; and, with immense labour,
opened a way for the main body of the army. The troops moved forward
with slow and painful steps until they reached fort Du Quesne, of
which they took peaceable possession; the garrison having on the
preceding night, after evacuating and setting it on fire, proceeded
down the Ohio in boats.
To other causes than the vigour of the officer who conducted this
enterprise, the capture of this important place is to be ascribed. The
naval armaments of Britain had intercepted the reinforcements designed
by France for her colonies; and the pressure on Canada was such as to
disable the governor of that province from detaching troops to fort Du
Quesne. Without the aid of these causes, the extraordinary and
unaccountable delays of the campaign must have defeated its object.
The works were repaired, and the new fort received the name of the
great minister, who, with unparalleled vigour and talents, then
governed the nation.
After furnishing two hundred men from his regiment as a garrison for
fort Pitt, Colonel Washington marched back to Winchester; whence he
soon afterwards proceeded to Williamsburg, to take his seat in the
General Assembly, of which he had been elected a member by the county
of Frederick, while at fort Cumberland.
A cessation of Indian hostility being the consequence of expelling the
French from the Ohio, Virginia was relieved from the dangers with
which she had been threatened; and the object for which alone he had
continued in the service, after perceiving that he should not be
placed on the permanent establishment, was accomplished. His health
was much impaired, and his domestic affairs required his attention.
[Sidenote: Resignation and marriage of Colonel Washington.]
Impelled by these and other motives of a private nature, he determined
to withdraw from a service, which he might now quit without dishonour;
and, about the close of the year, resigned his commission, as colonel
of the first Virginia regiment, and commander-in-chief of all the
troops raised in the colony.
[Illustration: The Washington Family Burial Ground
_Wakefield, Westmoreland County, Virginia_
_Here rest the mortal remains of George Washington's
great-grandfather, Colonel John Washington, who came to Virginia in
1658 and was buried here in 1677; of his grandfather, Lawrence
Washington, buried in 1697; of his grandmother, Jane (Butler), in
1729; of his father, Augustine Washington, in 1743; and other members
of the Washington family._]
The officers whom he had commanded were greatly attached to him. They
manifested their esteem and their regret at parting, by a very
affectionate address,[8] expressive of the high opinion they
entertained both of his military and private character.
[Footnote 8: See note No. III. at the end of the volume.]
This opinion was not confined to the officers of his regiment. It was
common to Virginia; and had been adopted by the British officers with
whom he served. The duties he performed, though not splendid, were
arduous; and were executed with zeal, and with judgment. The exact
discipline he established in his regiment, when the temper of Virginia
was extremely hostile to discipline, does credit to his military
character, and the gallantry the troops displayed, whenever called
into action, manifests the spirit infused into them by their
commander.
The difficulties of his situation, while unable to cover the frontier
from the French and Indians, who were spreading death and desolation
in every quarter, were incalculably great; and no better evidence of
his exertions, under these distressing circumstances, can be given,
than the undiminished confidence still placed in him, by those whom he
was unable to protect.
The efforts to which he incessantly stimulated his country for the
purpose of obtaining possession of the Ohio; the system for the
conduct of the war which he continually recommended; the vigorous and
active measures always urged upon those by whom he was commanded;
manifest an ardent and enterprising mind, tempered by judgment, and
quickly improved by experience.
Not long after his resignation, he was married to Mrs. Custis; a young
lady to whom he had been for some time attached; and who, to a large
fortune and fine person, added those amiable accomplishments which
ensure domestic happiness, and fill, with silent but unceasing
felicity, the quiet scenes of private life.
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Washington appointed commander-in-chief of the
American forces.... Arrives at Cambridge.... Strength and
disposition of the two armies.... Deficiency of the
Americans in arms and ammunition.... Distress of the British
from the want of fresh provisions.... Falmouth burnt....
Success of the American cruisers.... Measures to form a
continental army.... Difficulty of re-enlisting the
troops.... Plan for attacking Boston.... General Lee
detached to New York.... Possession taken of the heights of
Dorchester.... Boston evacuated.... Correspondence
respecting prisoners.
{1775}
The attention of Colonel Washington, for several years after his
marriage, was principally directed to the management of his estate. He
continued a most respectable member of the legislature of his country,
in which he took an early and a decided part against the claims of
supremacy asserted by the British Parliament. As hostilities
approached, he was chosen by the independent companies, formed through
the northern parts of Virginia, to command them; and was elected a
member of the first congress which met at Philadelphia. The
illustrious patriots who composed it, soon distinguished him as the
soldier of America, and placed him on all those committees whose duty
it was to make arrangements for defence. When it became necessary to
appoint a commander-in-chief, his military character, the solidity of
his judgment, the steady firmness of his temper, the dignity of his
person and deportment, the confidence inspired by his patriotism and
integrity, and the independence of his fortune, combined to designate
him, in the opinion of all, for that important station. Local jealousy
was suppressed, not only by the enthusiasm of the moment, but by that
policy which induced the sagacious delegation from New England, to
prefer a commander-in-chief from the south.
[Sidenote: Colonel Washington appointed Commander-in-chief of the
American forces.]
On the 14th of June, he was unanimously chosen "General, and
Commander-in-chief of the armies of the United Colonies, and all the
forces now raised, or to be raised by them."[9]
[Footnote 9: See note No. IV. at the end of the volume.]
{June 15.}
On the succeeding day, when the President communicated this
appointment to him, he expressed his high sense of the honour
conferred upon him, and his firm determination to exert every power he
possessed in the service of his country and of her "glorious cause."
At the same time he acknowledged the distress he felt from a
consciousness that his abilities and military experience might not be
equal to the extensive and important trust.
He declined all compensation for his services; and avowed an intention
to keep an exact account of his expenses, which he should rely on
Congress to discharge.
A special commission was directed, and a resolution unanimously
passed, declaring that "Congress would maintain, assist, and adhere to
him, as the General and Commander-in-chief of the forces raised, or to
be raised, for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty,
with their lives and fortunes."
He prepared, without delay, to enter upon the arduous duties of his
office; and, remaining only a few days in New York, where several
important arrangements were to be made, proceeded to the head quarters
of the American army.
[Sidenote: Arrives at Cambridge.]
As all orders of men concurred in approving his appointment, all
concurred in expressing their satisfaction at that event, and their
determination to afford him entire support. A committee of the
Congress of Massachusetts waited to receive him at Springfield, on the
confines of the colony, and to escort him to the army. On his arrival,
an address was presented to him by the House of Representatives,
breathing the most cordial affection, and testifying the most exalted
respect. His answer[10] was well calculated to keep up impressions
essential to the success of that arduous contest into which the United
Colonies had entered.
[Footnote 10: It is in the following terms:
"Gentlemen,--Your kind congratulations on my appointment and
arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will be ever
retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the
enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present
honourable but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue
and public spirit of the whole Province of Massachusetts,
which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has
sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in
support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our
common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy
instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this
devoted Province again restored to peace, liberty, and
safety.
"GEO: WASHINGTON."]
{July 3.}
[Sidenote: Strength and disposition of the two armies.]
The first moments after his arrival in camp were employed in
reconnoitring the enemy, and examining the strength and situation of
the American troops.
The main body of the British army, under the immediate command of
General Howe, was entrenching itself strongly on Bunker's hill. Three
floating batteries lay in Mystic river, near the camp, and a twenty
gun ship below the ferry, between Boston and Charlestown. A strong
battery on the Boston side of the water, on Cop's or Cope's hill,
served to cover and strengthen the post on Bunker's hill. Another
division was deeply entrenched on Roxbury neck. The light horse, and
an inconsiderable body of infantry, were stationed in Boston.
The American army lay on both sides of Charles river. The right
occupied the high grounds about Roxbury; whence it extended towards
Dorchester; and the left was covered by Mystic or Medford river, a
space of at least twelve miles. These extensive lines could not be
contracted without opening to the British general a communication with
the country.
For the purpose of a more distinct arrangement, the army was thrown
into three grand divisions. That part of it which lay about Roxbury
constituted the right wing, and was commanded by Major General Ward;
the troops near Mystic or Medford river formed the left, which was
placed under Major General Lee. The centre, including the reserve, was
under the immediate command of General Washington, whose head quarters
were at Cambridge.
The army consisted of fourteen thousand five hundred men; but several
circumstances combined to render this force less effective than its
numbers would indicate.
[Sidenote: Deficiency of the Americans in arms and ammunition.]
So long had the hope of avoiding open hostilities been indulged, that
the time for making preparations to meet them had passed away
unemployed, and the neglect could not be remedied. On General
Washington's arrival in camp, he had ordered a return of the
ammunition to be made; and the report stated three hundred and three
barrels of powder to be in store. A few days after this return, the
alarming discovery was made, that the actual quantity was not more
than sufficient to furnish each man with nine cartridges. This mistake
had been produced by a misapprehension of the committee of supplies,
(for the magazines were not yet in possession of military officers,)
who, instead of returning the existing quantity, reported the whole
which had been originally furnished by the Province. Though the utmost
exertions were made, this critical state of things continued about a
fortnight, when a small supply of powder was received from
Elizabethtown, in New Jersey.[11] The utmost address was used to
conceal from the enemy this alarming deficiency; but when it is
recollected, in how many various directions, and to what various
bodies, application for assistance was unavoidably made, it will
appear scarcely possible that those efforts at concealment could have
been completely successful. It is more probable that the
communications which must have been made to the British general were
discredited; and that he could not permit himself to believe, that an
army without bayonets would be hardy enough to maintain the position
occupied by the Provincials, if destitute of ammunition.
[Footnote 11: A circumstance attending this transaction,
will furnish some idea of the difficulties encountered by
those who then conducted the affairs of America.
All-important to the general safety as was the speedy
replenishment of the magazines of that army which lay
encamped in front of the enemy, the committee of
Elizabethtown was under the necessity of transmitting this
powder secretly, lest the people of the neighbourhood should
seize and detain it for their own security.]
The troops were also in such need of tents, as to be placed in
barracks, instead of being encamped in the open field; and were almost
destitute of clothing. They had, too, been raised by the colonial
governments; each of which organized its quota on different
principles. From this cause resulted not only a want of uniformity,
but other defects which were much more important. In Massachusetts,
the soldiers had chosen their platoon officers, and generally lived
with them as equals. This unmilitary practice was the certain index of
that general insubordination which pervaded every department. The
difficulty of establishing principles of order and obedience, always
considerable among raw troops, was increased by the short terms for
which enlistments had been made. The quotas of some of the colonies
would be entitled to a discharge in November; and none were engaged to
continue in service longer than the last of December. The early orders
evidence a state of things still more loose and unmilitary than was to
be inferred from the circumstances under which the war had been
commenced.
An additional inconvenience, derived from this mixed agency of local
governments with that of the Union, was thus stated by General
Washington in a letter addressed to congress:--"I should be extremely
deficient in gratitude as well as justice, if I did not take the first
opportunity to acknowledge the readiness and attention which the
congress and different committees have shown to make every thing as
convenient and agreeable as possible; but there is a vital and
inherent principle of delay, incompatible with military service, in
transacting business through such various and different channels.[12]
I esteem it my duty, therefore, to represent the inconvenience that
must unavoidably ensue from a dependence on a number of persons for
supplies; and submit it to the consideration of congress, whether the
public service will not be best promoted by appointing a Commissary
General for the purpose."[13]
[Footnote 12: The General was under the necessity of
carrying on a direct correspondence, not only with the
several colonial governments, but with the committees of all
the important towns and some inferior places.]
[Footnote 13: It is strange that an army should have been
formed without such an officer.]
Every military operation was also seriously affected by the total want
of engineers, and the deficiency of working tools.
To increase difficulties already so considerable, the appointment of
general officers, made by congress, gave extensive dissatisfaction,
and determined several of those who thought themselves injured, to
retire from the service.
These disadvantages deducted essentially from the capacity of the
American force: but under them all, the General observed with pleasure
"the materials for a good army." These were "a great number of men,
able bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable
courage." Possessed of these materials, he employed himself
indefatigably in their organization. The army was arranged into
divisions and brigades; and congress was urged to the appointment of a
Paymaster, Quarter-master General, and such other general staff as are
indispensable in the structure of a regular military establishment.
The two armies continued to work on their respective fortifications,
without seriously molesting each other. Slight skirmishes occasionally
took place, in which little execution was done; and, although the
Americans made some advances, no attempt was made to dislodge them.
{September.}
The Commander-in-chief submitted with reluctance to this state of
apparent inactivity. He felt the importance of destroying the army in
Boston, before it should be strengthened by reinforcements in the
ensuing spring; and with a view to this object, frequently
reconnoitred its situation, and was assiduous in collecting every
information respecting its strength. The result of his observations
and inquiries seems to have been, a strong inclination to the opinion,
that to carry the works by storm, though hazardous, was not
impracticable. A council of general officers being unanimously of
opinion, that for the present at least, the attempt ought not to be
made, it was laid aside.
[Sidenote: Distress of the British from the want of fresh provisions.]
A rigorous blockade being maintained, the British army began to suffer
considerably for fresh meat and vegetables. The small parties which
sailed from Boston, in quest of these articles, were frequently
disappointed by the vigilance of the minute men. But the continuance
of active exertion, which this service required on the part of the
inhabitants of the sea coast, soon became burdensome; and the
governors of the several colonies pressed for detachments from the
main army. Although it was impossible to spare the troops required,
without hazarding the cause of the colonies, great irritation was
excited by the refusal to comply with these demands of particular
protection. They at length became so importunate, and the unavoidable
refusal to comply with them was so ill received, that congress was
induced to pass a resolution, declaring that the army before Boston
was designed only to oppose the enemy at that place, and ought not to
be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the
country. At Newport, in Rhode Island, the committee sought to secure
the place, by entering into a compromise with Captain Wallace, who
commanded the ships of war on that station, stipulating that he should
be furnished with provisions on condition of his sparing the town, and
committing no depredations on the country. This compromise contravened
so essentially the general plan of distressing the British forces,
that General Washington deemed it necessary to interpose, and
represent to the Governor of that province, the mischief to be
apprehended from so dangerous a practice.
While the blockade of Boston was thus perseveringly maintained, other
events of considerable importance took place elsewhere.
In July, Georgia joined her sister colonies, and chose delegates to
represent her in congress: after which, the style of "The thirteen
United Colonies" was assumed; and by that title, the English
Provinces, confederated and in arms, were thenceforward designated.
{September 5.}
After a recess of one month, congress again assembled at Philadelphia.
The state of the colonies, and the letters of the Commander-in-chief
being immediately taken into consideration, the scarcity of arms and
ammunition engaged their most serious attention. Great exertions[14]
had been made, by importation and by domestic manufacture, to
extricate the country from this perilous situation; but the supplies
were unequal to the necessities of the army; and the danger resulting
from the want of articles, so vitally essential in war, still
continued to be great.
[Footnote 14: The agents of congress had the address to
purchase all the powder on the coast of Africa, and that
within the British forts, without attracting notice; and to
seize the magazine in the island of Bermuda. Great exertions
were also made in the interior to obtain saltpetre and
sulphur, for the manufacture of that important article.]
The importance of a maritime force to the military operations of a
country possessing an immense extent of sea coast must always be
sensibly felt; and, in an early stage of the contest, the particular
attention of the United Colonies was directed more immediately to this
interesting object, by an event not very unusual in war, but which, at
this time, excited no ordinary degree of resentment.
Orders had been issued to the commanders of the British ships of war
to proceed, as in the case of actual rebellion, against those seaport
towns which were accessible, and in which any troops should be raised,
or military works erected.
{October.}
[Sidenote: Falmouth burnt.]
Falmouth, a flourishing village on the sea coast of Massachusetts,
having given some particular offence, a small naval force, commanded
by Captain Mowat, was, under colour of these orders, detached for its
destruction. After making an ineffectual effort to induce the
inhabitants to deliver up their arms and ammunition, and four of the
principal citizens as hostages, he commenced a furious cannonade and
bombardment, by which the town was reduced to ashes. An attempt was
then made to penetrate into the country; but the militia and minute
men, rather irritated than intimidated by this wanton act of
unavailing devastation, drove the party, which had landed, back to
their ships.
This measure was loudly reprobated throughout America, and
contributed, not a little, to turn the attention of the United
Colonies to their marine. It was one immediate motive with the
convention of Massachusetts, for granting letters of marque and
reprisal; and was assigned by congress, in addition to the capture of
American merchantmen on the high seas, as an inducement for fitting
out some ships of war; to man which they directed two battalions of
marines to be recruited.
[Sidenote: Success of the American cruisers.]
Though congress deferred granting general letters of reprisal, they
adopted a measure of equal efficacy, but less hostile in appearance.
Their ships of war were authorized to capture all vessels employed in
giving assistance to the enemy; the terms used in their resolution
were such as comprehended every possible capture. A few small cruisers
had already been fitted out by the directions of General Washington;
and the coasts soon swarmed with the privateers of New England. These
naval exertions were attended with valuable consequences. Many
captures were made; and important supplies of ammunition were thus
obtained.
Although the British army had manifested no intention to evacuate
Boston, fears were continually entertained for New York. Mr. Tryon,
who was popular in that province, had been lately recalled from North
Carolina, and appointed its governor. His utmost influence was
employed in detaching that colony from the union; and his exertions
were seconded by the Asia man of war, whose guns commanded the town.
The consequence of these intrigues and of this terror was, that even
in the convention, disaffection to the American cause began openly to
show itself; and a determination to join the king's standard is said
to have been expressed with impunity. These threatening appearances
were rendered the more serious by some confidential communications
from England, stating the intention of administration to send a fleet
into the Hudson, and to occupy both New York and Albany. Under the
alarm thus excited, an effort was made in congress to obtain a
resolution for seizing the governor. He had, however, been artful
enough to make impressions in his favour; and he was defended by a
part of the delegation from New York with so much earnestness that,
for a time, the advocates of the proposition forbore to press it.
Afterwards, when the increasing defection in that province induced
Congress to resume the subject, the resolution was expressed in
general terms; and assumed the form of a recommendation, to those who
exercised the legislative and executive functions in the several
provinces, "to arrest and secure every person in the respective
colonies, whose going at large might, in their opinion, endanger the
safety of the colony, or the liberties of America." Intelligence of
this resolution is supposed to have been received by the governor,
who, after some correspondence with the mayor of the city respecting
his personal safety, retired for security on board the Halifax packet,
and continued to carry on his intrigues with nearly as much advantage
as while on shore.
But the subject which, next to the supply of arms and ammunition, most
interested the American government, was the re-enlistment of the army.
[Illustration: The Historic Washington Elm at Cambridge, Massachusetts
_"Under this tree," as the granite tablet states, "Washington first
took command of the American army, July 3d, 1775." This picture is
from a photograph taken about the year 1900. In spite of the most
determined efforts to preserve this historic relic, the tree fell in
November, 1923._
© U & U]
[Sidenote: Measures to form a continental army.]
On the 29th of September, at the earnest solicitation of General
Washington, a committee had been appointed by congress, with
directions to repair to the camp at Cambridge; there to consult with
the Commander-in-chief, and with the chief magistrates of New
Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, and the council of
Massachusetts, "on the most effectual method of continuing,
supporting, and regulating a continental army." On the return of this
committee, congress determined that the new army should consist of
twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two men, including officers;
to be raised as far as practicable from the troops already in service.
Unfortunately, in constituting this first military establishment of
the union, an essential error was committed; the consequences of which
ceased only with the war. The soldiers, instead of being engaged for
an unlimited time, were enlisted for the term of only one year, if not
sooner discharged by congress. It is not easy to account entirely for
this fatal error. With their jealousy of a permanent army, were
probably intermingled hopes that the war would not be of long
duration, and fears that much difficulty would be encountered in
prevailing on men to enter into engagements of unlimited extent.
Perhaps the habits of the northern colonies, where it had been usual
to raise men for a single campaign, may have contributed to this
measure. Whatever may have been its motives, its consequences were of
the most serious nature; and it brought the American cause, more than
once, into real hazard.
Other resolutions accompanied that for raising and establishing the
new army, which exhibit the perilous condition of the country, and its
want of those means, which were indispensable to the support of the
arduous conflict in which it was engaged.
One resolution ordered the detention, at a valuation, of the arms of
those soldiers who should refuse to re-enlist, although they were
private property, and but ill adapted to military purposes; another,
offered two dollars to every recruit who would supply himself with a
blanket; a third, ordered the purchase of any cloths which could be
procured, without regard to colour, to be delivered to the soldiers,
after deducting the price from their pay; and a fourth, required the
soldiers to furnish their own arms, or to pay for the use of those
which might be supplied by the government.
{October 22.}
Before the arrangements made by the committee were confirmed by
congress, General Washington proceeded to take the preparatory steps
for carrying them into execution.
It being understood that the engagements of the officers, as well as
of the soldiers, would expire with the year; the whole army was to be
formed anew. The officers therefore were required to signify in
writing to their respective colonels, their determination to leave, or
to continue in the service; that it might be communicated to congress
through the officer commanding brigades.
[Sidenote: Difficulty of re-enlisting the army.]
The urgency of the case could not produce a compliance with these
orders. Many disregarded them; and others annexed conditions to their
remaining in the service. Repetitions of them became necessary; and an
unconditional declaration was required.[15] But that high spirit and
enthusiastic ardour, which had brought such numbers into the field
after the battle of Lexington, was already beginning to dissipate; and
that alacrity for the service, which had been expected, was not
displayed. The orders of the day contain the most animating
exhortations to the army, and the strongest appeals to its patriotism;
but there was an ominous hesitation in forming new engagements.
[Footnote 15: In this state of things, several officers,
supposing that commissions and rank might depend on
recruiting men, began, without permission, to recruit
soldiers, to serve particularly under the officer enlisting
them. Every military principle required that this practice
should be arrested; and it was peremptorily forbidden in
general orders.]
{November 12.}
At length, with much labour, the officers were arranged, upon which,
recruiting orders were issued. But the sufferings of the army for
fuel, clothes, and even provisions, had been great; and to this cause
may be attributed the tardiness with which the soldiers in camp
enrolled themselves. One officer from each company was employed to
recruit in the country; but their progress was not such as the crisis
demanded; and the army was dissolving by the expiration of the time
for which it had been enlisted. The impatience of the soldiers to
revisit their friends, overcame all their solicitude for maintaining
the blockade of Boston; and it was with great difficulty that those
entitled to a discharge were detained in camp even for ten days; at
the end of which time a body of militia was expected to supply their
places. This fact, however, did not convince the governments of the
United Colonies, that it was possible to rely too much on individual
patriotism; and that the American cause, if defended entirely by
temporary armies, must be often exposed to imminent hazard.
{November 30.}
Perceiving the difficulty of recruiting the army, the General
earnestly recommended to congress, to try the effect of a bounty. This
proposition was not adopted until late in January; and, on the last
day of December, when all the old troops, not engaged on the new
establishment, were disbanded, only nine thousand six hundred and
fifty men had been enlisted for the army of 1776; many of whom were
unavoidably permitted to be absent on furlough. Their numbers,
however, were considerably augmented during the winter; and, in the
mean time, the militia cheerfully complied with the requisitions made
on them.
{December.}
Notwithstanding these complicated difficulties and embarrassments, the
General viewed with deep mortification the semblance of inactivity to
which his situation compelled him to submit. In the commencement of
the contest, while the minds of many were undetermined, it was of vast
importance to secure the public confidence, and it was necessary to
pay some attention even to the public caprice. The real difficulties
under which he laboured were not generally known. His numbers were
exaggerated, and his means of carrying on offensive operations were
magnified. The expulsion of the British army from Boston had been long
since anticipated by many; and those were not wanting, who endeavoured
to spread discontent by insinuating that the Commander-in-chief was
desirous of prolonging the war, in order to continue his own
importance. To these symptoms of impatience, and to the consequences
they might produce, he could not be insensible; but it was not in his
power to silence such complaints, by disclosing to the world his real
situation. His views still continued to be directed towards Boston;
and, congress having manifested a disposition favourable to an attack
on that place, the general officers had been again assembled, and had
again advised unanimously against the measure. Supposing that fears
for the safety of the town might embarrass the proceedings of the
army, congress resolved, "that if General Washington and his council
of war should be of opinion that a successful attack might be made on
the troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he might think
expedient, notwithstanding the town and property in it might be
thereby destroyed."
[Sidenote: Plans for attacking Boston.]
Whilst waiting for a favourable opportunity to execute this bold plan,
the American general availed himself of the occasional aids received
from the militia, to make advances on the besieged, and to seize
positions which would favour ulterior operations. Ploughed Hill,
Cobble Hill, and Lechmere's Point, were successively occupied and
fortified. His approaches were carried within half a mile of the works
on Bunker's Hill; and his guns drove their floating batteries from
their stations, and protected others constructed under his orders.
Hitherto, the object of the war had been a redress of grievances. The
language, that it was a war against a corrupt administration, had been
carefully observed; and allegiance to the British crown was
universally avowed. The progress, however, of the public mind towards
independence, though slow, was certain; and measures were necessarily
taken, which apparently tended to that object. Among these, was the
act of establishing temporary governments in place of that
revolutionary system which followed the suspension of the ancient
institutions.
The first application on this subject was made by Massachusetts;[16]
and her example was soon followed by other colonies. These
applications could not fail to draw forth the sentiments of members on
the very interesting question of separation from the mother country.
They who wished to lead public opinion to independence, were desirous
of establishing a regular government in each province, entirely
competent to the administration of its affairs; while they who were
hostile to that event, opposed every measure which might either
incline the colonies towards it, or strengthen the opinion in Great
Britain, that it was the real object of all who had resisted the
legislative supremacy of parliament. A resolution was with difficulty
obtained in the case of New Hampshire, which formed a precedent for
others of the same nature, recommending to the provincial convention
to call a full and free representation of the people, who should
establish such form of government as would best promote the general
happiness, and most effectually secure peace and good order in the
colony, during the continuance of the present dispute with Great
Britain. Without this last clause, which still maintained the
appearance of preserving the ancient connexion with the parent state,
the recommendation would not have been made. About the same time,
congress also resolved that it would be extremely dangerous to the
liberties and welfare of America, for any colony separately to
petition the king or either house of parliament.
[Footnote 16: On this application congress recommended that
an assembly and council should be chosen in the usual way,
who should exercise the powers of government until a
Governor of his Majesty's appointment should consent to
govern the colony according to its charter.]
Having taken into consideration a proclamation, declaring certain
persons in the colonies to have forgotten their allegiance, and to be
in a state of open rebellion, and threatening with punishment those
who should be found carrying on correspondence with them;--congress
declared, "in the name of the people of these United Colonies, and by
the authority according to the purest maxims of representation derived
from them, that whatever punishment shall be inflicted upon any
persons in the power of their enemies, for favouring, aiding, or
abetting the cause of American liberty, shall be retaliated in the
same kind, and in the same degree, upon those in their power, who have
favoured, aided, or abetted, or shall favour, aid, or abet the system
of ministerial oppression."
The British army, the command of which, on the recall of General Gage,
had devolved upon General Howe, still remained inactive in Boston; and
was still closely blocked up on the land side. The history of this
winter campaign, is a history of successive struggles on the part of
the American general, with the difficulties imposed by the want of
arms, ammunition, and permanent troops, on a person extremely
solicitous, by some grand and useful achievement, to prove himself
worthy of the high station to which the voice of his country had
called him.
{1776}
{January.}
Considering the resolution relative to the attack on Boston as
indicating the desire of congress on that subject, he assured the
president that an attempt would be made to put it in execution the
first moment he should perceive a probability of success. If this
should not occur, as soon as might be expected or wished, he prayed
that his situation might be recollected, and that congress would do
him the justice to believe, that circumstances, not inclination on his
part, occasioned the delay. "It is not," said he, "in the pages of
history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket
shot of the enemy for six months together, without _ammunition_; and
at the same time, to disband one army and recruit another, within that
distance of twenty-odd British regiments, is more than, probably, ever
was attempted. But if we succeed as well in the latter, as we have
hitherto done in the former, I shall think it the most fortunate event
of my whole life."
In the month of January a council of war, at which Mr. John Adams, a
member of congress, and Mr. Warren, president of the provincial
congress of Massachusetts, assisted: Resolved, "that a vigorous
attempt ought to be made on the ministerial troops in Boston, before
they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means can be provided,
and a favourable opportunity should offer." It was farther advised,
"that thirteen regiments of militia should be asked for from
Massachusetts and the neighbouring colonies, in order to put the army
in a condition to make the attempt. The militia to assemble on the
first of February, and to continue in service, if necessary, until the
first of March." The colonies readily complied with these
requisitions; but so mild had the season hitherto been, that the
waters about Boston continued open. "Congress would discover in my
last," said the general, on the nineteenth of January, "my motives for
strengthening these lines with militia. But whether, as the weather
turns out exceedingly mild, (insomuch as to promise nothing favourable
from ice,) and there is no appearance of powder, I shall be able to
attempt any thing decisive, time only can determine. No man upon earth
wishes to destroy the nest in Boston more than I do; no person would
be willing to go greater lengths than I shall to accomplish it, if it
shall be thought adviseable; but if we have no powder to bombard with,
nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better situation than we have
been all the year: we shall be in a worse, as their works are
stronger."
[Sidenote: General Lee detached to New York.]
Early in January, the Commander-in-chief received unquestionable
intelligence that an armament was equipping in Boston, to sail under
General Clinton on a secret expedition. Many considerations induced
him to believe that New York was its destination. He thought the
possession of the Hudson of great importance to the British: and that
the numerous adherents to the royal cause in New York, furnished an
additional reason for transferring the seat of war to that colony.
Whilst deliberating on this subject, he received a letter from General
Lee, requesting to be detached to Connecticut, for the purpose of
assembling a body of volunteers, who should march into New York, and
be employed both for the security of that place, and the expulsion or
suppression of a band of tories collecting on Long Island. Though
inclined to the adoption of this measure, delicacy towards those who
exercised the powers of civil government in the colony, suspended his
decision on it. Mr. John Adams, who possessed great and well merited
influence, was then at Watertown, attending the provincial convention;
and with him, the general held some communications respecting his
powers. That gentleman being decidedly of opinion that they extended
to the case, General Lee was detached, with instructions to raise a
body of volunteers in Connecticut, to reinforce the battalions of New
Jersey and New York, which were placed under his command. His orders
were to proceed to New York; to examine the fortifications of the
city, and up the river; to put them in the best possible state of
defence; to disarm all persons whose conduct rendered them justly
suspected of designs unfriendly to the government, especially those on
Long Island; and to collect the arms and ammunition in their
possession, for the use of the army.
No difficulty was found in raising the volunteers required from
Connecticut. The people of that province were zealous and
enterprising, and Governor Trumbull having sanctioned the measure,
troops were immediately embodied, and Lee commenced his march for New
York at the head of twelve hundred men.
The inhabitants of that place were much alarmed at his approach.
Captain Parker of the Asia man of war had threatened that he would
destroy the town in the event of its being entered by any considerable
body of provincials; and it was believed that these threats would be
executed.
A committee of safety, which had been appointed to exercise the powers
of government during the recess of the provincial congress, addressed
a letter to General Lee, expressing astonishment at the report that he
was about to enter the town without previously intimating his design,
and pressing him earnestly not to pass the confines of Connecticut,
until they could have further explanations with him.
Holding in utter contempt the threats of Captain Parker, Lee continued
his march; and, in a letter[17] to congress, represented in such
strong terms the impolicy of leaving the military arrangements for New
York under the control of the local government, that congress
appointed three of their own body, to consult with him and the council
of safety, respecting the defence of the place; and instructed him to
obey the directions of that committee.
[Footnote 17: See note No. V. at the end of the volume.]
Lee soon acquired that ascendancy which is the prerogative of a
superior mind, over those who were sent for his government, and they
directed him to execute whatever he suggested. A plan recommended by
him, for fortifying the city and preserving its connexion with Long
Island, was adopted, and prosecuted with vigour.
General Clinton arrived almost at the same instant with General Lee,
but without troops. He said openly, that none were coming; that no
hostilities were contemplated against New York; and that he was,
himself, merely on a visit to his friend Tryon. "If it be really so,"
added General Lee, in his letter containing this communication, "it is
the most whimsical piece of civility I ever heard of." General Clinton
did not affect to conceal that his real object was to proceed to North
Carolina, where he expected that five regiments from Europe would join
the small force he should carry with him.
About the middle of February, the cold was intense, and the ice became
sufficiently firm to bear the troops. General Washington was now
disposed to execute the bold plan he had formed, of attacking General
Howe in Boston; but a council of war being almost unanimous against
the measure, it was abandoned. The want of ammunition for the
artillery was a principal inducement to this opinion.
The attempt, probably, would not have succeeded, and must certainly
have been attended with considerable loss. But the advice of the
council seems to have been adopted with regret. In communicating their
opinion to congress, the general observed, "Perhaps the irksomeness of
my situation may have given different ideas to me, from those which
influence the gentlemen I consulted; and might have inclined me to put
more to the hazard than was consistent with prudence. If it had this
effect, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavoured to give the subject
all the consideration a matter of such importance required. True it
is, and I can not help acknowledging, that I have many disagreeable
sensations on account of my situation; for, to have the eyes of the
whole continent fixed on me, with anxious expectation of hearing some
great event, and to be restrained in every military operation for want
of the necessary means to carry it on, is not very pleasing;
especially as the means used to conceal my weakness from the enemy,
conceal it also from our friends, and add to their wonder."
Late in February, various appearances among the British troops
indicated an intention to evacuate Boston; but as these appearances
might be deceptive, and he had now received a small supply of powder,
General Washington determined to prosecute vigorously a plan he had
formed, to force General Howe either to come to an action, or to
abandon the town.
Since the allowance of a bounty, recruiting had been more successful;
and the regular force had been augmented to rather more than fourteen
thousand men. In addition to these troops, the Commander-in-chief had
called to his aid about six thousand of the militia of Massachusetts.
Thus reinforced, he determined to take possession of the heights of
Dorchester, and to fortify them. As the possession of this post would
enable him to annoy the ships in the harbour and the soldiers in the
town, he was persuaded that a general action would ensue. But if this
hope should be disappointed, his purpose was to make the works on the
heights of Dorchester only preparatory to seizing and fortifying
Nook's Hill, and the points opposite the south end of Boston, which
commanded the harbour, a great part of the town, and the beach from
which an embarkation must take place in the event of a retreat.
{March.}
[Sidenote: Possession taken of the heights of Dorchester.]
To facilitate the execution of this plan, a heavy bombardment and
cannonade were commenced on the town and on the British lines, which
were repeated the two succeeding nights. On the last of them,
immediately after the firing had begun, a strong detachment, under the
command of General Thomas, took possession of the heights without
opposition. Such was their activity and industry through the night
that, although the ground was almost impenetrable, the works were
sufficiently advanced by the morning, nearly to cover them. When
day-light disclosed their operations to the British, a considerable
degree of embarrassment appeared, and an ineffectual fire was
commenced on the party in possession of the heights, who in turn
opened a battery on the besieged; and continued with unremitting
labour to strengthen their position.
{March 5.}
It was necessary to dislodge the Americans from the heights, or to
evacuate the town; and General Howe, as had been foreseen, determined
to embrace the former part of the alternative. Three thousand chosen
men, to be commanded by Lord Percy, were ordered on this service.
These troops were embarked, and fell down to the castle, in order to
proceed up the river to the intended scene of action; but were
scattered by a furious storm, which disabled them from immediately
prosecuting the enterprise. Before they could again be in readiness
for the attack, the works were made so strong, that the attempt to
storm them was thought unadviseable, and the evacuation of the town
became inevitable.
In the expectation that the flower of the British troops would be
employed against the heights of Dorchester, General Washington had
concerted a plan for availing himself of that occasion, to attack
Boston itself. The storm which defeated the proposed attack on the
heights defeated this enterprise also.
[Sidenote: Boston evacuated.]
{March 17.}
The determination to evacuate Boston was soon communicated. A paper
signed by some of the select men of the town, and brought out with a
flag, stated the fact. This paper was accompanied by propositions said
to be made on the part of General Howe, but not signed by him,
relative to the security of the town, and the peaceable embarkation of
his army. As these propositions were not addressed to the
Commander-in-chief, and were not authenticated by the signature of
General Howe, nor by any act obligatory on him, General Washington
thought it improper directly to notice them; and ordered the officer
to whom they were delivered to return an answer stating the reasons
why they were not treated with more attention. The determination,
however, to continue his advances and to secure Nook's Hill, was
changed; and considerable detachments were moved towards New York,
before the actual evacuation of Boston. This event took place on the
17th of March; and, in a few days, the whole fleet sailed out of
Nantasket road, directing its course eastward.
The recovery of this important town gave great joy to the United
Colonies. Congress passed a vote of thanks to the General and his
army, "for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and
acquisition of Boston;" and directed a medal of gold to be struck in
commemoration of the event.
As soon as the British fleet had put to sea, the American army
proceeded by divisions to New York, where it arrived on the 14th of
April.
During the siege of Boston, an altercation concerning prisoners took
place between the commanders of the respective armies, which was
viewed with great interest throughout America. The character of the
war--a war between a sovereign and those who professed to be his
subjects, led to a course of conduct on the part of the British
General, which the actual state of things did not justify.
General Gage, as Governor of Massachusetts, had received all the
irritations of which his mind was susceptible--irritations which
seemed to have had no inconsiderable influence over his conduct as
Commander-in-chief. He regarded the Americans nearly as rebels; and
treated them as if the great national resistance they were making on
principle, was to be viewed as the act of a few daring and turbulent
individuals, rising against laws of unquestionable obligation, who
would soon be quelled, and punished for their disobedience of
legitimate authority. In this spirit, he threw some distinguished
gentlemen of Boston, and the American officers and soldiers who fell
into his hands, into the common jail of felons; and treated them,
without respect to military rank or condition, not as prisoners of
war, but as state criminals.
[Sidenote: Correspondence respecting prisoners.]
General Washington remonstrated very seriously against this
unjustifiable measure. Considering political opinion entirely out of
the question, and "conceiving the obligations of humanity, and the
claims of rank, to be universally binding, except in the case of
retaliation;" he expressed the hope he had entertained, "that they
would have induced, on the part of the British General, a conduct more
conformable to the rights they gave." While he claimed the benefits of
these rights, he declared his determination "to be regulated entirely,
in his conduct towards the prisoners who should fall into his hands,
by the treatment which those in the power of the British General
should receive."
To this letter, a haughty and intemperate answer was returned,
retorting the complaints concerning the treatment of prisoners, and
affecting to consider it as an instance of clemency, that the cord was
not applied to those whose imprisonment was complained of. To this
answer, General Washington gave a manly and dignified reply, which
was, he said, "to close their correspondence perhaps forever;" and
which concluded with saying, "If your officers, our prisoners, receive
from me a treatment different from what I wished to show them, they
and you will remember the occasion of it."
The result of this correspondence was communicated to the council of
Massachusetts,[18] who were requested to order the British officers
then on parole to be confined in close jail, and the soldiers to be
sent to such place of security as the general court should direct.
[Footnote 18: In the early part of the war, congress had
appointed no commissary of prisoners; nor had the government
taken upon itself the custody of them. They were entrusted
for safe keeping to the respective legislatures and
committees, to whom it was necessary to apply for the
execution of every order respecting them.]
On the recall of General Gage, the command devolved on General Howe,
whose conduct was less exceptionable; and this rigorous treatment of
prisoners was relaxed.
Not long after this correspondence with General Gage, while Montgomery
was employed in the siege of St. John's, Colonel Ethan Allen was
captured in a bold and rash attempt on Montreal. Under the pretext of
his having acted without authority, he was put in irons, and sent to
England as a traitor.
While he was yet in Canada, congress requested the Commander-in-chief
to inquire into the fact. He addressed a letter to Sir William Howe,
requiring explanations on it, and assuring him that General Prescot,
who had been taken in Canada, and was understood to have contributed
to the severities inflicted on Colonel Allen, should receive exactly
the fate of that officer.
General Howe, not holding any authority in Canada, or not choosing to
enter fully into this subject, General Schuyler was directed to make
particular inquiries into the conduct of Prescot; and congress, on
being informed of the inefficacy of the application to General Howe,
ordered that officer into close jail.
CHAPTER III.
Invasion of Canada meditated.... Siege of St. John's....
Capture of fort Chamblée.... Carleton defeated at
Longueisle.... St. John's capitulated.... Montreal
surrenders.... Arnold's expedition.... He arrives before
Quebec.... Retires to Point Aux Trembles.... Montgomery lays
siege to Quebec.... Unsuccessful attack on that place....
Death of Montgomery.... Blockade of Quebec.... General
Thomas takes command of the army.... The blockade raised....
General Sullivan takes the command.... Battle of the Three
Rivers.... Canada evacuated.... General Carleton constructs
a fleet.... Enters lake Champlain.... Defeats the American
flotilla.... Takes possession of Crown Point.... Retires
into winter quarters.
{1775}
During these transactions, events of great interest were passing still
further north.
Serious dissatisfaction prevailed in Canada. The measures of
administration had disquieted the British settlers, without
conciliating the ancient inhabitants. At the same time, the regular
troops had been chiefly ordered to Boston, and the province left
almost entirely undefended. These facts were known in the United
Colonies. It was also known that military stores to an immense amount
had been deposited in Quebec, and that preparations were making to
invade the colonies from that quarter. The possession of that country
was believed to be all important; and its present temper countenanced
the opinion, that its weight would be thrown into the scale of that
party, which should first show a force in it sufficient for the
protection of its inhabitants. The facility with which Crown Point and
Ticonderoga had been taken, and the command of the lakes George and
Champlain acquired, added to the motives already stated, inspiring
congress with the daring design of anticipating the plans meditated in
Canada, by taking possession of that province.
[Sidenote: Invasion of Canada meditated.]
In June, 1775, a resolution passed that body, directing General
Schuyler to repair to Ticonderoga, and take the proper measures for
securing that post and Crown Point, and for retaining the command of
the lakes. He was, at the same time authorized, if he should find the
measure not disagreeable to the Canadians, to take possession of St.
John's and Montreal, and to pursue any other steps which might have a
tendency to promote the peace and security of the United Colonies.
Near three thousand men from New England and New York were designed
for this service. A number of batteaux were directed to be built at
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to convey them along lake Champlain, and
fifty thousand dollars in specie were voted for the expenses of the
army in Canada.
General Schuyler, who was at New York when this important command was
confided to him, hastened to Ticonderoga, in order to make the
necessary arrangements for the enterprise.
The troops of that department, belonging to different colonies,
stationed at different places, and acknowledging no one commanding
officer, were found in a state of entire disorganization. The stores
were misapplied, or wasted; no subordination nor camp discipline was
observed; and had the enemy been in a condition to attempt a _coup de
main_, Ticonderoga and Crown Point would have been lost, with as much
facility as they had been acquired.
{September.}
Schuyler immediately commenced the task of preparing vessels for the
transportation of the troops; a task the more laborious and tedious,
as the timber for the batteaux was then to be procured from the woods.
Before the preparations were complete, or the soldiers destined for
the expedition were assembled, the impatience expressed by the
discontented in Canada rendered an immediate movement adviseable.
Orders were therefore given to General Montgomery to embark with the
troops then in readiness; and General Schuyler having directed the
expected reinforcements to rendezvous at the Isle Aux Noix, followed
and joined him before he reached that place.
[Sidenote: The Americans enter that Province.]
Circular letters to the Canadians, exhorting them to rouse and assert
their liberties, and declaring, that the Americans entered their
country, not as enemies, but as friends and protectors, were
immediately dispersed among them; and to improve the favourable
impression which had been made, it was determined to advance directly
to St. John's. On the sixth of September, the American army, amounting
to about one thousand men, entirely destitute of artillery, embarked
on the Sorel, and proceeding down that river, landed within a mile and
a half of the fort. The intelligence received during the evening,
determined them to return to the Isle Aux Noix, and wait for their
remaining troops and artillery.
The Isle Aux Noix lies at the junction of the Sorel with lake
Champlain; and to prevent the armed vessels at St. John's from
entering the latter, a boom was drawn across the narrow channel, at
the point of union between those waters.
While at that place, General Schuyler became so ill as to be confined
to his bed; and the command devolved on Montgomery.
{September 25.}
[Sidenote: Siege of St. Johns.]
{October.}
[Sidenote: Capture of Fort Chamblée.]
Late in September the artillery was brought up; and reinforcements
arrived, which augmented the army to nearly two thousand men;--upon
which Montgomery again proceeded to the investment of St. John's. This
place was garrisoned by five or six hundred regulars, with about two
hundred Canadian militia, and was well provided with artillery and
military stores. The army of Canada, as well as the other armies of
the United Colonies, was almost entirely without powder; and, of
consequence, the siege advanced slowly. Its necessities in this
respect were fortunately relieved by the capture of fort Chamblée,
which being supposed to be covered by St. John's, was not in a
defensible condition. In this place, about one hundred and twenty
barrels of gunpowder were taken, after which the siege of St. John's
was prosecuted with vigour; but the garrison made a resolute defence,
and for some time indulged the hope of being relieved.[19]
[Footnote 19: Annual Register.]
[Sidenote: Carleton defeated at Longueisle.]
Colonel M'Clean, a veteran officer, with his regiment of royal
highland emigrants, and a few hundred Canadians, was posted near the
junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence. General Carleton was at
Montreal, where he had collected about a thousand men, chiefly
Canadians. At the head of these troops, he hoped to effect a junction
with M'Clean, after which he designed to march with his whole force
against Montgomery, and endeavour to raise the siege; but, on
attempting to cross over from Montreal, he was encountered and
entirely defeated at Longueisle by a detachment of the American troops
under Colonel Warner. Another party advanced on M'Clean. Being
entirely abandoned by his Canadians so soon as they were informed of
the defeat of the governor, and having also received information that
Arnold was approaching Point Levi, M'Clean retreated to Quebec. The
Americans occupied the post he had abandoned, and erected batteries on
a point of land at the junction of the Sorel with the St. Lawrence;
where they also constructed several armed rafts and floating
batteries, in order to prevent Carleton with the vessels at Montreal
from escaping down the river.
[Sidenote: St. Johns capitulates.]
{November 3.}
Montgomery was pressing the siege of St. John's with great vigour, and
had advanced his works near the fort, when the account of the success
at Longueisle reached him. On receiving this intelligence, he sent a
flag by one of the prisoners, with a letter to Major Preston, the
commanding officer, demanding a surrender of the place. All hopes of
relief having now vanished, the garrison capitulated, on being allowed
the honours of war.
Scarcely was this first success obtained, when the consequences of
short enlistments began to be felt. The time of service for which the
troops had engaged being about to expire, great difficulty was
experienced in prevailing on them to proceed farther; and before the
General could induce them to march against Montreal, he was under the
necessity of stipulating explicitly, that all who wished it should be
discharged at that place. Having effected this compromise, he
proceeded against Montreal; while his floating batteries, under
Colonel Easton, advanced up the St. Lawrence, and not only prevented
the armed vessels of the enemy from escaping to Quebec, but drove them
still higher up the river.
[Sidenote: Montreal surrenders.]
{November 13.}
Montreal was not in a condition to be defended. After engaging to
allow the Canadians in their own laws, the free exercise of their
religion, and the privilege of governing themselves, Montgomery took
peaceable possession of the town; and Governor Carleton retired to his
flotilla. While preparations were making to attack these vessels, the
Governor was conveyed in a boat with muffled oars down the river, in a
dark night, and made his escape to Quebec. The fleet soon afterwards
surrendered, and the General prepared, with the utmost expedition, to
proceed with the few troops who were willing to follow him, to the
capital of Canada.
Diminished as his army was by the discharge of those who claimed the
performance of his engagements made at St. John's, it was necessary to
leave a part of it at Montreal, St. John's, and Chamblée to garrison
those places--keep open the communication between Quebec and the
United Colonies--preserve the dependence of the Canadians--overawe the
Indians, and hold in check the garrisons above him at Detroit and
Niagara. These essential objects, though provided for with the utmost
possible economy of men, formed such deductions from his force, as to
leave little more than three hundred soldiers to follow their General
in the enterprise against Quebec.
{August.}
Foreseeing that the whole force of Canada would be concentrated about
Montreal, General Washington had planned an expedition against Quebec,
to be carried on by a detachment from his camp before Boston, which
was to march by the way of Kennebec river; and, passing through the
dreary wilderness lying between the settled parts of Maine and the St.
Lawrence, to enter Canada about ninety miles below Montreal.
The object of this hardy enterprise was to compel Carleton, either to
draw his troops from the upper country and leave the passage open to
the army invading the province by the way of the river Sorel, or, if
he should maintain that position, to take possession of Quebec. All
his accounts assured him that this place was unable to hold out
against the force which would appear before it; and, if attacked by an
American army before the return of Carleton, would surrender without
firing a shot.
This arduous enterprise was committed to Colonel Arnold. About a
thousand men, consisting of New England infantry, some volunteers,[20]
a company of artillery under Captain Lamb, and three companies of
riflemen, were selected for the service.
[Footnote 20: Colonel Burr, since Vice President of the
United States, was of this number.]
[Sidenote: Arnold's expedition by the way of the Kennebec.]
Such delays in expediting this detachment were occasioned by the
derangements of the army, that Arnold could not commence his march
until the middle of September.
The success of the expedition depending in a great measure on the
friendly temper of the province against which it was directed, the
instructions given to Arnold earnestly inculcated the cultivation of a
good understanding with the Canadians; and even enjoined an
abandonment of the enterprise, should this sudden invasion of their
country threaten to irritate them, and induce them to take up arms
against the United Colonies. He was furnished with about one thousand
pounds in specie to defray contingent expenses, and with a cargo of
manifestoes to be dispersed through Canada.
The opinion which had been formed of the favourable disposition of the
Canadians was not disproved by the event. They gave essential aid to
the Americans, and cheerfully facilitated their march through that
province. But the previous difficulties to be surmounted were much
greater than had been apprehended. The intermediate country, which had
never been well explored, opposed obstacles to the march, which only
perseverance like that of Arnold and of his brave and hardy followers,
could have conquered. Colonel Enos, who commanded the rear division,
consisting of one third of the detachment, returned from the Dead
River, a branch of the Kennebec. At first, his appearance excited the
utmost indignation in the army; yet, on being arrested, he was
acquitted by a court martial, on the principle that it was absolutely
impracticable to obtain provisions on the route to preserve the troops
from perishing with famine.
Arnold, who at the head of the first two divisions, still prosecuted
his march, was thirty-two days traversing a hideous wilderness,
without seeing a house, or any thing human. Notwithstanding the
zealous and wonderfully persevering exertions of his men, the
obstacles he encountered so protracted his march, that he did not
reach the first settlements on the Chaudière, which empties itself
into the St. Lawrence, near Quebec, until the 3d of November.
On the high grounds which separate the waters of the Kennebec from
those of the St. Lawrence, the scanty remnant of provisions was
divided among the companies; each of which was directed, without
attempting to preserve any connexion with the other, to march with the
utmost possible celerity into the inhabited country. Whilst those who
gained the front were yet thirty miles from the first poor and
scattered habitations which composed that frontier of Canada, their
last morsel of food was consumed. But, preceded by Arnold, who went
forward for the purpose of procuring for them something which might
satisfy the demands of nature, the troops persevered in their labours
with a vigour unimpaired by the hardships they had encountered, until
they once more found themselves in regions frequented by human beings.
After a march of such unexampled fatigue, no more time was allowed for
repose than was barely sufficient to collect the rear, and to refresh
the men. During this short respite from toil, the address signed by
General Washington was published, and every assurance given to the
people, that they came to protect, and not to plunder them. The line
of march was resumed; and, on the 9th of November, this gallant corps
reached Point Levi, opposite Quebec.
[Sidenote: He arrives before Quebec.]
The town was almost entirely without a garrison, and nothing could
exceed the astonishment of its inhabitants. Could Arnold have
immediately crossed the St. Lawrence, and have availed himself of the
first consternation, it is believed that he might have entered the
place without opposition; but a high wind, and the want of boats,
rendered the passage of the river impossible.
One of his Indian messengers, despatched with letters to General
Schuyler, had either betrayed him or been intercepted; and thus
intelligence of his approach was communicated to Colonel M'Clean who
was then at the mouth of the Sorel. Trembling for the capital of the
province, that gallant veteran determined to throw himself into it,
and endeavour to defend it. In the mean time, the winds continued so
high for several nights as to render the passage of the river in the
canoes which had been collected, too hazardous to be attempted; and it
was only in the night that the Americans could hope to cross, because
four ships of war were distributed at different stations in the river,
and armed boats were employed to ply around them. Whilst the Americans
were thus unavoidably detained on the south side of the St. Lawrence,
Colonel M'Clean, with his corps of emigrants, entered the city.
{November 12.}
At length the wind moderated; and Arnold determined to attempt the
river. Eluding the armed vessels, and conquering a rapid current, he,
with great difficulty and danger, crossed over in the night, and
landed his little army about a mile and a half above the place which
is rendered memorable by the disembarkation of Wolfe. The passage of
the rugged cliffs which continue on the northern bank of the St.
Lawrence for some distance above Quebec, being impracticable at this
place, he marched down on the shore to Wolfe's Cove, and ascending
with his band of hardy followers the same precipice which had opposed
such obstacles to the British hero; he, too, formed his small corps on
the heights near the plains of Abraham.
The dangerous and difficult operations of crossing the river in
canoes, whilst the passage was vigilantly guarded by ships of war, and
of gaining the almost perpendicular heights of the opposite shore,
were completed, soon after midnight, by the advance party, consisting
of the rifle companies. While waiting for the residue of the
detachment, a council of all the officers was held for the purpose of
determining on their future measures. Although destitute of every
implement required for an assault, Arnold proposed to march
immediately against Quebec. He counted on surprising the place, and
finding the gates open; but this opinion, which was not earnestly
pressed, was overruled.
Though disappointed in the expectation of surprising Quebec, Arnold
did not immediately relinquish the hope of obtaining possession of
that important place. Not superior to the garrison in point of
numbers, and without a single piece of artillery, he was obviously
incapable of acting offensively; but he flattered himself that a
defection in the town might yet put it in his hands. With this view,
he paraded on the adjacent heights for some days, and sent two flags
to demand a surrender. But the presence of Colonel M'Clean restrained
those measures which the fears of the inhabitants dictated. Deeming
any communication with the assailants dangerous, he refused to receive
the flag, and fired on the officer who bore it. Intelligence was soon
obtained, that the first alarm was visibly wearing off, and giving
place to other sentiments unfavourable to the hope of gaining Quebec.
Fears for the vast property contained in the town had united the
disaffected; who were, at their own request, embodied and armed. The
sailors too were landed, and placed at the batteries; and, by these
means, the garrison had become more numerous than the American army.
[Sidenote: And retires to Point Aux Trembles.]
{November 19.}
After collecting those who had been left on the south side of the St.
Lawrence, Arnold could not parade more than seven hundred men, and
they were in no condition to risk an action. In their laborious march
through the wilderness, nearly one third of their muskets had been
rendered useless; and their ammunition had sustained such damage that
the riflemen had not more than ten, nor the other troops more than six
rounds for each man. Under these circumstances, it was thought most
adviseable to retire to Point Aux Trembles, twenty miles above Quebec,
and there await the arrival of Montgomery. On their march, they saw
the vessel which conveyed General Carleton; and afterwards found he
had been on shore at Point Aux Trembles, a few hours before they
reached that place.[21]
[Footnote 21: In the account of this expedition much use has
been made of a journal kept by Colonel Heth who served in it
as a Lieutenant in Morgan's company of riflemen.]
In war, the success of the most judicious plans often depends on
accidents not to be foreseen nor controlled. Seldom has the truth of
this proposition been more clearly demonstrated, than in the issue of
the expedition conducted by Colonel Arnold. The situation of Canada
conformed exactly to the expectations of the American general. Not
suspecting that so bold and difficult an enterprise could be
meditated, its Governor had left Quebec entirely defenceless, and had
drawn the strength of the province towards the lakes. Could Arnold
have reached that place a few days sooner--could he even have crossed
the river on his first arrival at Point Levi--or had Colonel Enos been
able to follow the main body with his division of the
detachment--every probability favours the opinion, that this hardy and
well conceived expedition would have been crowned with the most
brilliant success. Nay, more--had Arnold been careful to relieve the
inhabitants of the town from all fears respecting their property,
there is reason to believe, they would have refused to defend it. But
although this bold enterprise was planned with judgment, and executed
with vigour; although the means employed were adequate to the object;
yet the concurrence of several minute and unfavourable incidents
entirely defeated it, and deprived it of that éclat to which it was
justly entitled.
{December 5.}
Having clothed his almost naked troops at Montreal, General
Montgomery, at the head of about three hundred men, proceeded with his
usual expedition to join Colonel Arnold at Point Aux Trembles, where
he supplied the troops of that officer with clothes provided at
Montreal; and afterwards marched with their united forces directly to
Quebec. But, before his arrival, Governor Carleton, who had entered
the town, was making every preparation for a vigorous defence. The
garrison now consisted of about fifteen hundred men, of whom eight
hundred were militia, and between four and five hundred were seamen.
Montgomery's effective force was stated, by himself, at only eight
hundred. His situation would have filled with despair a mind less
vigorous, less sanguine, and less brave. His numbers were not
sufficient to render success probable, according to any common
principle of calculation; and the prospect of their being diminished
might be rationally entertained. But, relying on their courage, on
himself and his fortune, and on the fears of the garrison; stimulated,
too, by the high expectations formed throughout America of his
success, and by the dread of disappointing those expectations, he
determined to lay immediate siege to the town.
[Sidenote: Montgomery lays siege to Quebec.]
In a few days he opened a six gun battery within seven hundred yards
of the walls; but his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he
did not calculate on any effect from it. His object was to amuse the
garrison, and conceal his real design.
Although the troops supported the excessive hardships to which they
were exposed, with constancy and firmness, Montgomery feared that such
continued sufferings would overcome them; and, as he would soon have
no legal authority to retain a part of them, he apprehended that he
should be abandoned by that part. Impressed with the real necessity of
taking decisive steps, and impelled by his native courage, this
gallant officer determined to risk an assault.
Of such materials was his little army composed, that the most
desperate hardihood could not hope to succeed in the purposed attempt,
unless it should receive the approbation of all his troops. It was
therefore necessary, not only to consult the officers individually on
this delicate subject, but to obtain also the cheerful assent of the
soldiers to the meditated enterprise. The proposition was at first
received coldly by a part of Arnold's corps, who were, by some means,
disgusted with their commanding officer; but the influence of Morgan,
who was particularly zealous for an assault, and who held up as a
powerful inducement, the rights conferred by the usages of war on
those who storm a fortified town, at length prevailed; and the measure
was almost unanimously approved.
Whilst the general was preparing for the assault, the garrison
received intelligence of his design from a deserter. This circumstance
induced him to change the plan, which had originally been to attack
both the upper and lower towns at the same time. That finally adopted,
was to divide the army into four parts; and while two of them,
consisting of Canadians under Major Livingston, and a small party
under Major Brown, were to distract the garrison by making two feints
against the upper town at St. John's and Cape Diamond; the other two,
led, the one by Montgomery in person, and the other by Arnold, were to
make real attacks on opposite sides of the lower town. After gaining
that, it would yet be extremely difficult to conquer the obstacles to
be surmounted in forcing their way to the upper town; but, as all the
wealth of the city would then be in their power, it was confidently
expected that the inhabitants, to secure their property, would compel
the governor to capitulate.
{December 31.}
[Sidenote: Unsuccessful attack on that place.]
Between four and five in the morning, the signal was given; and the
several divisions moved to the assault under a violent storm of snow.
The plan was so well concerted, that from the side of the river St.
Lawrence, along the fortified front round to the basin, every part
seemed equally threatened.[22] Montgomery advanced at the head of the
New York troops, along the St. Lawrence, by the way of Aunce de Mere,
under Cape Diamond. The first barrier on this side, at the Pot Ash,
was defended by a battery, in which a few pieces of artillery were
mounted; about two hundred paces in front of which was a block-house
and picket. The guard placed at the block-house being chiefly
Canadians, after giving a random and harmless fire, threw away their
arms, and fled in confusion to the barrier. Their terrors were
communicated to those who defended this important pass; and from the
intelligence afterwards received by the American prisoners in Quebec,
it appears that the battery was for a time deserted.
[Footnote 22: Letter of Governor Carleton.]
[Sidenote: Death of Montgomery.]
Unfortunately, the difficulties of the route rendered it impossible
for Montgomery to avail himself instantly of this first impression.
Cape Diamond, around which he was to make his way, presents a
precipice, the foot of which is washed by the river, where such
enormous and rugged masses of ice had been piled on each other, as to
render the way almost impassable.[23] Along the scanty path leading
under the projecting rocks of the precipice, the Americans pressed
forward in a narrow file, until they reached the block-house and
picket. Montgomery, who was himself in front, assisted with his own
hand to cut down or pull up the pickets, and open a passage for his
troops: but the roughness and difficulty of the way had so lengthened
his line of march, that he found it absolutely necessary to halt a few
minutes. Having re-assembled about two hundred men, he advanced boldly
and rapidly at their head, to force the barrier. One or two persons
had now ventured to return to the battery, and seizing a slow-match,
discharged a gun, when the American front was within forty paces of
it. This single and accidental fire proved fatal to the enterprise.
The general, with Captains M'Pherson and Cheeseman, the first of whom
was his aid, together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were
killed upon the spot. The loss of their general, in whom their
confidence had been so justly placed, discouraged the troops; and
Colonel Campbell, on whom the command devolved, made no attempt to
reanimate them. This whole division retired precipitately from the
action, and left the garrison at leisure to direct its undivided force
against Arnold.
[Footnote 23: Annual Register.]
At the common signal for the attack, the division commanded by this
officer moved in files along the street of St. Roques towards the Saut
de Matelots, where the first barrier had been constructed, and a
battery of two twelve pounders erected. In imitation of Montgomery, he
too led the forlorn hope in person, and was followed by Captain Lamb
with his company of artillery, and a field piece mounted on a sled.
Close in the rear of the artillery was the main body, in front of
which was Morgan's company of riflemen, commanded by himself. The path
along which the troops were to march was so narrow, that the two
pieces of artillery in the battery were capable of raking with grape
shot every inch of the ground; whilst the whole right flank was
exposed to an incessant fire of musketry from the walls, and from the
pickets of the garrison.
In this order Arnold advanced along the St. Charles with the utmost
intrepidity. The alarm was immediately given, and the fire on his
flank commenced. As he approached the barrier, he received a musket
ball in the leg which shattered the bone, and was carried off the
field. Morgan rushed forward to the battery at the head of his
company, and received from one of the pieces, almost at its mouth, a
discharge of grape shot, which killed only one man. The barricade was
instantly mounted, on which the battery was deserted without a
discharge from another gun. The captain of the guard, with the greater
number of his men, were made prisoners.
Morgan formed his troops in the streets within the barrier, and took
into custody several English and Canadian burghers; but his situation
soon became extremely critical. He was not followed by the main body
of the division--he had no guide--and was, himself, totally ignorant
of the situation of the town. It was yet dark--and he had not the
slightest knowledge of the course to be pursued, or of the defences to
be encountered. Under these circumstances, it was thought unadviseable
to advance farther. They were soon joined by Lieutenant Colonel Green,
and Majors Bigelow and Meigs, with several fragments of companies, so
as to constitute altogether about two hundred men.
As the light of day began to appear, this gallant party was again
formed, with Morgan's company in front; and, with one voice, loudly
called on him to lead them against the second barrier, which was now
known to be less than forty paces from them, though concealed by an
angle of the street from their immediate view. Seizing the few ladders
brought with them, they again rushed forward; and under an incessant
fire from the battery, and from the windows overlooking it, applied
their ladders to the barricade; and maintained for some time a fierce,
and, on their part, a bloody contest. Exposed thus, in a narrow
street, to a galling fire, and finding themselves unable to force the
barrier, or to discharge more than one in ten of their fire arms--the
violence of the storm having unfitted them for service; many of the
assailants threw themselves into the stone houses on each side, which
afforded them a shelter both from the storm and from the enemy. After
continuing some time in this situation, Morgan proposed to cut their
way back to the American camp. They were prevented from adopting this
daring resolution, only by the suggestion that the attack led by
Montgomery, of whose fate they were ignorant, might possibly be
successful; and that, in the event of his having entered the opposite
part of the town, their co-operation might be useful to him. On this
account, they determined still to maintain their situation. But the
force of the enemy increasing considerably, they soon perceived that
they were no longer masters of their own destinies, and surrendered
themselves prisoners of war.[24]
[Footnote 24: In this account of the attempt to storm
Quebec, free use is made of Colonel Heth's journal.]
In this bold attack on Quebec, the loss on the part of the garrison
was inconsiderable. That of the Americans was about four hundred men,
three hundred and forty of whom were prisoners. It fell chiefly on
Arnold's division. Captain Hendricks of the Pennsylvania riflemen,
Lieutenant Humphries of Morgan's company, and Lieutenant Cooper of
Connecticut, were among the slain. Captains Lamb and Hubbard, and
Lieutenants Steele and Tisdale, were among the wounded. Every officer
at the second barrier received several balls through his clothes, and
some of them were severely scorched by the powder from the muzzles of
the muskets discharged at them. But the loss most deplored, and most
fatal to the hopes of the American army, was that of their general.
Richard Montgomery was a native of Ireland, and had served with
reputation in the late war. After its conclusion he settled in New
York, where he married an American lady, and took a decided part with
the colonies in their contest with Great Britain. His military
reputation was high throughout America. In the history of his
achievements, while commanding in Canada, we perceive the bold,
skilful, and active partisan; and, so far as a judgment can be formed
of a capacity for conducting the movements of a large army from
judicious management of a small one, we can not hesitate to allow him
the talents of an able general. At the head of a small body of
undisciplined troops, drawn from different colonies, unwilling to be
commanded by a stranger, jealous of him in the extreme, often disposed
to disobedience, and anxious for their homes, he conquered
difficulties which not many would have ventured to meet; and, until
his last fatal moment, was uniformly successful. In little more than
two months, he made himself master of Canada, from the lakes to
Quebec: and, as if determined to triumph over the climate itself, laid
siege, in the depth of winter, to that important fortress. His
measures seem to have been taken with judgment, and were certainly
executed with great courage and unremitting exertion. When he appears
to have risked much, and to have exposed his troops to excessive
hardships, this line of conduct was not inconsiderately chosen. The
state of his affairs left him only the alternative between attempting
to storm Quebec, or abandoning the great object of the expedition. Nor
was his attempt so hopeless a measure as the strength of the place,
and the event might, at first view, induce us to suppose. The design
was worthy of the lofty spirit which formed it; though hazardous, it
was not desperate; and if great courage was required to crown it with
success, great courage was employed in its execution. He counted, and
with reason, on the fears of the garrison, and on the immense extent
of ground to be guarded. Had he not fallen himself, or been deserted
by his troops, it is even yet believed the enterprise would have
succeeded. The progress made by Arnold's division gives great
countenance to this opinion.
To manifest the high sense entertained of his services, congress
directed a monument, expressing the circumstances of his death and the
gratitude of his country, to be erected to his memory.
The Americans, being no longer in a condition to continue the siege,
retired about three miles from the city; where, though inferior in
numbers to the garrison, they maintained the blockade. By preserving
this bold countenance, they retained the confidence of the Canadians;
which saved their affairs, for a time, from total ruin.
Governor Carleton was content to preserve Quebec, until the
reinforcements he expected in the spring should enable him to act on
the offensive. He therefore determined not to hazard an attack, with a
garrison on which it was unsafe to rely; and Arnold, on whom the
command had devolved, remained undisturbed. Although badly wounded, he
retained his courage and activity; and, though deserted by those whose
terms of service had expired, so as to be reduced at one time to about
five hundred effective men, he discovered no disposition to sink under
the weight of adverse fortune.
While the affairs of the colonies wore this gloomy aspect in Canada,
congress was indulging sanguine hopes of annexing that province to the
union. Nine regiments, including one to be raised in that colony, were
voted for its defence during the ensuing campaign; and General
Schuyler was directed to construct a number of batteaux at
Ticonderoga, for the purpose of transporting the troops to the scene
of action.
{1776}
{January 17.}
Whilst adopting these measures, congress received the melancholy
intelligence of the disaster of the 31st December. Far from being
dispirited by this reverse of fortune, that body redoubled its
exertions to hasten reinforcements to the army in Canada, and urged
the several conventions to collect for its use all the specie they
could obtain. These measures were, in some degree, accelerated by
having been anticipated by the Commander-in-chief.[25]
[Footnote 25: On the first intelligence received in the camp
at Boston of the fate of Montgomery, General Washington,
though extremely delicate respecting the assumption of
power, without waiting for the orders of congress, had
immediately requested the New England governments to raise
several regiments to reinforce that army. This proceeding
was approved by congress.]
The service in Canada being deemed of too much importance to be
entrusted to Colonel, now Brigadier General Arnold, or to General
Wooster; and the health of General Schuyler not admitting of his
proceeding to Quebec; General Thomas, an officer who had acquired
reputation at Roxbury, was ordered to take command of the army in that
province.
In the hope of exciting throughout Canada the sentiments which
prevailed in the United Colonies, and of forming with it a perfect
union, three commissioners, Mr. Franklin, Mr. Chase, and Mr.
Carroll,[26] were deputed with full powers on this subject, and with
instructions to establish a free press. These commissioners were
directed to assure the people that they would be permitted to adopt
such form of government as should be agreeable to themselves; to
exercise freely all the rights of conscience; and to be considered as
a sister colony, governed by the same general system of mild and equal
laws which prevailed in the other colonies, with only such local
differences as each might deem conducive to its own happiness. They
were also instructed to inquire into the conduct of the American army,
and to correct any irregularities which might be offensive to the
people.
[Footnote 26: They were accompanied by Mr. Carroll, a bishop
of the Roman Catholic church.]
Congress seems to have entertained the opinion expressed by General
Washington in a letter to General Schuyler, "that the Province could
be secured only by laying hold of the affections of the people, and
engaging them heartily in the common cause." In pursuance of this
opinion, they adopted the magnanimous policy of compensating those
individuals who had suffered for their adherence to the Americans.
[Sidenote: Blockade of Quebec continued.]
In the mean time Arnold maintained the blockade of Quebec. But
reinforcements were slow in arriving, notwithstanding every exertion
to hasten them, and from the first of January to the first of March,
the effective force before that place had never exceeded seven hundred
men, and had often been as low as five hundred. In March,
reinforcements arrived in greater numbers, and the army was increased
to seventeen hundred; but this number was soon reduced by the
small-pox, which had made its way into camp, where, in contempt of
orders, it was propagated by inoculation.
To render the blockade in any degree effectual, this small army, which
occupied the island of Orleans and both sides of the St. Lawrence, was
spread over a circuit of twenty-six miles, and divided by three
ferries. The establishment of discipline had been impracticable, if
attempted; and the Canadians were often injured and irritated. There
is reason to believe that even General Arnold was disposed to think
himself in the country of an enemy; and that, in repressing disorders,
he did not exert that energy which he had always displayed
conspicuously in the field.
{March 4.}
Many causes combined to diminish the attachment originally manifested
by the Canadians to the United Colonies. The necessities of his
situation compelled General Arnold to issue a proclamation making
paper money current, under the promise of redeeming it in four months,
and denouncing those as enemies, who should refuse to receive it. The
Canadians were unwilling to exchange their property or labour, for an
article of such uncertain value; and the discontents excited by the
attempt to force it on them were very considerable.
Another circumstance, which had great influence with reflecting men,
was the obvious incompetence of the American force to its object. The
Canadians had expected a powerful army--sufficient for the protection
of the country; and their disappointment in this respect, produced a
great change in their opinions and conduct.
The dissatisfaction arising from these causes was augmented by the
priests. They, as a body, were never cordial in the American interest;
and having been, since the death of Montgomery, very injudiciously
neglected, had become almost universally hostile to the views of the
United Colonies.
General Carleton was no stranger to the revolution which was taking
place in the minds of the Canadians, and entertained the hope of
raising the siege by their assistance. A detachment of about sixty
men, from the garrison of Quebec, landed twelve leagues below the town
on the south side of the river, and were joined by about two hundred
and fifty Canadians, who were rapidly increasing in numbers, when they
were suddenly attacked by a detachment sent by Arnold, which surprised
their advance guard, killed a few, took some prisoners, and dispersed
the residue.
{April 2.}
As the season of the year approached when reinforcements from England
might be expected, Arnold deemed it necessary to recommence active
operations, and to resume the siege. His batteries were again erected,
and were opened on the 2d of April, but without much effect. He had
not weight of metal to make a breach in the wall, nor an engineer
capable of directing a siege, nor artillerists who understood the
management of the pieces.
On the 1st of April, Wooster had arrived, and, on the succeeding day,
Arnold's horse fell with him, and so bruised one of his legs as to
confine him to his bed for some time. Believing himself to be
neglected, he obtained leave of absence as soon as he was able to
move, and took the command at Montreal.
{April 15.}
A considerable part of the army having become entitled to a discharge,
no inducement could prevail on them to continue longer in so severe a
service. This deduction from Wooster's force was the more sensibly
felt, because the present situation of the roads, the lakes, and the
St. Lawrence, suspended the arrival of the reinforcements destined for
his aid.
[Sidenote: General Thomas takes command of the army.]
Among the first who reached camp after this state of things took
place, was General Thomas. He arrived on the 1st of May, and found an
army consisting of nineteen hundred men; of whom, less than one
thousand, including officers, were effective. Among these were three
hundred entitled to discharge, who refused to do duty, and insisted
importunately on being immediately dismissed. This small force was
still more enfeebled by being so divided that it was impracticable to
unite more than three hundred men at any one point. All the magazines
contained but one hundred and fifty barrels of powder, and six days
provisions; nor could adequate supplies from the country people be
obtained, as the Canadians no longer manifested any disposition to
serve them.
The river began to open below, and it was certain, that the British
would seize the first moment of its being practicable, to relieve this
important place. Amidst these unpromising circumstances, the hopes of
taking Quebec appeared to General Thomas to be chimerical, and a
longer continuance before the town both useless and dangerous. It was
apparent that the first reinforcements which should arrive would
deprive him entirely of the use of the river, and consequently would
embarrass the removal of his sick, and military stores. No object
remained to justify this hazard.
[Sidenote: The blockade of Quebec is raised.]
{May 6.}
Under these impressions, he called a council of war, which unanimously
determined, that the army was not in a condition to risk an
assault--that the sick should be removed to the Three Rivers, and the
artillery and other stores embarked in their boats, in order to move
to a more defensible position. On the evening of the same day,
intelligence was received that a British fleet was below; and, the
next morning, five ships, which had, with much labour and danger, made
their way up the river through the ice, appeared in sight. They soon
entered the harbour, and landed some men whilst the Americans were
assiduously employed in the embarkation of their sick and stores--an
operation carried on the more slowly, because the first appearance of
the ships deprived them of the aid expected from the teams and
carriages of the Canadians.
About noon, Carleton made a sortie at the head of one thousand men,
formed in two divisions, and supported by six field pieces. The
Americans had thrown up no intrenchments, and could not bring into
action more than three hundred men. Under these circumstances, victory
was scarcely possible, and could have produced no important effect.
General Thomas, therefore, with the advice of the field officers about
him, determined not to risk an action, and ordered his troops to
retreat up the river. This was done with much precipitation, and many
of the sick, with all the military stores, fell into the hands of the
enemy. The army continued its retreat to the Sorel, where General
Thomas was seized with the small=pox, of which he died.[27]
[Footnote 27: Whilst the troops of the United Colonies were
flying from the vicinity of Quebec, an unexpected calamity
befel them in a different quarter of that province.
Colonel Bedel, with three hundred and ninety continental
troops and two field pieces, had been stationed at the
Cedars, a point of land about forty miles above Montreal,
which projected far into the St. Lawrence, and could be
approached only on one side. Early in the spring, General
Carleton had planned an expedition against this post, the
execution of which was committed to Captain Forster, who
commanded at an English station on Oswegachie. At the head
of a company of regulars and a body of Indians, amounting in
the whole to six hundred men, he appeared before the
American works early in May. Two days previous to his
appearance, Colonel Bedel had received intelligence of his
approach; and, leaving the fort to be commanded by Major
Butterfield, had proceeded himself to Montreal, to solicit
assistance. Arnold, who then commanded at that place,
immediately detached Major Sherburne to the Cedars with one
hundred men; and prepared to follow, in person, at the head
of a much larger force.
Although the place could have been easily defended, the
besiegers having no artillery--Major Butterfield,
intimidated by the threat, that should any Indians be killed
during the siege, it would be out of the power of Captain
Forster to restrain the savages from massacreing every
individual of the garrison, consented to a capitulation, by
which the whole party became prisoners of war. The next day,
Major Sherburne approached without having received any
information that Butterfield had surrendered. Within about
four miles of the Cedars, he was attacked by a considerable
body of Indians; and, after a sharp conflict, surrendered at
discretion.
On being informed of these untoward events, Arnold, at the
head of seven hundred men, marched against the enemy then at
Vaudreuil, in the hope of recovering the American prisoners.
When preparing for an engagement, he received a flag,
accompanied by Major Sherburne, giving him the most positive
assurances that if he persisted in his design, it would be
entirely out of the power of Captain Forster to prevent his
savages from pursuing their horrid customs, and
disencumbering themselves of their prisoners by putting
every man to death. This massacre was already threatened;
and Major Sherburne confirmed the information. Under the
influence of this threat, Arnold desisted from his purpose,
and consented to a cartel, by which the prisoners were
delivered up to him; he agreeing, among other things, not
only to deliver as many British soldiers in exchange for
them, but also, that they should immediately return to their
homes.]
The Americans were much dissatisfied with the conduct of this
gentleman. To him they, in some degree, attributed the disasters which
ruined their affairs in Canada. But this censure was unjust. He took
command of the army when it was too weak to maintain its ground, and
when the time for saving the sick and the military stores had passed
away.
The siege of Quebec, instead of being continued longer, ought to have
been abandoned at an earlier period. This was the real fault of those
who commanded in Canada. It is to be ascribed to the reluctance always
felt by inexperienced officers to disappoint the public expectation,
by relinquishing an enterprise concerning which sanguine hopes have
been entertained; and to encounter the obloquy of giving up a post,
although it can no longer with prudence be defended. In the
perseverance with which the siege of Quebec was maintained, these
motives operated with all their force, and they received an addition,
from the unwillingness felt by the Americans, to abandon those of
their friends who had taken so decisive a part in their favour, as to
be incapable of remaining in safety behind them.
{June 4.}
[Sidenote: General Sullivan takes the command.]
After the death of General Thomas, reinforcements assembled at the
mouth of the Sorel, which increased the army to four or five thousand
men, who were commanded by General Sullivan. The friendly Canadians
who had supposed themselves abandoned, manifested great joy at the
arrival of a force which appeared to them very considerable; and
offered every assistance in their power. Sullivan calculated on their
joining him in great numbers, and entertained sanguine hopes of
recovering and maintaining the post of De Chambeau. As a previous
measure, it was necessary to dislodge the enemy at the Three Rivers.
Carleton was not immediately in a situation to follow up the blow
given the Americans at Quebec, and to drive them entirely out of the
province; but the respite allowed them was not of long duration.
Towards the end of May large reinforcements arrived, which augmented
the British army in Canada to about thirteen thousand men. The general
rendezvous appointed for these troops was at the Three Rivers. The
army was greatly divided. A considerable corps, commanded by General
Frazer, had reached the Three Rivers, and the main body was on its way
from Quebec. The distance from the Sorel was about fifty miles, and
several armed vessels and transports, full of troops, lay about five
miles higher up than the Three Rivers, full in the way.[28]
[Footnote 28: Annual Register.]
General Thompson, who commanded the army after the illness of General
Thomas, understanding the party at the Three Rivers to consist of
about eight hundred men, partly Canadians, had detached Colonel St.
Clair with between six and seven hundred men, to attack it, if there
should be any probability of doing so with advantage. Colonel St.
Clair advanced to Nicolet, where, believing himself not strong enough
for the service on which he had been ordered, he waited for further
reinforcements, or additional instructions. At this time General
Sullivan arrived; and, understanding the enemy to be weak at the Three
Rivers, orders General Thompson to join Colonel St. Clair at Nicolet,
with a reinforcement of nearly fourteen hundred men, to take command
of the whole detachment, and to attack the troops lying at the Three
Rivers, provided there was a favourable prospect of success.
{June 8.}
General Thompson joined Colonel St. Clair at Nicolet, and, believing
himself strong enough to perform the service consigned to him, fell
down the river by night, and passed to the other side, with the
intention of surprising Frazer. The plan was to attack the village a
little before day-break, at the same instant, at each end; whilst two
smaller corps were drawn up to cover and support the attack.
[Sidenote: Battle of the Three Rivers.]
The troops passed the armed vessels without being perceived, but
arrived at Three Rivers about an hour later than had been intended; in
consequence of which they were discovered, and the alarm was given at
their landing. To avoid the fire of some ships in the river, they
attempted to pass through what appeared to be a point of woods, but
was in reality a deep morass three miles in extent. The delays
occasioned by their detention in this morass, gave General Frazer full
time to land some field pieces, and prepare for their reception; while
General Nesbit fell into their rear, and cut off their return to the
boats. They advanced to the charge, but were soon repulsed; and
finding it impracticable to return the way they came, were driven some
miles through a deep swamp, which they traversed with inconceivable
toil, and every degree of distress. The British at length gave over
the pursuit.
In this unfortunate enterprise, General Thompson and Colonel Irwin,
with about two hundred men, were made prisoners; and from twenty to
thirty were killed. The loss of the British was inconsiderable.
{June 14.}
The whole American force in Canada now amounted to about eight
thousand men, not one half of whom were fit for duty. About two
thousand five hundred effectives were with General Sullivan at the
Sorel. The whole were in a state of total insubordination--much
harassed with fatigue--and dispirited by their late losses, by the
visible superiority of the enemy, and by the apprehension that their
retreat would be entirely cut off. Under all these discouraging
circumstances, General Sullivan formed the rash determination of
defending the post at Sorel; and was induced only by the unanimous
opinion of his officers, and a conviction that the troops would not
support him, to abandon it a few hours before the British took
possession of it. The same causes drew him reluctantly from Chamblée
and St. John's; but he resolved to remain at the Isle Aux Noix, until
he should receive orders to retreat. He had been joined at St. John's
by General Arnold, who had crossed over at Longueisle just in time to
save the garrison of Montreal.
The Isle Aux Noix is a low unhealthy place, badly supplied with water;
where the troops were so universally seized with fevers, as to compel
General Sullivan to retire to the Isle Lamotte. At that place he
received the orders of General Schuyler to embark on the lakes for
Crown Point.
The armed vessels on the Sorel and St. Lawrence were destroyed, and
the fortifications of Chamblée and St. John's set on fire. All the
baggage of the army, and nearly all the military stores were saved.
The British army, during this whole retreat, followed close in the
rear, and took possession of the different posts which the Americans
had occupied, immediately after they were evacuated.
On the Sorel the pursuit stopped. The Americans had the command of the
lake, and the British general deemed it prudent to wrest it from them
before he advanced farther. To effect this, it was necessary to
construct a number of vessels, which required time and labour.
Meanwhile, General Gates was ordered to take command of the northern
army, which was directed to be reinforced with six thousand militia.
[Sidenote: Canada evacuated.]
Thus terminated the enterprise against Canada. It was a bold, and, at
one period, promised to be a successful effort to annex that extensive
province to the United Colonies. The dispositions of the Canadians
favoured the measure; and had Quebec fallen, there is reason to
believe the colony would have entered cordially into the union. Had a
few incidents turned out fortunately; had Arnold been able to reach
Quebec a few days sooner, or to cross the St. Lawrence on his first
arrival--or had the gallant Montgomery not fallen in the assault of
the 31st December, it is probable the expedition would have been
crowned with complete success. But the radical causes of failure,
putting fortune out of the question, were to be found in the lateness
of the season when the troops were assembled, in a defect of the
preparations necessary for such a service, and still more in the
shortness of the time for which the men were enlisted. Had the
expedition been successful, the practicability of maintaining the
country is much to be doubted. Whilst General Montgomery lay before
Quebec, and expected to obtain possession of the place, he extended
his views to its preservation. His plan required a permanent army of
ten thousand men; strong fortifications at Jacques Cartier, and the
rapids of Richelieu; and armed vessels in the river, above the last
place. With this army and these precautions, he thought the country
might be defended; but not with an inferior force.
It seems, therefore, to have been an enterprise requiring means beyond
the ability of congress; and the strength exhausted on it would have
been more judiciously employed in securing the command of the lakes
George and Champlain, and the fortified towns upon them.
While General Carleton was making preparations to enter the lakes,
General Schuyler was using his utmost exertions to retain the command
of them. But, so great was the difficulty of procuring workmen and
materials, that he found it impossible to equip a fleet which would be
equal to the exigency. It consisted of only fifteen small vessels; the
largest of which was a schooner mounting twelve guns, carrying six and
four pound balls. The command of this squadron, at the instance of
General Washington, was given to General Arnold.
[Sidenote: General Carleton constructs a fleet.]
[Sidenote: Enters Lake Champlain.]
With almost incredible exertions, the British general constructed a
powerful fleet; and, afterwards, dragged up the rapids of St. Therese
and St. John's, a vast number of long boats and other vessels, among
which was a gondola weighing thirty tons. This immense work was
completed in little more than three months; and, as if by magic,
General Arnold saw on Lake Champlain, early in October, a fleet
consisting of near thirty vessels; the largest of which, the
Inflexible, carried eighteen twelve-pounders. This formidable fleet,
having on board General Carleton himself, and navigated by seven
hundred prime seamen under the command of Captain Pringle, proceeded
immediately in quest of Arnold, who was advantageously posted between
the island of Valicour and the western main.
Notwithstanding the disparity of force, a warm action ensued. A wind,
unfavourable to the British, kept the Inflexible and some other large
vessels at too great a distance to render any service. This
circumstance enabled Arnold to keep up the engagement until night,
when Captain Pringle discontinued it, and anchored his whole fleet in
a line, as near the vessels of his adversary as was practicable. In
this engagement, the best schooner belonging to the American flotilla
was burnt, and a gondola was sunk.
[Sidenote: Defeats the American flotilla.]
In the night, Arnold attempted to escape to Ticonderoga; and, the next
morning, was out of sight; but, being immediately pursued, was
overtaken about noon, and brought to action a few leagues short of
Crown Point. He kept up a warm engagement for about two hours, during
which the vessels that were most ahead escaped to Ticonderoga. Two
gallies and five gondolas, which remained, made a desperate
resistance. At length one of them struck; after which Arnold ran the
remaining vessels on shore, and blew them up; having first saved his
men, though great efforts were made to take them.
On the approach of the British army, a small detachment, which had
occupied Crown Point as an out-post, evacuated the place, and retired
to Ticonderoga, which Schuyler determined to defend to the last
extremity.
[Sidenote: Takes possession of Crown Point.]
[Sidenote: Retires into winter quarters.]
General Carleton took possession of Crown Point, and advanced a part
of his fleet into Lake George, within view of Ticonderoga. His army
also approached that place, as if designing to invest it; but, after
reconnoitring the works, and observing the steady countenance of the
garrison, he thought it too late to lay siege to the fortress.
Re-embarking his army, he returned to Canada, where he placed it in
winter quarters; making the Isle Aux Noix his most advanced post.
CHAPTER IV.
Transactions in Virginia.... Action at Great Bridge....
Norfolk evacuated.... Burnt.... Transactions in North
Carolina.... Action at Moore's Creek Bridge.... Invasion of
South Carolina.... British fleet repulsed at Fort
Moultrie.... Transactions in New York.... Measures leading
to Independence.... Independence declared.
{1775}
{July.}
[Sidenote: Transactions in Virginia.]
Whilst the war was carried on thus vigorously in the north, the
southern colonies were not entirely unemployed. The convention of
Virginia determined to raise two regiments of regular troops for one
year, and to enlist a part of the militia as minute-men.
{October.}
Lord Dunmore, the Governor of the colony, who was joined by the most
active of the disaffected, and by a number of slaves whom he had
encouraged to run away from their masters, was collecting a naval
force, which threatened to be extremely troublesome in a country so
intersected with large navigable rivers as the colony of Virginia.
With this force he carried on a slight predatory war, and, at length,
attempted to burn the town of Hampton. The inhabitants, having
received intimation of his design, gave notice of it to the commanding
officer at Williamsburg, where some regulars and minute-men were
stationed. Two companies were despatched to their assistance, who
arrived just before the assault was made, and obliged the assailants
to retreat, with some loss, to their vessels.
{November 7.}
In consequence of this repulse, his Lordship proclaimed martial law;
summoned all persons capable of bearing arms to repair to the royal
standard, or be considered as traitors; and offered freedom to all
indented servants and slaves who should join him.[29]
[Footnote 29: Gazette-Remembrancer.]
This proclamation made some impression about Norfolk, where the
Governor collected such a force of the disaffected and negroes, as
gave him an entire ascendancy in that part of the colony.
Intelligence of these transactions being received at Williamsburg, a
regiment of regulars and about two hundred minute-men, were ordered
down under the command of Colonel Woodford,[30] for the defence of the
inhabitants. Hearing of their approach, Lord Dunmore took a well
chosen position on the north side of Elizabeth river, at the Great
Bridge, where it was necessary for the provincials to cross in order
to reach Norfolk; at which place he had established himself in some
force. Here he erected a small fort on a piece of firm ground
surrounded by a marsh, which was accessible, on either side, only by a
long causeway. Colonel Woodford encamped within cannon-shot of this
post, in a small village at the south end of the causeway; across
which, just at its termination, he constructed a breast-work; but,
being without artillery, was unable to make any attempt on the fort.
[Footnote 30: The author was in this expedition, and relates
the circumstances attending it chiefly from his own
observation.]
{December.}
[Sidenote: Action at the Great Bridge.]
In this position both parties continued for a few days, when Lord
Dunmore ordered Captain Fordyce, the commanding officer at the Great
Bridge, though inferior in numbers, to storm the works of the
provincials. Between day-break and sunrise, this officer, at the head
of about sixty grenadiers of the 14th regiment, who led the column,
advanced along the causeway with fixed bayonets, against the
breast-work. The alarm was immediately given; and, as is the practice
with raw troops, the bravest rushed to the works, where, regardless of
order, they kept up a heavy fire on the front of the British column.
Captain Fordyce, though received so warmly in front, and taken in
flank by a party posted on a small eminence on his right, marched up
with great intrepidity, until he fell dead within a few steps of the
breast-work. The column immediately broke and retreated; but being
covered by the artillery of the fort, was not pursued.
In this ill-judged attack, every grenadier is said to have been killed
or wounded; while the Americans did not lose a single man.
[Sidenote: Norfolk evacuated.]
The following night, the fort was evacuated. The provincial troops
proceeded to Norfolk, under the command of Colonel Howe of North
Carolina, and Lord Dunmore took refuge on board his vessels.
{1776}
{January.}
[Sidenote: And burnt.]
After taking possession of the town, the American soldiers frequently
amused themselves by firing into the vessels in the harbour, from the
buildings near the water. Irritated by this, Lord Dunmore determined
to destroy the houses immediately on the shore; and, on the night of
the first of January, under cover of a heavy cannonade, landed a body
of troops, and set fire to a number of houses near the river. The
provincials, who entertained strong prejudices against this station,
saw the flames spread from house to house without making any attempt
to extinguish them. After the fire had continued several weeks, in
which time it had consumed about four-fifths of the town, Colonel
Howe, who had waited on the convention to urge the necessity of
destroying the place, returned with orders to burn the remaining
houses; which were carried into immediate execution.
{February.}
Thus was destroyed the most populous and flourishing town in Virginia.
Its destruction was one of those ill-judged measures, of which the
consequences are felt long after the motives are forgotten.
Af
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