Life and public services of John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the United States, with the eulogy delivered before the Legislature of New York
by William H. Seward · English · Gutenberg #18196 · 677,354 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: Life and public services of John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the United States, with the eulogy delivered before the Legislature of New York
Author: William H. Seward
Release date: April 18, 2006 [eBook #18196]
Language: English
Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/18196
Credits: Produced by Don Kostuch
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE AND PUBLIC SERVICES OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, SIXTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WITH THE EULOGY DELIVERED BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK ***
Produced by Don Kostuch
L I F E
AND
PUBLIC SERVICES
of
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
SIXTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WITH
THE EULOGY
DELIVERED BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK.
BY WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
[Transcriber's Notes:]
This text is an accurate reproduction of the original book with the
following exceptions. Obvious misspellings and typos have been corrected
but contemporary usage is unchanged, e.g. "centre". Sentences spanning
pages have been joined to facilitate searches and analysis.
I encourage you to forgive the verbose style that suggests authors were
paid by the word. The gems of character description and contemporary
viewpoints are worth the effort.
The book supports the observation "The news never changes, just the
names." I am encouraged that the tone of politics is not much different
today than it was at Adams' time. Things are no worse. In spite of
continual bickering, a few persons with good will, careful planning, hard
work and a thick skin can achieve wonderful results.
The following glossary contains unfamiliar (to me) terms.
abjuration
Renounce under oath; forswear. Recant solemnly; repudiate. Give up.
Abstain from.
abstemious
Eating and drinking in moderation. Sparingly used. Restricted to bare
necessities.
Aceldama
A place with dreadful associations.
animadversion
Strong criticism.
approbate
Sanction officially; authorize.
arbitrament
Arbitrating; arbitration. Judgment of an arbitrator or arbiter.
assiduity
Persistent application or diligence; unflagging effort. Constant
personal attention.
(a)thymy
(Not) abounding with thyme; fragrant.
barouche
Four-wheeled carriage with a collapsible top, two double seats inside
opposite each other, and a box seat outside in front for the driver.
barque
Sailing ship with three to five square-rigged masts, except the after
mast, which is fore-and-aft rigged. Small vessel propelled by oars or
sails.
benison
Blessing; a benediction.
cesural
Pause in a line of verse dictated by sense or natural speech rhythm
rather than by metrics. Pause in conversation.
chaplet
Wreath or garland for the head.
Circean (Circe)
A Greek goddess who turned Odysseus's men temporarily into swine but
later gave him directions for their journey home.
coeval
Originating or existing during the same period; lasting through the same
era. One of the same era or period; a contemporary.
condign
Deserved; adequate.
contemned
Viewed with contempt; despised.
contumelies
Rudeness or contempt arising from arrogance. Insolent or arrogant
remarks or acts.
cortege
Train of attendants of a distinguished person; a retinue. Ceremonial
procession. Funeral procession.
demurrage
Detention of a cargo conveyance during loading or unloading beyond the
scheduled time of departure. Compensation paid for such detention.
deputed
Appoint or authorize as a representative. Assign (authority or duties)
to another; delegate.
descant
Ornamental melody or counterpoint sung or played above a theme. Highest
part sung in part music. Discussion or discourse on a theme.
descried
Catch sight of (something difficult to discern). Discover by careful
observation or scrutiny; detect:
didactic
Intended to instruct. Morally instructive.
dilatory
Intended to delay. Tending to postpone or delay.
discomfited
Make uneasy or perplexed; disconcert. Thwart plans; frustrate.
disquisitions
Formal discourse, often in writing.
doit
Dutch coin, worth about half a farthing. A thing of small value.
effulgence
Brilliant radiance.
elegiac
Mourning for that which is irrecoverably past.
emoluments
Payment for an office or employment; compensation.
encomiums
Warm, glowing praise. Formal expression of praise; a tribute.
enervate
Weaken or destroy strength or vitality.
ephemeral
Lasting for a brief time. Living or lasting only for a day, as some
plants or insects.
Episcopal
Church governed by a bishop.
epithet
Term to characterize a person or thing or as a descriptive substitute
for the name or title of a person. Abusive or contemptuous word or
phrase.
erudition
Deep, extensive learning.
escutcheon
Shield-shaped emblem bearing a coat of arms. Plate inscribed with a
ship's name.
eternize
Make eternal. Protract for an indefinite period. Make perpetually
famous; immortalize.
eulogium
Formal eulogy.
evanescent
Vanishing or likely to vanish like vapor.
execration
The act of cursing. A curse. Something cursed or loathed.
exigency
Requiring much effort or immediate action. Pressing or urgent situation.
extirpate
Pull up by the roots. Destroy totally; exterminate. Remove by surgery.
fain
Happily; gladly.
garniture
Garnish; embellishment.
gratulation
To congratulate.
green withes
Cords or bowstrings used to bind Samson; Judges 16:8.
habiliments
Special dress or garb associated with an occasion or office.
hecatomb
Large-scale sacrifice; sacrifice to the ancient Greek and Roman gods of
100 oxen.
importunity
Importunate request; an insistent or pressing demand.
indefeasible
Cannot be annulled or made void.
ineffably
Incapable of being expressed; indescribable, unutterable, unspeakable,
taboo.
ingenuously
Lacking in cunning, guile, or worldliness; artless. Openly
straightforward or frank; candid.
importunate
Troublesomely urgent or persistent in requesting.
intendant
Administrative official serving a French, Spanish, or Portuguese
monarch.
Jacobin
Radical or extreme leftist. Radical republican during the French
Revolution.
meed
Fitting recompense. Merited gift or wage.
mensuration
Process of measuring. Measurement of geometric quantities.
mole
Massive stone wall constructed in the sea as a breakwater to protect an
anchorage or a harbor. Anchorage or harbor enclosed by a mole.
munificence
Liberal in giving; generous. Showing great generosity.
Nestor
Hero celebrated as an elderly and wise counselor to the Greeks at Troy
obsequies
Funeral rites or ceremonies.
octavo
Page size, from 5 by 8 inches to 6 by 9-1/2 inches, of a book composed
of printer's sheets folded into eight leaves. A book composed of octavo
pages.
odium
Strong dislike, contempt, or aversion. State of disgrace resulting from
hateful or detestable conduct.
panegyric
Formal public compliment. Elaborate praise.
parsimony
Unusual or excessive frugality; extreme economy or stinginess.
patronymic
Derived from the name of one's father or a paternal ancestor.
pertinacity
Persistent determination.
Plenipotentiary
Diplomatic agent, such as an ambassador, fully authorized to represent
his government.
Presbyterian
Church governed by elected elders.
probity
Complete and confirmed integrity; uprightness.
proconsular
Provincial governor of consular rank in the Roman Empire.
pusillanimity
Cowardice.
recusant
One of the Roman Catholics in England who incurred legal and social
penalties in the 16th century and afterward for refusing to attend
services of the Church of England. Dissenter; a nonconformist.
Sabine (River)
River flowing into the Gulf of Mexico just East of Houston, Texas.
sagacity
Discerning, sound in judgment, farsighted; wisdom.
Silesia
Region of central Europe in southwest Poland and northern Czech
Republic.
sinecure
Position or office that requires little work but provides a salary.
spoliations
Despoiling or plundering. Seizure of neutral vessels at sea by a
belligerent power in time of war.
stivers
Nickel coin used in the Netherlands and worth 1/20 of a guilder (about
0.4 Euros in 2006). Something of small value.
TETE D'ARMEE
Head of the Army.
thrall (thraldom)
Held in bondage; servitude; intellectually or morally enslaved.
tittle
Small diacritic mark, such as an accent, vowel mark, or dot over an i.
Tiniest bit; an iota.
umbrage
Offense; resentment. Something that affords shade or shade itself.
Vague indication; hint.
unction
Anointing as part of a religious, ceremonial, or healing ritual.
Ointment or oil. Something that serves to soothe; a balm. Affected or
exaggerated earnestness, especially in choice and use of language.
Unitarian
Believes in the oneness of God as opposed to the Trinity. Historic
Unitarians believed in the moral authority, but not the deity, of Jesus.
Free thinkers and dissenters, evolving their beliefs by rationalism and
humanism.
usurpation
Usurping, especially the wrongful seizure of royal sovereignty. Wrongful
seizure or exercise of authority. Encroachment.
vicissitudes
Change or variation.
vituperation
Abusive censure. Sustained, harshly abusive language.
votaries
Persons bound by vows to live a life of religious worship or service.
Devout adherents of a cult or religion. Persons fervently devoted to a
leader or ideal; faithful followers. Persons filled with enthusiasm, as
for a pursuit or hobby; enthusiasts.
[End of Transcriber's notes]
[Illustration: Portrait of John Quincy Adams.]
Engraved from a Painting by A.B. Durand.
John Quincy Adams
L I F E
AND
PUBLIC SERVICES
of
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
SIXTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
WITH
THE EULOGY
DELIVERED BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF NEW YORK.
BY WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
"THIS IS THE END OF EARTH--I AM CONTENT."
AUBURN:
DERBY, MILLER AND COMPANY.
1849.
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, by
DERBY, MILLER & COMPANY,
In the Clerk's Office for the Northern District of New York.
STEREOTYPED BY THOMAS B. SMITH,
216 WILLIAM: STREET, N.Y.
TO THE
FRIENDS OF EQUAL LIBERTY
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
THROUGHOUT THE WORLD,
This Volume
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.
ADVERTISEMENT.
The Publishers apologize for the delay in issuing this volume, which was
announced by them as in press, more than one year since, shortly after the
decease of its illustrious subject. Gov. Seward, in undertaking its
preparation, was well aware of the engrossing attention which his
professional duties required, but looked constantly for relaxation from
his multiplied business engagements, in the hope that he might be able to
complete the work commenced by him. It however became necessary for its
timely completion, to obtain the literary assistance of an able writer,
who has, under his auspices, completed the work. The Publishers
confidently believe, that it will in all respects, be received as a
faithful and impartial history of the Life of the "Old Man Eloquent," and
worthy a place in the library of every friend of liberty and humanity.
AUBURN, April, 1849.
PREFACE.
The claims of this volume are humble. For more than half a century JOHN
QUINCY ADAMS had occupied a prominent position before the American people,
and filled a large space in his country's history. His career was
protracted to extreme old age. He outlived political enmity and party
rancor. His purity of life--his elevated and patriotic principles of
action--his love of country, and devotion to its interests--his advocacy
of human freedom, and the rights of man--brought all to honor and love
him. Admiring legislators hung with rapture on the lips of "the Old Man
Eloquent," and millions eagerly perused the sentiments he uttered, as they
were scattered by the press in every town and hamlet of the Western
Continent. At his decease, there was a general desire expressed for a
history of his life and times. A work of this description was understood
to be in preparation by his family. It was not probable, however, that
this could appear under several years, and when published, would
undoubtedly be placed, by its size and cost, beyond the reach of the great
mass of readers. In view of these circumstances, there was an evident want
of a volume of more limited compass--a book which would come within the
means of the people generally,--and adapted not only for libraries, and
the higher classes of society, but would find its way into the midst of
those moving in the humbler walks of life. To supply this want, the
present work has been prepared. The endeavor has been made to compress
within a brief compass, the principal events of the life of Mr. Adams, and
the scenes in which he participated; and to portray the leading traits of
character which distinguished him from his contemporaries. It has been the
aim to present such an aspect of the history and principles of this
wonderful man, as shall do justice to his memory, and afford an example
which the youth of America may profitably imitate in seeking for a model
by which to shape their course through life. How far this end has been
attained, an intelligent and candid public must determine.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The Ancestry, Birth, and Childhood of John Quincy Adams.
CHAPTER II.
John Quincy Adams studies Law--His Practice--Engages in Public Life
--Appointed Minister to the Hague.
CHAPTER III.
Mr. Adams transferred to Berlin--His Marriage--Literary Pursuits--
Travels in Silesia--Negotiates Treaties with Sweden and Prussia--
Recalled to the United States.
CHAPTER IV.
Mr. Adams' Return to the United States--Elected to the Massachusetts
Senate--Appointed U. S. Senator--Supports Mr. Jefferson--Professor of
Rhetoric and Belles Lettres--Appointed Minister to Russia.
CHAPTER V.
Mr. Adams' arrival at St. Petersburg--His Letters to his Son on the Bible--
His Religious Opinions--Russia offers Mediation between Great Britain
and the United States--Proceeds to Ghent to negotiate for Peace--
Visits Paris--Appointed Minister at St. James-Arrives in London.
CHAPTER VI.
Mr. Adams appointed Secretary of State--Arrives in the United States--
Public Dinners in New York and Boston--Takes up his Residence in
Washington--Defends Gen. Jackson in the Florida Invasion--Recognition of
South American Independence--Greek Revolution.
CHAPTER VII.
Mr. Adams' nomination to the Presidency--Spirited Presidential
Campaign--No choice by the People--Election goes to the House of
Representatives--Mr. Adams elected President--His Inauguration--Forms his
Cabinet.
CHAPTER VIII.
Charges of Corruption against Mr. Clay and Mr. Adams--Mr. Adams enters
upon his duties as President--Visit of La Fayette--Tour through the United
Slates--Mr. Adams delivers him a Farewell Address--Departs from the
United States.
CHAPTER IX.
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson--Their Correspondence--Their Death--Mr.
Webster's Eulogy--John Q. Adams visits Quincy--His Speech at the Public
School Dinner in Faneuil Hall.
CHAPTER X.
Mr. Adams' Administration--Refuses to remove political opposers from
office--Urges the importance of Internal Improvements--Appoints
Commissioners to the Congress of Panama--His policy toward the Indian
Tribes--His Speech on breaking ground for the Chesapeake and Ohio
Canal--Bitter opposition to his Administration--Fails of re-election to
the Presidency--Retires from office.
CHAPTER XI.
Mr. Adams' multiplied attainments--Visited by Southern Gentlemen--His
Report on Weights and Measures--His Poetry--Erects a Monument to the
memory of his Parents--Elected Member of Congress--Letter to the Bible
Society--Delivers Eulogy on Death of ex-President Monroe.
CHAPTER XII.
Mr. Adams takes his seat in Congress--His Position and Habits as a Member--
His Independence of Party--His Eulogy on the Death of ex-President James
Madison--His advocacy of the Right of Petition, and Opposition to Slavery--
Insurrection in Texas--Mr. Adams makes known its ulterior object.
CHAPTER XIII.
Mr. Adams presents Petitions for the Abolishment of Slavery--Opposition of
Southern Members--Exciting Scenes in the House of Representatives--Marks
of confidence in Mr. Adams.
CHAPTER XIV.
Mr. Adams' firmness in discharge of duty--His exertions in behalf of the
Amistad Slaves--His connection with the Smithsonian Bequest--Tour
through Canada and New York--His reception at Buffalo--Visits Niagara
Falls--Attends worship with the Tuscarora Indians--His reception at
Rochester--at Auburn--at Albany--at Pittsfield--Visits Cincinnati--
Assists in laying the Corner Stone of an Observatory.
CHAPTER XV.
Mr. Adams' Last Appearance in Public at Boston--His Health--Lectures on his
Journey to Washington--Remote Cause of his Decease--Struck with
Paralysis--Leaves Quincy for Washington for the last time--His final
Sickness in the House of Representatives--His Death--The Funeral at
Washington--Removal of the Body to Quincy--Its Interment.
EULOGY
THE LIFE OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
CHAPTER I.
THE ANCESTRY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD, OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
The Puritan Pilgrims of the May-Flower landed on Plymouth Rock, and
founded the Colony of Massachusetts, on the 21st day of December, 1620.
HENRY ADAMS, the founder of the Adams family in America, fled from
ecclesiastical oppression in England, and joined the Colony at a very
early period, but at what precise time is not recorded. He erected his
humble dwelling at a place within the present town of QUINCY, then known
as MOUNT WOLLASTON, and is believed to have been an inhabitant when the
first Christian Church was gathered there in 1630. On the organization of
the town of Braintree, which comprised the place of his residence, he was
elected Clerk of the Town. He died on the eighth day of October, 1646. His
memory is preserved by a plain granite monument, erected in the
burial-ground at Quincy, by JOHN ADAMS, President of the United States,
and bearing this inscription:--
In Memory
of
HENRY ADAMS,
Who took his flight from the Dragon Persecution in Devonshire, in
England, and alighted with eight sons, near Mount Wollaston.
One of the sons returned to England, and after taking time
to explore the country, four removed to Medfield and
the neighboring towns; two to Chelmsford. One
only, Joseph, who lies here at his left hand,
remained here, who was an original pro-
prietor in the Township of Braintree,
incorporated in the year 1639.
This stone, and several others, have been placed in this yard, by a
great-great-grandson, from a veneration of the piety, humility,
simplicity, prudence, patience, temperance; frugality, industry, and
perseverance of his ancestors, in hopes of recommending an imitation of
their virtues to their posterity.
Joseph Adams, the son of Henry Adams mentioned in the above inscription,
died on the sixth of December, 1694, aged sixty-eight years. Joseph, the
next in succession, died February 12th, 1736, at the age of eighty-four
years. His son John Adams, was a Deacon of the Church at Quincy, and died
May 25th, 1761, aged seventy years. This John Adams was the father of him
who was destined to give not only undying fame to his ancient family, but
a new and powerful impulse to the cause of Human Freedom throughout the
world.
JOHN ADAMS, son of John Adams and Susannah Boylston Adams, was born at
Quincy on the nineteenth day of October (old style), 1735. He received the
honors of Harvard University in 1755, and then, in pursuance of a good old
New England custom, which made those who had enjoyed the benefits of a
public education, in turn impart those benefits to the public, he was
occupied for a time in teaching.
It ought to encourage all young men in straitened circumstances, desirous
of obtaining a profession and of rising to eminence, to know that John
Adams, who became so illustrious by talents and achievement as to lend
renown to the office of President of the United States, pursued the study
of the law under the inconveniences resulting from his occupation as an
instructor in a Grammar School.
John Adams was an eminent and successful lawyer, but it was not the design
of his existence that his talents should be wasted in the contentions of
the courts.
The British Parliament, as soon as the Colonies had attracted their
notice, commenced a system of legislation known as the Colonial System,
the object of which was to secure to the mother country a monopoly of
their trade, and to prevent their rising to a condition of strength and
independence. The effect of this system was to prevent all manufactures in
the Colonies, and all trade with foreign countries, and even with the
adjacent plantations.
The Colonies remonstrated in vain against this policy, but owing to
popular dissatisfaction, the regulations were not rigidly enforced. At
length an Order in Council was passed, which directed the officers of the
customs in Massachusetts Bay, to execute the acts of trade. A question
arose in the Supreme Court of that province in 1761, upon the
constitutional right of the British Parliament to bind the Colonies. The
trial produced great excitement. The cause was argued for the Crown by the
King's Attorney-General, and against the laws by James Otis.
It will be seen that the question thus involved was the very one that was
finally submitted to the arbitrament of arms in the American Revolution.
The speech of Otis on the occasion, was an effort of surpassing ability.
John Adams was a witness, and he recorded his opinion of it, and his
opinion of the magnitude of the question, thus:
"Otis was a flame of fire! With a promptitude of classical allusion, a
depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a
profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance of his eyes into
futurity, a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all
before him. AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE was then and there born. Every man of an
unusually crowded audience, appeared to me to go away ready to take up
arms against Writs of Assistance."
Speaking on the same subject, on another occasion, John Adams said that
"James Otis there and there breathed into this nation the breath of life."
From that day John Adams was an enthusiast for the independence of his
country.
In 1764 he married Abigail, daughter of the Reverend William Smith, of
Weymouth. The mother of John Quincy Adams was a woman of great beauty and
high intellectual endowments, and she combined, with the proper
accomplishments of her sex, a sweetness of disposition, and a generous
sympathy with the patriotic devotion of her illustrious husband.
In 1765, the British Parliament, in contempt of the discontent of the
Colonies, presumptuously passed the Stamp Act; a law which directed taxed
stamped paper to be used in all legal instruments in the Colonies. The
validity of the law was denied; and while Patrick Henry was denouncing it
in Virginia, James Otis and John Adams argued against it before the
Governor and Council of Massachusetts.
The occasion called forth from John Adams a "Dissertation on the Canon and
Feudal Laws,"--a work, which although it was of a general character in
regard to government, yet manifested democratic sentiments unusual in
those times, and indicated that republican institutions were the proper
institutions for the American People.
The resistance to the stamp act throughout the Colonies procured its
repeal in 1766. But the British Government accompanied the repeal with an
ungracious declaratory act, by which they asserted "that the Parliament
had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the Colonies, in all cases
whatsoever." In the next year a law was passed, which imposed duties in
the Colonies, on glass, paper, paints, and tea. The spirit of
insubordination manifested itself throughout the Colonies, and, inasmuch
as it radiated from Boston, British ships of war were stationed in its
harbor, and two regiments of British troops were thrown in the town, to
compel obedience. John Adams had now become known as the most intrepid,
zealous, and indefatigable opposer of British usurpation. The Crown tried
upon him in vain the royal arts so successful on the other side of the
Atlantic. The Governor and Council offered him the place of Advocate
General in the Court of Admiralty, an office of great value; he declined
it, "decidedly, peremptorily, but respectfully."
At this interesting crisis, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS was born, at Quincy, on the
11th of July, 1767. A lesson, full of instruction concerning the mingled
influences of piety and patriotism in New England, at that time, is
furnished to us by the education of the younger Adams. Nor can we fail to
notice that each of those virtues retained its relative power over him,
throughout his long and eventful life. He was brought into the church and
baptized on the day after that on which he was born.
John Quincy Adams, in one of his letters, thus mentions the circumstances
of his baptism:
"The house at Mount Wollaston has a peculiar interest to me, as the
dwelling of my great-grandfather, whose name I bear. The incident which
gave rise to this circumstance is not without its moral to my heart. He
was dying, when I was baptized; and his daughter, my grandmother, present
at my birth, requested that I might receive his name. The fact, recorded
by my father at the time, has connected with that portion of my name, a
charm of mingled sensibility and devotion. It was filial tenderness that
gave the name. It was the name of one passing from earth to immortality.
These have been among the strongest links of my attachment to the name of
Quincy, and have been to me, through life, a perpetual admonition to do
nothing unworthy of it."
It cannot be doubted that the character of the person from whom, in such
affecting circumstances, he derived an honorable patronymic, was an object
of emulation. John Quincy was a gentleman of wealth, education, and
influence. He was for a long time Speaker of the House of Representatives
in Massachusetts, and during many years one of His Majesty's Provincial
Council. He was a faithful representative, and throughout his public
services, a vigorous defender of the rights and liberties of the Colony.
Exemplary in private life, and earnest in piety, he enjoyed the public
confidence, through a civil career of forty years' duration.
The American Revolution was rapidly hurrying on during the infancy of John
Quincy Adams. In 1769, the citizens of Boston held a meeting in which they
instructed their representatives in the Provincial Legislature to resist
the usurpations of the British Government. John Adams was chairman of the
committee that prepared these instructions, and his associates were
Richard Dana and Joseph Warren, the same distinguished patriot who gave up
his life as one of the earliest sacrifices to freedom, in the battle of
Bunker Hill.
Those instructions were expressed in the bold and decided tone of John
Adams, and they increased the public excitement in the province, by the
earnestness with which they insisted on the removal of the British troops
from Boston.
The popular irritation increased, until on the 5th of March, 1770, a
collision occurred between the troops and some of the inhabitants of
Boston, in which five citizens were killed, and many wounded. This was
called the Bloody Massacre. The exasperated inhabitants were with
difficulty restrained from retaliating this severity by an extermination
of all the British troops. A public meeting was held, and a committee, of
which SAMUEL ADAMS was chairman, was appointed to address the Governor
(Gage), and demand that the troops should be withdrawn. John Adams
described the excitement, on a later occasion, in these words:
"Not only the immense assemblies of the people from day to day, but
military arrangements from night to night, were necessary to keep the
people and the soldiers from getting together by the ears. The life of a
red-coat would not have been safe in any street or corner of the town. Nor
would the lives of the inhabitants have been much more secure. The whole
militia of the city was in requisition, and military watches and guards
were everywhere placed. We were all upon a level. No man was exempted: our
military officers were our only superiors. I had the honor to be summoned
in my turn, and attended at the State House with my musket and bayonet, my
broadsword and cartridge-box, under the command of the famous Paddock."
The Governor withdrew the troops and sent them to the castle: the
commanding officer and some of the soldiers were arrested, and brought to
trial for murder.
John Adams, the advocate and leader of the exasperated people, was
solicited by the Government to act as counsel for the accused. The people,
in the heat of passion, would naturally identify the lawyer with his
clients, and both with the odious cause in which they served. John Adams
did not hesitate. His principle was fidelity to duty in all the relations
of life. Adams, together with Josiah Quincy, defended the accused with
ability and firmness, and the result crowned not only the advocates, but
the jury and the people of Boston with honor. Distinguishing between the
Government, upon whom the responsibility rested, and the troops who were
its agents, the jury acquitted the accused. The people sustained the
verdict; affording to Great Britain and to the world a noble proof, that
they had been well prepared by education for the trust of self-government.
The controversy between the Province of Massachusetts and the British
Government continued, and the exasperation of the Colonies became more
intense, until the destruction of the imported tea in the harbor, in
December, 1773, incensed the Ministry so highly, that they procured an act
closing the port of Boston. This act was followed by the convention of the
first American Congress at Philadelphia, on the 5th of September, 1774. As
John Adams had been the master spirit in the agitation in Massachusetts,
he was appointed one of the Delegates to the General Congress. After his
election, his friend Sewall, the King's Attorney General, labored
earnestly to dissuade him from accepting the appointment.
The Attorney General told the delegate that Great Britain was determined
on her system, that her power was irresistible, and that he, and those
with him who should persist in their designs of resistance, would be
involved in ruin.
John Adams replied, "I know Great Britain has determined on her system,
and that very determination determines me on mine. You know I have been
constant and uniform in opposition to her measures. The die is now cast. I
have passed the Rubicon. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish
with my country is my unalterable determination."
It was these energetic and resolute expressions which Daniel Webster
wrought into so magnificent an imaginary speech, in his glowing Eulogy on
John Adams and Thomas Jefferson.
John Adams continued in Congress throughout the sessions of 1775 and 1776,
and on all occasions was an intrepid and earnest advocate for
Independence. On his motion, George Washington was appointed Commander in
Chief of the Army.
John Adams was the mover of Independence in the Congress. On the 6th of
May, 1776, he brought the subject before that body, by a resolution
expressed as follows:--
"Whereas it appears perfectly irreconcilable to reason and good
conscience, for the people of these Colonies now to take the oaths and
affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown
of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of
authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the
powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the
Colonies for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order,
as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties,
against the hostile invasion, and cruel depredations of their
enemies:--Therefore, it is recommended to the Colonies to adopt such a
government as will, in the opinion of the representatives of the people,
best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents, and of
America."
This resolution was adopted, and was followed by the appointment of a
committee, on the motion of Richard Henry Lee, seconded by John Adams, to
prepare a Declaration. This committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston.
Jefferson and Adams were a sub-committee, and the former prepared the
Declaration, at the urgent request of the latter.
Jefferson bore this testimony to the ability and power of John
Adams.--"The great pillar of support to the Declaration of Independence,
and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the House, was John
Adams."
On the day after the Declaration of Independence was adopted, he wrote the
memorable letter in which he said with prophetic unction,--"Yesterday the
greatest question was decided that ever was debated in America; and
greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was
passed without one dissenting Colony, 'That the United States are, and of
right ought to be, free and independent States.' The day is passed. The
fourth day of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of
America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeeding
generations as a great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated
as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It
ought to be solemnized with pomps, shows, games, sports, guns, bells,
bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other,
from this time forward, forever. You may think me transported with
enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and
treasure, that it will cost to maintain this Declaration, and support and
defend these States: yet through all the gloom, I can see that the end is
worth all the means; and that posterity will triumph, although you and I
may rue, which I hope we shall not."
From this time, until November 1777, John Adams was incessantly employed
in public duties in Congress, during the session of that body; and during
its recess, as a member of the State Council in Massachusetts. During this
period, John Quincy was instructed at home, by her who, in long after
years, he was accustomed to call his almost adored mother, who was aided
by a law-student in the office of his father. EDWARD EVERETT, in his
Eulogy upon John Quincy Adams, made the very striking and just remark,
that there seemed to be in his life no such stage as that of boyhood.
While yet but nine years old, he wrote to his father the following letter:
Braintree, June 2nd, 1777.
DEAR SIR,
I love to receive letters very well; much better than I love to write
them. I make but a poor figure at composition. My head is much too fickle.
My thoughts are running after bird's eggs, play and trifles, till I get
vexed with myself. Mamma has a troublesome task to keep me a studying. I
own I am ashamed of myself. I have but just entered the third volume of
Rollin's History, but designed to have got half through it by this time.
I am determined this week to be more diligent. Mr. Thaxter is absent at
Court. I have set myself a stint this week, to read the third volume half
out. If I can but keep my resolution, I may again at the end of the week
give a better account of myself. I wish, sir, you would give me in
writing, some instructions with regard to the use of my time, and advise
me how to proportion my studies and play, and I will keep them by me, and
endeavor to follow them.
With the present determination of growing better, I am, dear sir, your son,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.
P. S. Sir--If you will be so good as to favor me with a blank book, I will
transcribe the most remarkable passages I meet with in my reading, which
will serve to fix them upon my mind.
After making all just allowance for precocity of genius, we cannot but see
that the early maturity of the younger Adams proves the great advantage of
pure and intellectual associations in childhood.
The time soon arrived when John Quincy Adams was to enjoy advantages of
education such as were never afforded to any other American youth. Among
the earliest acts of the American Congress, was the appointment of
Benjamin Franklin, Silas Dean, and Arthur Lee, as Commissioners to France;
they were charged to solicit aid from France, and to negotiate a treaty,
by which the Independence of the United States should be acknowledged by
Louis Sixteenth, then at the height of his popularity. Silas Dean was
recalled in 1776, and John Adams was appointed to fill his place. He
embarked on this mission the 13th of February, 1778, in the frigate
Boston, commanded by Captain Tucker. John Adams had gone down to Quincy,
and the frigate called there to receive him on board. On the eve of
embarkation he wrote the following simple and touching letter to Mrs.
Adams:
"Uncle Quincy's,--half after 11 o'clock, 13 February, 1778.
"DEAREST OF FRIENDS,
"I had not been twenty minutes in this house, before I had the happiness
to see Captain Tucker and a midshipman coming for me. We will be soon on
board, and may God prosper our voyage in every stage of it as much as at
the beginning, and send to you, my dear children, and all my friends, the
choicest blessings!
"So wishes and prays yours, with an ardor that neither absence, nor any
other event can abate,
"JOHN ADAMS.
"P. S. Johnny sends his duty to his mamma, and his love to his sisters and
brothers. He behaves like a man."
"He behaves like a man!"--Words which gave presage of the future character
of John Quincy Adams. His education had now commenced: an education in the
principles of heroic action, by John Adams, the colossus of the American
Revolution. How devoted he was to this important charge, and with what
true philosophy he conducted it, may be seen by the following letter
written about that time by him, to Mrs. Adams:
"Human nature, with all its infirmities and depravation, is still capable
of great things. It is capable of attaining to degrees of wisdom and of
goodness which we have reason to believe appear respectable in the
estimation of superior intelligences. Education makes a greater
difference between man and man, than nature has made between man and
brute. The virtues and powers to which men may be trained, by early
education and constant discipline, are truly sublime and astonishing.
"Newton and Locke are examples of the deep sagacity which may be acquired
by long habits of thinking and study. Nay, your common mechanics and
artisans are proofs of the wonderful dexterity acquired by use; a
watchmaker, finishing his wheels and springs, a pin or needle-maker, &c. I
think there is a particular occupation in Europe, which is called paper
staining, or linen staining, A man who has long been habituated to it,
shall sit for a whole day, and draw upon paper various figures, to be
imprinted upon the paper for rooms, as fast as his eye can roll and his
fingers move, and no two of his draughts shall be alike. The Saracens, the
Knights of Malta, the army and navy in the service of the English
Republic, among many others, are instances to show to what an exalted
height, valor or bravery or courage may be raised, by artificial means.
"It should be your care therefore, and mine, to elevate the minds of our
children, and exalt their courage, to accelerate and animate their
industry and activity, to excite in them an habitual contempt of meanness,
abhorrence of injustice and inhumanity, and an ambition to excel in every
capacity, faculty, and virtue. If we suffer their minds to grovel and
creep in infancy, they will grovel and creep all their lives.
"But their bodies must be hardened, as well as their souls exalted.
Without strength, and activity and vigor of body, the brightest mental
excellencies will be eclipsed and obscured.
"JOHN ADAMS."
No one can read this extraordinary letter, and compare it with the actual
character of John Quincy Adams as ultimately developed, without regarding
that character as a fulfilment, in all respects, of the prayers and
purposes of his illustrious parent.
The voyage of the American Minister was made in a time of great peril. The
naval supremacy of Great Britain was already established. Her armed ships
traversed the ocean in all directions. Captain Tucker saw a large English
ship showing a row of guns, and with the consent of the Minister, engaged
her. When hailed, she answered with a broadside. John Adams had been
requested to retire to the cockpit, but when the engagement had begun, he
was found among the marines, with a musket in his hands.
The desired treaty with France had been consummated by Dr. Franklin,
before the arrival of John Adams. After that event, Congress decided to
have but one minister in that country, and Dr. Franklin having deservedly
received the appointment, John Adams asked and obtained leave to return
home, after an absence of a year and a half. During that period the
younger Adams attended a public school in Paris, while his leisure hours
were filled with the instructions casually derived from the conversation
of John Adams, and Dr. Franklin, and other eminent intellectual persons,
by whom his father was surrounded. The improvement of the son during his
sojourn abroad is thus mentioned by John Adams, just before his
embarkation on his return to America.
"My son has had a great opportunity to see this country, but this has
unavoidably retarded his education in some other things. He has enjoyed
perfect health from first to last, and is respected wherever he goes, for
his vigor and vivacity both of mind and body; for his constant good humor,
and for his rapid progress in French, as well as in general knowledge,
which, for his age, is uncommon."
John Adams now regarded his public life as closed. He wrote to Mrs. Adams:
"The Congress, I presume, expect that I should come home, and I shall come
accordingly. As they have no business for me in Europe, I must contrive to
get some for myself at home. Prepare yourself for removing to Boston, into
the old house, for there you shall go, and I will draw writs and deeds,
and harangue juries, and be happy."
This calculation was signally erroneous, as all calculations upon personal
ease and peace by great and good men always are. He remained at home only
three months, and during that time he had other and higher occupations
than drawing writs and deeds. He was elected Delegate to the Convention
charged with the responsible and novel duty of forming a written
constitution for Massachusetts. In that body he labored with untiring
assiduity, as in Congress; the constitution thus produced was in a great
measure prepared by himself, and it is due to his memory to record the
fact, that it was among the most democratic of all the constitutions which
were adopted by the new States. The younger Adams having returned to
America with his father, had thus the advantage of seeing republican
theories brought into successful, practical application.
About this time Congress resolved on sending a Minister Plenipotentiary to
Great Britain, to negotiate, if possible, a treaty of peace. John Adams
and John Jay received each an equal number of votes. The result was the
appointment of M. Jay as Minster to Spain, and of John Adams as Minister
to the Court of St. James. He was instructed to insist on the independence
of the United States.
The younger Adams again attended the Diplomatist. They embarked in the
French frigate La Sensible, on the 17th of November, 1779.
The frigate sprang a leak, and was obliged to put into the port nearest at
hand, which proved to be Ferrol in Spain. They disembarked on the 11th of
December, and traversed the intervening distance to Paris over land, a
journey of a thousand miles. This journey was performed through the
mountains on mules. Spain, as well as France, was then in alliance with
America, and the minister was everywhere received with respect and
kindness. The French officers at Ferrol wore cockades in honor of the
Triple Alliance, combining a white ribbon for the French, a red one for
the Spanish, and a black one for the Americans.
The United Powers proposed demands which were ominous of disappointment to
the Minister.--On the 12th of December he wrote:--"It is said that England
is as reluctant to acknowledge the independence of America, as to cede
Gibraltar, the last of which is insisted upon, as well as the first."
The travellers reached Paris about the middle of February, 1780. John
Adams mentioned a singular coincidence in his letter announcing their
arrival. "I have the honor to be lodged here with no less a personage than
the Prince of Hesse-Cassel, who is here upon a visit. We occupy different
apartments in the same house, and have no intercourse with each other, to
be sure; but some wags are of opinion, that if I were authorised to open
a negotiation with him, I might obtain from him as many troops to fight on
our side of the question, as he has already hired to the English against
us!"
The American Revolution has wrought wonderful changes since that day. No
German Prince could now send a man, or a musket, to war against its
principles.
John Adams soon discovered that there was no prospect of success for his
mission to England. He remained at Paris until August, 1780, and during
the interval his son was kept at an academy in that city.
At the expiration of that period the Minister repaired to Holland, and
there received instructions to negotiate a loan, and then a treaty of
amity and commerce with the states of that country. The younger Adams
while in Holland was placed at school, first at Amsterdam, and afterwards
in the University of Leyden.
A letter of the father, dated at Amsterdam, 18th December, 1780, gives us
a glimpse of the system of instruction approved by him, and a pleasant
view of the principles which he deemed it important to be inculcated.
"I have this morning sent Mr. Thaxter with my two sons to Leyden, there
to take up their residence for some time, and there to pursue their
studies of Latin and Greek under the excellent masters, and there to
attend lectures of the celebrated professors in that University. It is
much cheaper there than here. The air is infinitely purer, and the company
and conversation are better. It is perhaps as learned a University as any
in Europe.
"I should not wish to have children educated in the common schools of this
country, where a littleness of soul is notorious. The masters are mean
spirited wretches, pinching, kicking, and boxing the children upon every
turn. There is, besides, a general littleness, arising from the incessant
contemplation of stivers and doits, which pervades the whole people.
"Frugality and industry are virtues everywhere, but avarice and stinginess
are not frugality. The Dutch say, that without a habit of thinking of
every doit before you spend it, no man can be a good merchant, or conduct
trade with success.
"This, I believe, is a just maxim in general; but I would never wish to
see a son of mine govern himself by it. It is the sure and certain way for
an industrious man to be rich. It is the only possible way for a merchant
to become the first merchant, or the richest man in the place. But this is
an object that I hope none of my children will ever aim at. It is indeed
true everywhere, that those who attend to small expenses are always rich.
"I would have my children attend to doits and farthings as devoutly as
the merest Dutchman upon earth, if such attention was necessary to support
their independence. A man who discovers a disposition and a design to be
independent, seldom succeeds. A jealousy arises against him. The tyrants
are alarmed on the one side, lest he should oppose them: the slaves are
alarmed on the other, lest he should expose their servility. The cry from
all quarters is, 'He is the proudest man in the world: He cannot bear to
be under obligation.'
"I never in my life observed anyone endeavoring to lay me under particular
obligation to him, but I suspected he had a design to make me his
dependent, and to have claims upon my gratitude. This I should have no
objection to, because gratitude is always in one's power. But the danger
is, that men will expect and require more of us than honor, and innocence,
and rectitude will permit us to perform.
"In our country, however, any man, with common industry and prudence, may
be independent."
One cannot turn over a page of the domestic history of John Adams, without
finding a precept or example, the influence of which is manifested in the
character of his illustrious son. Thus he writes to Mrs. Adams, touching
certain calumnies which had been propagated against him:--
LIFE OF JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 39
"Do n't distress yourself about any malicious attempts to injure me in
the estimation of my countrymen. Let them take their course, and go the
length of their tether. They will never hurt your husband, whose character
is fortified with a shield of innocence and honor, ten thousand-fold
stronger than brass or iron. The contemptible essays, made by you know
whom, will only tend to their own confusion. My letters have shown them
their own ignorance, a sight they could not bear. Say as little about it
as I do. I laugh, and will laugh before all posterity, at their impotent
rage and envy."
In July, 1781, Francis Dana, who had attended John Adams as Secretary of
Legation, was appointed Minister to Russia. John Quincy Adams, then
fourteen years old, was appointed Private Secretary of this mission. He
remained at that post fourteen months, performing its duties with entire
satisfaction to the minister. The singular ripeness of the youthful
secretary was shown in his travelling alone, on his return from St.
Petersburgh, by a journey leisurely made, and filled with observations of
Sweden, Denmark, Hamburgh, and Bremen. On arriving in Holland, he resumed
his studies at the Hague.
John Adams, having completed his mission in Holland, was soon charged,
together with Dr. Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, with the duty of
negotiating a definitive treaty of peace with Great Britain. The treaty
was executed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1783, and was ratified
January 14th, 1784. The younger Adams enjoyed the satisfaction of being
present at the conclusion of the treaty; and while it was under process of
negotiation, he was constantly favored with opportunities of listening to
the instructive conversation of Franklin and Jefferson.
The negotiation of the treaty was dilatory in the extreme. It was
embarrassed with French intrigues, great carelessness at home, and greater
reluctance on the part of England. The wearied Minister wrote to Mrs.
Adams on the 30th of May, 1783: "Our son is at the Hague, pursuing his
studies with great ardor. They give him a good character wherever he has
been, and I hope he will make a good man." On the 9th of June he wrote in
these homely, but manly words: "I am weary, worn, and disgusted to death.
I had rather chop wood, dig ditches, and make fence upon my poor little
farm. Alas, poor farm! and poorer family! what have you lost that your
country might be free! and that others might catch fish and hunt deer and
bears at their ease!
"There will be as few of the tears of gratitude, or the smiles of
admiration, or the sighs of pity for us, as for the army. But all this
should not hinder me from going over the same scenes again, upon the same
occasions--scenes which I would not encounter for all the wealth, pomp,
and power of the world. Boys! if you ever say one word, or utter one
complaint, I will disinherit you. Work! you rogues, and be free. You will
never have so hard work to do as papa has had. Daughter! get you an honest
man for a husband, and keep him honest. No matter whether he is rich,
provided he be independent. Regard the honor and the moral character of
the man, more than all circumstances. Think of no other greatness but that
of the soul, no other riches but those of the heart."
After concluding the treaty of peace, John Adams, together with Franklin
and Jay, was charged with the duty of negotiating a treaty of commerce
with Great Britain, and John Adams, taking his son John Quincy with him,
proceeded to London, and took up his residence at the British Court. Mrs.
Adams embarked in June, 1781, to join her husband.
John Adams was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the same Court in
1785, and thus he, who ten years before, when a subject, in the province
of Massachusetts, had said, "I know that Great Britain has determined upon
her system, and that very determination determines me on mine,"--was the
first Representative of his independent country admitted to an audience by
the discomfited majesty of the Imperial States. The occasion was adapted
to excite profound emotions, though of different kinds, in each party.
John Adams addressed the King thus:--
"The United States of America have appointed me their Minister
Plenipotentiary to your Majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your
Majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in
obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your
Majesty of their unanimous disposition and desire to cultivate the most
liberal and friendly intercourse between your Majesty's subjects and their
citizens; and of their best wishes for your Majesty's health and
happiness, and for that of your royal family.
"The appointment of a Minister from the United States to your Majesty's
Court, will form an epoch in the history of England and of America. I
think myself more fortunate than all my fellow citizens, in having the
distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty's royal
presence, in a diplomatic character; and I shall esteem myself the
happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my Country more
and more, to your Majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire
esteem, confidence and affection, or in better words, 'the old good
nature, and the old good harmony,' between people, who, though separated
by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a
similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your Majesty's permission to
add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country,
it was never, in my whole life, in a manner so agreeable to myself."
George III. replied with dignity, but not without some manifestations of
excitement:--
"The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you
have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered
so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say that I not only receive
with pleasure the assurances of the friendly disposition of the People of
the United States, but I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be
their Minister. I wish you, sir, to believe, and that it may be understood
in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest, but what I
thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed my
people. I will be frank with you--I was the last to conform to the
separation, but the separation having been made, and having become
inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to
meet the friendship of the United States, as an independent power.
"The moment I see such sentiments and language as yours prevail, and a
disposition to give this country the preference, that moment I shall say,
let the circumstances of language, religion and blood have their natural
and full effect."
The kindly feelings expressed by the King, were, however, comparatively,
only the language of ceremony, for the British Ministry, and the British
people, did not regard the new republic with favor. But they could not
withhold the exhibition of reluctant respect.
It was at such a time as this, and in such circumstances, that John Quincy
Adams surveyed, from a new position, the colossal structure of British
power, and the workings of its combined systems of conservative
aristocracy, and progressive democracy. It was here that he imbibed new
veneration for Russell, Sidney, Hampden, and Milton, its republican
patriots; for Shakspeare, Dryden, and Pope, its immortal poets; and for
Addison and Johnson, its moralists; here he learned from Wilberforce the
principles of political philanthropy, as well as the patience and
perseverance to defend them, and studied eloquence by the living models of
Pitt, Fox, Erskine, Burke, and Sheridan.
This, indeed, was a fitting conclusion to a precocious education by the
patriots and philosophers of his own country, with practical observations
in the courts of Spain and the Netherlands, of the weak but amiable Louis
XVI., and the accomplished, but depraved, Catharine II.
John Quincy Adams now became fearful that the duties of manhood would
devolve upon him without his having completed the necessary academic
studies. He therefore obtained leave to return home in 1785, at the age of
eighteen years, and entered Cambridge University, at an advanced standing,
in 1786. He graduated in 1788 with deserved honors.
CHAPTER II.
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS STUDIES LAW--HIS PRACTICE--ENGAGES IN PUBLIC
LIFE--APPOINTED MINISTER TO THE HAGUE.
After leaving the University, young Adams entered the office of
Theophilus Parsons, who was then in the practice of law at Newburyport,
and who afterwards for so many years filled with dignity and ability the
office of Chief Justice of Massachusetts.
Adams completed the usual term of professional study, and then commenced
the practice of the law in Boston. It may encourage some who are oppressed
by the difficulties attending initiation in the profession, to know, that
during the first and only four years of John Quincy Adams' practice, he
had occasion for despondency.
"I had long and lingering anxieties, (he afterwards said,) in looking
forward, doubtful even of my prospects of comfortable subsistence, but
acquiring more and more the means of it, till in the last of the four
years, the business of my profession yielded me an income more than equal
to my expenditures."
But the country and the age had claims on John Quincy Adams, as well as on
his father, for higher duties than "making writs," and "haranguing
juries," and "being happy."
The American Revolution, which had been brought to a successful close, had
inspired, throughout Europe, a desire to renovate the institutions of
government. The officers and citizens of France who had mingled in the
contest, had carried home the seeds of freedom, and had scattered them
abroad upon soil quick to receive them. The flame of Liberty, kindled on
the shores of the Western Continent, was reflected back upon the Old
World. France beheld its beams, and hailed them as a beacon-light, which
should lead the nations out from the bondage of ages. Inspirited by the
success attending the struggle in the British colonies, the French people,
long crushed beneath a grinding despotism, resolved to burst their
shackles and strike for Freedom. It was a noble resolution, but
consummated, alas amid devastation and the wildest anarchy. The French
Revolution filled the world with horror. It was the work of a blind giant,
urged to fury by the remembrance of wrongs endured for generations. The
Altar of Liberty was reared amid seas of blood, and stained with the gore
of innocent victims.
The measurable failure of this struggle in France, teaches the necessity
of due preparation before a people can advance to the permanent possession
and enjoyment of their rights. The American colonists had been trained to
rational conceptions of freedom, by lessons of wisdom and sagacity read
them by their Puritan fathers, and by the experience in self-government,
afforded during a century and a half of enjoyment of a large share of
political privileges, granted by the mother country. They were thus
prepared to lay deep and strong the foundations of an enlightened
government, which, equally removed from the extremes of despotism on the
one hand, and anarchy on the other, and granting its subjects the exercise
of their right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," shall
endure through ages to come. But the people of France, shut up in darkness
during centuries of misrule, passed at a step from abject servitude to
unlimited freedom. They were unprepared for this violent transition. Their
conceptions of liberty were of the most extravagant description. What
wonder that they became dizzy at their sudden elevation! What wonder that
blood flowed in rivers!--that dissension and faction rent them asunder--
that a fearful anarchy soon reigned triumphant--or that the confused and
troubled drama closed in the iron rule of a military conqueror--the Man of
Destiny! Let not this lesson be lost upon the world. Let a people who
would enjoy freedom, learn to merit the boon by the study of its
principles and a preparation to exercise its privileges, under those
salutary restraints which man can never throw off and be happy!
The odium excited throughout Europe by the excesses of the French
Revolution, was heaped without measure upon the American people. They were
charged with the origin of the misrule which convulsed France, and filled
the eastern hemisphere with alarm: and were tauntingly pointed to the
crude theories promulgated by French democracy, and the failure of their
phrenzied efforts to establish an enlightened and permanent Republic, as
conclusive evidence that self-government, among any people, was a mere
Utopian dream, which could never be realized.
The establishment of a republican government in America, had not been
relished by the monarchies of Europe. They looked upon it with distrust,
as a precedent dangerous to them in the highest degree. The succor which
Louis XVI. had rendered the revolting colonists, was not from a love of
democratic institutions: it was his hope to cripple Great Britain, his
ancient enemy, and to find some opportunity, perhaps, to win back his
Canadian provinces, which had so recently been rent from his possession.
When the pent-up flames of revolution burst forth at the very doors of the
governments of the old world--when the French throne had been robbed of
its king, and that king of his life--when a Republic had been proclaimed
in their midst, and signal-notes of freedom were ringing in their
borders--they became seriously alarmed. The growing evil must be checked
immediately. Led on by England, the continental powers combined to
exterminate at a blow, if possible, every vestige of Republicanism in
France. Then commenced the long series of bloody wars, which, with little
intermission, convulsed Europe for nearly a quarter of a century, and
ceased only when the rock of St. Helena received its lonely exile.
In the meantime affairs at home had attained to a critical juncture. The
Constitution had been adopted. The new government had been set in
operation under the supervision of Washington, as the first President of
the Republic. The people, influenced by certain "elective affinities," had
become sundered into two great political parties--Conservative and
Progressive, or Federal and Democratic. Both were distrustful of the
Constitution. The former believed it too weak to consolidate a government
capable of protecting its subjects in the peaceful enjoyment of their
rights, from discord within, and attacks from without. The latter
apprehended that it might easily be transformed, by some ambitious
Napoleon, into an instrument of oppression, more fearful even than the
limited monarchy from which they had but recently escaped, at an expense
of so much blood and treasure. Each of these parties are entitled to the
credit of equal sincerity and honesty of purpose.
Washington, with a loftiness of purpose truly characteristic of a great
and good mind, refused to identify himself with either party. In forming
his first cabinet, moved with a desire to heal the dissensions which
distracted the country, he selected its members equally from the adverse
factions. Hamilton and Knox represented the Federal party, and Jefferson
and Randolph the opposite. During his entire administration, "the Father
of his country" steadily aimed to keep himself clear from all party
entanglements. He was emphatically the President of the whole people, and
not of a faction. His magnanimous spirit would not stoop to party
favoritism, nor allow him to exercise the power entrusted him, to promote
the interests of any political clique. In all his measures his great
object was to advance the welfare of the nation, without regard to their
influence on conflicting parties. In these things he left behind him a
pure and noble example, richly worthy the imitation of his successors in
that high station.
The Revolution in France, and the measures adopted by the Allied
Sovereigns to arrest its progress, excited the liveliest interest among
the people of the United States. But their sympathies ran in different
channels, and very naturally took the hue of their party predilections.
The Democrats, believing the French Revolution to be the up-springing of
the same principles which had triumphed here--a lawful attempt of an
oppressed people to secure the exercise of inalienable rights--although
shuddering at the excesses which had been perpetrated, still felt it to be
our own cause, and insisted that we were in honor and duty bound to render
all the assistance in our power, even to a resort to arms, if need be. The
Federalists, on the other hand, were alarmed at the anarchical tendencies
in France. They were fearful that law, order, government, and society
itself, would be utterly and speedily swept away, unless the revolutionary
movement was arrested. Cherishing these apprehensions, they were disposed
to favor the views of Great Britain and other European powers, and were
anxious that the government of the United States should adopt some active
measures to assist in checking what they could not but view as rapid
strides to political and social anarchy. However the two parties differed
as to the measures proper to be adopted in this crisis, they were united
in the conviction that our government should take some part as a
belligerant, in these European struggles; and exerted each its influence
to bring about such an interference as would be in accordance with their
conflicting views of duty and expediency.
There was residing, at this period, in Boston, a young and nearly
briefless lawyer, whose views on these important matters differed
materially from those entertained by both parties. It was John Quincy
Adams. While he could not countenance the attempts of the Allied Powers to
destroy the French Republic, and re-establish a monarchy, he was equally
far from favoring the turn which affairs were clearly taking in that
unhappy country. He evidently foresaw the French Revolution would prove a
failure; and that it was engendering an influence which, unchecked, would
be deeply injurious to American liberty and order. To counteract this
tendency, he published in the Boston Centinel, in 1791, a series of
articles, signed "Publicola," in which he discussed with great ability,
the wild vagaries engendered among political writers in France, and which
had been caught up by many in our own country. These articles attracted
much attention, both at home and abroad. They were re-published in
England, as an answer to several points in Paine's "Rights of Man." So
profound was the political sagacity they displayed, and so great the
familiarity with public affairs, that they were, by general consent,
attributed to the elder Adams. On this subject, John Adams writes his wife
as follows, from Philadelphia, on the 5th December, 1793:--
"The Viscount Noailles called on me. * * * * He seemed very critical in
his inquiries concerning the letters printed as mine in England. I told
him candidly that I did not write them, and as frankly, in confidence, who
did. He says they made a great impression upon the people of England; that
he heard Mr. Windham and Mr. Fox speak of them as the best thing that had
been written, and as one of the best pieces of reasoning and style they
had ever read."
The younger Adams, in surveying the condition of the country at this
critical period, became convinced it would be a fatal step for the new
government to take sides with either of the great parties in Europe, who
were engaged in the settlement of their difficulties by the arbitrement
of arms. However strongly our sympathies were elicited in behalf of the
French Republic--however we may have been bound in gratitude for the
assistance rendered us during our Revolutionary struggle, to co-operate
with France in her defence of popular institutions--still,
self-preservation is the first law of nature. Mr. Adams saw, that to throw
ourselves into the melee of European conflicts, would prostrate the
interests of the country, and peril the very existence of the government.
These views he embodied in a series of articles, which he published in the
Boston Centinel, in 1793, under the signature of "Marcellus." He
insisted it was alike the dictate of duty and policy, that the United
States should remain strictly neutral between France and her enemies.
These papers attracted general attention throughout the Union, and made a
marked impression on the public mind. They were read by Washington, with
expressions of the highest satisfaction; and he made particular inquiries
respecting the author.
The position of Mr. Adams on neutrality was new, and in opposition to the
opinions of the great mass of the country. To him, it is believed, belongs
the honor of first publicly advocating this line of policy, which
afterwards became a settled principle of the American government.
Non-interference with foreign affairs is a principle to which the Union
has rigidly adhered to the present hour. In these articles too, Mr. Adams
developed the political creed which governed him through life in regard to
two great principles--union at home and independence of all foreign
alliances or entanglements--independence not only politically, but in
manufactures and in commerce.
On the 25th of April, 1793, Washington issued a proclamation, announcing
the neutrality of the United States between the belligerent nations of
Europe. This proclamation was not issued until after Mr. Adams's articles
urging this course had been before the public for some time. It is an
honorable testimony to the sagacity of his views, that Washington, and the
eminent men composing his cabinet, adopted a policy which coincided so
perfectly with opinions he had formed purely from the strength of his own
convictions. The proclamation pleased neither of the belligerent nations
in Europe. It aroused the enmity of both; and laid open our commerce to
the depredations of all parties, on the plea that the American government
was inimical to their interests.
While in the practice of law in Boston, Mr. Adams was not well satisfied
with his condition or prospects. That he was laudably ambitious to arise
to distinction in some honorable line is quite certain. But, singular as
it may appear at this day, in view of his early life, and his acknowledged
talents, he was not looking for, nor expecting, political preferment.
These facts appear in the following passages from his diary, written at
that time; and which, moreover, will be found to contain certain rules of
action for life, which the young men of our country should studiously seek
to imitate.
"Wednesday, May 16th, 1792. I am not satisfied with the manner in which I
employ my time. It is calculated to keep me forever fixed in that state of
useless and disgraceful insignificancy, which has been my lot for some
years past. At an age bearing close upon twenty-five, when many of the
characters who were born for the benefit of their fellow-creatures have
rendered themselves conspicuous among their cotemporaries, and founded a
reputation upon which their memory remains, and will continue to the
latest posterity--at that period, I still find myself as obscure, as
unknown to the world, as the most indolent, or the most stupid of human
beings. In the walks of active life I have done nothing. Fortune, indeed,
who claims to herself a large proportion of the merit which exhibits to
public view the talents of professional men, at an early period of their
lives, has not hitherto been peculiarly indulgent to me. But if to my own
mind I inquire whether I should, at this time, be qualified to receive and
derive any benefit from an opportunity which it may be in her power to
procure for me, my own mind would shrink from the investigation. My heart
is not conscious of an unworthy ambition; nor of a desire to establish
either fame, honor, or fortune upon any other foundation than that of
desert. But it is conscious, and the consideration is equally painful and
humiliating, it is conscious that the ambition is constant and unceasing,
while the exertions to acquire the talents which ought alone to secure the
reward of ambition, are feeble, indolent, frequently interrupted, and
never pursued with an ardor equivalent to its purposes. My future fortunes
in life are, therefore, the objects of my present speculation, and it may
be proper for me to reflect further upon the same subject, and if
possible, to adopt some resolutions which may enable me, as uncle Toby
Shandy said of his miniature sieges, to answer the great ends of my
existence.
"First, then, I begin with establishing as a fundamental principle upon
which all my subsequent pursuits and regulations are to be established,
that the acquisition, at least, of a respectable reputation is (subject to
the overruling power and wisdom of Providence,) within my own power; and
that on my part nothing is wanting, but a constant and persevering
determination to tread in the steps which naturally lead to honor. And, at
the same time, I am equally convinced, that I never shall attain that
credit in the world, which my nature directs me to wish, without such a
steady, patient, and persevering pursuit of the means adapted to the end I
have in view, as has often been the subject of my speculation, but never
of my practice.
'Labor and toil stand stern before the throne,
And guard--so Jove commands--the sacred place.'
"The mode of life adopted almost universally by my cotemporaries and
equals is by no means calculated to secure the object of my ambition. My
emulation is seldom stimulated by observing the industry and application
of those whom my situation in life gives me for companions. The pernicious
and childish opinion that extraordinary genius cannot brook the slavery of
plodding over the rubbish of antiquity (a cant so common among the
heedless votaries of indolence), dulls the edge of all industry, and is
one of the most powerful ingredients in the Circean potion which
transforms many of the most promising young men into the beastly forms
which, in sluggish idleness, feed upon the labors of others. The
degenerate sentiment, I hope, will never obtain admission in my mind; and,
if my mind should be loitered away in stupid laziness, it will be under
the full conviction of my conscience that I am basely bartering the
greatest benefits with which human beings can be indulged, for the
miserable gratifications which are hardly worthy of contributing to the
enjoyments of the brute creation.
"And as I have grounded myself upon the principle, that my character is,
under the smiles of heaven, to be the work of my own hands, it becomes
necessary for me to determine upon what part of active or of speculative
life I mean to rest my pretensions to eminence. My own situation and that
of my country equally prohibit me from seeking to derive any present
expectations from a public career. My disposition is not military; and,
happily, the warlike talents are not those which open the most pleasing or
the most reputable avenue to fame. I have had some transient thoughts of
undertaking some useful literary performance, but the pursuit would
militate too much at present with that of the profession upon which I am
to depend, not only for my reputation, but for my subsistence.
"I have, therefore, concluded that the most proper object of my present
attention is that profession itself. And in acquiring the faculty to
discharge the duties of it, in a manner suitable to my own wishes and the
expectations of my friends, I find ample room for close and attentive
application; for frequent and considerate observation; and for such
benefits of practical experience as occasional opportunities may throw in
the way."
The following letter from John Adams, at this time Vice President of the
United States, written to his wife at Quincy, will be interesting, as
showing, among other things, his anxiety that his sons should make some
start in life, which would give promise of future usefulness. He was far
from believing that sons should repose in idleness on the reputation or
wealth of parents.
"Philadelphia, 2 March, 1793.
"My Dear,
"Your letter from your sick chamber, if not from your sick bed, has made
me so uneasy, that I must get away as soon as possible. Monday morning, at
six, I am to set off in the stage; but how many days it will take to get
home, will depend on the roads or the winds. I don't believe Abby [his
daughter,] will go with me. Her husband [Col. William S. Smith,] is so
proud of his wealth, that he would not let her go, I suppose, without a
coach-and-four; and such monarchical trumpery I will in future have
nothing to do with. I will never travel but by stage, nor live at the seat
of government but at lodgings, while they give me so despicable an
allowance. Shiver my jib and start my planks if I do!
"I will stay but one night in New York. Smith says that my books are upon
the table of every member of the Committee for framing a constitution of
government for France, except Tom Paine, and he is so conceited as to
disdain to have anything to do with books. Although I abused Smith a
little above, he is very clever and agreeable; but I have been obliged to
caution him against his disposition to boasting. Tell not of your
prosperity, because it will make two men mad to one glad; nor of your
adversity, for it will make two men glad to one sad. He boasts too much of
having made his fortune, and placed himself at ease, above all favors of
government. This is a weakness, and betrays too little knowledge of the
world; too little penetration; too little discretion. I wish, however,
that my boys had a little more of his activity. I must soon treat them as
the pigeons treat their squabs--push them off the limb, and make them put
out their wings or fall. Young pigeons will never fly till this is done.
Smith has acquired the confidence of the French ministry, and the better
sort of the members of the National Convention. But the Executive is too
changeable in that country to be depended on, without the utmost caution.
"Adieu, adieu, tendrement, J. A."
One of the sons of the noble patriot, soon "put out his wings," and
soared, ultimately, to a pinnacle of honor and renown attained by few
among men. In the winter of 1793 and 1794, the public mind had become
highly excited from the inflammatory appeals in behalf of France, by
Citizen Genet, the French Minister to the United States. A large portion
of the anti-Federal party took sides with Mr. Genet, against the neutral
position of our Government, and seemed determined to plunge the Union into
the European contest, in aid of the French Republic. Some idea may be
obtained of the excitement which prevailed at this time, and of the
perilous condition of the country, by an extract or two from letters of
Vice-President John Adams. In a letter dated Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1793,
he writes as follows:--
"It will require all the address, all the temper, and all the firmness of
Congress and the States, to keep this people out of the war; or rather, to
avoid a declaration of war against us, from some mischievous power or
other. It is but little that I can do, either by the functions which the
Constitution has entrusted to me, or by my personal influence; but that
little shall be industriously employed, until it is put beyond a doubt
that it will be fruitless; and then, I shall be as ready to meet
unavoidable calamities, as any other citizen."
Under date of Jan. 9, 1794, he says:--
"The prospects of this country are gloomy, but the situation of all Europe
is calamitous beyond all former examples. At what time, and in what
manner, and by what means, the disasters which are come, and seem to be
coming on mankind, may be averted, I know not. Our own people have been
imprudent, as I think, and are now smarting under the effects of their
indiscretion; but this, instead of a consolation, is an aggravation of our
misfortune. Mr. Genet has been abusive on the President [Washington] and
all his ministers, beyond all measure of decency or obligations of truth,
and in other respects, not yet publicly investigated, his conduct has been
such as to make it difficult to know what to do with him. * * * * * The
news of this evening is, that the Queen of France is no more.
[Footnote: Marie Antoinette was beheaded in Paris, on the 16th of October,
1773.]
When will savages be satiated with blood? No prospect of peace in Europe,
and therefore none of internal harmony in America. We cannot well be in a
more disagreeable situation than we are with all Europe, with all Indians,
and with all Barbary rovers. Nearly one half of the Continent is in
constant opposition to the other, and the President's situation, which is
highly responsible, is very distressing."
It taxed the wisdom and skill of Mr. Jefferson, then Secretary of State,
to counteract the influence of the French Minister, and prevent citizens
of the United States from committing overt acts against the Allied
Sovereigns, and embroiling the Union in a foreign war. In this endeavor he
was greatly assisted by the pen of Mr. J. Q. Adams. This gentleman wrote a
series of essays for the public prints, under the signature of "Columbus,"
reviewing the course of Mr. Genet. In these articles, he pointed out, with
great clearness, the principles of the law of nations applicable to the
situation of the country in the neutral line of policy which had been
wisely adopted.
In reference to this topic, John Adams writes his wife, as follows, under
date of Dec. 19, 1793:--
"The President has considered the conduct of Genet very nearly in the same
light with 'Columbus,' and has given him a bolt of thunder. We shall see
how this is supported by the two Houses. There are who gnash their teeth
with rage which they dare not own as yet. We shall soon see whether we
have any government or not in this country."
The political writings of the younger Adams had now brought him
prominently before the public. They attracted the especial attention of
Mr. Jefferson, who saw in them a vastness of comprehension, a maturity of
judgment and critical discrimination, which gave large promise of future
usefulness and eminence. Before his retirement from the State Department,
he commended the youthful statesman to the favorable regard of President
Washington, as one pre-eminently fitted for public service.
General Washington, although a soldier by profession, was a lover of
peace. His policy during his administration of the government, was
pre-eminently pacific. Convinced that, in the infant state of the Union,
war with a foreign nation could result only in evil and ruin, he was
anxious to cultivate the most friendly relations with foreign governments,
and to carry out, both in letter and spirit, the strict neutrality he had
proclaimed. To declare and maintain these principles abroad, and to form
political and commercial relations with European powers, Washington looked
anxiously around for one fitted for a mission so important. His attention
soon became fixed on John Quincy Adams. He saw in him qualities not only
of deep political sagacity, and views of policy at unity with his own, but
a familiarity with the languages and customs of foreign courts, which
marked him as one every way calculated to represent our government with
credit in the old world. He accordingly, in May, 1794, appointed Mr. Adams
Minister of the United States at the Hague.
That this prominent appointment was as flattering to Mr. Adams as it was
unexpected, is naturally true. It was the more to his credit in
consideration of the fact, that in those days elevation to offices of this
importance was the award of merit and talent, and not the result of
importunity, or the payment of party services. Mr. Adams was at this time
in the twenty-seventh year of his age--a younger man, undoubtedly, than
has since ever been selected by our Government to fulfil a trust so
important. But the ability and discretion of the young diplomatist, and
the success which attended his negotiations in Europe, so creditable to
himself and his country, fully justified the wisdom of Washington in
selecting him for this important duty.
Although the father of Mr. Adams was then Vice President of the United
States, yet it is well known his appointment on a foreign mission was
obtained without the influence or even the request of his parent. It is
not strictly correct, however, as stated by several biographers, that he
was selected for the mission to Holland without any previous intimation of
the President's intentions to his father. This is made evident by the
following extract of a letter from John Adams to his wife, dated
Philadelphia, 27th May, 1794, conveying intelligence which must have made
a mother's heart swell with honest pride and satisfaction:--
"It is proper that I should apprize you, that the President has it in
contemplation to send your son to Holland, that you may recollect yourself
and prepare for the event. I make this communication to you in confidence,
at the desire of the President, communicated to me yesterday by the
Secretary of State. You must keep it an entire secret until it shall be
announced to the public in the journal of the Senate. But our son must
hold himself in readiness to come to Philadelphia, to converse with the
President, Secretary of State, Secretary of the Treasury, &c., and receive
his commissions and instructions, without loss of time. He will go to
Providence in the stage, and thence to New York by water, and thence to
Philadelphia in the stage. He will not set out, however, until he is
informed of his appointment."
"Your son!" is the phrase by which the father meant to convey his own
sense of how large a part the mother had in training that son; and to
enhance the compliment, it is communicated to her at the desire of
President Washington.
CHAPTER III.
MR. ADAMS TRANSFERRED TO BERLIN--HIS MARRIAGE--LITERARY
PURSUITS--TRAVELS IN SILESIA--NEGOTIATES TREATIES WITH SWEDEN
AND PRUSSIA--RECALLED TO THE UNITED STATES.
Mr. Adams presented himself at the Hague, as Minister Plenipotentiary of
the United States, in the summer or fall of 1794. Ten years before, he was
there with his father--a lad, attending school--at which time the father
wrote: "They give him a good character wherever he has been, and I hope he
will make a good man." How abundantly that hope was likely to be
fulfilled, the elevated and responsible position occupied by the son at
the expiration of the first ten years after it was expressed, gave a
promising and true indication.
On his arrival in Holland, Mr. Adams found the affairs of that country in
great confusion, in consequence of the French invasion. So difficult was
it to prosecute any permanent measures for the benefit of the United
States, owing to the existing wars and the unsettled state of things in
Europe, that after a few months he thought seriously of returning home. A
report of this nature having reached President Washington, drew from him a
letter to Vice President John Adams, dated Aug. 20, 1795, in which the
following language occurs:--
"Your son must not think of retiring from the path he is now in. His
prospects, if he pursues it, are fair; and I shall be much mistaken if, in
as short a time as can well be expected, he is not found at the head of
the Diplomatic Corps, be the government administered by whomsoever the
people may choose."
This approbation of his proceedings thus far, and encouragement as to
future success, from so high a source, undoubtedly induced the younger
Adams to forego his inclination to withdraw from the field of diplomacy.
He continued in Holland until near the close of Washington's
administration. That he was not an inattentive observer of the momentous
events then transpiring in Europe, but was watchful and faithful in all
that pertained to the welfare of his country, is abundantly proved by his
official correspondence with the government at home. His communications
were esteemed by Washington, as of the highest value, affording him, as
they did, a luminous description of the movement of continental affairs,
upon which he could place the most implicit reliance.
The following extract of a letter from John Adams, will show the interest
he naturally took in the welfare of his son while abroad, and also afford
a brief glance at the political movements of that day. It is dated
Philadelphia, Jan. 23, 1796:--
"We have been very unfortunate in the delays which have attended the
dispatches of our ambassadors. Very lucky, Mr. John Quincy Adams, that you
are not liable to criticism on this occasion! This demurrage would have
been charged doubly, both to your account and that of your father. It
would have been a scheme, a trick, a design, a contrivance, from hatred to
France, attachment to England, monarchical manoeuvres, and aristocratical
cunning! Oh! how eloquent they would have been!
"The southern gentry are playing, at present, a very artful game, which I
may develope to you in confidence hereafter, under the seal of secrecy.
Both in conversation and in letters, they are representing the
Vice-President [John Adams,] as a man of moderation. Although rather
inclined to limited monarchy, and somewhat attached to the English, he is
much less so than Jay or Hamilton. For their part, for the sake of
conciliation, they should be very willing he should be continued as
Vice-President, provided the northern gentlemen would consent that
Jefferson should be President. I most humbly thank you for your kind
condescension, Messieurs Transchesapeakes.
"Witness my hand,
"JOHN ADAMS."
Another allusion to his son while abroad, is made by the elder Adams, in a
letter dated Philadelphia, March 25,1796.
"The President told me he had that day received three or four letters from
his new Minister in London, one of them as late as the 29th of December.
Mr. Pickering informs me that Mr. Adams [Footnote: John Quincy Adams]
modestly declined a presentation at court, but it was insisted on by Lord
Grenville; and, accordingly, he was presented to the King, and I think
the Queen, and made his harangues and received his answers. By the papers
I find that Mr. Pinckney appeared at court on the 28th of January, after
which, I presume, Mr. Adams had nothing to do but return to Holland."
During his residence as Minister at the Hague, Mr. Adams had occasion to
visit London, to exchange the ratifications of the treaty recently formed
with Great Britain, and to take measures for carrying its provisions into
effect. (Alluded to in the above letter from John Adams.) It was at this
time that he formed an acquaintance with Miss Louisa Catharine Johnson,
daughter of Joshua Johnson, Esq., of Maryland, Consular Agent of the
United States at London, and niece of Governor Johnson of Maryland, a
Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, and a signer of the
Declaration of Independence. The friendship they formed for each other,
soon ripened into a mutual attachment and an engagement. They were married
on the 26th of July, 1797. It was a happy union. For more than half a
century they shared each other's joys and sorrows. The venerable matron
who for this long period accompanied him in all the vicissitudes of his
eventful life, still survives, to deplore the loss of him who had ever
proved a faithful protector and the kindest of husbands.
In the meantime, the elder Adams had been elected President of the United
States, in 1796. The curious reader may have a desire to know something of
the views, feelings and anticipations of those elevated to places of the
highest distinction, and of the amount of enjoyment they reap from the
honors conferred upon them. A glance behind the scenes is furnished in the
following correspondence between John Adams and his wife, which took place
at his election to the Presidency. [Footnote: Letters of John Adams, v.
ii. pp. 242,243. Mrs. Adams' Letters, p. 373.]
MR. ADAMS TO HIS WIFE.
"Philadelphia, 4th of Feb., 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"I hope you will not communicate to anybody the hints I give you about our
prospects; but they appear every day worse and worse. House rent at
twenty-seven hundred dollars a year, fifteen hundred dollars for a
carriage, one thousand for one pair of horses, all the glasses, ornaments,
kitchen furniture, the best chairs, settees, plateaus, &c., all to
purchase; all the china, delph or wedgewood, glass and crockery of every
sort to purchase, and not a farthing probably will the House of
Representatives allow, though the Senate have voted a small addition. All
the linen besides. I shall not pretend to keep more than one pair of
horses for a carriage, and one for a saddle. Secretaries, servants, wood,
charities, which are demanded as rights, and the million dittoes, present
such a prospect as is enough to disgust anyone. Yet not one word must we
say. We cannot go back. We must stand our ground as long as we can.
Dispose of our places with the help of our friend Dr. Tufts, as well as
you can. We are impatient for news, but that is always so at this season.
I am tenderly your J. A."
THE SAME TO THE SAME.
"Philadelphia, 9th Feb., 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"The die is cast,[Footnote: Mr. Adams had, the day previous, been
announced President elect of the United States.] and you must prepare
yourself for honorable trials. I must wait to know whether Congress will
do anything or not to furnish my house. If they do not, I will have no
house before next fall, and then a very moderate one, with very moderate
furniture. The prisoners from Algiers [Footnote: American citizens who had
long been in captivity among the Algerines.] arrived yesterday in this
City, in good health, and looking very well. Captain Stevens is among
them. One woman rushed into the crowd and picked out her husband, whom she
had not seen for fourteen years.
"I am, and ever shall be, yours, and no other's, J. A."
MRS. JOHN ADAMS TO HER HUSBAND.
"Quincy, 8th Feb., 1797.
"'The sun is dressed in brightest beams,
To give thy honors to the day.'
"And may it prove an auspicious prelude to each ensuing season. You have
this day to declare yourself head of a nation. 'And now, O Lord, my God,
thou hast made thy servant ruler over the people. Give unto him an
understanding heart, that he may know how to go out and come in before
this great people; that he may discern between good and bad. For who is
able to judge this thy so great a people?' were the words of a royal
sovereign; and not less applicable to him who is invested with the Chief
Magistracy of a nation, though he wear not a crown, nor the robes of
royalty.
"My thoughts and my meditations are with you, though personally absent;
and my petitions to Heaven are, that 'the things which make for peace may
not be hidden from your eyes.' My feelings are not those of pride or
ostentation, upon the occasion. They are solemnized by a sense of the
obligations, the important trusts, and numerous duties connected with it.
That, you may be enabled to discharge them with honor to yourself, with
justice and impartiality to your country, and with satisfaction to this
great people, shall be the daily prayer of your A. A."
MR. ADAMS TO HIS WIFE.
"Philadelphia, 5th March, 1797.
"My Dearest Friend,
"Your dearest friend never had a more trying day than yesterday.[Footnote:
The day of his inauguration as President.] A solemn scene it was indeed;
and it was made more affecting to me by the presence of the General,
[Washington,] whose countenance was as serene and unclouded as the day. He
seemed to me to enjoy a triumph over me. Methought I heard him say, 'Ay!
I am fairly out, and you fairly in! See which of us will be happiest.'
When the ceremony was over, he came and made me a visit, and cordially
congratulated me, and wished my administration might be happy, successful,
and honorable.
"It is now settled that I am to go into his house. It is whispered that he
intends to take French leave to-morrow. I shall write you as fast as we
proceed. My chariot is finished, and I made my first appearance in it
yesterday. It is simple, but elegant enough. My horses are young, but
clever.
"In the chamber of the House of Representatives, was a multitude as great
as the space could contain, and I believe scarcely a dry eye but
Washington's. The sight of the sun setting full orbed, and another rising,
though less splendid, was a novelty. Chief Justice Ellsworth administered
the oath, and with great energy. Judges Cushing, Wilson, and Iredell,
were present. Many ladies. I had not slept well the night before, and did
not sleep well the night after. I was unwell, and did not know whether I
should get through or not. I did, however. How the business was received,
I know not; only I have been told that Mason, the treaty publisher, said
we should lose nothing by the change, for he never heard such a speech in
public in his life.
"All agree that, taken altogether, it was the sublimest thing ever
exhibited in America.
"I am, my dearest friend, most affectionately and kindly yours,
"JOHN ADAMS."
On entering upon the duties of the Presidency, John Adams was greatly
embarrassed in regard to the line he should adopt toward his son. True,
the younger Adams had been entrusted by Washington with an important
embassy abroad, and had acquitted himself with great credit in his
responsible station; but the father, with a delicacy highly honorable,
hesitated continuing him in office, lest he might be charged with unworthy
favoritism, and a disposition to promote the interest of his family at the
expense of public good. In this exigency, not daring to trust his own
judgment, lest its decisions might be warped by parental solicitude, he
resorted to the wisdom and experience of Washington. Writing him for
advice on this subject, he received the following reply:--
"Monday, Feb. 20, 1797.
"Dear Sir,
"I thank you for giving me a perusal of the enclosed. The sentiments do
honor to the head and the heart of the writer; and if my wishes would be
of any avail, they should go to you in a strong hope, that you will not
withhold merited promotion from John Q. Adams, because he is your son. For
without intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure
any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most
valuable public character we have abroad; and that there remains no doubt
in my mind, that he will prove himself to be the ablest of all our
diplomatic corps. If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any
other public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulated my
own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the letter.
But he is already entered; the public, more and more, as he is known, are
appreciating his talents and worth; and his country would sustain a loss,
if these were to be checked by over delicacy on your part.
"With sincere esteem, and affectionate regard,
"I am ever yours,
"GEORGE WASHINGTON."
This letter is characteristic of the discernment and nobleness of
Washington. Appreciating at a glance the perplexed position of Mr. Adams,
and wisely discriminating between the bringing forward of his son for the
first time into public service, and the continuing him where he had
already been placed by others, and shown himself worthy of all trust and
confidence, he frankly advised him to overcome his scruples, and permit
his son to remain in a career so full of promise to himself and his
country. President Adams, in agreement with this counsel, determined to
allow his son to continue in Europe in the public capacity to which he had
been promoted by Washington.
Shortly previous to the close of Washington's administration, he
transferred the younger Adams from the Hague, by an appointment as
Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal, but before proceeding to Lisbon, his
father, in the meantime having become President, changed his destination
to Berlin. He arrived in that city in the autumn of 1797, and immediately
entered upon the discharge of his duties as Minister of the United States.
In 1798, while retaining his office at Berlin, he was commissioned to form
a commercial treaty with Sweden.
During his residence at Berlin, Mr. Adams, while attending with unsleeping
diligence to his public duties, did not forego the more congenial pursuits
of literature. He cultivated the acquaintance of many eminent German
scholars and poets, and manifested a friendly sympathy in their pursuits.
In a letter to the late Dr. Follen writes of that day as follows:--
"At this time, Wieland was there the most popular of the German poets.
And although there was in his genius neither the originality nor the deep
pathos of Goethe, Klopstock, or Schiller there was something in the
playfulness of his imagination, in the tenderness of his sensibility, in
the sunny cheerfulness of his philosophy, and in the harmony of his
versification, which delighted me."
To perfect his knowledge of the German language, Mr. Adams made a metrical
translation of Wieland's Oberon into the English language. The
publication of this work, which at one time was designed, was superseded
by the appearance of a similar translation by Sotheby.
In the summer of 1800, Mr. Adams made a tour through Silesia. He was
charmed with the inhabitants of that region, their condition and habits.
In many respects he found them bearing a great similarity to the people of
his own native New England. He communicated his impressions during this
excursion, in a series of letters to a younger brother in Philadelphia.
These letters were interesting, and were considered of great value at that
time, in consequence of many important facts they contained in regard to
the manufacturing establishments of Silesia. They were published, without
Mr. Adams's knowledge, in the Port Folio, a weekly paper edited by Joseph
Dennie, at Philadelphia. The series was afterwards collected and
published in a volume, in London, and has been translated into German and
French, and extensively circulated on the continent.
Among other labors while at Berlin, Mr. Adams succeeded in forming a
treaty of amity and commerce with the Prussian government. The protracted
correspondence with the Prussian commissioners, which resulted in this
treaty, involving as it did the rights of neutral commerce, was conducted
with consummate ability on the part of Mr. Adams, and received the fullest
sanction of the government at home.
Mr. Adams' missions at the Hague and at Berlin, constituted his first step
in the intricate paths of diplomacy. They were accomplished amid the
momentous events which convulsed all Europe, at the close of the
eighteenth century. Republican France, exasperated at the machinations of
the Allied Sovereigns to destroy its liberties, so recently obtained, was
pushing its armies abroad, determined, in self-defence, to kindle the
flames of revolution in every kingdom on the Continent. Great Britain,
combined with Austria and other European powers, was using every effort to
crush the French democracy, and remove from before the eyes of
down-trodden millions an example so dangerous to monarchical institutions.
The star of Napoleon had commenced its ascent, with a suddenness and
brightness which startled the imbecile occupants of old thrones. His
legions had rushed down from the Alps upon the sunny plains of Italy, and
with the swoop of an eagle, had demolished towns, cities, kingdoms.
Amid this conflict of nations, the commerce and navigation of the United
States, a neutral power, were made common object of prey to all. Great
Britain and France especially, did not hesitate to make depredations, at
once the most injurious and irritating. Our ships were captured, our
rights disregarded. In the midst of these scenes, surrounded by
difficulties and embarrassments on every hand, the youthful ambassador was
compelled to come into collision with the veteran and wily politicians of
the old world. How well he maintained the dignity and honor of his
government--how sleepless the vigilance with which he watched the
movements on the vast field of political strife--how prompt to protest
against all encroachments--how skilful in conducting negotiations--and how
active to promote the interests of the Union, wherever his influence could
be felt--the archives of our country will abundantly testify. It was a
fitting and promising commencement of a long public career which has been
full of usefulness and of honor.
The administration of John Adams, as President of the United States, was
characterized by great prudence and moderation, considering the excited
state of the times. There cannot be a doubt he was anxious to copy the
worthy example of his illustrious predecessor, in administering the
government on principles of strict impartiality, for the good of the whole
people, without respect to conflicting parties. Immediately on his
inauguration, he had an interview with Mr. Jefferson, then Vice-
President, and proposed the adoption of steps that would have a tendency
to quell the spirit of faction which pervaded the country. That Mr.
Jefferson, on his part, cherished a profound respect for Mr. Adams, his
old co-laborer in the cause of American freedom, is evident from his
letters and speeches of that day. In his speech on taking the chair of the
Senate, as Vice-President, he expressed himself in the following terms:--
"I might here proceed, and with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous
attachment to the Constitution of the United States; that I consider the
union of these States as the first of blessings; and as the first of
duties the preservation of that Constitution which secures it; but I
suppose these declarations not pertinent to the occasion of entering into
an office, whose primary business is merely to preside over the forms of
this House; and no one more sincerely prays that no accident may call me
to the higher and more important functions, which the Constitution
eventually devolves on this office. These have been justly confided to the
eminent character which has preceded me here, whose talents and integrity
have been known and revered by me, through a long course of years; have
been the foundation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us;
and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, the
happiness and the prosperity of our common country."
The sincere attempts of President Adams to produce harmony of political
action among the American people, were unavailing. The extraordinary
events transpiring in Europe, exerted an influence on domestic politics,
which could not be neutralized. "The enemies of France"--"the friends of
England," or vice versa, were cries which convulsed the nation to its
centre. The entire population was sundered into contending parties.
John Adams was a true republican. His political opponents charged him with
monarchical tendencies and aspirations, but charged him most falsely. His
life, devoted unreservedly to the service of his country through all its
dark and perilous journey to the achievement of its independence--his
public speeches and documents--his private letters, written to his bosom
companion, with no expectation that the eye of any other would ever rest
upon them--all testify his ardent devotion to the principles of
republicanism. At the breaking out of the French Revolution, he yielded it
his hearty support, and did not withdraw his countenance, until compelled,
by the scenes of anarchy and of carnage which soon ensued, to turn away
with horror and raise his voice against proceedings of savage ferocity.
But while condemning the excesses of the French revolutionists, he was no
friend of Great Britain. This is made evident by a multitude of facts.
Read, for instance, the following extract from a letter, not written for
public effect, addressed to his wife, dated Philadelphia, April 9, 1796:--
"I have read 'the minister's' dispatches from London. The King could not
help discovering his old ill humor. The mad idiot will never recover.
Blunderer by nature, accidents are all against him. Every measure of his
reign has been wrong. It seems they don't like Pinckney. They think he is
no friend to that country, and too much of a French Jacobin. They wanted
to work up some idea or other of introducing another in his place, but our
young politician [Footnote: J. Q. Adams.] saw into them too deeply to be
duped. At his last visit to Court, the King passed him without speaking to
him, which, you know, will be remarked by courtiers of all nations. I am
glad of it; for I would not have my son go so far as Mr. Jay, and affirm
the friendly disposition of that country to this. I know better. I know
their jealousy, envy, hatred, and revenge, covered under pretended
contempt."
While President Adams cherished no partialities for Great Britain, and had
no desire to promote her especial interest, he was compelled by the force
of circumstances, during his administration to assume a hostile attitude
towards France. The French Directory, chagrined at the failure of all
attempts to induce the government of the United States to abandon its
neutrality and take up arms in their behalf against the Allied Sovereigns,
and deeply incensed at the treaty recently concluded between England and
the United States, resorted to retaliatory measures. They adopted
commercial regulations designed to cripple and destroy our foreign trade.
They passed an ordinance authorizing, in certain cases, the seizure and
confiscation of American vessels and cargoes. They refused to receive Mr.
Pinckney, the American minister, and ordered him peremptorily to leave
France.
Mr. Adams convened Congress, by proclamation, on the 15th of June, 1797,
and in his message laid before that body a lucid statement of the
aggressions of the French Directory. Congress made advances, with a view
to a reconciliation with France. But failing in this attempt, immediate
and vigorous measures were adopted to place the country in a condition for
war. A small standing army was authorized. The command was tendered to
Gen. Washington, who accepted of it with alacrity, sanctioning as he did
these defensive measures of the government. Steps were taken for a naval
armament, and the capture of French vessels authorized. These energetic
demonstrations produced their desired effect. The war proceeded no farther
than a few collisions at sea. The French Directory became alarmed, and
made overtures of peace.
Washington did not survive to witness the restoration of amicable
relations with France. On the 14th of December, 1799, after a brief
illness, he departed this life, at Mount Vernon, aged sixty-eight years.
On receiving this mournful intelligence, Congress, then in session at
Philadelphia, passed the following resolution:--
"Resolved, That the Speaker's chair should be shrouded in black; that the
members should wear black during the session, and that a joint committee,
from the Senate and the House, be appointed to devise the most suitable
manner of paying honor to the memory of the Man, first in war, first in
peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen."
Testimonials of sorrow were exhibited, and funeral orations and eulogies
were delivered, throughout the United States. The Father of his Country
slept in death, and an entire people mourned his departure!
On assuming the duties of the Presidency, the elder Adams found the
finances of the country in a condition of the most deplorable prostration.
To sustain the government in this department, it was deemed indispensable
to establish a system of direct taxation, by internal duties. This
produced great dissatisfaction throughout the Union. An "alien law" was
passed, which empowered the President to banish from the United States,
any foreigner whom he should consider dangerous to the peace and safety of
the country. And a "sedition law," imposing fine and imprisonment for "any
false, scandalous, and malicious writing against the government of the
United States, or either house of Congress, or the President."
These measures are not justly chargeable to John Adams. They were not
recommended nor desired by him; but were brought forward and urged by Gen.
Hamilton and his friends. Nevertheless upon Mr. Adams was heaped the odium
they excited. The leading measures of his administration--the
demonstration against France; the standing army; the direct taxation; the
alien and sedition laws--all tended to injure his popularity with the mass
of the people, and to destroy his prospects of a re-election to the
presidency. The perplexities he was compelled to encounter during his
administration, may be conceived on perusal of his language in a letter
dated March 17, 1797:--
"From the situation where I now am, I see a scene of ambition beyond all
my former suspicions or imaginations; an emulation which will turn our
government topsy-turvy. Jealousies and rivalries have been my theme, and
checks and balances as their antidotes, till I am ashamed to repeat the
words; but they never stared me in the face in such horrid forms as at
present. I see how the thing is going. At the next election England will
set up Jay or Hamilton, and France Jefferson, and all the corruption of
Poland will be introduced; unless the American spirit should rise and say,
we will have neither John Bull nor Louis Baboon."
In 1800, the seat of government was removed to Washington. In taking
possession of the President's house, Mr. Adams bestowed a benediction on
it, which must ever meet with a response from all American hearts--"
Before I end my letter, I pray heaven to bestow the best of blessings on
this house, and on all that shall hereafter inhabit it. May none but
honest and wise men ever rule under this roof!" A description of the house
and the city, at that time, is furnished in a letter from Mrs. Adams to
her daughter, written in November, 1800:--
"I arrived here on Sunday last, and without meeting any accident worth
noticing, except losing ourselves when we left Baltimore, and going eight
or nine miles on the Frederick road, by which means we were obliged to go
the other eight through the woods, where we wandered two hours without
finding a guide or the path. Fortunately, a straggling black came up with
us, and we engaged him as a guide to extricate us out of our difficulty;
but woods are all you see, from Baltimore, until you reach the city, which
is only so in name. Here and there is a small cot, without a glass window,
interspersed among the forests, through which you travel miles without
seeing any human being. * * * * * * * * * The house is made habitable, but
there is not a single apartment finished, and all withinside, except the
plastering, has been done since Briesier came. We have not the least
fence, yard, or other convenience without, and the great unfinished
audience-room I make a drying-room of, to hang up the clothes in. The
principal stairs are not up, and will not be this winter. Six chambers are
made comfortable; two are occupied by the President and Mr. Shaw; two
lower rooms, one for a common parlor, and one for a levee room. Up stairs
there is the oval room, which is designed for the drawing-room, and has
the crimson furniture in it. It is a very handsome room now; but when
completed, it will be beautiful."
The presidential contest in 1800, was urged with a warmth and bitterness,
by both parties, which has not been equalled in any election since that
period. It was the first time two candidates ever presented themselves to
the people as rival aspirants for the highest honor in their gift. Both
were good men and true--both were worthy of the confidence of the country.
But Mr. Adams, weighed down by the unpopularity of acts adopted during his
administration, and suffering under the charge of being an enemy to
revolutionary France, and a friend of monarchical England, was distanced
and defeated by his competitor. Mr. Jefferson was elected the third
President of the Republic, and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1801.
One of the last acts of John Adams, before retiring from the Presidency,
was to recall his son from Berlin, that Mr. Jefferson might have no
embarrassment in that direction.
CHAPTER IV.
MR. ADAMS' RETURN TO THE UNITED STATES--ELECTED TO THE MASSACHUSETTS
SENATE--APPOINTED U. S. SENATOR--SUPPORTS MR. JEFFERSON--PROFESSOR OF
RHETORIC AND BELLES LETTRES--APPOINTED MINISTER TO RUSSIA.
John Quincy Adams returned to the United States from his first foreign
embassy, in 1801. During the stormy period of his father's administration,
and the ensuing presidential canvass, he was fortunately absent from the
country. Had he been at home, his situation would have been one of great
delicacy. It can hardly be supposed he would have opposed his father's
measures, or his reelection. Yet to have thrown his influence in their
behalf, would have subjected him to the imputation of being moved by
filial attachment rather than the convictions of duty. From this painful
dilemma, he was saved by his foreign residence. He came home uncommitted
to party measures, untrammelled by party tactics or predilections; and
thus stood before the people, as he could wish to stand, perfectly
unshackled, and ready to act as duty and conscience should direct.
Arriving in the United States with distinguished honors gained by
successful foreign diplomacy, Mr. Adams was not allowed to remain long in
inactivity. In 1802 be was elected to the Senate of Massachusetts, from
the Boston district. During his services in that body, he gave an
indication of that independence, as a politician, which characterized him
through life, by his opposition to a powerful combination of banking
interests, which was effected among his immediate constituents. Although
his opposition was unavailing, yet it clearly showed that the integrity of
the man was superior to the policy of the mere politician. But higher
honors awaited him.
In 1803, he was elected to the Senate of the United States, by the
Legislature of Massachusetts. Thus at the early age of thirty-six years,
he had attained to the highest legislative body of the Union. Young in
years, but mature in talent and experience, he took his seat amid the
conscript fathers of the country, to act a part which soon drew upon him
the eyes of the nation, both in admiration and in censure.
The period of Mr. Adams' service in the United States Senate, was one in
which the position and the interests of the country were surrounded by
embarrassments and perils of the most threatening character. The party
which had supported his father had become divided and defeated. Mr.
Jefferson, elevated to the Presidency after a heated and angry contest,
was an object of the dislike and suspicion of the Federalists, The
conflicts of the belligerent nations in Europe, and the measures of
foreign policy they severally adopted, not only affected the interests of
the United States, but were added elements to inflame the party contests
at home.
In 1804, Bonaparte stepped from the Consul chamber to the throne of the
French Empire. All Europe was bending to his giant rule. Great Britain
alone, with characteristic and inherent stubbornness, had set itself as a
rock against his ambitious aspirations, and prosecuted with unabated vigor
its determined hostility to all his measures of trade and of conquest. In
November, 1807, the British Government issued the celebrated "Orders in
Council," forbidding all trade with France and her allies. This measure
was met by Napoleon, in December, with his "Milan Decree," prohibiting
every description of commerce with England or her colonies. Between these
checks and counterchecks of European nations, the commerce of the United
States was in peril of being swept entirely from the ocean.
During most of this perplexed and trying period, Mr. J. Q. Adams retained
his seat in the United States Senate. Although sent there by the suffrages
of the Federal party, in the Massachusetts Legislature, yet he did not,
and would not, act simply as a partisan. This in fact was a prominent
characteristic in Mr. Adams throughout his entire life, and is the key
which explains many of his acts otherwise inexplicable. His noble and
patriotic spirit arose above the shackles of party. He loved the interests
of his country, the happiness of Man, more than the success of a mere
party. So far as the party with which he acted advocated measures which he
conceived to be wise and healthful, he yielded his hearty and vigorous
co-operation. But whenever it swerved from this line of integrity, his
influence was thrown into the opposite scale. This was the rule of his
long career. No persuasions or emoluments, no threats, no intimidations,
could turn him from it, to the breadth of a hair. It was in consequence of
this characteristic, that it has so frequently been said of Mr. Adams,
that he was not a reliable party man. This was to a degree true. He was
not reliable for any policy adopted simply to promote party interests, and
secure party ends. But in regard to all measures which in his judgment
would advance the welfare of the people, secure the rights of man, and
elevate the race, no politician, no statesman the world has produced,
could be more perfectly relied upon.
This disposition to act right, whether with or against his party, was
developed by the first vote he ever gave in a legislative body. While in
the Massachusetts Senate, the Federalists were the dominant party. It was
the custom in that State, to choose the whole of the Governor's Council
from the party which had the majority in the Legislature. In May, 1802,
Mr. Adams was desirous that a rule should be adopted more regardful of the
rights of the minority. He accordingly proposed that several
anti-Federalists should have seats in the Council of Gov. Strong, and gave
his first vote to that measure.
On a certain occasion, Mr. Adams was asked, "What are the recognized
principles of politics?" He replied, that there were no principles in
politics--there were recognized precepts, but they were bad ones. But,
continued the inquirer, is not this a good one--"To seek the greatest
good of the greatest number?" No, said he, that is the worst of all, for
it looks specious, while it is ruinous. What shall become of the minority,
in that case? This is the only principle to seek--"the greatest good of
all." [Footnote: Massachusetts Quarterly, June, 1849.]
A few months after Mr. Adams' entrance into the Senate of the United
States, a law was passed by Congress, at the suggestion of Mr. Jefferson,
authorizing the purchase of Louisiana. Mr. Adams deemed this measure an
encroachment on the Constitution of the United States, and opposed it on
the ground of its unconstitutionality. He was one of six senators who
voted against it. Yet when the measure had been legally consummated, he
yielded it his support. In passing laws for the government of the
territory thus obtained, the right of trial by jury was granted only in
capital cases. Mr. Adams labored to have it extended to all criminal
offences. Before the territory had a representative in Congress, the
government proposed to levy a tax on the people for purposes of revenue.
This attempt met the decided opposition of Mr. Adams. He insisted it would
be an exercise of government, without the consent of the governed, which,
to all intents, is a despotism.
In 1805, he labored to have Congress pass a law levying a duty on the
importation of slaves. This was the first public indication of his views
on the subject of slavery. It was a premonition of the bold, unflinching,
noble warfare against that institution, and of the advocacy of human
freedom and human rights in the widest sense, which characterized the
closing scenes of his remarkable career, and which will perpetuate his
fame, when other acts of his life shall have passed from the remembrance
of men. Although at that early day but little was said in regard to
slavery, yet the young senator saw it was fraught with danger to the
Union--conferring political power and influence on slaveholders, on
principles false and pernicious, and calculated ultimately to distract the
harmony of the country, and endanger the permanency of our free
institutions. He labored, therefore, to check the increase of slave power,
by the only means which, probably, appeared feasible at that time.
But a crisis in his senatorial career at length arrived. The commerce of
the United States had suffered greatly by "Orders in Council," and "Milan
Decrees." Our ships were seized, conducted into foreign ports and
confiscated, with their cargoes. American seamen were impressed by British
cruisers, and compelled to serve in a foreign navy. The American frigate
Philadelphia, while near the coast of the United States, on refusing to
give up four men claimed to be British subjects, was fired into by the
English man-of-war Leopard, and several of her crew killed and wounded.
These events caused the greatest excitement in the United States.
Petitions, memorials, remonstrances, were poured in upon Congress from
every part of the Union. Mr. Jefferson endeavored by embassies,
negotiations, and the exertion of every influence in his power, to arrest
these destructive proceedings, and obtain a redress of grievances. But all
was in vain. At length he determined on an embargo, as the only means of
securing our commerce from the grasp of the unscrupulous mistress of the
seas. An act to that effect was passed in Dec., 1807. This effectually
prostrated what little foreign commerce had been left to the United
States.
In these proceedings Mr. Jefferson was stoutly opposed by the Federal
party. Massachusetts, then the chief commercial State in the Union,
resisted with its utmost influence the Embargo Act, as pre-eminently
destructive to its welfare, and looked to its Senators and Representatives
in Congress to urge an opposition to the extreme. What course should Mr.
Adams adopt? On the one hand, personal friendship, the party which elected
him to the Senate, the immediate interests of his constituents, called
upon him to oppose the measures of the administration. On the other hand,
more enlarged considerations presented themselves. The interest, the
honor, the ultimate prosperity of the whole country--its reputation and
influence in the eyes of the world--demanded that the Government should be
supported in its efforts to check the aggressions of foreign nations, and
establish the rights of American citizens. In such an alternative John
Quincy Adams could not hesitate. Turning from all other considerations but
a desire to promote the dignity and welfare of the Union, he threw
himself, without reserve, into the ranks of the administration party, and
labored zealously to second the measures of Mr. Jefferson.
This act subjected Mr. Adams to the severest censure. He was charged with
basely forsaking his party--with the most corrupt venality--with the low
motive of seeking to promote ambitious longings and selfish ends. But
those who made these charges in sincerity labored under an entire
misapprehension of his character and principles of action. At this day,
aided by the instructive history of his life, and by a perfect knowledge
of his patriotism and devotion to truth and principle, as developed in his
long and spotless career, it is clearly seen that in the event under
consideration he but acted up to the high rule he had adopted, of making
party and sectional considerations secondary to the honor and interest of
the nation--an example which no pure and high-minded statesman can
hesitate to follow.
The Legislature of Massachusetts disapproved the course of Mr. Adams. By a
small majority of Federal votes, it elected another person to take his
place in the Senate at the expiration of his term, and passed resolutions
instructing its Senators in Congress to oppose the measures of Mr.
Jefferson. Mr. Adams could not, consistently with his views of duty, obey
these instructions; and having no disposition to represent a body whose
confidence he did not retain, he resigned his seat in the Senate, in
March, 1808.
Although Mr. Adams gave most of his days to the service of his country,
yet he was fond of literary pursuits, and acquired, during his hours of
relaxation from sterner duties, a vast fund of classic lore and useful
learning. At an early day, he had become distinguished as a ripe scholar,
and an impressive, dignified, and eloquent public speaker. His reputation
for literary and scholastic attainments quite equalled his fame as a
politician and statesman.
In 1804, on the death of President Willard, Mr. Adams was urged by several
influential individuals, to be a candidate for the presidency of Cambridge
University. He declined the proffered honor. During the following year,
however, he was appointed Professor of Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, in
that institution. He accepted the office, on condition that he should be
allowed to discharge its duties at such times as his services in Congress
would permit. His inaugural address, on entering the professorship, was
delivered on the 12th of June, 1806. His lectures on rhetoric and oratory
were very popular. They were attended by large crowds from Boston and the
surrounding towns, in addition to the collegiate classes--a compliment
which few of the professors since his day have received.
Mr. Adams continued his connection with the University, delivering
lectures and conducting exercises in declamation, until July, 1809. "It
was at this time, and as a member of one of the younger classes at
college, that I first saw Mr. Adams, and listened to his well-remembered
voice from the chair of instruction; little anticipating, that after the
lapse of forty years, my own humble voice would be heard, in the
performance of this mournful office. Some who now hear me will recollect
the deep interest with which these lectures were listened to, not merely
by the youthful audience for which they were prepared, but by numerous
voluntary hearers from the neighborhood. They formed an era in the
University; and were, I believe, the first successful attempt, in this
country, at this form of instruction in any department of literature. They
were collected and published in two volumes, completing the theoretical
part of the subject. I think it may be fairly said, that they will bear a
favorable comparison with any treatise on the subject, at that time extant
in our language. The standard of excellence, in every branch of critical
learning, has greatly advanced in the last forty years, but these lectures
may still be read with pleasure and instruction. Considered as a
systematic and academical treatise upon a subject which constituted the
chief part of the intellectual education of the Greeks and Romans, these
lectures, rapidly composed as they were delivered, and not revised by the
author before publication, are not to be regarded in the light of a
standard performance. But let any statesman or jurist, even of the present
day, in America or Europe--whose life, like Mr. Adams's, has been actively
passed in professional and political engagements, at home and
abroad--attempt, in the leisure of two or three summers--his mind filled
with all the great political topics of the day--to prepare a full course
of lectures on any branch of literature, to be delivered to a difficult
and scrutinizing, though in part a youthful audience, and then trust them
to the ordeal of the press, and he will be prepared to estimate the task
which was performed by Mr. Adams." [Footnote: Edward Everett's Eulogy on
the Life and Character of John Quincy Adams.]
Mr. Adams's devotion to literary pursuits was destined to an early
termination. On the 4th of March, 1809, Mr. Madison was inducted into the
office of President of the United Slates. It was at that time far from
being an enviable position. At home the country was rent into contending
factions. Our foreign affairs were in a condition of the utmost
perplexity, and evidently approaching a dangerous crisis. The murky clouds
of war, which had for years overshadowed Europe, seemed rolling
hitherward, filling the most sanguine and hopeful minds with deep
apprehension. Russia, under its youthful Emperor Alexander, was rising to
a prominent and influential position among the nations of Europe. Mr.
Madison deemed it of great importance that the United States should be
represented at that court by some individual eminent alike for talents,
experience, and influence. John Quincy Adams was selected for the mission.
In March, 1809, he was appointed Minister to Russia, and the summer
following, sailed for St. Petersburgh.
In the meantime, our relations with Great Britain became every day more
dubious. While striving, in every honorable manner, to come to terms of
reconciliation, President Madison was making rapid preparations for war.
The people of the United States, deprived by the non-intercourse act of
the cheap productions of England, began to turn their attention and
capital to domestic manufactures. At length the American Government
demanded peremptorily, that the restrictions of Great Britain and France
on our commerce should be abrogated; war being the alternative of a
refusal. The French emperor gave satisfactory assurances that the Berlin
decree should be withdrawn. The English government hesitated, equivocated,
and showed evident disinclination to take any decided step.
"In this doubtful state of connexion between America and England, an
accidental collision took place between vessels of the respective
countries, tending much to inflame and widen the existing differences. An
English sloop-of-war, the Little Belt, commanded by Capt. Bingham,
descried a ship off the American coast, and made sail to come up with it;
but finding it a frigate, and dubious of its nation, he retired. The
other, which proved to be American, the President, under Capt. Rogers,
pursued in turn. Both captains hailed nearly together; and both, instead
of replying, hailed again; and from words, as it were, came to blows,
without explanation. Capt. Bingham lost upwards of thirty men, and his
ship suffered severely. A Court of Inquiry was ordered on the conduct of
Capt. Rogers, which decided that it had been satisfactorily proved to the
court, that Capt. Rogers hailed the Little Belt first, that his hail was
not satisfactorily answered, that the Little Belt fired the first gun, and
that it was without previous provocation or justifiable cause." [Footnote:
Lives of the Presidents.]
Several attempts were made after this, to preserve the peace of the two
countries, but in vain. England, it is true, withdrew her obnoxious Orders
in Council. It was, however, too late. Before intelligence of this repeal
reached the shores of the United States, war was declared by Congress, on
the 18th of June, 1812.
It was a popular war. Although strenuously opposed by portions of the
Eastern States, as destructive to their commerce, yet with the mass of the
people throughout the Union, it was deemed justifiable and indispensible.
A long series of insults and injuries on the part of Great Britain--the
seizure and confiscation of our ships and cargoes; the impressing of our
seamen, under circumstances of the most irritating description; and the
adoption of numerous measures to the injury of our interests--had fully
prepared the public mind in the United States, with the exception of a
small minority, to enter upon this war with zeal and enthusiasm.
With occasional reverses, general success attended our arms in every
direction. On land and on sea, the American eagle led to victory. The
combatants were worthy of each other. Of the same original stock--of the
same stern, unyielding material--their contests were bloody and
destructive in the extreme. But the younger nation, inspirited by a sense
of wrongs endured, and of the justness of its cause, bore away the palm,
and plucked from the brow of its more aged competitor many a laurel yet
green from the ensanguined fields of Europe. In scores of hotly-contested
battles, the British lion, unused as it was to cower before a foe, was
compelled to "lick the dust" in defeat. At York, at Chippewa, at Fort
Erie, at Lundy's Lane, at New Orleans, on Lake Champlain, on Lake Erie,
on the broad ocean, Great Britain and the world were taught lessons of
American valor, skill, and energy, which ages will not obliterate.
This war, though prosecuted at the expense of many valuable lives, and of
a vast public debt, was, unquestionably, highly beneficial to the United
States. It convinced all doubters that our government was abundantly able
to resent aggressions, and to maintain its rights against the assaults of
any nation on earth. This reputation has been of great service in
protecting our commerce, and commanding respect for our flag, throughout
the world. But the chief benefit of the war was the development of our
internal resources, which, after all, form the great fountain of the
wealth, strength, and permanence of a nation. Deprived by the embargo, the
non-intercourse act, and the ensuing hostilities, of all foreign
importation of goods, the American people were compelled to supply
themselves by their own industry and ingenuity, with those articles for
which they had always before been dependent on their transatlantic
neighbors. Thus was laid the foundation of that system of domestic
manufactures which is destined to make the United States the greatest
productive mart among men, and to bring into its lap the wealth of the
world.
CHAPTER V.
MR. ADAMS' ARRIVAL AT ST. PETERSBURG--HIS LETTERS TO HIS SON ON
THE BIBLE--HIS RELIGIOUS OPINIONS--RUSSIA OFFERS MEDIATION
BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND THE UNITED STATES--PROCEEDS TO
GHENT TO NEGOTIATE FOR PEACE--VISITS PARIS--APPOINTED MINISTER
AT ST. JAMES--ARRIVES IN LONDON.
Mr. Adams arrived at St. Petersburg, as Minister Plenipotentiary from the
United States, in the autumn of 1809. Twenty-eight years before, while a
lad of fourteen, he was at the same place, as private secretary to Mr.
Dana, the American Minister. The promising boy returned to the northern
capital a mature man, ripe in experience, wisdom, patriotism, and prepared
to serve his country in the highest walks of diplomacy. So truly had the
far-seeing Washington prophesied in 1795:--"I shall be much mistaken if,
in as short a time as can well be expected, he is not found at the head of
the diplomatic corps, be the government administered by whomsoever the
people may choose!"
The United Slates, though but little known in Russia at that period, was
still looked upon with favor, as a nation destined, in due time, to exert
a great influence upon the affairs of the world. Mr. Adams was received
with marked respect at the Court of St. Petersburg. His familiarity with
the French and German languages--the former the diplomatic language of
Europe--his literary acquirements, his perfect knowledge of the political
relations of the civilized world, his plain appearance, and republican
simplicity of manners, in the midst of the gorgeous embassies of other
nations, enabled him to make a striking and favorable impression on the
Emperor Alexander and his Court. The Emperor, charmed by his varied
qualities, admitted him to terms of personal intimacy seldom granted to
the most favored individuals.
During his residence in Russia, the death of Judge Cushing caused a
vacancy on the bench of the Supreme Court of the United States. President
Madison nominated Mr. Adams to the distinguished office. The nomination
was confirmed by the Senate, but he declined its acceptance.
A circumstance occurred at this time, which attracted the attention of Mr.
Adams. The Russian Minister of the Interior, then advanced in years,
having received many valuable presents while in office, became troubled
with scruples of conscience, in regard to the disposal he should make of
them. He at length calculated the value of all his gifts, and paid the sum
into the imperial treasury. This transaction made a deep impression on Mr.
Adams, and probably led him to the resolution of never accepting gifts. In
order to act with that freedom of bias which he deemed indispensable to
the faithful discharge of public duty, he endeavored to avoid, as far as
possible, laying himself under obligations to any man. When a certain
bookseller once sent him an elegant copy of the Scriptures, he kept the
book, but returned its full equivalent in money.
While sojourning at St. Petersburg, Mr. Adams wrote a series of letters to
a son at school in Massachusetts, on the value of the Bible, and the
importance of its daily perusal. Since his decease they have been
published in a volume, entitled "Letters of John Quincy Adams to his son,
on the Bible and its teachings." "Their purpose is the inculcation of a
love and reverence for the Holy Scriptures, and a delight in their perusal
and study. Throughout his long life, Mr. Adams was himself a daily and
devout reader of the Scriptures, and delighted in comparing and
considering them in the various languages with which he was familiar,
hoping thereby to acquire a nicer and clearer appreciation of their
meaning. The Bible was emphatically his counsel and monitor through life,
and the fruits of its guidance are seen in the unsullied character which
he bore, through the turbid waters of political contention, to his final
earthly rest. Though long and fiercely opposed and contemned in life he
left no man behind him who would wish to fix a stain on the name he has
inscribed so high on the roll of his country's most gifted and illustrious
sons. The intrinsic value of these letters, their familiar and lucid
style, their profound and comprehensive views, their candid and reverent
spirit, must win for them a large measure of the public attention and
esteem. But, apart from even this, the testimony so unconsciously borne by
their pure-minded and profoundly learned author, to the truth and
excellence of the Christian faith and records, will not be lightly
regarded. It is no slight testimonial to the verity and worth of
Christianity, that in all ages since its promulgation, the great mass of
those who have risen to eminence by their profound wisdom, integrity, and
philanthropy, have recognized and reverenced, in Jesus of Nazareth, the
Son of the living God. To the names of Augustine, Xavier, Fenelon,
Milton, Newton, Locke, Lavater, Howard, Chateaubriand, and their
thousands of compeers in Christian faith, among the world's wisest and
noblest, it is not without pride that the American may add, from among his
countrymen, those of such men as WASHINGTON, JAY, PATRICK HENRY, and JOHN
QUINCY ADAMS." [Footnote: Preface to "Letters of John Quincy Adams to his
Son, on the Bible and its Teachings."]
Mr. Adams was a practical Christian. This is proved by his spotless life,
his strict honesty and integrity, his devotion to duty, his faithful
obedience to the dictates of conscience, at whatever sacrifice, his
reverence of God, of Christ, his respect for religion and its
institutions, and recognition of its claims and responsibilities. Although
a Unitarian [Footnote: Mr. Adams was a member of the Unitarian Church in
Quincy, Mass., at his death.] in his belief of doctrines, yet he was no
sectarian. In religion, as in politics, he was independent of parties. He
would become linked to no sect in such manner as to prevent him from
granting his countenance and assistance wherever he thought proper. He was
a frequent attendant at Presbyterian and Episcopalian churches, and was
liberal in his contributions to these and other denominations; it being
his great desire to aid in building up Christianity, and not a sect.
The influence which Mr. Adams had obtained at St. Petersburg, with the
Emperor and his Court, was turned to the best account. It laid the
foundation of those amicable relations which have ever characterized the
intercourse of that government with the United States. To this source,
also, is unquestionably to be attributed the offer, by the Emperor
Alexander, of mediation between Great Britain and the United States. This
offer was accepted by the American Government, and Mr. Adams, in
connection with Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard, was appointed by the
President to take charge of the negotiation. The latter gentlemen joined
Mr. Adams at St. Petersburg, in July, 1813. Conferences were held by the
Commissioners with Count Romanzoff, the Chancellor of the Russian Empire,
with a view to open negotiations. The British Government, however, refused
to treat under the mediation of Russia; but proposed at the same time to
meet American Commissioners either at London or Gottenburg. Messrs.
Gallatin and Bayard withdrew from St. Petersburg in January, 1814,
leaving Mr. Adams in the discharge of his duties as resident Minister.
The proposition of the British Ministry to negotiate for peace, at London
or Gottenburg was accepted by the United States. Mr. Adams and Messrs.
Bayard, Clay, Russell, and Gallatin, were appointed Commissioners, and
directed to proceed to Gottenburg for that purpose. Mr. Adams received
his instructions in April, 1814; and as soon as preparations for departure
could be made, took passage for Stockholm. After repeated delays, on
account of the difficulties of navigation at that early season in the
northern seas, he arrived at that city on the 25th of May. Learning there
that the place for the meeting of the Commissioners had been changed to
Ghent, in Belgium, Mr. Adams proceeded to Gottenburg. From thence he
embarked on board an American sloop-of-war, which had conveyed Messrs.
Clay and Russell from the United States, and landing at Texel, proceeded
immediately to Ghent, where he arrived on the 24th of June.
In the ensuing negotiation, Mr. Adams was placed at the head of the
American Commissioners. They were men of unsurpassed talents and skill, in
whose hands neither the welfare nor the honor of the United States could
suffer. In conducting this negotiation, they exhibited an ability, a tact,
an understanding of international law, and a knowledge of the best
interests of their country, which attracted the favorable attention both
of Europe and America. Their "Notes" with the British Commissioners,
exhibited a dignified firmness and manly moderation, with a power of
argument, and force of reasoning, which highly elevated their reputation,
and that of their country, in the estimation of European statesmen. The
Marquis of Wellesley declared in the British House of Lords, that, "in
his opinion the American Commissioners had shown the most astonishing
superiority over the British, during the whole of the correspondence."
Their despatches to the Government at home, describing and explaining the
progress of the negotiation in its several stages, gave the highest
satisfaction to the people of the United States. It was declared in the
public prints, that they sustained the honor of the Union as ably at
Ghent as the patriotism and bravery of its defenders had been established
by its seamen on the ocean, and its troops in their battles with
"Wellington's Invincibles." A good share of these encomiums of right
belongs to Mr. Adams, who, from his knowledge of foreign affairs, and
experience in diplomacy, as well as acknowledged talents, took a leading
part in the negotiations.
The American commissioners were treated with marks of highest respect, by
the citizens of Ghent, and the public authorities of that town. On the
anniversary of the Academy of Sciences and Fine Arts, at Ghent, they were
unanimously elected members of the institution, and were invited to attend
and unite in the exercises of the occasion. An oration on the objects of
the institution was delivered. In the evening, a sumptuous banquet was
served up to a numerous company. After the removal of the cloth, among the
toasts given, was the following, by the Intendant of Ghent:--
"Our distinguished guests and fellow-members, the American Ministers: May
they succeed in making an honorable peace, to secure the liberty and
independence of their country."
This sentiment was received with immense applause. The band struck up
"Hail Columbia," and the company was filled with enthusiasm. It was some
minutes before the tumult sufficiently subsided to admit of a response.
Mr. Adams then arose, and, in behalf of the American Legation, returned
thanks for the very flattering manner in which they had been treated by
the municipality of Ghent, and particularly for the unexpected honor
conferred upon them by the Academy. After making some pertinent remarks on
the importance and usefulness of the Fine Arts, he concluded by offering
as a toast--"The Intendant of the city of Ghent."
The British Commissioners were Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, and Wm.
Adams. The negotiations opened dubiously. The demands of the British
Ministers were at first of such a character, that it was impossible to
comply with them, with any regard to the honor or welfare of the United
States. They insisted that the line separating the United States from the
Canadas, should run on the southern borders of all the lakes from Ontario
to Superior--that the American Government should keep no armed force on
these lakes, nor maintain any military posts on their borders, while the
British should have the privilege of establishing such posts wherever they
thought proper, on the southern shores of the lakes and connecting rivers,
and maintaining a navy on their waters--that a large part of the district
of Maine should be relinquished and ceded to England, to permit a direct
route of communication between Halifax and Quebec--that the right of
search should be granted to British ships-of-war--together with many
other terms equally unacceptable.
The letters of the American Commissioners to the Government at home, in
the early stages of the proceedings, were couched in desponding tones.
They gave it as their opinion that no terms of peace could be agreed upon.
But the demands of the English Plenipotentiaries were met in a manner so
decided, and reasons were offered for non-compliance so cogent and
incontrovertible, that they were compelled to recede, and come to terms of
a more reasonable description. Moreover the British nation was heartily
sick of foreign wars, which plunged the Government into debt, sacrificed
the lives of its subjects, crippled their manufactories, and secured them,
in fact, nothing! At length, after a protracted negotiation of six months,
articles of peace were signed by the British and American Commissioners,
on the 24th of December, 1814.
The announcement of this event, at Ghent, was in a manner somewhat
peculiar. Mr. Todd, one of the Secretaries of the American Commissioners,
and son-in-law of President Madison, had invited several gentlemen,
Americans and others, to take refreshments with him on the 24th of
December. At noon, after having spent some time in pleasant conversation,
the refreshments entered, and Mr. Todd said,--"It is 12 o'clock. Well,
gentlemen, I announce to you that peace has been made and signed between
America and England." In a few moments, Messrs. Gallatin, Clay, Carroll
and Hughes entered, and confirmed the annunciation. This intelligence was
received with a burst of joy by all present. The news soon spread through
the town, and gave general satisfaction to the citizens.
At Paris, the intelligence was hailed with acclamations. In the evening
the theatres resounded with cries of "God save the Americans."
In the United States the news of peace spread with the speed of the wind.
Everywhere it excited the most lively emotions of joy. Processions,
orations, bonfires, illuminations, attested the gratification of the
people, and showed that, notwithstanding the general success which had
attended our arms, they viewed peace as one of the highest blessings a
nation can enjoy.
Recognizing in this important event the hand of a wise and gracious
overruling Providence, the hearts of a great Christian nation turned in
gratitude toward God. President Madison issued the following proclamation
for a day of thanksgiving:--
"The Senate and House of Representatives of the United States have, by a
joint resolution, signified their desire that a day may be recommended, to
be observed by the people of the United States with religious solemnity,
as a day of thanksgiving and of devout acknowledgments to Almighty God,
for his great goodness, manifested in restoring to them the blessings of
peace.
"No people ought to feel greater obligations to celebrate the goodness of
the Great Disposer of events, and of the destiny of nations, than the
people of the United Slates. His kind providence originally conducted them
to one of the best portions of the dwelling place allowed for the great
family of the human race. He protected and cherished them under all the
difficulties and trials to which they were exposed in their early days.
Under his fostering care, their habits, their sentiments and their
pursuits prepared them for a transition in due time to a state of
independence and self-government. In the arduous struggle by which it was
attained, they were distinguished by multiplied tokens of his benign
interposition. During the interval which succeeded, he reared them into
the strength, and endowed them with the resources, which have enabled them
to assert their national rights, and to enhance their national character,
in another arduous conflict, which is now happily terminated by a peace
and reconciliation with those who have been our enemies. And to the same
Divine Author of every good and perfect gift we are indebted for all those
privileges and advantages, religious as well as civil, which are so richly
enjoyed in this favored land.
"It is for blessings such as these, and more especially for the
restoration of the blessings of peace, that I now recommend that the
second Thursday in April next, be set apart as a day on which the people
of every religious denomination may in their solemn assemblies unite their
hearts and their voices, in a free-will offering, to their Heavenly
Benefactor, of their homage of thanksgiving and their songs of praise."
Before leaving Ghent, the American Commissioners gave a public dinner to
the British Ambassadors, at which the Intendant of Ghent, and numerous
staff officers of the Hanoverian service, were present. Everything
indicated that the most perfect reconciliation had taken place between the
two nations. Lord Gambier had arisen to give, as the first toast, "The
United States of North America," but he was prevented by the courtesy of
Mr. Adams, who gave "His Majesty, the King of England"--on which the music
struck up "God save the King." Lord Gambier gave as the second toast,
"The United States of North America," and the music played "Hail Columbia."
Count H. Von Sheinhuyer presented as a toast--"The Pacificators of the
States--May their union contribute to the happiness of the Department
which is confided to my government; and may their Excellencies communicate
to their Governments the lively interest which those under me take in
their reconciliation." Mr. Adams and Lord Gambier both begged the
Intendant to certify to the city of Ghent the gratitude of the
Ministers, for the attention which the inhabitants had shown them during
their residence in their midst.
Having concluded their labors at Ghent by signing the treaty of peace,
Mr. Adams, together with Messrs. Albert Gallatin and Henry Clay, was
directed to proceed to London, for the purpose of entering into
negotiations for a treaty of commerce with Great Britain. Before leaving
the continent, Mr. Adams visited Paris, where he witnessed the return of
Napoleon from Elbe, and his meteoric career during the Hundred Days. Here
he was joined in March, 1815, by his family, after a long and perilous
journey from St. Petersburg.
On the 25th of May, Mr. Adams arrived in London and joined Messrs.
Gallatin and Clay, who had already entered upon the preliminaries of the
proposed commercial convention with Great Britain. In the mean time, Mr.
Adams had received official notice of his appointment as Minister to the
Court of St. James. On the 3d of July, 1815, the convention for regulating
the commercial intercourse between the United States and Great Britain was
concluded, and duly signed. It was afterwards ratified by both
Governments, and has formed the basis of commerce and trade between the
two countries, to the present time. At the conclusion of these
negotiations, Messrs. Gallatin and Clay returned to the United States, and
Mr. Adams remained in London, in his capacity as resident Minister.
Thus had the prediction of Washington been fulfilled. In "as short a time
as could well be expected," John Quincy Adams, as the well-merited reward
of faithful services, had attained to the head of the Diplomatic Corps of
the United States. His career had been singularly successful; and his
elevation to the highest foreign stations received the general approbation
of his countrymen. His simple habits, his plain appearance, his untiring
industry, his richly stored mind, his unbending integrity, his general
intercourse and correspondence with foreign courts and diplomatists of the
greatest distinction, all tended to elevate, in a high degree, the
American character, in the estimation of European nations.
The impression he made in the most eminent circles during his residence in
London, as a statesman of unsurpassed general information, and critical
knowledge of the politics of the world, was retained for years afterwards.
Mr. Rush, who was subsequently Minister to Great Britain, in an account of
a dinner party at Lord Castlereagh's, notes a corroborating incident: "At
table, I had on my left the Saxon Minister, Baron Just. * * * * * * He
inquired of me for Mr. Adams, whom he had known well, and of whom he spoke
highly. He said that he knew the politics of all Europe." [Footnote:
Rush's Residence at the Court of London.]
"It was while Mr. Adams was Minister of the United States in London, that
it was my personal good fortune to be admitted to his intimacy and
friendship. Being then in London on private business, and having some
previous acquaintance with Mr. Adams, I found in his house an ever kind
welcome, and in his intercourse and conversation unfailing attraction and
improvement. Accustomed as he had been from earliest youth to the society
of the most eminent persons in Europe, alike in station and in ability,
Mr. Adams never lost the entire simplicity of his own habits and
character. Under an exterior of, at times, almost repulsive coldness,
dwelt a heart as warm, sympathies as quick, and affections as overflowing,
as ever animated any bosom. His tastes, too, were all refined. Literature
and art were familiar and dear to him, and hence it was that his society
was at once so agreeable and so improving. At his hospitable board, I have
listened to disquisitions from his lips on poetry, especially the dramas
of Shakspeare, music, painting, sculpture--of rare excellence, and
untiring interest. The extent of his knowledge, indeed, and its accuracy,
in all branches, were not less remarkable than the complete command which
he appeared to possess over all his varied stores of learning and
information. A critical scholar, alike in the dead languages, in French,
in German, in Italian, not less than in English--he could draw at will
from the wealth of all these tongues to illustrate any particular topic,
or to explain any apparent difficulty. There was no literary work of merit
in any of these languages, of which he could not render a satisfactory
account; there was no fine painting or statue, of which he did not know
the details and the history; there was not even an opera, or a celebrated
musical composer, of which or of whom he could not point out the
distinguishing merits and the chief compositions. Yet he was a
hard-working, assiduous man of business, in his particular vocation, and a
more regular, punctual, comprehensive, voluminous diplomatic
correspondence than his no country can probably boast of; and it is
thought the more necessary to note this fact, because sometimes an opinion
prevails that graver pursuits must necessarily exclude attention to what
used to be called the "humanities" of education--those ornamental and
graceful acquirements, which, as Mr. Adams well proved, not only are not
inconsistent with, but greatly adorn, the weightier matters of the law and
of diplomacy. I could dwell with much satisfaction upon the memory and
incidents of the days to which I am now adverting, but am admonished, by
the length to which these remarks have already extended, that I may not
loiter." [Footnote: Eulogy on John Quincy Adams, by Charles King.]
CHAPTER VI.
MR. ADAMS APPOINTED SECRETARY OF STATE--ARRIVES IN THE UNITED
STATES--PUBLIC DINNERS IN NEW YORK AND BOSTON--TAKES UP HIS RESIDENCE IN
WASHINGTON--DEFENDS GEN. JACKSON IN THE FLORIDA INVASION--RECOGNITION OF
SOUTH AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE--GREEK REVOLUTION.
James Madison, after serving his country eight years as President, in a
most perilous period of its history, retired to private life, followed by
the respect and gratitude of the people of the United States. He was
succeeded by James Monroe, who was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1817.
Mr. Monroe was a politician of great moderation. It was his desire, on
entering the presidency, to heal the unhappy dissensions which had
distracted the country from the commencement of its government, and
conciliate and unite the conflicting political parties. In forming his
cabinet, he consulted eminent individuals of different parties, in various
sections of the Union, expressing these views. Among others, he addressed
Gen. Jackson, who, on account of his successful military career, was then
rising rapidly into public notice. In his reply the general remarked:--
"Everything depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selection,
party and party feeling should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate
that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most
conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without any
regard to party, you will go far, if not entirely, to eradicate those
feelings, which on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of
government, and, perhaps, have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people
heretofore politically divided. The Chief Magistrate of a great and
powerful nation, should never indulge in party feelings."
Admirable advice! Sentiments worthy an exalted American statesman! The
President of a vast Republic, should indeed know nothing of the interest
of party in contradistinction to the interest of the whole people; and
should exercise his power, his patronage, and his influence, not to
strengthen factions, and promote the designs of political demagogues, but
to develop and nourish internal resources, the only sinews of national
prosperity, and diffuse abroad sentiments of true patriotism, liberality,
and philanthropy. No suggestions more admirable could have been made by
Gen. Jackson, and none could have been more worthy the consideration of
Mr. Monroe and his successors in the presidential chair.
In carrying out his plans of conciliation, President Monroe selected John
Quincy Adams for the responsible post of Secretary of State. Mr. Adams had
never been an active partizan. In his career as Senator, both in
Massachusetts and in Washington, during Mr. Jefferson's administration, he
had satisfactorily demonstrated his ability to rise above party
considerations, in the discharge of great and important duties. And his
long absence from the country had kept him free from personal, party, and
sectional bias, and peculiarly fitted him to take the first station in the
cabinet of a President aiming to unite his countrymen in fraternal bonds
of political amity.
Referring to this appointment, Mr. Monroe wrote Gen. Jackson as follows,
under date of March 1, 1817:--"I shall take a person for the Department of
State from the eastward; and Mr. Adams, by long service in our diplomatic
concerns appearing to be entitled to the preference, supported by his
acknowledged abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the
Senate." Gen. Jackson, in his reply, remarks:--"I have no hesitation in
saying you have made the best selection to fill the Department of State
that could be made. Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an able
helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will afford general
satisfaction." This prediction was well founded. The consummate ability
exhibited by Mr. Adams in foreign negotiations had elevated him to a high
position in the estimation of his countrymen. His selection for the State
Department was received with very general satisfaction throughout the
Union.
On receiving notice of his appointment to this responsible office, Mr.
Adams, with his family, embarked for the United States, on board the
packet-ship Washington, and landed in New York on the 6th of August, 1817.
A few days after his arrival, a public dinner was given Mr. Adams, in
Tammany Hall, New York. The room was elegantly decorated. In the centre
was a handsome circle of oak leaves, roses, and flags--the whole
representing, with much effect, our happy Union--and from the centre of
which, as from her native woods, appeared our eagle, bearing in her beak
this impressive scroll:--
"Columbia, great Republic, thou art blest,
While Empires droop, and Monarchs sink to rest."
Gov. De Witt Clinton, the Mayor of New York, and about two hundred
citizens of the highest respectability, sat down to the table. Among other
speeches made on the occasion, was the following from an English
gentleman, a Mr. Fearon, of London:--
"As several gentlemen have volunteered songs, I would beg leave to offer a
sentiment, which I am sure will meet the hearty concurrence of all
present. But, previous to which, I desire to express the high satisfaction
which this day's entertainment has afforded me. Though a native of Great
Britain, and but a few days in the United States, I am for the first time
in my life in a free country, surrounded by free men; and when I look at
the inscription which decorates your eagle, I rejoice that I have been
destined to see this day. A great number of the enlightened portion of my
countrymen advocate your cause--admire your principles. And though we
have, unfortunately, been engaged in a war, I trust the result has taught
wisdom to both parties. In your political institutions you have set a
noble example, which, if followed throughout the world, will rescue
mankind from the dominion of those tyrants who jeer at the destruction
which they produce--
'Like the moonbeams on the blasted heath,
Mocking its desolation.'
"Gentlemen, in conclusion, I beg to express the delight which I feel, and
propose to you as a toast--May the United States be an example to the
world; and may civil and religious liberty cover the earth, as the waters
do the channels of the deep."
A public dinner was also given Mr. Adams on his arrival in Boston. Mr.
Gray presided, and Messrs. Otis, Blake, and Mason, acted as Vice
Presidents. His father, the venerable ex-President John Adams, was present
as a guest. Among other toasts given on the occasion, were the
following:--
"The United States.--May our public officers, abroad and at home, continue
to be distinguished for integrity, talents, and patriotism."
"The Commissioners at Ghent.--The negotiations for peace have been
declared, in the British House of Lords, to wear the stamp of American
superiority."
"American Manufactures.--A sure and necessary object for the security of
American independence."
This occasion must have been one of great interest to the patriarch John
Adams, then more than four-score years of age. Nearly forty years before,
he had said of his son:--"He behaves like a man!" That son, in the prime
of his days, had recently been called from foreign service, where he had
obtained accumulated honors, to fill the highest station in the gift of
the Executive of his country. The people of two continents would now unite
with the venerable sage, in repeating the declaration--"He behaves like a
man!" The patriarch stood upon the verge of the grave. But as the sun of
his existence was gently and calmly sinking beneath the horizon, lo! its
beams were reflected in their pristine brightness by another orb, born
from its bosom, which was steadily ascending to the zenith of earthly
fame!
John Quincy Adams took up his residence at Washington, and entered upon
his duties as Secretary of State, in September, 1817.
During the eight years of President Monroe's administration, Mr. Adams
discharged the duties of the state department, with a fidelity and success
which received not only the unqualified approbation of the President, but
of the whole country. To him that office was no sinecure. His labors were
incessant. He spared no pains to qualify himself to discuss, with
consummate skill, whatever topics legitimately claimed his attention. The
President, the cabinet, the people, imposed implicit trust in his ability
to promote the interests of the nation in all matters of diplomacy, and
confided unreservedly in his pure American feelings and love of country.
Perfectly familiar as he was with the political condition of the world,
Mr. Monroe entrusted him, without hesitation, with the management of the
foreign policy of the Government, during his administration.
In the autumn of 1817, the Seminole and a portion of the Creek Indians
commenced depredations on the frontiers of Georgia and Alabama. Troops
were sent to reduce them, under Gen. Gaines. His force being too weak to
bring them to subjection, Gen. Jackson was ordered to take the field with
a more numerous army, with which he overran the Indian country. Believing
it necessary to enter Florida, then a Spanish territory, for the more
effectual subjugation of the Indians, he did not hesitate to pursue them
thither. The Spanish authorities protested against the invasion of their
domains, and offered some opposition. Gen. Jackson persisted, and in the
result, took possession of St. Marks and Pensacola, and sent the Spanish
authorities and troops to Havana.
Among the prisoners taken in this expedition, were a Scotchman and an
Englishman, named Arbuthnot and Ambrister. They were British subjects,
but were charged with supplying the Indians with arms and munitions of
war; stirring them up against the whites, and acting as spies. On these
charges they were tried by a court martial, of which Gen. Gaines was
President--found guilty--condemned to death, and executed on the 27th of
April, 1818.
These transactions of Gen. Jackson caused great excitement throughout the
United States, and subjected him to no little blame. The subject excited
much debate in Congress. A resolution censuring him for his summary
proceedings was introduced, but voted down by a large majority. In Mr.
Monroe's cabinet, there was a strong feeling against Gen. Jackson. The
President, and all the members, with a single exception, were disposed to
hold him responsible for having transcended his orders. Hon. Wm. H.
Crawford, who was in Mr. Monroe's cabinet at that time, in a letter to
Mr. Forsyth, says:--"Mr. Calhoun's proposition in the cabinet was, that
Gen. Jackson should be punished in some form, or reprimanded in some
form."
Mr. Adams alone vindicated Gen. Jackson. He insisted that inasmuch as the
Government had ordered him to pursue the enemy into Florida, if necessary,
they were responsible for the acts of the American general, in the
exercise of the discretionary power with which he had been clothed.
Several cabinet meetings were held on the subject, in July, 1818, in which
the whole matter was thoroughly discussed. Mr. Adams succeeded at length
in bringing the President into the adoption of his views, which Mr. Monroe
substantially embodied in his next annual message to Congress.
The intelligence of the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, excited
the highest indignation in England. The people viewed it as a violation of
the rights of British subjects, and an insult to their nation, and were
ready to rush to war. Lord Castlereagh declared to Mr. Rush, the
American Minister, that had the English cabinet but held up a finger, war
would have been declared against the United States. But so able and
convincing were the arguments which Mr. Adams directed Mr. Rush to lay
before the British Ministers, in defence of the proceedings of Gen.
Jackson, that they became convinced there was no just cause of war between
the two countries, and exerted their influence against any movement in
that direction.
On the 22nd of February, 1819, a treaty was concluded at Washington,
between the United States and Spain, by which East and West Florida, with
the adjacent islands, were ceded to the Union. The negotiations which
resulted in the consummation of the treaty, were conducted by Mr. Adams
and Luis de Onis the Spanish Ambassador. This treaty was very
advantageous to the United States. It brought to a close a controversy
with Spain, of many years' standing, which had defied all the exertions of
former administrations to adjust, and placed our relations with that
country on the most amicable footing. In effecting this reconciliation,
Mr. Adams deserved and received a high share of credit.
The recognition of the independence of the Spanish South American
Provinces, by the Government of the United States, took place during Mr.
Adams's administration of the State Department. The honor of first
proposing this recognition, in the Congress of the United States, and of
advocating it with unsurpassed eloquence and zeal, belongs to the
patriotic Henry Clay. Mainly by his influence, the House of
Representatives, in 1820, passed the following resolutions:--
"Resolved, That the House of Representatives participate with the people
of the United States, in the deep interest which they feel for the success
of the Spanish Provinces of South America, which are struggling to
establish their liberty and independence.
"Resolved, That this House will give its constitutional support to the
President of the United States, whenever he may deem it expedient to
recognize the sovereignty and independence of any of said Provinces."
Mr. Adams at first hesitated on this subject. Not that he was opposed to
the diffusion of the blessings of freedom to the oppressed. No man was a
more ardent lover of liberty, or was more anxious that its institutions
should be established throughout the earth, at the earliest practicable
moment. But he had many and serious doubts whether the people of the South
American Provinces were capable of originating and maintaining an
enlightened self-government. There was a lack of general intelligence
among the people--a want of an enlarged and enlightened understanding of
the principles of rational freedom--which led him to apprehend that their
attempts at self-government would for a long season, at least, result in
the reign of faction and anarchy, rather than true republican principles.
The subsequent history of these countries--the divisions and contentions,
the revolutions and counter-revolutions, which have rent them asunder, and
deluged them in blood--clearly show that Mr. Adams but exercised a
far-seeing intelligence in entertaining these doubts. Nevertheless, as
they had succeeded in throwing off the Spanish yoke, and had, in fact,
achieved their independence, Mr. Adams would not throw any impediment in
their way. Trusting that his fears as to their ability for self-government
might be groundless, he gave his influence to the recognizing of their
independence by the United States.
In 1821 the Greek revolution broke out. The people of that classic land,
after enduring ages of the most brutal and humiliating oppression from the
Turks, nobly resolved to break the chains of the Ottoman power, or perish
in the attempt. The war was long, and sanguinary, but finally resulted in
the emancipation of Greece, and the establishment of its independence as a
nation.
The inhabitants of the United States could not witness such a struggle
with indifference. A spirit of sympathy ran like electricity throughout
the land. Public meetings were held in nearly every populous town in the
Union, in which resolutions, encouraging the Greeks in their struggle,
were passed, and contributions taken up to aid them. Money, clothing,
provisions, arms, were collected in immense quantities and shipped to
Greece. In churches, colleges, academies and schools--at the theatres,
museums, and other places of amusement and public resort--aid was freely
and generously given in behalf of the struggling patriots. Many citizens
of the United States, when the first blast of the trumpet of liberty rang
along the Ionian seas, and through the Peloponnesus, sped across the
ocean, and, throwing themselves into the midst of the Grecian hosts,
contended heroically for their emancipation. Among these volunteers, was
Col. J. P. Miller, of Vermont, who not only gallantly fought in the
battles of Greece, but was greatly serviceable in conveying supplies from
the United States to that struggling people.
The deep sympathy which prevailed in every section of the Union, was soon
felt in Congress. Many public men were anxious that the Government should
take some important and decisive step, even to hostilities, in behalf of
Greece. Eloquent speeches were delivered in the House of Representatives
on the exciting topic. Mr. Clay electrified the country with his stirring
appeals in behalf of the land in which was established the first republic
on earth. Mr. Webster submitted the following resolution to the House of
Representatives:--
"Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law, for defraying the
expense incident to the appointment of an Agent, or Commissioner, to
Greece, whenever the President shall deem it expedient to make such
appointment."
In support of this resolution, Mr. Webster made a most eloquent speech, of
which the following is the conclusion:--
"Mr. Chairman--There are some things which, to be well done, must be
promptly done. If we even determine to do the thing that is now proposed,
we may do it too late Sir, I am not of those who are for withholding aid
when it is most urgently needed, and when the stress is past, and the aid
no longer necessary, overwhelming the sufferers with caresses. I will not
stand by and see my fellow-man drowning, without stretching out a hand to
help him, till he has, by his own efforts and presence of mind, reached
the shore in safety, and then encumber him with aid. With suffering
Greece, now is the crisis of her fate--her great, it may be her last
struggle. Sir, while we sit here deliberating, her destiny may be decided.
The Greeks, contending with ruthless oppressors, turn their eyes to us,
and invoke us, by their ancestors, by their slaughtered wives and
children, by their own blood poured out like water, by the hecatombs of
dead they have heaped up, as it were, to heaven; they invoke, they implore
from us some cheering sound, some look of sympathy, some token of
compassionate regard. They look to us as the great Republic of the
earth--and they ask us, by our common faith, whether we can forget that
they are struggling, as we once struggled, for what we now so happily
enjoy? I cannot say, sir, they will succeed; that rests with heaven. But,
for myself, sir, if I should to-morrow hear that they have failed--that
their last phalanx had sunk beneath the Turkish cimetar, that the flames
of their last city had sunk in its ashes, and that nought remained but
the wide, melancholy waste where Greece once was--I should still reflect,
with the most heartfelt satisfaction, that I have asked you, in the name
of seven millions of freemen, that you would give them, at least, the
cheering of one friendly voice."
The committee having in charge the raising of a fund for the assistance of
the Greeks, in New York, addressed a circular to the venerable
ex-President John Adams, to which they received the following reply:--
"Quincy, Dec. 29, 1823.
"GENTLEMEN:--I have received your circular of the 12th inst., and I thank
you for the honor you have done me in addressing it to me. Be assured my
heart beats in unison with yours, and with those of your constituents, and
I presume with all the really civilized part of mankind, in sympathy with
the Greeks, suffering, as they are, in the great cause of liberty and
humanity. The gentlemen of Boston have taken measures to procure a general
subscription in their favor, through the State, and I shall contribute my
mite with great pleasure. In the meantime I wish you, and all other
gentlemen engaged in the virtuous work, all the success you or they can
wish; for I believe no effort in favor of virtue will be ultimately lost.
"I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your very humble Servant,
"JOHN ADAMS."
The sympathies of John Quincy Adams were ardently enlisted in behalf of
the Greek Revolution. But with a prudence and wisdom which characterized
all his acts, he threw his influence against any direct interference on
the part of the Government of the United States. It would have been a
departure from that neutral policy, in regard to European conflicts, on
which the country had acted from the commencement of our national
existence, alike injurious and dangerous. He knew if we once entered into
these wars, on any pretext whatever, a door would be opened for foreign
entanglements and endless conflicts, which would result in standing
armies, immense national debts, and the long trail of evils of which they
are the prolific source.
When an application was made to Mr. Adams, as Secretary of State, through
Mr. Rush, our Minister at London, by an Agent of Greece, for aid from the
United States, he was compelled, on principles above stated, to withhold
the required assistance. The correspondence which grew out of this
application is sufficiently interesting to find a place in these pages:--
"Andreas Luriottis, Envoy of the Provisional Government of Greece, to the
Hon. John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State to the United States of
America.
SIR:--I feel no slight emotion, while, in behalf of Greece, my country,
struggling for independence and liberty, I address myself to the United
States of America.
"The independence for which we combat, you have achieved. The liberty to
which we look, with anxious solicitude, you have obtained, and
consolidated in peace and in glory.
"Yet Greece, old Greece, the seat of early civilization and freedom,
stretches out her hands, imploringly, to a land which sprung into being,
as it were, ages after her own lustre had been extinguished! and
ventures to hope that the youngest and most vigorous sons of liberty, will
regard, with no common sympathy, the efforts of the descendants of the
heir and the elder born, whose precepts and whose example have
served--though insufficient, hitherto, for our complete regeneration--to
regenerate half a world.
"I know, Sir, that the sympathies of the generous people of the United
States have been extensively directed towards us; and since I have reached
this country, an interview with their Minister, Mr. Rush, has served to
convince me more strongly, how great their claim is on our gratitude and
our affection. May I hope that some means may be found to communicate
these our feelings, of which I am so proud to be the organ? We will still
venture to rely on their friendship. We would look to their individual, if
not to their national, co-operation. Every, the slightest, assistance
under present circumstances, will aid the progress of the great work of
liberty; and if, standing, as we have stood, alone and unsupported, with
everything opposed to us, and nothing to encourage us but patriotism,
enthusiasm, and sometimes even despair: if thus we have gone forward,
liberating our provinces, one after another, and subduing every force
which has been directed against us, what may we not do with the assistance
for which we venture to appeal to the generous and the free?
"Precipitated by circumstances into that struggle for independence, which,
ever since the domination of our cruel and reckless tyrants, had never
ceased to be the object of our vows and prayers, we have, by the blessing
of God, freed a considerable part of Greece from the ruthless invaders.
The Peloponnesus, Etolia, Carmania, Attica, Phocida, Boetia, and the
Islands of the Archipelago and Candia, are nearly free. The armies and
the fleets which have been sent against us, have been subdued by the valor
of our troops and our marine. Meanwhile we have organized a government,
founded upon popular suffrages: and you will probably have seen how
closely our organic law assimilates to that constitution under which your
nation so happily and so securely lives.
"I have been sent hither by the government of Greece, to obtain assistance
in our determined enterprize, on which we, like you, have staked our
lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor: and I believe my journey has
not been wholly without success. I should have been wanting to my duty had
I not addressed you, supplicating the earliest display of your amiable
purposes; entreating that diplomatic relations may be established between
us; communicating the most earnest desire of my government that we may be
allowed to call you allies as well as friends; and stating that we shall
rejoice to enter upon discussions which may lead to immediate and
advantageous treaties, and to receive diplomatic agents without delay.
Both at Madrid and at Lisbon, I have been received with great kindness by
the American Representative, and am pleased to record the expression of my
gratitude.
"Though, fortunately, you are so far removed, and raised so much above the
narrow politics of Europe as to be little influenced by their
vicissitudes, I venture to believe that Mr. Rush will explain to you the
changes which have taken place, and are still in action around us, in our
favor. And I conclude, rejoicing in the hope that North America and Greece
may be united in the bonds of long-enduring, and unbroken concord: and
have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your obedient
humble servant.
"AND. LURIOTTIS.
'London, February 20, 1823."
MR. ADAMS TO MR. RUSH.
"Department of State,
Washington, 18th August, 1823.
"SIR:--I have the honor of inclosing, herewith, an answer to the letter
from Mr. Luriottis, the Agent of the Greeks addressed to me, and a copy
of which was transmitted with your dispatch No. 295.
"If, upon the receipt of this letter, Mr. Luriottis should still be in
London, it will be desirable that you should deliver it to him in person,
accompanied with such remarks and explanations as may satisfy him, and
those whom he represents, that, in declining the proposal of giving active
aid to the cause of Grecian emancipation, the Executive Government of the
United States has been governed not by its inclinations, or a sentiment of
indifference to the cause, but by its constitutional duties, clear and
unequivocal.
"The United States could give assistance to the Greeks, only by the
application of some portion of their public forces or of their public
revenue in their favor, which would constitute them in a state of war with
the Ottoman Porte, and perhaps with all the Barbary powers. To make this
disposal either of force or of treasure, you are aware is, by our
constitution, not within the competency of the Executive. It could be
determined only by an act of Congress, which would assuredly not be
adopted, should it even be recommended by the Executive.
"The policy of the United States, with reference to foreign nations, has
always been founded upon the moral principle of natural law--Peace with
all mankind. From whatever cause war between other nations, whether
foreign or domestic, has arisen, the unvarying law of the United States
has been peace with both belligerents. From the first war of the French
Revolution, to the recent invasion of Spain, there has been a succession
of wars, national and civil, in almost everyone of which one of the
parties was contending for liberty or independence. In the first French
revolutionary war, a strong impulse of feeling urged the people of the
United States to take side with the party which, at its commencement, was
contending, apparently, at least, for both. Had the policy of the United
States not been essentially pacific, a stronger case to claim their
interference could scarcely have been presented. They nevertheless
declared themselves neutral, and the principle, then deliberately settled,
has been invariably adhered to ever since.
"With regard to the recognition of sovereign States, and the establishment
with them of a diplomatic intercourse, the experience of the last thirty
years has served also to ascertain the limits proper for the application
of principles in which every nation must exercise some latitude of
discretion. Precluded by their neutral position from interfering in the
question of right, the United States have recognized the fact of foreign
sovereignty only when it was undisputed, or disputed without any rational
prospect of success. In this manner the successive changes of government
in many of the European states, and the revolutionary governments of South
America, have been acknowledged. The condition of the Greeks is not yet
such as will admit of their recognition, upon these principles.
"Yet, as we cherish the most friendly feelings towards them, and are
sincerely disposed to render them any service which may be compatible with
our neutrality, it will give us pleasure to learn, from time to time, the
actual state of their cause, political and military. Should Mr. Luriottis
be enabled and disposed to furnish this information, it may always be
communicated through you, and will be received with satisfaction here. The
public accounts from that quarter have been of late very scanty, and we
shall be glad to obtain any authentic particulars, which may come to your
knowledge from this, or through any other channel.
"I am with great respect, Sir, your very humble and obedient servant,
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS."
MR. ADAMS TO MR. LURIOTTIS.
"Department of State,
Washington, 18th August, 1823.
"Sir: A copy of the letter which you did me the honor of addressing to me,
on the 20th of February last, has been transmitted to me by the Minister
of the United States at London, and has received the deliberate
consideration of the President of the United States.
"The sentiments with which he has witnessed the struggles of your
countrymen for their national emancipation and independence, had been made
manifest to the world in a public message to the Congress of the United
States. They are cordially felt by the people of this Union; who,
sympathizing with the cause of freedom and independence wherever its
standard is unfurled, behold with peculiar interest the display of Grecian
energy in defence of Grecian liberties, and the association of heroic
exertions, at the present time, with the proudest glories of former ages,
in the land of Epaminondas and Philopoemon.
"But while cheering with their best wishes the cause of the Greeks, the
United States are forbidden, by the duties of their situation, from taking
part in the war, to which their relation is that of neutrality. At peace
themselves with all the world, their established policy, and the
obligations of the laws of nations, preclude them from becoming voluntary
auxiliaries to a cause which would involve them in war.
"If in the progress of events the Greeks should be enabled to establish
and organize themselves as an independent nation, the United States will
be among the first to welcome them, in that capacity, into the general
family; to establish diplomatic and commercial relations with them, suited
to the mutual interests of the two countries; and to recognize, with
special satisfaction, their constituted state in the character of a sister
Republic.
"I have the honor to be, with distinguished consideration, Sir, your very
humble and obedient servant,
"JOHN QUINCY ADAMS."
The sentiments, in regard to the foreign policy of our Government, which
Mr. Adams embodies in this correspondence, he had previously expressed in
an oration delivered in the city of Washington, on the 4th of July, 1821,
of which the following is an extract:--
"America, in the assembly of nations, since her admission among them, has
invariably, though often fruitlessly, held forth to them the hand of
honest friendship, of equal freedom, of generous reciprocity; she has
uniformly spoken among them, though often to heedless, and often to
disdainful ears, the language of equal liberty, of equal justice, and
equal rights; she has, in the lapse of nearly half a century, without a
single exception, respected the independence of other nations while
asserting and maintaining her own; she has abstained from interference in
the concerns of others, even when the conflict has been for principles to
which she clings as to the last vital drop that visits the heart. She has
seen that probably for centuries to come all the contests of that
Aceldama, the European world, will be contests of inveterate power and
emerging right. Wherever the standard of freedom and independence has been
or shall be unfurled, there will her heart, her benedictions, and her
prayers be. But she goes not abroad in search of monsters to destroy. She
is the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all--she is the
champion and vindicator only of her own. She will recommend the general
cause, by the countenance of her voice, and the benignant sympathy of her
example:--she well knows that by once enlisting under other banners than
her own, were they even the banners of foreign independence, she would
involve herself beyond the power of extrication, in all the wars of
interest and intrigue, of individual avarice, envy and ambition, which
assume the colors, and usurp the standard of freedom. The fundamental
maxims of her policy would insensibly change from liberty to force; the
frontlet on her brow would no longer beam with the ineffable splendor of
freedom and independence; but in its stead would soon be substituted an
imperial diadem, flashing in false and tarnished lustre, the murky
radiance of dominion and power. She might become the dictatress of the
world: she would be no longer the ruler of her own spirit."
During Mr. Adams's occupancy of the state department, efforts were made by
the American Government to abolish the African slave trade, and procure
its denunciation as piracy, by the civilized world. On the 28th of Feb.,
1823, the following resolution was adopted by the House of
Representatives, at Washington, by a vote of 131 to 9:--
"Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to enter
upon and to prosecute, from time to time, such negotiations with the
several maratime powers of Europe and America, as he may deem expedient
for the effectual abolition of the African slave trade, and its ultimate
denunciation as piracy, under the law of nations, by the consent of the
civilized world."
In compliance with this resolution, Mr. Adams, as Secretary of State,
issued directions to the American Ministers in Spain, Russia, the
Netherlands, Colombia, and Buenos Ayres, to enter into negotiations with
the Governments of these countries on this subject. Mr. Adams also
maintained an able correspondence with the Hon. Stratford Canning, the
British Minister at Washington, in relation to the basis on which a treaty
should be formed with Great Britain for the suppression of the foreign
slave trade.
Mr. Rush, the American Minister at the Court of St. James, was directed to
enter upon negotiations in London, to this end. His instructions were
written by Mr. Adams, with his usual sound judgment and enlarged views of
national policy, and the claims of humanity. The convention was in due
time completed, and signed by the Plenipotentiaries of both nations, on
the 13th of March. 1824, and was sent by Mr. Rush to Washington for
ratification. Mr. Monroe and Mr. Adams were ready to give it their
sanction; but the Senate insisted on striking out a provision in the first
article. The article commenced as follows:--
"The commanders and commissioned officers of each of the two high
contracting parties, duly authorized, under the regulations and
instructions of their respective Governments, to cruise on the coasts of
Africa, of America, and of the West Indies, for the suppression of the
slave trade, shall be empowered, under the conditions, limitations, and
restrictions hereinafter specified," &c.
The Senate struck out the words "of America." This amendment the British
Government would not assent to. Thus the negotiation on the
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