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History of the Wars, Books III and IV: The Vandalic War

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Title: History of the Wars, Books III and IV: The Vandalic War

Author: Procopius

Translator: H. B. Dewing


        
Release date: September 27, 2005 [eBook #16765]
                Most recently updated: December 12, 2020

Language: English

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PROCOPIUS

With an English Translation by H. B. Dewing

In Seven Volumes

II

HISTORY OF THE WARS, BOOKS III AND IV

London
William Heinemann Ltd
Cambridge, Massachusetts
Harvard University Press

MCMLXXI

First Printed 1916







CONTENTS


   HISTORY OF THE WARS--

                                                    PAGE
      BOOK III.--THE VANDALIC WAR                      1
      BOOK IV.--THE VANDALIC WAR _(CONTINUED)_       209

   INDEX 461







PROCOPIUS OF CAESAREA

HISTORY OF THE WARS.

BOOK III

THE VANDALIC WAR


I

Such, then, was the final outcome of the Persian War for the Emperor
Justinian; and I shall now proceed to set forth all that he did against
the Vandals and the Moors. But first shall be told whence came the host
of the Vandals when they descended upon the land of the Romans. After
Theodosius, the Roman Emperor, had departed from the world, having
proved himself one of the most just of men and an able warrior, his
kingdom was taken over by his two sons, Arcadius, the elder, receiving
the Eastern portion, and Honorius, the younger, the Western. [Jan. 17,
395 A.D.] But the Roman power had been thus divided as far back as the
time of Constantine and his sons; for he transferred his government to
Byzantium, and making the city larger and much more renowned, allowed it
to be named after him.

Now the earth is surrounded by a circle of ocean, either entirely or for
the most part (for our knowledge is not as yet at all clear in this
matter); and it is split into two continents by a sort of outflow from
the ocean, a flow which enters at the western part and forms this Sea
which we know, beginning at Gadira[1] and extending all the way to the
Maeotic Lake.[2] Of these two continents the one to the right, as one
sails into the Sea, as far as the Lake, has received the name of Asia,
beginning at Gadira and at the southern[3] of the two Pillars of
Heracles. Septem[4] is the name given by the natives to the fort at that
point, since seven hills appear there; for "septem" has the force of
"seven" in the Latin tongue. And the whole continent opposite this was
named Europe. And the strait at that point separates the two
continents[5] by about eighty-four stades, but from there on they are
kept apart by wide expanses of sea as far as the Hellespont. For at this
point they again approach each other at Sestus and Abydus, and once more
at Byzantium and Chalcedon as far as the rocks called in ancient times
the "Dark Blue Rocks," where even now is the place called Hieron. For at
these places the continents are separated from one another by a distance
of only ten stades and even less than that.

Now the distance from one of the Pillars of Heracles to the other, if
one goes along the shore and does not pass around the Ionian Gulf and
the sea called the Euxine but crosses from Chalcedon[6] to Byzantium and
from Dryous[7] to the opposite mainland,[8] is a journey of two hundred
and eighty-five days for an unencumbered traveller. For as to the land
about the Euxine Sea, which extends from Byzantium to the Lake, it would
be impossible to tell everything with precision, since the barbarians
beyond the Ister River, which they also call the Danube, make the shore
of that sea quite impossible for the Romans to traverse--except, indeed,
that from Byzantium to the mouth of the Ister is a journey of twenty-two
days, which should be added to the measure of Europe by one making the
computation. And on the Asiatic side, that is from Chalcedon to the
Phasis River, which, flowing from the country of the Colchians, descends
into the Pontus, the journey is accomplished in forty days. So that the
whole Roman domain, according to the distance along the sea at least,
attains the measure of a three hundred and forty-seven days' journey,
if, as has been said, one ferries over the Ionian Gulf, which extends
about eight hundred stades from Dryous. For the passage across the
gulf[9] amounts to a journey of not less than four days. Such, then, was
the size of the Roman empire in the ancient times.

And there fell to him who held the power in the West the most of Libya,
extending ninety days' journey--for such is the distance from Gadira to
the boundaries of Tripolis in Libya; and in Europe he received as his
portion territory extending seventy-five days' journey--for such is the
distance from the northern[10] of the Pillars of Heracles to the Ionian
Gulf.[11] And one might add also the distance around the gulf. And the
emperor of the East received territory extending one hundred and twenty
days' journey, from the boundaries of Cyrene in Libya as far as
Epidamnus, which lies on the Ionian Gulf and is called at the present
time Dyrrachium, as well as that portion of the country about the Euxine
Sea which, as previously stated, is subject to the Romans. Now one day's
journey extends two hundred and ten stades,[12] or as far as from Athens
to Megara. Thus, then, the Roman emperors divided either continent
between them. And among the islands Britain, which is outside the
Pillars of Heracles and by far the largest of all islands, was counted,
as is natural, with the West; and inside the Pillars, Ebusa,[13] which
lies in the Mediterranean in what we may call the Propontis, just inside
the opening where the ocean enters, about seven days' journey from the
opening, and two others near it, Majorica and Minorica, as they are
called by the natives, were also assigned to the Western empire. And
each of the islands in the Sea itself fell to the share of that one of
the two emperors within whose boundaries it happened to lie.


II

Now while Honorius was holding the imperial power in the West,
barbarians took possession of his land; and I shall tell who they were
and in what manner they did so. [395-423 A.D.] There were many Gothic
nations in earlier times, just as also at the present, but the greatest
and most important of all are the Goths, Vandals, Visigoths, and
Gepaedes. In ancient times, however, they were named Sauromatae and
Melanchlaeni;[14] and there were some too who called these nations
Getic. All these, while they are distinguished from one another by their
names, as has been said, do not differ in anything else at all. For they
all have white bodies and fair hair, and are tall and handsome to look
upon, and they use the same laws and practise a common religion. For
they are all of the Arian faith, and have one language called Gothic;
and, as it seems to me, they all came originally from one tribe, and
were distinguished later by the names of those who led each group. This
people used to dwell above the Ister River from of old. Later on the
Gepaedes got possession of the country about Singidunum[15] and
Sirmium,[16] on both sides of the Ister River, where they have remained
settled even down to my time.

But the Visigoths, separating from the others, removed from there and at
first entered into an alliance with the Emperor Arcadius, but at a later
time (for faith with the Romans cannot dwell in barbarians), under the
leadership of Alaric, they became hostile to both emperors, and,
beginning with Thrace, treated all Europe as an enemy's land. Now the
Emperor Honorius had before this time been sitting in Rome, with never a
thought of war in his mind, but glad, I think, if men allowed him to
remain quiet in his palace. But when word was brought that the
barbarians with a great army were not far off, but somewhere among the
Taulantii,[17] he abandoned the palace and fled in disorderly fashion to
Ravenna, a strong city lying just about at the end of the Ionian Gulf,
while some say that he brought in the barbarians himself, because an
uprising had been started against him among his subjects; but this does
not seem to me trustworthy, as far, at least, as one can judge of the
character of the man. And the barbarians, finding that they had no
hostile force to encounter them, became the most cruel of all men. For
they destroyed all the cities which they captured, especially those
south of the Ionian Gulf, so completely that nothing has been left to my
time to know them by, unless, indeed, it might be one tower or one gate
or some such thing which chanced to remain. And they killed all the
people, as many as came in their way, both old and young alike, sparing
neither women nor children. Wherefore even up to the present time Italy
is sparsely populated. They also gathered as plunder all the money out
of all Europe, and, most important of all, they left in Rome nothing
whatever of public or private wealth when they moved on to Gaul. But I
shall now tell how Alaric captured Rome.

After much time had been spent by him in the siege, and he had not been
able either by force or by any other device to capture the place, he
formed the following plan. Among the youths in the army whose beards had
not yet grown, but who had just come of age, he chose out three hundred
whom he knew to be of good birth and possessed of valour beyond their
years, and told them secretly that he was about to make a present of
them to certain of the patricians in Rome, pretending that they were
slaves. And he instructed them that, as soon as they got inside the
houses of those men, they should display much gentleness and moderation
and serve them eagerly in whatever tasks should be laid upon them by
their owners; and he further directed them that not long afterwards, on
an appointed day at about midday, when all those who were to be their
masters would most likely be already asleep after their meal, they
should all come to the gate called Salarian and with a sudden rush kill
the guards, who would have no previous knowledge of the plot, and open
the gates as quickly as possible. After giving these orders to the
youths, Alaric straightway sent ambassadors to the members of the
senate, stating that he admired them for their loyalty toward their
emperor, and that he would trouble them no longer, because of their
valour and faithfulness, with which it was plain that they were endowed
to a remarkable degree, and in order that tokens of himself might be
preserved among men both noble and brave, he wished to present each one
of them with some domestics. After making this declaration and sending
the youths not long afterwards, he commanded the barbarians to make
preparations for the departure, and he let this be known to the Romans.
And they heard his words gladly, and receiving the gifts began to be
exceedingly happy, since they were completely ignorant of the plot of
the barbarian. For the youths, by being unusually obedient to their
owners, averted suspicion, and in the camp some were already seen moving
from their positions and raising the siege, while it seemed that the
others were just on the point of doing the very same thing. But when the
appointed day had come, Alaric armed his whole force for the attack and
was holding them in readiness close by the Salarian Gate; for it
happened that he had encamped there at the beginning of the siege. And
all the youths at the time of the day agreed upon came to this gate,
and, assailing the guards suddenly, put them to death; then they opened
the gates and received Alaric and the army into the city at their
leisure. [Aug. 24, 410 A.D.] And they set fire to the houses which were
next to the gate, among which was also the house of Sallust, who in
ancient times wrote the history of the Romans, and the greater part of
this house has stood half-burned up to my time; and after plundering the
whole city and destroying the most of the Romans, they moved on. At that
time they say that the Emperor Honorius in Ravenna received the message
from one of the eunuchs, evidently a keeper of the poultry, that Rome
had perished. And he cried out and said, "And yet it has just eaten from
my hands!" For he had a very large cock, Rome by name; and the eunuch
comprehending his words said that it was the city of Rome which had
perished at the hands of Alaric, and the emperor with a sigh of relief
answered quickly: "But I, my good fellow, thought that my fowl Rome had
perished." So great, they say, was the folly with which this emperor was
possessed.

But some say that Rome was not captured in this way by Alaric, but that
Proba, a woman of very unusual eminence in wealth and in fame among the
Roman senatorial class, felt pity for the Romans who were being
destroyed by hunger and the other suffering they endured; for they were
already even tasting each other's flesh; and seeing that every good hope
had left them, since both the river and the harbour were held by the
enemy, she commanded her domestics, they say, to open the gates by
night.

Now when Alaric was about to depart from Rome, he declared Attalus, one
of their nobles, emperor of the Romans, investing him with the diadem
and the purple and whatever else pertains to the imperial dignity. And
he did this with the intention of removing Honorius from his throne and
of giving over the whole power in the West to Attalus. With such a
purpose, then, both Attalus and Alaric were going with a great army
against Ravenna. But this Attalus was neither able to think wisely
himself, nor to be persuaded by one who had wisdom to offer. So while
Alaric did not by any means approve the plan, Attalus sent commanders to
Libya without an army. Thus, then, were these things going on.

And the island of Britain revolted from the Romans, and the soldiers
there chose as their king Constantinus, a man of no mean station. [407
A.D.] And he straightway gathered a fleet of ships and a formidable army
and invaded both Spain and Gaul with a great force, thinking to enslave
these countries. But Honorius was holding ships in readiness and waiting
to see what would happen in Libya, in order that, if those sent by
Attalus were repulsed, he might himself sail for Libya and keep some
portion of his own kingdom, while if matters there should go against
him, he might reach Theodosius and remain with him. For Arcadius had
already died long before, and his son Theodosius, still a very young
child,[18] held the power of the East. [408-450 A.D.] But while Honorius
was thus anxiously awaiting the outcome of these events and tossed amid
the billows of uncertain fortune, it so chanced that some wonderful
pieces of good fortune befell him. For God is accustomed to succour
those who are neither clever nor able to devise anything of themselves,
and to lend them assistance, if they be not wicked, when they are in the
last extremity of despair; such a thing, indeed, befell this emperor.
For it was suddenly reported from Libya that the commanders of Attalus
had been destroyed, and that a host of ships was at hand from Byzantium
with a very great number of soldiers who had come to assist him, though
he had not expected them, and that Alaric, having quarrelled with
Attalus, had stripped him of the emperor's garb and was now keeping him
under guard in the position of a private citizen. [411 A.D.] And
afterwards Alaric died of disease, and the army of the Visigoths under
the leadership of Adaulphus proceeded into Gaul, and Constantinus,
defeated in battle, died with his sons. However the Romans never
succeeded in recovering Britain, but it remained from that time on under
tyrants. And the Goths, after making the crossing of the Ister, at first
occupied Pannonia, but afterwards, since the emperor gave them the
right, they inhabited the country of Thrace. And after spending no great
time there they conquered the West. But this will be told in the
narrative concerning the Goths.


III

Now the Vandals dwelling about the Maeotic Lake, since they were pressed
by hunger, moved to the country of the Germans, who are now called
Franks, and the river Rhine, associating with themselves the Alani, a
Gothic people. Then from there, under the leadership of Godigisclus,
they moved and settled in Spain, which is the first land of the Roman
empire on the side of the ocean. At that time Honorius made an agreement
with Godigisclus that they should settle there on condition that it
should not be to the detriment of the country. But there was a law among
the Romans, that if any persons should fail to keep their property in
their own possession, and if, meanwhile, a time amounting to thirty
years should pass, that these persons should thenceforth not be entitled
to proceed against those who had forced them out, but they were excluded
by demurrer[19] from access to the court; and in view of this he
established a law that whatever time should be spent by the Vandals in
the Roman domain should not by any means be counted toward this
thirty-year demurrer. And Honorius himself, when the West had been
driven by him to this pass, died of disease. [Aug. 27, 423 A.D.] Now
before this, as it happened, the royal power had been shared by Honorius
with Constantius, the husband of Placidia, the sister of Arcadius and
Honorius; but he lived to exercise the power only a few days, and then,
becoming seriously ill, he died while Honorius was still living, [421
A.D.] having never succeeded in saying or in doing anything worth
recounting; for the time was not sufficient during which he lived in
possession of the royal power. Now a son of this Constantius,
Valentinian, a child just weaned, was being reared in the palace of
Theodosius, but the members of the imperial court in Rome chose one of
the soldiers there, John by name, as emperor. This man was both gentle
and well-endowed with sagacity and thoroughly capable of valorous deeds.
At any rate he held the tyranny five years[20] and directed it with
moderation, and he neither gave ear to slanderers nor did he do any
unjust murder, willingly at least, nor did he set his hand to robbing
men of money; but he did not prove able to do anything at all against
the barbarians, since his relations with Byzantium were hostile. Against
this John, Theodosius, the son of Arcadius, sent a great army and Aspar
and Ardaburius, the son of Aspar, as generals, and wrested from him the
tyranny and gave over the royal power to Valentinian, who was still a
child. And Valentinian took John alive, and he brought him out in the
hippodrome of Aquileia with one of his hands cut off and caused him to
ride in state on an ass, and then after he had suffered much ill
treatment from the stage-performers there, both in word and in deed, he
put him to death. [426 A.D.] Thus Valentinian took over the power of the
West. But Placidia, his mother, had reared this emperor and educated him
in an altogether effeminate manner, and in consequence he was filled
with wickedness from childhood. For he associated mostly with sorcerers
and those who busy themselves with the stars, and, being an
extraordinarily zealous pursuer of love affairs with other men's wives,
he conducted himself in a most indecent manner, although he was married
to a woman of exceptional beauty. [455 A.D.] And not only was this true,
but he also failed to recover for the empire anything of what had been
wrested from it before, and he both lost Libya in addition to the
territory previously lost and was himself destroyed. And when he
perished, it fell to the lot of his wife and his children to become
captives. Now the disaster in Libya came about as follows.

There were two Roman generals, Aetius and Boniface, especially valiant
men and in experience of many wars inferior to none of that time at
least. These two came to be at variance in regard to matters of state,
but they attained to such a degree of highmindedness and excellence in
every respect that if one should call either of them "the last of the
Romans" he would not err, so true was it that all the excellent
qualities of the Romans were summed up in these two men. One of these,
Boniface, was appointed by Placidia general of all Libya. Now this was
not in accord with the wishes of Aetius, but he by no means disclosed
the fact that it did not please him. For their hostility had not as yet
come to light, but was concealed behind the countenance of each. But
when Boniface had got out of the way, Aetius slandered him to Placidia,
saying that he was setting up a tyranny and had robbed her and the
emperor of all Libya, and he said that it was very easy for her to find
out the truth; for if she should summon Boniface to Rome, he would never
come. And when the woman heard this, Aetius seemed to her to speak well
and she acted accordingly. But Aetius, anticipating her, wrote to
Boniface secretly that the mother of the emperor was plotting against
him and wished to put him out of the way. And he predicted to him that
there would be convincing proof of the plot; for he would be summoned
very shortly for no reason at all. Such was the announcement of the
letter. And Boniface did not disregard the message, for as soon as those
arrived who were summoning him to the emperor, he refused to give heed
to the emperor and his mother, disclosing to no one the warning of
Aetius. So when Placidia heard this, she thought that Aetius was
exceedingly well-disposed towards the emperor's cause and took under
consideration the question of Boniface. But Boniface, since it did not
seem to him that he was able to array himself against the emperor, and
since if he returned to Rome there was clearly no safety for him, began
to lay plans so that, if possible, he might have a defensive alliance
with the Vandals, who, as previously stated, had established themselves
in Spain not far from Libya. There Godigisclus had died and the royal
power had fallen to his sons, Gontharis, who was born to him from his
wedded wife, and Gizeric,[21] of illegitimate birth. But the former was
still a child and not of very energetic temper, while Gizeric had been
excellently trained in warfare, and was the cleverest of all men.
Boniface accordingly sent to Spain those who were his own most intimate
friends and gained the adherence of each of the sons of Godigisclus on
terms of complete equality, it being agreed that each one of the three,
holding a third part of Libya, should rule over his own subjects; but if
a foe should come against any one of them to make war, that they should
in common ward off the aggressors. On the basis of this agreement the
Vandals crossed the strait at Gadira and came into Libya, and the
Visigoths in later times settled in Spain. But in Rome the friends of
Boniface, remembering the character of the man and considering how
strange his action was, were greatly astonished to think that Boniface
was setting up a tyranny, and some of them at the order of Placidia went
to Carthage. There they met Boniface, and saw the letter of Aetius, and
after hearing the whole story they returned to Rome as quickly as they
could and reported to Placidia how Boniface stood in relation to her.
And though the woman was dumbfounded, she did nothing unpleasant to
Aetius nor did she upbraid him for what he had done to the emperor's
house, for he himself wielded great power and the affairs of the empire
were already in an evil plight; but she disclosed to the friends of
Boniface the advice Aetius had given, and, offering oaths and pledges of
safety, entreated them to persuade the man, if they could, to return to
his fatherland and not to permit the empire of the Romans to lie under
the hand of barbarians. And when Boniface heard this, he repented of his
act and of his agreement with the barbarians, and he besought them
incessantly, promising them everything, to remove from Libya. But since
they did not receive his words with favour, but considered that they
were being insulted, he was compelled to fight with them, and being
defeated in the battle, he retired to Hippo[22] Regius, a strong city in
the portion of Numidia that is on the sea. There the Vandals made camp
under the leadership of Gizeric and began a siege; for Gontharis had
already died. And they say that he perished at the hand of his brother.
The Vandals, however, do not agree with those who make this statement,
but say that Gontharis' was captured in battle by Germans in Spain and
impaled, and that Gizeric was already sole ruler when he led the Vandals
into Libya. This, indeed, I have heard from the Vandals, stated in this
way. But after much time had passed by, since they were unable to secure
Hippo Regius either by force or by surrender, and since at the same time
they were being pressed by hunger, they raised the siege. And a little
later Boniface and the Romans in Libya, since a numerous army had come
from both Rome and Byzantium and Aspar with them as general, decided to
renew the struggle, and a fierce battle was fought in which they were
badly beaten by the enemy, and they made haste to flee as each one
could. And Aspar betook himself homeward, and Boniface, coming before
Placidia, acquitted himself of the suspicion, showing that it had arisen
against him for no true cause.


IV

So the Vandals, having wrested Libya from the Romans in this way, made
it their own. And those of the enemy whom they took alive they reduced
to slavery and held under guard. Among these happened to be Marcian, who
later upon the death of Theodosius assumed the imperial power. At that
time, however, Gizeric commanded that the captives be brought into the
king's courtyard, in order that it might be possible for him, by looking
at them, to know what master each of them might serve without
degradation. And when they were gathered under the open sky, about
midday, the season being summer, they were distressed by the sun and sat
down. And somewhere or other among them Marcian, quite neglected, was
sleeping. Then an eagle flew over him spreading out his wings, as they
say, and always remaining in the same place in the air he cast a shadow
over Marcian alone. And Gizeric, upon seeing from the upper storey what
was happening, since he was an exceedingly discerning person, suspected
that the thing was a divine manifestation, and summoning the man
enquired of him who he might be. And he replied that he was a
confidential adviser of Aspar; such a person the Romans call a
"domesticus" in their own tongue. And when Gizeric heard this and
considered first the meaning of the bird's action, and then remembered
how great power Aspar exercised in Byzantium, it became evident to him
that the man was being led to royal power. He therefore by no means
deemed it right to kill him, reasoning that, if he should remove him
from the world, it would be very clear that the thing which the bird had
done was nothing (for he would not honour with his shadow a king who was
about to die straightway), and he felt, too, that he would be killing
him for no good cause; and if, on the other hand, it was fated that in
later times the man should become king, it would never be within his
power to inflict death upon him; for that which has been decided upon by
God could never be prevented by a man's decision. But he bound Marcian
by oaths that, if it should be in his power, he would never take up arms
against the Vandals at least. [450 A.D.] Thus, then, Marcian was
released and came to Byzantium, and when at a later time Theodosius died
he received the empire. And in all other respects he proved himself a
good emperor, but he paid no attention at all to affairs in Libya. But
this happened in later times.

At that time Gizeric, after conquering Aspar and Boniface in battle,
displayed a foresight worth recounting, whereby he made his good fortune
most thoroughly secure. For fearing lest, if once again an army should
come against him from both Rome and Byzantium, the Vandals might not be
able to use the same strength and enjoy the same fortune, (since human
affairs are wont to be overturned by Heaven and to fail by reason of the
weakness of men's bodies), he was not lifted up by the good fortune he
had enjoyed, but rather became moderate because of what he feared, and
so he made a treaty with the Emperor Valentinian providing that each
year he should pay to the emperor tribute from Libya, and he delivered
over one of his sons, Honoric, as a hostage to make this agreement
binding. So Gizeric both showed himself a brave man in the battle and
guarded the victory as securely as possible, and, since the friendship
between the two peoples increased greatly, he received back his son
Honoric. And at Rome Placidia had died before this time, and after her,
Valentinian, her son, also died, having no male offspring, but two
daughters had been born to him from Eudoxia, the child of Theodosius.
And I shall now relate in what manner Valentinian died.

There was a certain Maximus, a Roman senator, of the house of that
Maximus[23] who, while usurping the imperial power, was overthrown by
the elder Theodosius and put to death, and on whose account also the
Romans celebrate the annual festival named from the defeat of Maximus.
This younger Maximus was married to a woman discreet in her ways and
exceedingly famous for her beauty. For this reason a desire came over
Valentinian to have her to wife. And since it was impossible, much as he
wished it, to meet her, he plotted an unholy deed and carried it to
fulfilment. For he summoned Maximus to the palace and sat down with him
to a game of draughts, and a certain sum was set as a penalty for the
loser; and the emperor won in this game, and receiving Maximus' ring as
a pledge for the agreed amount, he sent it to his house, instructing the
messenger to tell the wife of Maximus that her husband bade her come as
quickly as possible to the palace to salute the queen Eudoxia. And she,
judging by the ring that the message was from Maximus, entered her
litter and was conveyed to the emperor's court. And she was received by
those who had been assigned this service by the emperor, and led into a
certain room far removed from the women's apartments, where Valentinian
met her and forced her, much against her will. And she, after the
outrage, went to her husband's house weeping and feeling the deepest
possible grief because of her misfortune, and she cast many curses upon
Maximus as having provided the cause for what had been done. Maximus,
accordingly, became exceedingly aggrieved at that which had come to
pass, and straightway entered into a conspiracy against the emperor; but
when he saw that Aetius was exceedingly powerful, for he had recently
conquered Attila, who had invaded the Roman domain with a great army of
Massagetae and the other Scythians, the thought occurred to him that
Aetius would be in the way of his undertaking. And upon considering this
matter, it seemed to him that it was the better course to put Aetius out
of the way first, paying no heed to the fact that the whole hope of the
Romans centred in him. And since the eunuchs who were in attendance upon
the emperor were well-disposed toward him, he persuaded the emperor by
their devices that Aetius was setting on foot a revolution. And
Valentinian, judging by nothing else than the power and valour of Aetius
that the report was true, put the man to death. [Sept. 21, 454 A.D.]
Whereupon a certain Roman made himself famous by a saying which he
uttered. For when the emperor enquired of him whether he had done well
in putting Aetius to death, he replied saying that, as to this matter,
he was not able to know whether he had done well or perhaps otherwise,
but one thing he understood exceedingly well, that he had cut off his
own right hand with the other.

So after the death of Aetius,[24] Attila, since no one was a match for
him, plundered all Europe with no trouble and made both emperors
subservient and tributary to himself. For tribute money was sent to him
every year by the emperors. At that time, while Attila was besieging
Aquileia, a city of great size and exceedingly populous situated near
the sea and above the Ionian Gulf, they say that the following good
fortune befell him. For they tell the story that, when he was able to
capture the place neither by force nor by any other means, he gave up
the siege in despair, since it had already lasted a long time, and
commanded the whole army without any delay to make their preparations
for the departure, in order that on the morrow all might move from there
at sunrise. And the following day about sunrise, the barbarians had
raised the siege and were already beginning the departure, when a single
male stork which had a nest on a certain tower of the city wall and was
rearing his nestlings there suddenly rose and left the place with his
young. And the father stork was flying, but the little storks, since
they were not yet quite ready to fly, were at times sharing their
father's flight and at times riding upon his back, and thus they flew
off and went far away from the city. And when Attila saw this (for he
was most clever at comprehending and interpreting all things), he
commanded the army, they say, to remain still in the same place, adding
that the bird would never have gone flying off at random from there with
his nestlings, unless he was prophesying that some evil would come to
the place at no distant time. Thus, they say, the army of the barbarians
settled down to the siege once more, and not long after that a portion
of the wall--the very part which held the nest of that bird--for no
apparent reason suddenly fell down, and it became possible for the enemy
to enter the city at that point, and thus Aquileia was captured by
storm. Such is the story touching Aquileia.

Later on Maximus slew the emperor with no trouble and secured the
tyranny, and he married Eudoxia by force. [455 A.D.] For the wife to
whom he had been wedded had died not long before. And on one occasion in
private he made the statement to Eudoxia that it was all for the sake of
her love that he had carried out all that he had done. And since she
felt a repulsion for Maximus even before that time, and had been
desirous of exacting vengeance from him for the wrong done Valentinian,
his words made her swell with rage still more against him, and led her
on to carry out her plot, since she had heard Maximus say that on
account of her the misfortune had befallen her husband. And as soon as
day came, she sent to Carthage entreating Gizeric to avenge Valentinian,
who had been destroyed by an unholy man, in a manner unworthy both of
himself and of his imperial station, and to deliver her, since she was
suffering unholy treatment at the hand of the tyrant. And she impressed
it upon Gizeric that, since he was a friend and ally and so great a
calamity had befallen the imperial house, it was not a holy thing to
fail to become an avenger. For from Byzantium she thought no vengeance
would come, since Theodosius had already departed from the world and
Marcian had taken over the empire. [Mar. 17, 455 A.D.]


V

And Gizeric, for no other reason than that he suspected that much money
would come to him, set sail for Italy with a great fleet. And going up
to Rome, since no one stood in his way, he took possession of the
palace. Now while Maximus was trying to flee, the Romans threw stones at
him and killed him, and they cut off his head and each of his other
members and divided them among themselves. But Gizeric took Eudoxia
captive, together with Eudocia and Placidia, the children of herself and
Valentinian, and placing an exceedingly great amount of gold and other
imperial treasure[25] in his ships sailed to Carthage, having spared
neither bronze nor anything else whatsoever in the palace. He plundered
also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, and tore off half of the roof.
Now this roof was of bronze of the finest quality, and since gold was
laid over it exceedingly thick, it shone as a magnificent and wonderful
spectacle.[26] But of the ships with Gizeric, one, which was bearing the
statues, was lost, they say, but with all the others the Vandals reached
port in the harbour of Carthage. Gizeric then married Eudocia to
Honoric, the elder of his sons; but the other of the two women, being
the wife of Olybrius, a most distinguished man in the Roman senate, he
sent to Byzantium together with her mother, Eudoxia, at the request of
the emperor. Now the power of the East had by now fallen to Leon, who
had been set in this position by Aspar, since Marcian had already passed
from the world. [457 A.D.]

Afterwards Gizeric devised the following scheme. He tore down the walls
of all the cities in Libya except Carthage, so that neither the Libyans
themselves, espousing the cause of the Romans, might have a strong base
from which to begin a rebellion, nor those sent by the emperor have any
ground for hoping to capture a city and by establishing a garrison in it
to make trouble for the Vandals. Now at that time it seemed that he had
counselled well and had ensured prosperity for the Vandals in the safest
possible manner; but in later times when these cities, being without
walls, were captured by Belisarius all the more easily and with less
exertion, Gizeric was then condemned to suffer much ridicule, and that
which for the time he considered wise counsel turned out for him to be
folly. For as fortunes change, men are always accustomed to change with
them their judgments regarding what has been planned in the past. And
among the Libyans all who happened to be men of note and conspicuous for
their wealth he handed over as slaves, together with their estates and
all their money, to his sons Honoric and Genzon. For Theodorus, the
youngest son, had died already, being altogether without offspring,
either male or female. And he robbed the rest of the Libyans of their
estates, which were both very numerous and excellent, and distributed
them among the nation of the Vandals, and as a result of this these
lands have been called "Vandals' estates" up to the present time. And it
fell to the lot of those who had formerly possessed these lands to be in
extreme poverty and to be at the same time free men; and they had the
privilege of going away wheresoever they wished. And Gizeric commanded
that all the lands which he had given over to his sons and to the other
Vandals should not be subject to any kind of taxation. But as much of
the land as did not seem to him good he allowed to remain in the hands
of the former owners, but assessed so large a sum to be paid on this
land for taxes to the government that nothing whatever remained to those
who retained their farms. And many of them were constantly being sent
into exile or killed. For charges were brought against them of many
sorts, and heavy ones too; but one charge seemed to be the greatest of
all, that a man, having money of his own, was hiding it. Thus the
Libyans were visited with every form of misfortune.

The Vandals and the Alani he arranged in companies, appointing over them
no less than eighty captains, whom he called "chiliarchs,"[27] making it
appear that his host of fighting men in active service amounted to
eighty thousand. And yet the number of the Vandals and Alani was said in
former times, at least, to amount to no more than fifty thousand men.
However, after that time by their natural increase among themselves and
by associating other barbarians with them they came to be an exceedingly
numerous people. But the names of the Alani and all the other
barbarians, except the Moors, were united in the name of Vandals. At
that time, after the death of Valentinian, Gizeric gained the support of
the Moors, and every year at the beginning of spring he made invasions
into Sicily and Italy, enslaving some of the cities, razing others to
the ground, and plundering everything; and when the land had become
destitute of men and of money, he invaded the domain of the emperor of
the East. And so he plundered Illyricum and the most of the Peloponnesus
and of the rest of Greece and all the islands which lie near it. And
again he went off to Sicily and Italy, and kept plundering and pillaging
all places in turn. And one day when he had embarked on his ship in the
harbour of Carthage, and the sails were already being spread, the pilot
asked him, they say, against what men in the world he bade them go. And
he in reply said: "Plainly against those with whom God is angry." Thus
without any cause he kept making invasions wherever chance might lead
him.


VI

And the Emperor Leon, wishing to punish the Vandals because of these
things, was gathering an army against them; and they say that this army
amounted to about one hundred thousand men. And he collected a fleet of
ships from the whole of the eastern Mediterranean, shewing great
generosity to both soldiers and sailors, for he feared lest from a
parsimonious policy some obstacle might arise to hinder him in his
desire to carry out his punishment of the barbarians. Therefore, they
say, thirteen hundred centenaria[28] were expended by him to no purpose.
But since it was not fated that the Vandals should be destroyed by this
expedition, he made Basiliscus commander-in-chief, the brother of his
wife Berine, a man who was extraordinarily desirous of the royal power,
which he hoped would come to him without a struggle if he won the
friendship of Aspar. For Aspar himself, being an adherent of the Arian
faith, and having no intention of changing it for another, was unable to
enter upon the imperial office, but he was easily strong enough to
establish another in it, and it already seemed likely that he would plot
against the Emperor Leon, who had given him offence. So they say that
since Aspar was then fearful lest, if the Vandals were defeated, Leon
should establish his power most securely, he repeatedly urged upon
Basiliscus that he should spare the Vandals and Gizeric.

[467 A.D.] Now before this time Leon had already appointed and sent
Anthemius, as Emperor of the West, a man of the senate of great wealth
and high birth, in order that he might assist him in the Vandalic war.
And yet Gizeric kept asking and earnestly entreating that the imperial
power be given to Olybrius, who was married to Placidia, the daughter of
Valentinian, and on account of his relationship[29] well-disposed toward
him, and when he failed in this he was still more angry and kept
plundering the whole land of the emperor. Now there was in Dalmatia a
certain Marcellianus, one of the acquaintances of Aetius and a man of
repute, who, after Aetius had died in the manner told above,[30] no
longer deigned to yield obedience to the emperor, but beginning a
revolution and detaching all the others from allegiance, held the power
of Dalmatia himself, since no one dared encounter him. But the Emperor
Leon at that time won over this Marcellianus by very careful wheedling,
and bade him go to the island of Sardinia, which was then subject to the
Vandals. And he drove out the Vandals and gained possession of it with
no great difficulty. And Heracleius was sent from Byzantium to Tripolis
in Libya, and after conquering the Vandals of that district in battle,
he easily captured the cities, and leaving his ships there, led his army
on foot toward Carthage. Such, then, was the sequence of events which
formed the prelude of the war.

But Basiliscus with his whole fleet put in at a town distant from
Carthage no less than two hundred and eighty stades (now it so happened
that a temple of Hermes had been there from of old, from which fact the
place was named Mercurium; for the Romans call Hermes "Mercurius"), and
if he had not purposely played the coward and hesitated, but had
undertaken to go straight for Carthage, he would have captured it at the
first onset, and he would have reduced the Vandals to subjection without
their even thinking of resistance; so overcome was Gizeric with awe of
Leon as an invincible emperor, when the report was brought to him that
Sardinia and Tripolis had been captured, and he saw the fleet of
Basiliscus to be such as the Romans were said never to have had before.
But, as it was, the general's hesitation, whether caused by cowardice or
treachery, prevented this success. And Gizeric, profiting by the
negligence of Basiliscus, did as follows. Arming all his subjects in the
best way he could, he filled his ships, but not all, for some he kept in
readiness empty, and they were the ships which sailed most swiftly. And
sending envoys to Basiliscus, he begged him to defer the war for the
space of five days, in order that in the meantime he might take counsel
and do those things which were especially desired by the emperor. They
say, too, that he sent also a great amount of gold without the knowledge
of the army of Basiliscus and thus purchased this armistice. And he did
this, thinking, as actually did happen, that a favouring wind would rise
for him during this time. And Basiliscus, either as doing a favour to
Aspar in accordance with what he had promised, or selling the moment of
opportunity for money, or perhaps thinking it the better course, did as
he was requested and remained quietly in the camp, awaiting the moment
favourable to the enemy.

But the Vandals, as soon as the wind had arisen for them which they had
been expecting during the time they lay at rest, raised their sails and,
taking in tow the boats which, as has been stated above, they had made
ready with no men in them, they sailed against the enemy. And when they
came near, they set fire to the boats which they were towing, when their
sails were bellied by the wind, and let them go against the Roman fleet.
And since there were a great number of ships there, these boats easily
spread fire wherever they struck, and were themselves readily destroyed
together with those with which they came in contact. And as the fire
advanced in this way the Roman fleet was filled with tumult, as was
natural, and with a great din that rivalled the noise caused by the wind
and the roaring of the flames, as the soldiers together with the sailors
shouted orders to one another and pushed off with their poles the
fire-boats and their own ships as well, which were being destroyed by
one another in complete disorder. And already the Vandals too were at
hand ramming and sinking the ships, and making booty of such of the
soldiers as attempted to escape, and of their arms as well. But there
were also some of the Romans who proved themselves brave men in this
struggle, and most of all John, who was a general under Basiliscus and
who had no share whatever in his treason. For a great throng having
surrounded his ship, he stood on the deck, and turning from side to side
kept killing very great numbers of the enemy from there, and when he
perceived that the ship was being captured, he leaped with his whole
equipment of arms from the deck into the sea. And though Genzon, the son
of Gizeric, entreated him earnestly not to do this, offering pledges and
holding out promises of safety, he nevertheless threw himself into the
sea, uttering this one word, that John would never come under the hands
of dogs.

So this war came to an end, and Heracleius departed for home; for
Marcellianus had been destroyed treacherously by one of his
fellow-officers. And Basiliscus, coming to Byzantium, seated himself as
a suppliant in the sanctuary of Christ the Great God ("Sophia"[31] the
temple is called by the men of Byzantium who consider that this
designation is especially appropriate to God), and although, by the
intercession of Berine, the queen, he escaped this danger, he was not
able at that time to reach the throne, the thing for the sake of which
everything had been done by him. For the Emperor Leon not long
afterwards destroyed both Aspar and Ardaburius in the palace, because he
suspected that they were plotting against his life. [471 A.D.] Thus,
then, did these events take place.


VII

[Aug. 11, 472 A.D.] Now Anthemius, the emperor of the West, died at the
hand of his son-in-law Rhecimer, and Olybrius, succeeding to the throne,
a short time afterward suffered the same fate. [Oct. 10, 472 A.D.] And
when Leon also had died in Byzantium, the imperial office was taken over
by the younger Leon, the son of Zeno and Ariadne, the daughter of Leon,
while he was still only a few days old. And his father having been
chosen as partner in the royal power, the child forthwith passed from
the world. [474 A.D.] Majorinus also deserves mention, who had gained
the power of the West before this time. For this Majorinus, who
surpassed in every virtue all who have ever been emperors of the Romans,
did not bear lightly the loss of Libya, but collected a very
considerable army against the Vandals and came to Liguria, intending
himself to lead the army against the enemy. For Majorinus never showed
the least hesitation before any task and least of all before the dangers
of war. But thinking it not inexpedient for him to investigate first the
strength of the Vandals and the character of Gizeric and to discover how
the Moors and Libyans stood with regard to friendship or hostility
toward the Romans, he decided to trust no eyes other than his own in
such a matter. Accordingly he set out as if an envoy from the emperor to
Gizeric, assuming some fictitious name. And fearing lest, by becoming
known, he should himself receive some harm and at the same time prevent
the success of the enterprise, he devised the following scheme. His
hair, which was famous among all men as being so fair as to resemble
pure gold, he anointed with some kind of dye, which was especially
invented for this purpose, and so succeeded completely in changing it
for the time to a dark hue. And when he came before Gizeric, the
barbarian attempted in many ways to terrify him, and in particular,
while treating him with engaging attention, as if a friend, he brought
him into the house where all his weapons were stored, a numerous and
exceedingly noteworthy array. Thereupon they say that the weapons shook
of their own accord and gave forth a sound of no ordinary or casual
sort, and then it seemed to Gizeric that there had been an earthquake,
but when he got outside and made enquiries concerning the earthquake,
since no one else agreed with him, a great wonder, they say, came over
him, but he was not able to comprehend the meaning of what had happened.
So Majorinus, having accomplished the very things he wished, returned to
Liguria, and leading his army on foot, came to the Pillars of Heracles,
purposing to cross over the strait at that point, and then to march by
land from there against Carthage. And when Gizeric became aware of this,
and perceived that he had been tricked by Majorinus in the matter of the
embassy, he became alarmed and made his preparations for war. And the
Romans, basing their confidence on the valour of Majorinus, already
began to have fair hopes of recovering Libya for the empire. [461 A.D.]
But meantime Majorinus was attacked by the disease of dysentery and
died, a man who had shewn himself moderate toward his subjects, and an
object of fear to his enemies. [July 24, 474 A.D.] And another emperor,
Nepos, upon taking over the empire, and living to enjoy it only a few
days, died of disease, and Glycerius after him entered into this office
and suffered a similar fate. [474-475 A.D.] And after him Augustus
assumed the imperial power. There were, moreover, still other emperors
in the West before this time, but though I know their names well, I
shall make no mention of them whatever. For it so fell out that they
lived only a short time after attaining the office, and as a result of
this accomplished nothing worthy of mention. Such was the course of
events in the West.

But in Byzantium Basiliscus, being no longer able to master his passion
for royal power, made an attempt to usurp the throne, and succeeded
without difficulty, since Zeno, together with his wife, sought refuge in
Isauria, which was his native home. [471 A.D.] And while he was
maintaining his tyranny for a year and eight months he was detested by
practically everyone and in particular by the soldiers of the court on
account of the greatness of his avarice. And Zeno, perceiving this,
collected an army and came against him. And Basiliscus sent an army
under the general Harmatus in order to array himself against Zeno. But
when they had made camp near one another, Harmatus surrendered his army
to Zeno, on the condition that Zeno should appoint as Caesar Harmatus'
son Basiliscus, who was a very young child, and leave him as successor
to the throne upon his death. And Basiliscus, deserted by all, fled for
refuge to the same sanctuary as formerly. And Acacius, the priest of the
city, put him into the hands of Zeno, charging him with impiety and with
having brought great confusion and many innovations into the Christian
doctrine, having inclined toward the heresy of Eutyches. And this was
so. And after Zeno had thus taken over the empire a second time, he
carried out his pledge to Harmatus formally by appointing his son
Basiliscus Caesar, but not long afterwards he both stripped him of the
office and put Harmatus to death. And he sent Basiliscus together with
his children and his wife into Cappadocia in the winter season,
commanding that they should be destitute of food and clothes and every
kind of care. And there, being hard pressed by both cold and hunger,
they took refuge in one another's arms, and embracing their loved ones,
perished. And this punishment overtook Basiliscus for the policy he had
pursued. These things, however, happened in later times.

But at that time Gizeric was plundering the whole Roman domain just as
much as before, if not more, circumventing his enemy by craft and
driving them out of their possessions by force, as has been previously
said, and he continued to do so until the emperor Zeno came to an
agreement with him and an endless peace was established between them, by
which it was provided that the Vandals should never in all time perform
any hostile act against the Romans nor suffer such a thing at their
hands. And this peace was preserved by Zeno himself and also by his
successor in the empire, Anastasius And it remained in force until the
time of the emperor Justinus. But Justinian, who was the nephew of
Justinus, succeeded him in the imperial power, and it was in the reign
of this Justinian that the war with which we are concerned came to pass,
in the manner which will be told in the following narrative. [477 A.D.]
Gizeric, after living on a short time, died at an advanced age, having
made a will in which he enjoined many things upon the Vandals and in
particular that the royal power among them should always fall to that
one who should be the first in years among all the male offspring
descended from Gizeric himself. So Gizeric, having ruled over the
Vandals thirty-nine years from the time when he captured Carthage, died,
as I have said.


VIII

And Honoric, the eldest of his sons, succeeded to the throne, Genzon
having already departed from the world. During the time when this
Honoric ruled the Vandals they had no war against anyone at all, except
the Moors. For through fear of Gizeric the Moors had remained quiet
before that time, but as soon as he was out of their way they both did
much harm to the Vandals and suffered the same themselves. And Honoric
shewed himself the most cruel and unjust of all men toward the
Christians in Libya. For he forced them to change over to the Arian
faith, and as many as he found not readily yielding to him he burned, or
destroyed by other forms of death; and he also cut off the tongues of
many from the very throat, who even up to my time were going about in
Byzantium having their speech uninjured, and perceiving not the least
effect from this punishment; but two of these, since they saw fit to go
in to harlots, were thenceforth no longer able to speak. And after
ruling over the Vandals eight years he died of disease; and by that time
the Moors dwelling on Mt. Aurasium[32] had revolted from the Vandals and
were independent (this Aurasium is a mountain of Numidia, about thirteen
days' journey distant from Carthage and fronting the south); and indeed
they never came under the Vandals again, since the latter were unable to
carry on a war against Moors on a mountain difficult of access and
exceedingly steep.

After the death of Honoric the rule of the Vandals fell to Gundamundus,
the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric. [485 A.D.] For he, in point of
years, was the first of the offspring of Gizeric. This Gundamundus
fought against the Moors in numerous encounters, and after subjecting
the Christians to still greater suffering, he died of disease, being now
at about the middle of the twelfth year of his reign. [496 A.D.] And his
brother Trasamundus took over the kingdom, a man well-favoured in
appearance and especially gifted with discretion and highmindedness.
However he continued to force the Christians to change their ancestral
faith, not by torturing their bodies as his predecessors had done, but
by seeking to win them with honours and offices and presenting them with
great sums of money; and in the case of those who would not be
persuaded, he pretended he had not the least knowledge of what manner of
men they were.[33] And if he caught any guilty of great crimes which
they had committed either by accident or deliberate intent, he would
offer such men, as a reward for changing their faith, that they should
not be punished for their offences. And when his wife died without
becoming the mother of either male or female offspring, wishing to
establish the kingdom as securely as possible, he sent to Theoderic, the
king of the Goths, asking him to give him his sister Amalafrida to wife,
for her husband had just died. And Theoderic sent him not only his
sister but also a thousand of the notable Goths as a bodyguard, who were
followed by a host of attendants amounting to about five thousand
fighting men. And Theoderic also presented his sister with one of the
promontories of Sicily, which are three in number,--the one which they
call Lilybaeum,--and as a result of this Trasamundus was accounted the
strongest and most powerful of all those who had ruled over the Vandals.
He became also a very special friend of the emperor Anastasius. It was
during the reign of Trasamundus that it came about that the Vandals
suffered a disaster at the hands of the Moors such as had never befallen
them before that time.

There was a certain Cabaon ruling over the Moors of Tripolis, a man
experienced in many wars and exceedingly shrewd. This Cabaon, upon
learning that the Vandals were marching against him, did as follows.
First of all he issued orders to his subjects to abstain from all
injustice and from all foods tending towards luxury and most of all from
association with women; and setting up two palisaded enclosures, he
encamped himself with all the men in one, and in the other he shut the
women, and he threatened that death would be the penalty if anyone
should go to the women's palisade. And after this he sent spies to
Carthage with the following instructions: whenever the Vandals in going
forth on the expedition should offer insult to any temple which the
Christians reverence, they were to look on and see what took place; and
when the Vandals had passed the place, they were to do the opposite of
everything which the Vandals had done to the sanctuary before their
departure. And they say that he added this also, that he was ignorant of
the God whom the Christians worshipped, but it was probable that if He
was powerful, as He was said to be, He should wreak vengeance upon those
who insulted Him and defend those who honoured Him. So the spies came to
Carthage and waited quietly, observing the preparation of the Vandals;
but when the army set out on the march to Tripolis, they followed,
clothing themselves in humble garb. And the Vandals, upon making camp
the first day, led their horses and their other animals into the temples
of the Christians, and sparing no insult, they acted with all the
unrestrained lawlessness natural to them, beating as many priests as
they caught and lashing them with many blows over the back and
commanding them to render such service to the Vandals as they were
accustomed to assign to the most dishonoured of their domestics. And as
soon as they had departed from there, the spies of Cabaon did as they
had been directed to do; for they straightway cleansed the sanctuaries
and took away with great care the filth and whatever other unholy thing
lay in them, and they lighted all the lamps and bowed down before the
priests with great reverence and saluted them with all friendliness; and
after giving pieces of silver to the poor who sat about these
sanctuaries, they then followed after the army of the Vandals. And from
then on along the whole route the Vandals continued to commit the same
offences and the spies to render the same service. And when they were
coming near the Moors, the spies anticipated them and reported to Cabaon
what had been done by the Vandals and by themselves to the temples of
the Christians, and that the enemy were somewhere near by. And Cabaon,
upon learning this, arranged for the encounter as follows. He marked off
a circle in the plain where he was about to make his palisade, and
placed his camels turned sideways in a circle as a protection for the
camp, making his line fronting the enemy about twelve camels deep. Then
he placed the children and the women and all those who were unfit for
fighting together with their possessions in the middle, while he
commanded the host of fighting men to stand between the feet of those
animals, covering themselves with their shields.[34] And since the
phalanx of the Moors was of such a sort, the Vandals were at a loss how
to handle the situation; for they were neither good with the javelin nor
with the bow, nor did they know how to go into battle on foot, but they
were all horsemen, and used spears and swords for the most part, so that
they were unable to do the enemy any harm at a distance; and their
horses, annoyed at the sight of the camels, refused absolutely to be
driven against the enemy. And since the Moors, by hurling javelins in
great numbers among them from their safe position, kept killing both
their horses and men without difficulty, because they were a vast
throng, they began to flee, and, when the Moors came out against them,
the most of them were destroyed, while some fell into the hands of the
enemy; and an exceedingly small number from this army returned home.
Such was the fortune which Trasamundus suffered at the hands of the
Moors. And he died at a later time, having ruled over the Moors
twenty-seven years.


IX

[523 A.D.] And Ilderic, the son of Honoric, the son of Gizeric, next
received the kingdom, a ruler who was easily approached by his subjects
and altogether gentle, and he shewed himself harsh neither to the
Christians nor to anyone else, but in regard to affairs of war he was a
weakling and did not wish this thing even to come to his ears. Hoamer,
accordingly, his nephew and an able warrior, led the armies against any
with whom the Vandals were at war; he it was whom they called the
Achilles of the Vandals. During the reign of this Ilderic the Vandals
were defeated in Byzacium by the Moors, who were ruled by Antalas, and
it so fell out that they became enemies instead of allies and friends to
Theoderic and the Goths in Italy. For they put Amalafrida in prison and
destroyed all the Goths, charging them with revolutionary designs
against the Vandals and Ilderic. However, no revenge came from
Theoderic, for he considered himself unable to gather a great fleet and
make an expedition into Libya, and Ilderic was a very particular friend
and guest-friend of Justinian, who had not yet come to the throne, but
was administering the government according to his pleasure; for his
uncle Justinus, who was emperor, was very old and not altogether
experienced in matters of state. And Ilderic and Justinian made large
presents of money to each other.

Now there was a certain man in the family of Gizeric, Gelimer, the son
of Geilaris, the son of Genzon, the son of Gizeric, who was of such age
as to be second only to Ilderic, and for this reason he was expected to
come into the kingdom very soon. This man was thought to be the best
warrior of his time, but for the rest he was a cunning fellow and base
at heart and well versed in undertaking revolutionary enterprises and in
laying hold upon the money of others. Now this Gelimer, when he saw the
power coming to him, was not able to live in his accustomed way, but
assumed to himself the tasks of a king and usurped the rule, though it
was not yet due him; and since Ilderic in a spirit of friendliness gave
in to him, he was no longer able to restrain his thoughts, but allying
with himself all the noblest of the Vandals, he persuaded them to wrest
the kingdom from Ilderic, as being an unwarlike king who had been
defeated by the Moors, and as betraying the power of the Vandals into
the hand of the Emperor Justinus, in order that the kingdom might not
come to him, because he was of the other branch of the family; for he
asserted slanderously that this was the meaning of Ilderic's embassy to
Byzantium, and that he was giving over the empire of the Vandals to
Justinus. And they, being persuaded, carried out this plan. [530 A.D.]
Thus Gelimer seized the supreme power, and imprisoned Ilderic, after he
had ruled over the Vandals seven years, and also Hoamer and his brother
Euagees.

[527 A.D.] But when Justinian heard these things, having already
received the imperial power, he sent envoys to Gelimer in Libya with the
following letter: "You are not acting in a holy manner nor worthily of
the will of Gizeric, keeping in prison an old man and a kinsman and the
king of the Vandals (if the counsels of Gizeric are to be of effect),
and robbing him of his office by violence, though it would be possible
for you to receive it after a short time in a lawful manner. Do you
therefore do no further wrong and do not exchange the name of king for
the title of tyrant, which comes but a short time earlier. But as for
this man, whose death may be expected at any moment, allow him to bear
in appearance the form of royal power, while you do all the things which
it is proper that a king should do; and wait until you can receive from
time and the law of Gizeric, and from them alone, the name which belongs
to the position. For if you do this, the attitude of the Almighty will
be favourable and at the same time our relations with you will be
friendly." Such was his message. But Gelimer sent the envoys away with
nothing accomplished, and he blinded Hoamer and also kept Ilderic and
Euagees in closer confinement, charging them with planning flight to
Byzantium. And when this too was heard by the Emperor Justinian, he sent
envoys a second time and wrote as follows: "We, indeed, supposed that
you would never go contrary to our advice when we wrote you the former
letter. But since it pleases you to have secured possession of the royal
power in the manner in which you have taken and now hold it, get from it
whatever Heaven grants. But do you send to us Ilderic, and Hoamer whom
you have blinded, and his brother, to receive what comfort they can who
have been robbed of a kingdom or of sight; for we shall not let the
matter rest if you do not do this. And I speak thus because we are led
by the hope which I had based on our friendship. And the treaty with
Gizeric will not stand as an obstacle for us. For it is not to make war
upon him who has succeeded to the kingdom of Gizeric that we come, but
to avenge Gizeric with all our power."

When Gelimer had read this, he replied as follows: "King Gelimer to the
Emperor Justinian. Neither have I taken the office by violence nor has
anything unholy been done by me to my kinsmen. For Ilderic, while
planning a revolution against the house of Gizeric, was dethroned by the
nation of the Vandals; and I was called to the kingdom by my years,
which gave me the preference, according to the law at least. Now it is
well for one to administer the kingly office which belongs to him and
not to make the concerns of others his own. Hence for you also, who have
a kingdom, meddling in other's affairs is not just; and if you break the
treaty and come against us, we shall oppose you with all our power,
calling to witness the oaths which were sworn by Zeno, from whom you
have received the kingdom which you hold." The Emperor Justinian, upon
receiving this letter, having been angry with Gelimer even before then,
was still more eager to punish him. And it seemed to him best to put an
end to the Persian war as soon as possible and then to make an
expedition to Libya; and since he was quick at forming a plan and prompt
in carrying out his decisions, Belisarius, the General of the East, was
summoned and came to him immediately, no announcement having been made
to him nor to anyone else that he was about to lead an army against
Libya, but it was given out that he had been removed from the office
which he held. And straightway the treaty with Persia was made, as has
been told in the preceding narrative.[35]


X

And when the Emperor Justinian considered that the situation was as
favourable as possible, both as to domestic affairs and as to his
relations with Persia, he took under consideration the situation in
Libya. But when he disclosed to the magistrates that he was gathering an
army against the Vandals and Gelimer, the most of them began immediately
to show hostility to the plan, and they lamented it as a misfortune,
recalling the expedition of the Emperor Leon and the disaster of
Basiliscus, and reciting how many soldiers had perished and how much
money the state had lost. But the men who were the most sorrowful of
all, and who, by reason of their anxiety, felt the keenest regret, were
the pretorian prefect, whom the Romans call "praetor," and the
administrator of the treasury, and all to whom had been assigned the
collection of either public or imperial[36] taxes, for they reasoned
that while it would be necessary for them to produce countless sums for
the needs of the war, they would be granted neither pardon in case of
failure nor extension of time in which to raise these sums. And every
one of the generals, supposing that he himself would command the army,
was in terror and dread at the greatness of the danger, if it should be
necessary for him, if he were preserved from the perils of the sea, to
encamp in the enemy's land, and, using his ships as a base, to engage in
a struggle against a kingdom both large and formidable. The soldiers,
also, having recently returned from a long, hard war, and having not yet
tasted to the full the blessings of home, were in despair, both because
they were being led into sea-fighting,--a thing which they had not
learned even from tradition before then,--and because they were sent
from the eastern frontier to the West, in order to risk their lives
against Vandals and Moors. But all the rest, as usually happens in a
great throng, wished to be spectators of new adventures while others
faced the dangers.

But as for saying anything to the emperor to prevent the expedition, no
one dared to do this except John the Cappadocian, the pretorian prefect,
a man of the greatest daring and the cleverest of all men of his time.
For this John, while all the others were bewailing in silence the
fortune which was upon them, came before the emperor and spoke as
follows: "O Emperor, the good faith which thou dost shew in dealing with
thy subjects enables us to speak frankly regarding anything which will
be of advantage to thy government, even though what is said and done may
not be agreeable to thee. For thus does thy wisdom temper thy authority
with justice, in that thou dost not consider that man only as loyal to
thy cause who serves thee under any and all conditions, nor art thou
angry with the man who speaks against thee, but by weighing all things
by pure reason alone, thou hast often shewn that it involves us in no
danger to oppose thy purposes. Led by these considerations, O Emperor, I
have come to offer this advice, knowing that, though I shall give
perhaps offence at the moment, if it so chance, yet in the future the
loyalty which I bear you will be made clear, and that for this I shall
be able to shew thee as a witness. For if, through not hearkening to my
words, thou shalt carry out the war against the Vandals, it will come
about, if the struggle is prolonged for thee, that my advice will win
renown. For if thou hast confidence that thou wilt conquer the enemy, it
is not at all unreasonable that thou shouldst sacrifice the lives of men
and expend a vast amount of treasure, and undergo the difficulties of
the struggle; for victory, coming at the end, covers up all the
calamities of war. But if in reality these things lie on the knees of
God, and if it behoves us, taking example from what has happened in the
past, to fear the outcome of war, on what grounds is it not better to
love a state of quiet rather than the dangers of mortal strife? Thou art
purposing to make an expedition against Carthage, to which, if one goes
by land, the journey is one of a hundred and forty days, and if one goes
by water, he is forced to cross the whole open sea and go to its very
end. So that he who brings thee news of what will happen in the camp
must needs reach thee a year after the event. And one might add that if
thou art victorious over thy enemy, thou couldst not take possession of
Libya while Sicily and Italy lie in the hands of others; and at the same
time, if any reverse befall thee, O Emperor, the treaty having already
been broken by thee, thou wilt bring the danger upon our own land. In
fact, putting all in a word, it will not be possible for thee to reap
the fruits of victory, and at the same time any reversal of fortune will
bring harm to what is well established. It is before an enterprise that
wise planning is useful. For when men have failed, repentance is of no
avail, but before disaster comes there is no danger in altering plans.
Therefore it will be of advantage above all else to make fitting use of
the decisive moment."

Thus spoke John; and the Emperor Justinian, hearkening to his words,
checked his eager desire for the war. But one of the priests whom they
call bishops, who had come from the East, said that he wished to have a
word with the emperor. And when he met Justinian, he said that God had
visited him in a dream, and bidden him go to the emperor and rebuke him,
because, after undertaking the task of protecting the Christians in
Libya from tyrants, he had for no good reason become afraid. "And yet,"
He had said, "I will Myself join with him in waging war and make him
lord of Libya." When the emperor heard this, he was no longer able to
restrain his purpose, and he began to collect the army and the ships,
and to make ready supplies of weapons and of food, and he announced to
Belisarius that he should be in readiness, because he was very soon to
act as general in Libya. Meanwhile Pudentius, one of the natives of
Tripolis in Libya, caused this district to revolt from the Vandals, and
sending to the emperor he begged that he should despatch an army to him;
for, he said, he would with no trouble win the land for the emperor. And
Justinian sent him Tattimuth and an army of no very great size. This
force Pudentius joined with his own troops and, the Vandals being
absent, he gained possession of the land and made it subject to the
emperor. And Gelimer, though wishing to inflict punishment upon
Pudentius, found the following obstacle in his way.

There was a certain Godas among the slaves of Gelimer, a Goth by birth,
a passionate and energetic fellow possessed of great bodily strength,
but appearing to be well-disposed to the cause of his master. To this
Godas Gelimer entrusted the island of Sardinia, in order both to guard
the island and to pay over the annual tribute. But he neither could
digest the prosperity brought by fortune nor had he the spirit to endure
it, and so he undertook to establish a tyranny, and he refused to
continue the payment of the tribute, and actually detached the island
from the Vandals and held it himself. And when he perceived that the
Emperor Justinian was eager to make war against Libya and Gelimer, he
wrote to him as follows:

"It was neither because I yielded to folly nor because I had suffered
anything unpleasant at my master's hands that I turned my thoughts
towards rebellion, but seeing the extreme cruelty of the man both toward
his kinsmen and toward his subjects, I could not, willingly at least, be
reputed to have a share in his inhumanity. For it is better to serve a
just king than a tyrant whose commands are unlawful. But do thou join
with me to assist in this my effort and send soldiers so that I may be
able to ward off my assailants."

And the emperor, on receiving this letter, was pleased, and he sent
Eulogius as envoy and wrote a letter praising Godas for his wisdom and
his zeal for justice, and he promised an alliance and soldiers and a
general, who would be able to guard the island with him and to assist
him in every other way, so that no trouble should come to him from the
Vandals. But Eulogius, upon coming to Sardinia, found that Godas was
assuming the name and wearing the dress of a king and that he had
attached a body-guard to his person. And when Godas read the emperor's
letter, he said that it was his wish to have soldiers, indeed, come to
fight along with him, but as for a commander, he had absolutely no
desire for one. And having written to the emperor in this sense, he
dismissed Eulogius.


XI

The emperor, meanwhile, not having yet ascertained these things, was
preparing four hundred soldiers with Cyril as commander, who were to
assist Godas in guarding the island. And with them he also had in
readiness the expedition against Carthage, ten thousand foot-soldiers,
and five thousand horsemen, gathered from the regular troops and from
the "foederati." Now at an earlier time only barbarians were enlisted
among the foederati, those, namely, who had come into the Roman
political system, not in the condition of slaves, since they had not
been conquered by the Romans, but on the basis of complete equality.[37]
For the Romans call treaties with their enemies "foedera." But at the
present time there is nothing to prevent anyone from assuming this name,
since time will by no means consent to keep names attached to the things
to which they were formerly applied, but conditions are ever changing
about according to the desire of men who control them, and men pay
little heed to the meaning which they originally attached to a name. And
the commanders of the foederati were Dorotheus, the general of the
troops in Armenia, and Solomon, who was acting as manager for the
general Belisarius; (such a person the Romans call "domesticus." Now
this Solomon was a eunuch, but it was not by the devising of man that he
had suffered mutilation, but some accident which befell him while in
swaddling clothes had imposed this lot upon him); and there were also
Cyprian, Valerian, Martinus, Althias, John, Marcellus, and the Cyril
whom I have mentioned above; and the commanders of the regular cavalry
were Rufinus and Aïgan, who were of the house of Belisarius, and
Barbatus and Pappus, while the regular infantry was commanded by
Theodorus, who was surnamed Cteanus, and Terentius, Zaïdus, Marcian, and
Sarapis. And a certain John, a native of Epidamnus, which is now called
Dyrrachium, held supreme command over all the leaders of infantry. Among
all these commanders Solomon was from a place in the East, at the very
extremity of the Roman domain, where the city called Daras now stands,
and Aïgan was by birth of the Massagetae whom they now call Huns; and
the rest were almost all inhabitants of the land of Thrace. And there
followed with them also four hundred Eruli, whom Pharas led, and about
six hundred barbarian allies from the nation of the Massagetae, all
mounted bowmen; these were led by Sinnion and Balas, men endowed with
bravery and endurance in the highest degree. And for the whole force
five hundred ships were required, no one of which was able to carry more
than fifty thousand medimni,[38] nor any one less than three thousand.
And in all the vessels together there were thirty thousand sailors,
Egyptians and Ionians for the most part, and Cilicians, and one
commander was appointed over all the ships, Calonymus of Alexandria. And
they had also ships of war prepared as for sea-fighting, to the number
of ninety-two, and they were single-banked ships covered by decks, in
order that the men rowing them might if possible not be exposed to the
bolts of the enemy. Such boats are called "dromones"[39] by those of the
present time; for they are able to attain a great speed. In these sailed
two thousand men of Byzantium, who were all rowers as well as fighting
men; for there was not a single superfluous man among them. And
Archelaus was also sent, a man of patrician standing who had already
been pretorian prefect both in Byzantium and in Illyricum, but he then
held the position of prefect of the army; for thus the officer charged
with the maintenance of the army is designated. But as general with
supreme authority over all the emperor sent Belisarius, who was in
command of the troops of the East for the second time. And he was
followed by many spearmen and many guards as well, men who were capable
warriors and thoroughly experienced in the dangers of fighting. And the
emperor gave him written instructions, bidding him do everything as
seemed best to him, and stating that his acts would be final, as if the
emperor himself had done them. The writing, in fact, gave him the power
of a king. Now Belisarius was a native of Germania, which lies between
Thrace and Illyricum. These things, then, took place in this way.

Gelimer, however, being deprived of Tripolis by Pudentius and of
Sardinia by Godas, scarcely hoped to regain Tripolis, since it was
situated at a great distance and the rebels were already being assisted
by the Romans, against whom just at that moment it seemed to him best
not to take the field; but he was eager to get to the island before any
army sent by the emperor to fight for his enemies should arrive there.
He accordingly selected five thousand of the Vandals and one hundred and
twenty ships of the fastest kind, and appointing as general his brother
Tzazon, he sent them off. And so they were sailing with great enthusiasm
and eagerness against Godas and Sardinia. In the meantime the Emperor
Justinian was sending off Valerian and Martinus in advance of the others
in order to await the rest of the army in the Peloponnesus. And when
these two had embarked upon their ships, it came to the emperor's mind
that there was something which he wished to enjoin upon them,--a thing
which he had wished to say previously, but he had been so busied with
the other matters of which he had to speak that his mind had been
occupied with them and this subject had been driven out. He summoned
them, accordingly, intending to say what he wished, but upon considering
the matter, he saw that it would not be propitious for them to interrupt
their journey. He therefore sent men to forbid them either to return to
him or to disembark from their ships. And these men, upon coming near
the ships, commanded them with much shouting and loud cries by no means
to turn back, and it seemed to those present that the thing which had
happened was no good omen and that never would one of the men in those
ships return from Libya to Byzantium. For besides the omen they
suspected that a curse also had come to the men from the emperor, not at
all by his own will, so that they would not return. Now if anyone should
so interpret the incident with regard to these two commanders, Valerian
and Martinus, he will find the original opinion untrue. But there was a
certain man among the body-guards of Martinus, Stotzas by name, who was
destined to be an enemy of the emperor, to make an attempt to set up a
tyranny, and by no means to return to Byzantium, and one might suppose
that curse to have been turned upon him by Heaven. But whether this
matter stands thus or otherwise, I leave to each one to reason out as he
wishes. But I shall proceed to tell how the general Belisarius and the
army departed.


XII

[533 A.D.] In the seventh year of Justinian's reign, at about the spring
equinox, the emperor commanded the general's ship to anchor off the
point which is before the royal palace. Thither came also Epiphanius,
the chief priest of the city, and after uttering an appropriate prayer,
he put on the ships one of the soldiers who had lately been baptized and
had taken the Christian name. And after this the general Belisarius and
Antonina, his wife, set sail. And there was with them also Procopius,
who wrote this history; now previously he had been exceedingly terrified
at the danger, but later he had seen a vision in his sleep which caused
him to take courage and made him eager to go on the expedition. For it
seemed in the dream that he was in the house of Belisarius, and one of
the servants entering announced that some men had come bearing gifts;
and Belisarius bade him investigate what sort of gifts they were, and he
went out into the court and saw men who carried on their shoulders earth
with the flowers and all. And he bade him bring these men into the house
and deposit the earth they were carrying in the portico; and Belisarius
together with his guardsmen came there, and he himself reclined on that
earth and ate of the flowers, and urged the others to do likewise; and
as they reclined and ate, as if upon a couch, the food seemed to them
exceedingly sweet. Such, then, was the vision of the dream.

And the whole fleet followed the general's ship, and they put in at
Perinthus, which is now called Heracleia,[40] where five days' time was
spent by the army, since at that place the general received as a present
from the emperor an exceedingly great number of horses from the royal
pastures, which are kept for him in the territory of Thrace. And setting
sail from there, they anchored off Abydus, and it came about as they
were delaying there four days on account of the lack of wind that the
following event took place. Two Massagetae killed one of their comrades
who was ridiculing them, in the midst of their intemperate drinking; for
they were intoxicated. For of all men the Massagetae are the most
intemperate drinkers. Belisarius, accordingly, straightway impaled these
two men on the hill which is near Abydus. And since all, and especially
the relatives of these two men, were angry and declared that it was not
in order to be punished nor to be subject to the laws of the Romans that
they had entered into an alliance (for their own laws did not make the
punishment for murder such _as_ this, they said); and since they were
joined in voicing the accusation against the general even by Roman
soldiers, who were anxious that there should be no punishment for their
offences, Belisarius called together both the Massagetae and the rest of
the army and spoke as follows: "If my words were addressed to men now
for the first time entering into war, it would require a long time for
me to convince you by speech how great a help justice is for gaining the
victory. For those who do not understand the fortunes of such struggles
think that the outcome of war lies in strength of arm alone. But you,
who have often conquered an enemy not inferior to you in strength of
body and well endowed with valour, you who have often tried your
strength against your opponents, you, I think, are not ignorant that,
while it is men who always do the fighting in either army, it is God who
judges the contest as seems best to Him and bestows the victory in
battle. Now since this is so, it is fitting to consider good bodily
condition and practice in arms and all the other provision for war of
less account than justice and those things which pertain to God. For
that which may possibly be of greatest advantage to men in need would
naturally be honoured by them above all other things. Now the first
proof of justice would be the punishment of those who have committed
unjust murder. For if it is incumbent upon us to sit in judgment upon
the actions which from time to time are committed by men toward their
neighbours, and to adjudge and to name the just and the unjust action,
we should find that nothing is more precious to a man than his life. And
if any barbarian who has slain his kinsman expects to find indulgence in
his trial on the ground that he was drunk, in all fairness he makes the
charge so much the worse by reason of the very circumstance by which, as
he alleges, his guilt is removed. For it is not right for a man under
any circumstances, and especially when serving in an army, to be so
drunk as readily to kill his dearest friends; nay, the drunkenness
itself, even if the murder is not added at all, is worthy of punishment;
and when a kinsman is wronged, the crime would clearly be of greater
moment as regards punishment than when committed against those who are
not kinsmen, at least in the eyes of men of sense. Now the example is
before you and you may see what sort of an outcome such actions have.
But as for you, it is your duty to avoid laying violent hands upon
anyone without provocation, or carrying off the possessions of others;
for I shall not overlook it, be assured, and I shall not consider anyone
of you a fellow-soldier of mine, no matter how terrible he is reputed to
be to the foe, who is not able to use clean hands against the enemy. For
bravery cannot be victorious unless it be arrayed along with justice."
So spoke Belisarius. And the whole army, hearing what was said and
looking up at the two men impaled, felt an overwhelming fear come over
them and took thought to conduct their lives with moderation, for they
saw that they would not be free from great danger if they should be
caught doing anything unlawful.


XIII

After this Belisarius bethought him how his whole fleet should always
keep together as it sailed and should anchor in the same place. For he
knew that in a large fleet, and especially if rough winds should assail
them, it was inevitable that many of the ships should be left behind and
scattered on the open sea, and that their pilots should not know which
of the ships that put to sea ahead of them it was better to follow. So
after considering the matter, he did as follows. The sails of the three
ships in which he and his following were carried he painted red from the
upper corner for about one third of their length, and he erected upright
poles on the prow of each, and hung lights from them, so that both by
day and by night the general's ships might be distinguishable; then he
commanded all the pilots to follow these ships. Thus with the three
ships leading the whole fleet not a single ship was left behind. And
whenever they were about to put out from a harbour, the trumpets
announced this to them.

And upon setting out from Abydus they met with strong winds which
carried them to Sigeum. And again in calm weather they proceeded more
leisurely to Malea, where the calm proved of the greatest advantage to
them. For since they had a great fleet and exceedingly large ships, as
night came on everything was thrown into confusion by reason of their
being crowded into small space, and they were brought into extreme
peril. At that time both the pilots and the rest of the sailors shewed
themselves skilful and efficient, for while shouting at the top of their
voices and making a great noise they kept pushing the ships apart with
their poles, and cleverly kept the distances between their different
vessels; but if a wind had arisen, whether a following or a head wind,
it seems to me that the sailors would hardly have preserved themselves
and their ships. But as it was, they escaped, as I have said, and put in
at Taenarum, which is now called Caenopolis.[41] Then, pressing on from
there, they touched at Methone, and found Valerian and Martinus with
their men, who had reached the same place a short time before. And since
there were no winds blowing, Belisarius anchored the ships there, and
disembarked the whole army; and after they were on shore he assigned the
commanders their positions and drew up the soldiers. And while he was
thus engaged and no wind at all arose, it came about that many of the
soldiers were destroyed by disease caused in the following manner.

The pretorian prefect, John, was a man of worthless character, and so
skilful at devising ways of bringing money into the public treasury to
the detriment of men that I, for my part, should never be competent to
describe this trait of his. But this has been said in the preceding
pages, when I was brought to this point by my narrative.[42] But I shall
tell in the present case in what manner he destroyed the soldiers. The
bread which soldiers are destined to eat in camp must of necessity be
put twice into the oven, and be cooked so carefully as to last for a
very long period and not spoil in a short time, and loaves cooked in
this way necessarily weigh less; and for this reason, when such bread is
distributed, the soldiers generally received as their portion one-fourth
more than the usual weight.[43] John, therefore, calculating how he
might reduce the amount of firewood used and have less to pay to the
bakers in wages, and also how he might not lose in the weight of the
bread, brought the still uncooked dough to the public baths of Achilles,
in the basement of which the fire is kept burning, and bade his men set
it down there. And when it seemed to be cooked in some fashion or other,
he threw it into bags, put it on the ships, and sent it off. And when
the fleet arrived at Methone, the loaves disintegrated and returned
again to flour, not wholesome flour, however, but rotten and becoming
mouldy and already giving out a sort of oppressive odour. And the loaves
were dispensed by measure[44] to the soldiers by those to whom this
office was assigned, and they were already making the distribution of
the bread by quarts and bushels. And the soldiers, feeding upon this in
the summer time in a place where the climate is very hot, became sick,
and not less than five hundred of them died; and the same thing was
about to happen to more, but Belisarius prevented it by ordering the
bread of the country to be furnished them. And reporting the matter to
the emperor, he himself gained in favour, but he did not at that time
bring any punishment upon John.

These events, then, took place in the manner described. And setting out
from Methone they reached the harbour of Zacynthus, where they took in
enough water to last them in crossing the Adriatic Sea, and after making
all their other preparations, sailed on. But since the wind they had was
very gentle and languid, it was only on the sixteenth day that they came
to land at a deserted place in Sicily near which Mount Aetna rises. And
while they were being delayed in this passage, as has been said, it so
happened that the water of the whole fleet was spoiled, except that
which Belisarius himself and his table-companions were drinking. For
this alone was preserved by the wife of Belisarius in the following
manner. She filled with water jars made of glass and constructed a small
room with planks in the hold of the ship where it was impossible for the
sun to penetrate, and there she sank the jars in sand, and by this means
the water remained unaffected. So much, then, for this.


XIV

And as soon as Belisarius had disembarked upon the island, he began to
feel restless, knowing not how to proceed, and his mind was tormented by
the thought that he did not know what sort of men the Vandals were
against whom he was going, and how strong they were in war, or in what
manner the Romans would have to wage the war, or what place would be
their base of operations. But most of all he was disturbed by the
soldiers, who were in mortal dread of sea-fighting and had no shame in
saying beforehand that, if they should be disembarked on the land, they
would try to show themselves brave men in the battle, but if hostile
ships assailed them, they would turn to flight; for, they said, they
were not able to contend against two enemies at once, both men and
water. Being at a loss, therefore, because of all these things, he sent
Procopius, his adviser, to Syracuse, to find out whether the enemy had
any ships in ambush keeping watch over the passage across the sea,
either on the island or on the continent, and where it would be best for
them to anchor in Libya, and from what point as base it would be
advantageous for them to start in carrying on the war against the
Vandals. And he bade him, when he should have accomplished his commands,
return and meet him at the place called Caucana,[45] about two hundred
stades distant from Syracuse, where both he and the whole fleet were to
anchor. But he let it be understood that he was sending him to buy
provisions, since the Goths were willing to give them a market, this
having been decided upon by the Emperor Justinian and Amalasountha, the
mother of Antalaric,[46] who was at that time a boy being reared under
the care of his mother, Amalasountha, and held sway over both the Goths
and the Italians. For when Theoderic had died and the kingdom came to
his nephew, Antalaric, who had already before this lost his father,
Amalasountha was fearful both for her child and for the kingdom and
cultivated the friendship of Justinian very carefully, and she gave heed
to his commands in all matters and at that time promised to provide a
market for his army and did so.

Now when Procopius reached Syracuse, he unexpectedly met a man who had
been a fellow-citizen and friend of his from childhood, who had been
living in Syracuse for a long time engaged in the shipping business, and
he learned from him what he wanted; for this man showed him a domestic
who had three days before that very day come from Carthage, and he said
that they need not suspect that there would be any ambush set for the
fleet by the Vandals. For from no one in the world had they learned that
an army was coming against them at that time, but all the active men
among the Vandals had actually a little before gone on an expedition
against Godas. And for this reason Gelimer, with no thought of an enemy
in his mind and regardless of Carthage and all the other places on the
sea, was staying in Hermione, which is in Byzacium, four days' journey
distant from the coast; so that it was possible for them to sail without
fearing any difficulty and to anchor wherever the wind should call them.
When Procopius heard this, he took the hand of the domestic and walked
to the harbour of Arethousa where his boat lay at anchor, making many
enquiries of the man and searching out every detail. And going on board
the ship with him, he gave orders to raise the sails and to make all
speed for Caucana. And since the master of the domestic stood on the
shore wondering that he did not give him back the man, Procopius shouted
out, when the ship was already under way, begging him not to be angry
with him; for it was necessary that the domestic should meet the
general, and, after leading the army to Libya, would return after no
long time to Syracuse with much money in his pocket.

But upon coming to Caucana they found all in deep grief. For Dorotheus,
the general of the troops of Armenia, had died there, leaving to the
whole army a great sense of loss. But Belisarius, when the domestic had
come before him and related his whole story, became exceedingly glad,
and after bestowing many praises upon Procopius, he issued orders to
give the signal for departure with the trumpets. And setting sail
quickly they touched at the islands of Gaulus and Melita,[47] which mark
the boundary between the Adriatic and Tuscan Seas. There a strong east
wind arose for them, and on the following day it carried the ships to
the point of Libya, at the place which the Romans call in their own
tongue "Shoal's Head." For its name is "Caputvada," and it is five days'
journey from Carthage for an unencumbered traveller.


XV

And when they came near the shore, the general bade them furl the sails,
throw out anchors from the ships, and make a halt; and calling together
all the commanders to his own ship, he opened a discussion with regard
to the disembarkation. Thereupon many speeches were made inclining to
either side, and Archelaus came forward and spoke as follows:

"I admire, indeed, the virtue of our general, who, while surpassing all
by far in judgment and possessing the greatest wealth of experience, and
at the same time holding the power alone, has proposed an open
discussion and bids each one of us speak, so that we shall be able to
choose whichever course seems best, though it is possible for him to
decide alone on what is needful and at his leisure to put it into
execution as he wishes. But as for you, my fellow officers--I do not
know how I am to say it easily--one might wonder that each one did not
hasten to be the first to oppose the disembarkation. And yet I
understand that the making of suggestions to those who are entering upon
a perilous course brings no personal advantage to him who offers the
advice, but as a general thing results in bringing blame upon him. For
when things go well for men, they attribute their success to their own
judgment or to fortune, but when they fail, they blame only the one who
has advised them. Nevertheless I shall speak out. For it is not right
for those who deliberate about safety to shrink from blame. You are
purposing to disembark on the enemy's land, fellow-officers; but in what
harbour are you planning to place the ships in safety? Or in what city's
wall will you find security for yourselves? Have you not then heard that
this promontory--I mean from Carthage to Iouce--extends, they say, for a
journey of nine days, altogether without harbours and lying open to the
wind from whatever quarter it may blow? And not a single walled town is
left in all Libya except Carthage, thanks to the decision of
Gizeric.[48] And one might add that in this place, they say, water is
entirely lacking. Come now, if you wish, let us suppose that some
adversity befall us, and with this in view make the decision. For that
those who enter into contests of arms should expect no difficulty is not
in keeping with human experience nor with the nature of things. If,
then, after we have disembarked upon the mainland, a storm should fall
upon us, will it not be necessary that one of two things befall the
ships, either that they flee away as far as possible, or perish upon
this promontory? Secondly, what means will there be of supplying us with
necessities? Let no one look to me as the officer charged with the
maintenance of the army. For every official, when deprived of the means
of administering his office, is of necessity reduced to the name and
character of a private person. And where shall we deposit our
superfluous arms or any other part of our necessaries when we are
compelled to receive the attack of the barbarians? Nay, as for this, it
is not well even to say how it will turn out. But I think that we ought
to make straight for Carthage. For they say that there is a harbour
called Stagnum not more than forty stades distant from that city, which
is entirely unguarded and large enough for the whole fleet. And if we
make this the base of our operations, we shall carry on the war without
difficulty. And I, for my part, think it likely that we shall win
Carthage by a sudden attack, especially since the enemy are far away
from it, and that after we have won it we shall have no further trouble.
For it is a way with all men's undertakings that when the chief point
has been captured, they collapse after no long time. It behoves us,
therefore, to bear in mind all these things and to choose the best
course." So spoke Archelaus.

And Belisarius spoke as follows: "Let no one of you, fellow-officers,
think that my words are those of censure, nor that they are spoken in
the last place to the end that it may become necessary for all to follow
them, of whatever sort they may be. For I have heard what seems best to
each one of you, and it is becoming that I too should lay before you
what I think, and then with you should choose the better course. But it
is right to remind you of this fact, that the soldiers said openly a
little earlier that they feared the dangers by sea and would turn to
flight if a hostile ship should attack them, and we prayed God to shew
us the land of Libya and allow us a peaceful disembarkation upon it. And
since this is so, I think it the part of foolish men first to pray to
receive from God the more favourable fortune, then when this is given
them, to reject it and go in the contrary direction. And if we do sail
straight for Carthage and a hostile fleet encounters us, the soldiers
will remain without blame, if they flee with all their might--for a
delinquency announced beforehand carries with it its own defence--but
for us, even if we come through safely, there will be no forgiveness.
Now while there are many difficulties if we remain in the ships, it will
be sufficient, I think, to mention only one thing,--that by which
especially they wish to frighten us when they hold over our heads the
danger of a storm. For if any storm should fall upon us, one of two
things, they say, must necessarily befall the ships, either that they
flee far from Libya or be destroyed upon this headland. What then under
the present circumstances will be more to our advantage to choose? to
have the ships alone destroyed, or to have lost everything, men and all?
But apart from this, at the present time we shall fall upon the enemy
unprepared, and in all probability shall fare as we desire; for in
warfare it is the unexpected which is accustomed to govern the course of
events. But a little later, when the enemy have already made their
preparation, the struggle we shall have will be one of strength evenly
matched. And one might add that it will be necessary perhaps to fight
even for the disembarkation, and to seek for that which now we have
within our grasp but over which we are deliberating as a thing not
necessary. And if at the very time, when we are engaged in conflict, a
storm also comes upon us, as often happens on the sea, then while
struggling both against the waves and against the Vandals, we shall come
to regret our prudence. As for me, then, I say that we must disembark
upon the land with all possible speed, landing horses and arms and
whatever else we consider necessary for our use, and that we must dig a
trench quickly and throw a stockade around us of a kind which can
contribute to our safety no less than any walled town one might mention,
and with that as our base must carry on the war from there if anyone
should attack us. And if we shew ourselves brave men, we shall lack
nothing in the way of provisions. For those who hold the mastery over
their enemy are lords also of the enemy's possessions; and it is the way
of victory, first to invest herself with all the wealth, and then to set
it down again on that side to which she inclines. Therefore, for you
both the chance of safety and of having an abundance of good things lies
in your own hands."

When Belisarius had said this, the whole assembly agreed and adopted his
proposal, and separating from one another, they made the disembarkation
as quickly as possible, about three months later than their departure
from Byzantium. And indicating a certain spot on the shore the general
bade both soldiers and sailors dig the trench and place the stockade
about it. And they did as directed. And since a great throng was working
and fear was stimulating their enthusiasm and the general was urging
them on, not only was the trench dug on the same day, but the stockade
was also completed and the pointed stakes were fixed in place all
around. Then, indeed, while they were digging the trench, something
happened which was altogether amazing. A great abundance of water sprang
forth from the earth, a thing which had not happened before in Byzacium,
and besides this the place where they were was altogether waterless. Now
this water sufficed for all uses of both men and animals. And in
congratulating the general, Procopius said that he rejoiced at the
abundance of water, not so much because of its usefulness, as because it
seemed to him a symbol of an easy victory, and that Heaven was
foretelling a victory to them. This, at any rate, actually came to pass.
So for that night all the soldiers bivouacked in the camp, setting
guards and doing everything else as was customary, except, indeed, that
Belisarius commanded five bowmen to remain in each ship for the purpose
of a guard, and that the ships-of-war should anchor in a circle about
them, taking care that no one should come against them to do them harm.


XVI

But on the following day, when some of the soldiers went out into the
fields and laid hands on the fruit, the general inflicted corporal
punishment of no casual sort upon them, and he called all the army
together and spoke as follows: "This using of violence and the eating of
that which belongs to others seems at other times a wicked thing only on
this account, that injustice is in the deed itself, as the saying is;
but in the present instance so great an element of detriment is added to
the wrongdoing that--if it is not too harsh to say so--we must consider
the question of justice of less account and calculate the magnitude of
the danger that may arise from your act. For I have disembarked you upon
this land basing my confidence on this alone, that the Libyans, being
Romans from of old, are unfaithful and hostile to the Vandals, and for
this reason I thought that no necessaries would fail us and, besides,
that the enemy would not do us any injury by a sudden attack. But now
this your lack of self-control has changed it all and made the opposite
true. For you have doubtless reconciled the Libyans to the Vandals,
bringing their hostility round upon your own selves. For by nature those
who are wronged feel enmity toward those who have done them violence,
and it has come round to this that you have exchanged your own safety
and a bountiful supply of good things for some few pieces of silver,
when it was possible for you, by purchasing provisions from willing
owners, not to appear unjust and at the same time to enjoy their
friendship to the utmost. Now, therefore, the war will be between you
and both Vandals and Libyans, and I, at least, say further that it will
be against God himself, whose aid no one who does wrong can invoke. But
do you cease trespassing wantonly upon the possessions of others, and
reject a gain which is full of dangers. For this is that time in which
above all others moderation is able to save, but lawlessness leads to
death. For if you give heed to these things, you will find God
propitious, the Libyan people well-disposed, and the race of the Vandals
open to your attack."

With these words Belisarius dismissed the assembly. And at that time he
heard that the city of Syllectus was distant one day's journey from the
camp, lying close to the sea on the road leading to Carthage, and that
the wall of this city had been torn down for a long time, but the
inhabitants of the place had made a barrier on all sides by means of the
walls of their houses, on account of the attacks of the Moors, and
guarded a kind of fortified enclosure; he, accordingly, sent one of his
spearmen, Boriades, together with some of the guards, commanding them to
make an attempt oh the city, and, if they captured it, to do no harm in
it, but to promise a thousand good things and to say that they had come
for the sake of the people's freedom, that so the army might be able to
enter into it. And they came near the city about dusk and passed the
night hidden in a ravine. But at early dawn, meeting country folk going
into the city with waggons, they entered quietly with them and with no
trouble took possession of the city. And when day came, no one having
begun any disturbance, they called together the priest and all the other
notables and announced the commands of the general, and receiving the
keys of the entrances from willing hands, they sent them to the general.

On the same day the overseer of the public post deserted, handing over
all the government horses. And they captured also one of those who are
occasionally sent to bear the royal responses, whom they call
"veredarii"[49]; and the general did him no harm but presented him with
much gold and, receiving pledges from him, put into his hand the letter
which the Emperor Justinian had written to the Vandals, that he might
give it to the magistrates of the Vandals. And the writing was as
follows: "Neither have we decided to make war upon the Vandals, nor are
we breaking the treaty of Gizeric, but we are attempting to dethrone
your tyrant, who, making light of the testament of Gizeric, has
imprisoned your king and is keeping him in custody, and those of his
relatives whom he hated exceedingly he put to death at the first, and
the rest, after robbing them of their sight, he keeps under guard, not
allowing them to terminate their misfortunes by death. Do you,
therefore, join forces with us and help us in freeing yourselves from so
wicked a tyranny, in order that you may be able to enjoy both peace and
freedom. For we give you pledges in the name of God that these things
will come to you by our hand." Such was the message of the emperor's
letter. But the man who received this from Belisarius did not dare to
publish it openly, and though he shewed it secretly to his friends, he
accomplished nothing whatever of consequence.


XVII

And Belisarius, having arrayed his army as for battle in the following
manner, began the march to Carthage. He chose out three hundred of his
guards, men who were able warriors, and handed them over to John, who
was in charge of the expenditures of the general's household; such a
person the Romans call "optio."[50] And he was an Armenian by birth, a
man gifted with discretion and courage in the highest degree. This John,
then, he commanded to go ahead of the army, at a distance of not less
than twenty stades, and if he should see anything of the enemy, to
report it with all speed, so that they might not be compelled to enter
into battle unprepared. And the allied Massagetae he commanded to travel
constantly on the left of the army, keeping as many stades away or more;
and he himself marched in the rear with the best troops. For he
suspected that it would not be long before Gelimer, following them from
Hermione, would make an attack upon them. And these precautions were
sufficient, for on the right side there was no fear, since they were
travelling not far from the coast. And he commanded the sailors to
follow along with them always and not to separate themselves far from
the army, but when the wind was favouring to lower the great sails, and
follow with the small sails, which they call "dolones,"[51] and when the
wind dropped altogether to keep the ships under way as well as they
could by rowing.

And when Belisarius reached Syllectus, the soldiers behaved with
moderation, and they neither began any unjust brawls nor did anything
out of the way, and he himself, by displaying great gentleness and
kindness, won the Libyans to his side so completely that thereafter he
made the journey as if in his own land; for neither did the inhabitants
of the land withdraw nor did they wish to conceal anything, but they
both furnished a market and served the soldiers in whatever else they
wished. And accomplishing eighty stades each day, we completed the whole
journey to Carthage, passing the night either in a city, should it so
happen, or in a camp made as thoroughly secure as the circumstances
permitted. Thus we passed through the city of Leptis and Hadrumetum and
reached the place called Grasse, three hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. In that place was a palace of the ruler of the Vandals
and a park the most beautiful of all we know. For it is excellently
watered by springs and has a great wealth of woods. And all the trees
are full of fruit; so that each one of the soldiers pitched his tent
among fruit-trees, and though all of them ate their fill of the fruit,
which was then ripe, there was practically no diminution to be seen in
the fruit.

But Gelimer, as soon as he heard in Hermione that the enemy were at
hand, wrote to his brother Ammatas in Carthage to kill Ilderic and all
the others, connected with him either by birth or otherwise, whom he was
keeping under guard, and commanded him to make ready the Vandals and all
others in the city serviceable for war, in order that, when the enemy
got inside the narrow passage at the suburb of the city which they call
Decimum,[52] they might come together from both sides and surround them
and, catching them as in a net, destroy them. And Ammatas carried this
out, and killed Ilderic, who was a relative of his, and Euagees, and all
the Libyans who were intimate with them. For Hoamer had already departed
from the world.[53] And arming the Vandals, he made them ready,
intending to make his attack at the opportune moment. But Gelimer was
following behind, without letting it be known to us, except, indeed,
that, on that night when we bivouacked in Grasse, scouts coming from
both armies met each other, and after an exchange of blows they each
retired to their own camp, and in this way it became evident to us that
the enemy were not far away. As we proceeded from there it was
impossible to discern the ships. For high rocks extending well into the
sea cause mariners to make a great circuit, and there is a projecting
headland,[54] inside of which lies the town of Hermes. Belisarius
therefore commanded Archelaus, the prefect, and Calonymus, the admiral,
not to put in at Carthage, but to remain about two hundred stades away
until he himself should summon them. And departing from Grasse we came
on the fourth day to Decimum, seventy stades distant from Carthage.


XVIII

And on that day Gelimer commanded his nephew Gibamundus with two
thousand of the Vandals to go ahead of the rest of the army on the left
side, in order that Ammatas coming from Carthage, Gelimer himself from
the rear, and Gibamundus from the country to the left, might unite and
accomplish the task of encircling the enemy with less difficulty and
exertion. But as for me, during this struggle I was moved to wonder at
the ways of Heaven and of men, noting how God, who sees from afar what
will come to pass, traces out the manner in which it seems best to him
that things should come to pass, while men, whether they are deceived or
counsel aright, know not that they have failed, should that be the
issue, or that they have succeeded, God's purpose being that a path
shall be made for Fortune, who presses on inevitably toward that which
has been foreordained. For if Belisarius had not thus arranged his
forces, commanding the men under John to take the lead, and the
Massagetae to march on the left of the army, we should never have been
able to escape the Vandals. And even with this planned so by Belisarius,
if Ammatas had observed the opportune time, and had not anticipated this
by about the fourth part of a day, never would the cause of the Vandals
have fallen as it did; but as it was, Ammatas came to Decimum about
midday, in advance of the time, while both we and the Vandal army were
far away, erring not only in that he did not arrive at the fitting time,
but also in leaving at Carthage the host of the Vandals, commanding them
to come to Decimum as quickly as possible, while he with a few men and
not even the pick of the army came into conflict with John's men. And he
killed twelve of the best men who were fighting in the front rank, and
he himself fell, having shewn himself a brave man in this engagement.
And the rout, after Ammatas fell, became complete, and the Vandals,
fleeing at top speed, swept back all those who were coming from Carthage
to Decimum. For they were advancing in no order and not drawn up as for
battle, but in companies, and small ones at that; for they were coming
in bands of twenty or thirty. And seeing the Vandals under Ammatas
fleeing, and thinking their pursuers were a great multitude, they turned
and joined in the flight. And John and his men, killing all whom they
came upon, advanced as far as the gates of Carthage. And there was so
great a slaughter of Vandals in the course of the seventy stades that
those who beheld it would have supposed that it was the work of an enemy
twenty thousand strong.

At the same time Gibamundus and his two thousand came to Pedion Halon,
which is forty stades distant from Decimum on the left as one goes to
Carthage, and is destitute of human habitation or trees or anything
else, since the salt in the water permits nothing except salt to be
produced there; in that place they encountered the Huns and were all
destroyed. Now there was a certain man among the Massagetae, well gifted
with courage and strength of body, the leader of a few men; this man had
the privilege handed down from his fathers and ancestors to be the first
in all the Hunnic armies to attack the enemy. For it was not lawful for
a man of the Massagetae to strike first in battle and capture one of the
enemy until, indeed, someone from this house began the struggle with the
enemy. So when the two armies had come not far from each other, this man
rode out and stopped alone close to the army of the Vandals. And the
Vandals, either because they were dumbfounded at the courageous spirit
of the man or perhaps because they suspected that the enemy were
contriving something against them, decided neither to move nor to shoot
at the man. And I think that, since they had never had experience of
battle with the Massagetae, but heard that the nation was very warlike,
they were for this reason terrified at the danger. And the man,
returning to his compatriots, said that God had sent them these
strangers as a ready feast. Then at length they made their onset and the
Vandals did not withstand them, but breaking their ranks and never
thinking of resistance, they were all disgracefully destroyed.


XIX

But we, having learned nothing at all of what had happened, were going
on to Decimum. And Belisarius, seeing a place well adapted for a camp,
thirty-five stades distant from Decimum, surrounded it with a stockade
which was very well made, and placing all the infantry there and calling
together the whole army, he spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the
decisive moment of the struggle is already at hand; for I perceive that
the enemy are advancing upon us; and the ships have been taken far away
from us by the nature of the place; and it has come round to this that
our hope of safety lies in the strength of our hands. For there is not a
friendly city, no, nor any other stronghold, in which we may put our
trust and have confidence concerning ourselves. But if we should show
ourselves brave men, it is probable that we shall still overcome the
enemy in the war; but if we should weaken at all, it will remain for us
to fall under the hand of the Vandals and to be destroyed disgracefully.
And yet there are many advantages on our side to help us on toward
victory; for we have with us both justice, with which we have come
against our enemy (for we are here in order to recover what is our own),
and the hatred of the Vandals toward their own tyrant. For the alliance
of God follows naturally those who put justice forward, and a soldier
who is ill-disposed toward his ruler knows not how to play the part of a
brave man. And apart from this, we have been engaged with Persians and
Scythians all the time, but the Vandals, since the time they conquered
Libya, have seen not a single enemy except naked Moors. And who does not
know that in every work practice leads to skill, while idleness leads to
inefficiency? Now the stockade, from which we shall have to carry on the
war, has been made by us in the best possible manner. And we are able to
deposit here our weapons and everything else which we are not able to
carry when we go forth; and when we return here again, no kind of
provisions can fail us. And I pray that each one of you, calling to mind
his own valour and those whom he has left at home, may so march with
contempt against the enemy."

After speaking these words and uttering a prayer after them, Belisarius
left his wife and the barricaded camp to the infantry, and himself set
forth with all the horsemen. For it did not seem to him advantageous for
the present to risk an engagement with the whole army, but it seemed
wise to skirmish first with the horsemen and make trial of the enemy's
strength, and finally to fight a decisive battle with the whole army.
Sending forward, therefore, the commanders of the foederati,[55] he
himself followed with the rest of the force and his own spearmen and
guards. And when the foederati and their leaders reached Decimum, they
saw the corpses of the fallen--twelve comrades from the forces of John
and near them Ammatas and some of the Vandals. And hearing from the
inhabitants of the place the whole story of the fight, they were vexed,
being at a loss as to where they ought to go. But while they were still
at a loss and from the hills were looking around over the whole country
thereabouts, a dust appeared from the south and a little later a very
large force of Vandal horsemen. And they sent to Belisarius urging him
to come as quickly as possible, since the enemy were bearing down upon
them. And the opinions of the commanders were divided. For some thought
that they ought to close with their assailants, but the others said that
their force was not sufficient for this. And while they were debating
thus among themselves, the barbarians drew near under the leadership of
Gelimer, who was following a road between the one which Belisarius was
travelling and the one by which the Massagetae who had encountered
Gibamundus had come. But since the land was hilly on both sides, it did
not allow him to see either the disaster of Gibamundus or Belisarius'
stockade, nor even the road along which Belisarius' men were advancing.
But when they came near each other, a contest arose between the two
armies as to which should capture the highest of all the hills there.
For it seemed a suitable one to encamp upon, and both sides preferred to
engage with the enemy from there. And the Vandals, coming first, took
possession of the hill by crowding off their assailants and routed the
enemy, having already become an object of terror to them. And the Romans
in flight came to a place seven stades distant from Decimum, where, as
it happened, Uliaris, the personal guard of Belisarius, was, with eight
hundred guardsmen. And all supposed that Uliaris would receive them and
hold his position, and together with them would go against the Vandals;
but when they came together, these troops all unexpectedly fled at top
speed and went on the run to Belisarius.

From then on I am unable to say what happened to Gelimer that, having
the victory in his hands, he willingly gave it up to the enemy, unless
one ought to refer foolish actions also to God, who, whenever He
purposes that some adversity shall befall a man, touches first his
reason and does not permit that which will be to his advantage to come
to his consideration. For if, on the one hand, he had made the pursuit
immediately, I do not think that even Belisarius would have withstood
him, but our cause would have been utterly and completely lost, so
numerous appeared the force of the Vandals and so great the fear they
inspired in the Romans; or if, on the other hand, he had even ridden
straight for Carthage, he would easily have killed all John's men, who,
heedless of everything else, were wandering about the plain one by one
or by twos and stripping the dead. And he would have preserved the city
with its treasures, and captured our ships, which had come rather near,
and he would have withdrawn from us all hope both of sailing away and of
victory. But in fact he did neither of these things. Instead he
descended from the hill at a walk, and when he reached the level ground
and saw the corpse of his brother, he turned to lamentations, and, in
caring for his burial, he blunted the edge of his opportunity--an
opportunity which he was not able to grasp again. Meantime Belisarius,
meeting the fugitives, bade them stop, and arrayed them all in order and
rebuked them at length; then, after hearing of the death of Ammatas and
the pursuit of John, and learning what he wished concerning the place
and the enemy, he proceeded at full speed against Gelimer and the
Vandals. But the barbarians, having already fallen into disorder and
being now unprepared, did not withstand the onset of the Romans, but
fled with all their might, losing many there, and the battle ended at
night. Now the Vandals were in flight, not to Carthage nor to Byzacium,
whence they had come, but to the plain of Boulla and the road leading
into Numidia. So the men with John and the Massagetae returned to us
about dusk, and after learning all that had happened and reporting what
they had done, they passed the night with us in Decimum.


XX

But on the following day the infantry with the wife of Belisarius came
up and we all proceeded together on the road toward Carthage, which we
reached in the late evening; and we passed the night in the open,
although no one hindered us from marching into the city at once. For the
Carthaginians opened the gates and burned lights everywhere and the city
was brilliant with the illumination that whole night, and those of the
Vandals who had been left behind were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries. But Belisarius prevented the entrance in order to guard
against any ambuscade being set for his men by the enemy, and also to
prevent the soldiers from having freedom to turn to plundering, as they
might under the concealment of night. On that day, since an east wind
arose for them, the ships reached the headland, and the Carthaginians,
for they already sighted them, removed the iron chains of the harbour
which they call Mandracium, and made it possible for the fleet to enter.
Now there is in the king's palace a room filled with darkness, which the
Carthaginians call Ancon, where all were cast with whom the tyrant was
angry. In that place, as it happened, many of the eastern merchants had
been confined up to that time. For Gelimer was angry with these men,
charging them with having urged the emperor on to the war, and they were
about to be destroyed, all of them, this having been decided upon by
Gelimer on that day on which Ammatas was killed in Decimum; to such an
extremity of danger did they come. The guard of this prison, upon
hearing what had taken place in Decimum and seeing the fleet inside the
point, entered the room and enquired of the men, who had not yet learned
the good news, but were sitting in the darkness and expecting death,
what among their possessions they would be willing to give up and be
saved. And when they said they desired to give everything he might wish,
he demanded nothing of all their treasures, but required them all to
swear that, if they escaped, they would assist him also with all their
power when he came into danger. And they did this. Then he told them
them the whole story, and tearing off a plank from the side toward the
sea, he pointed out the fleet approaching, and releasing all from the
prison went out with them.

But the men on the ships, having as yet heard nothing of what the army
had done on the land, were completely at a loss, and slackening their
sails they sent to the town of Mercurium; there they learned what had
taken place at Decimum, and becoming exceedingly joyful sailed on. And
when, with a favouring wind blowing, they came to within one hundred and
fifty stades of Carthage, Archelaus and the soldiers bade them anchor
there, fearing the warning of the general, but the sailors would not
obey. For they said that the promontory at that point was without a
harbour and also that the indications were that a well-known storm,
which the natives call Cypriana, would arise immediately. And they
predicted that, if it came upon them in that place, they would not be
able to save even one of the ships. And it was as they said. So they
slackened their sails for a short time and deliberated; and they did not
think they ought to try for Mandracium (for they shrank from violating
the commands of Belisarius, and at the same time they suspected that the
entrance to Mandracium was closed by the chains, and besides they feared
that this harbour was not sufficient for the whole fleet) but Stagnum
seemed to them well situated (for it is forty stades distant from
Carthage), and there was nothing in it to hinder them, and also it was
large enough for the whole fleet. There they arrived about dusk and all
anchored, except, indeed, that Calonymus with some of the sailors,
disregarding the general and all the others, went off secretly to
Mandracium, no one daring to hinder him, and plundered the property of
the merchants dwelling on the sea, both foreigners and Carthaginians.

On the following day Belisarius commanded those on the ships to
disembark, and after marshalling the whole army and drawing it up in
battle formation, he marched into Carthage; for he feared lest he should
encounter some snare set by the enemy. There he reminded the soldiers at
length of how much good fortune had come to them because they had
displayed moderation toward the Libyans, and he exhorted them earnestly
to preserve good order with the greatest care in Carthage. For all the
Libyans had been Romans in earlier times and had come under the Vandals
by no will of their own and had suffered many outrages at the hands of
these barbarians. For this very reason the emperor had entered into war
with the Vandals, and it was not holy that any harm should come from
them to the people whose freedom they had made the ground for taking the
field against the Vandals. [Sept. 15, 533 A.D.] After such words of
exhortation he entered Carthage, and, since no enemy was seen by them,
he went up to the palace and seated himself on Gelimer's throne. There a
crowd of merchants and other Carthaginians came before Belisarius with
much shouting, persons whose homes were on the sea, and they made the
charge that there had been a robbery of their property on the preceding
night by the sailors. And Belisarius bound Calonymus by oaths to bring
without fail all his thefts to the light. And Calonymus, taking the oath
and disregarding what he had sworn, for the moment made the money his
plunder, but not long afterwards he paid his just penalty in Byzantium.
For being taken with the disease called apoplexy, he became insane and
bit off his own tongue and then died. But this happened at a later time.


XXI

But then, since the hour was appropriate, Belisarius commanded that
lunch be prepared for them, in the very place where Gelimer was
accustomed to entertain the leaders of the Vandals. This place the
Romans call "Delphix," not in their own tongue, but using the Greek word
according to the ancient custom. For in the palace at Rome, where the
dining couches of the emperor were placed, a tripod had stood from olden
times, on which the emperor's cupbearers used to place the cups. Now the
Romans call a tripod "Delphix," since they were first made at Delphi,
and from this both in Byzantium and wherever there is a king's dining
couch they call the room "Delphix"; for the Romans follow the Greek also
in calling the emperor's residence "Palatium." For a Greek named Pallas
lived in this place before the capture of Troy and built a noteworthy
house there, and they called this dwelling "Palatium"; and when Augustus
received the imperial power, he decided to take up his first residence
in that house, and from this they call the place wherever the emperor
resides "Palatium." So Belisarius dined in the Delphix and with him all
the notables of the army. And it happened that the lunch made for
Gelimer on the preceding day was in readiness. And we feasted on that
very food and the domestics of Gelimer served it and poured the wine and
waited upon us in every way. And it was possible to see Fortune in her
glory and making a display of the fact that all things are hers and that
nothing is the private possession of any man. And it fell to the lot of
Belisarius on that day to win such fame as no one of the men of his time
ever won nor indeed any of the men of olden times. For though the Roman
soldiers were not accustomed to enter a subject city without confusion,
even if they numbered only five hundred, and especially if they made the
entry unexpectedly, all the soldiers under the command of this general
showed themselves so orderly that there was not a single act of
insolence nor a threat, and indeed nothing happened to hinder the
business of the city; but in a captured city, one which had changed its
government and shifted its allegiance, it came about that no man's
household was excluded from the privileges of the marketplace; on the
contrary, the clerks drew up their lists of the men and conducted the
soldiers to their lodgings, just as usual,[56] and the soldiers
themselves, getting their lunch by purchase from the market, rested as
each one wished.

Afterwards Belisarius gave pledges to those Vandals who had fled into
the sanctuaries, and began to take thought for the fortifications. For
the circuit-wall of Carthage had been so neglected that in many places
it had become accessible to anyone who wished and easy to attack. For no
small part of it had fallen down, and it was for this reason, the
Carthaginians said, that Gelimer had not made his stand in the city. For
he thought that it would be impossible in a short time to restore such a
circuit-wall to a safe condition. And they said that an old oracle had
been uttered by the children in earlier times in Carthage, to the effect
that "gamma shall pursue beta, and again beta itself shall pursue
gamma." And at that time it had been spoken by the children in play and
had been left as an unexplained riddle, but now it was perfectly clear
to all. For formerly Gizeric had driven out Boniface and now Belisarius
was doing the same to Gelimer. This, then, whether it was a rumour or an
oracle, came out as I have stated.

At that time a dream also came to light, which had been seen often
before this by many persons, but without being clear as to how it would
turn out. And the dream was as follows. Cyprian,[57] a holy man, is
reverenced above all others by the Carthaginians. And they have founded
a very noteworthy temple in his honour before the city on the sea-shore,
in which they conduct all other customary services, and also celebrate
there a festival which they call the "Cypriana"; and the sailors are
accustomed to name after Cyprian the storm, which I mentioned
lately,[58] giving it the same name as the festival, since it is wont to
come on at the time at which the Libyans have always been accustomed to
celebrate the festival. This temple the Vandals took from the Christians
by violence in the reign of Honoric. And they straightway drove out
their priests from the temple in great dishonour, and themselves
thereafter attended to the sacred festival which, they said, now
belonged to the Arians. And the Libyans, indeed, were angry on this
account and altogether at a loss, but Cyprian, they say, often sent them
a dream saying that there was not the least need for the Christians to
be concerned about him; for he himself as time went on would be his own
avenger. And when the report of this was passed around and came to all
the Libyans, they were expecting that some vengeance would come upon the
Vandals at some time because of this sacred festival, but were unable to
conjecture how in the world the vision would be realized for them. Now,
therefore, when the emperor's expedition had come to Libya, since the
time had already come round and would bring the celebration of the
festival on the succeeding day, the priests of the Arians, in spite of
the fact that Ammatas had led the Vandals to Decimum, cleansed the whole
sanctuary and were engaged in hanging up the most beautiful of the
votive offerings there, and making ready the lamps and bringing out the
treasures from the store-houses and preparing all things with exactness,
arranging everything according to its appropriate use. But the events in
Decimum turned out in the manner already described. And the priests of
the Arians were off in flight, while the Christians who conform to the
orthodox faith came to the temple of Cyprian, and they burned all the
lamps and attended to the sacred festival just as is customary for them
to perform this service, and thus it was known to all what the vision of
the dream was foretelling. This, then, came about in this way.


XXII

And the Vandals, recalling an ancient saying, marvelled, understanding
clearly thereafter that for a man, at least, no hope could be impossible
nor any possession secure. And what this saying was and in what manner
it was spoken I shall explain. When the Vandals originally, pressed by
hunger, were about to remove from their ancestral abodes, a certain part
of them was left behind who were reluctant to go and not desirous of
following Godigisclus. And as time went on it seemed to those who had
remained that they were well off as regards abundance of provisions, and
Gizeric with his followers gained possession of Libya. And when this was
heard by those who had not followed Godigisclus, they rejoiced, since
thenceforth the country was altogether sufficient for them to live upon.
But fearing lest at some time much later either the very ones who had
conquered Libya, or their descendants, should in some way or other be
driven out of Libya and return to their ancestral homes (for they never
supposed that the Romans would let Libya be held for ever), they sent
ambassadors to them. And these men, upon coming before Gizeric, said
that they rejoiced with their compatriots who had met with such success,
but that they were no longer able to guard the land of which he and his
men had thought so little that they had settled in Libya. They prayed
therefore that, if they laid no claim to their fatherland, they would
bestow it as an unprofitable possession upon themselves, so that their
title to the land might be made as secure as possible, and if anyone
should come to do it harm, they might by no means disdain to die in
behalf of it. Gizeric, accordingly, and all the other Vandals thought
that they spoke fairly and justly, and they were in the act of granting
everything which the envoys desired of them. But a certain old man who
was esteemed among them and had a great reputation for discretion said
that he would by no means permit such a thing. "For in human affairs,"
he said, "not one thing stands secure; nay, nothing which now exists is
stable for all time for men, while as regards that which does not yet
exist, there is nothing which may not come to pass." When Gizeric heard
this, he expressed approval and decided to send the envoys away with
nothing accomplished. Now at that time both he himself and the man who
had given the advice were judged worthy of ridicule by all the Vandals,
as foreseeing the impossible. But when these things which have been told
took place, the Vandals learned to take a different view of the nature
of human affairs and realized that the saying was that of a wise man.

Now as for those Vandals who remained in their native land, neither
remembrance nor any name of them has been preserved to my time.[59] For
since, I suppose, they were a small number, they were either overpowered
by the neighbouring barbarians or they were mingled with them not at all
unwillingly and their name gave way to that of their conquerors. Indeed,
when the Vandals were conquered at that time by Belisarius, no thought
occurred to them to go from there to their ancestral homes. For they
were not able to convey themselves suddenly from Libya to Europe,
especially as they had no ships at hand, but paid the penalty[60] there
for all the wrongs they had done the Romans and especially the
Zacynthians. For at one time Gizeric, falling suddenly upon the towns in
the Peloponnesus, undertook to assault Taenarum. And being repulsed from
there and losing many of his followers he retired in complete disorder.
And while he was still filled with anger on account of this, he touched
at Zacynthus, and having killed many of those he met and enslaved five
hundred of the notables, he sailed away soon afterwards. And when he
reached the middle of the Adriatic Sea, as it is called, he cut into
small pieces the bodies of the five hundred and threw them all about the
sea without the least concern. But this happened in earlier times.


XXIII

But at that time Gelimer, by distributing much money to the farmers
among the Libyans and shewing great friendliness toward them, succeeded
in winning many to his side. These he commanded to kill the Romans who
went out into the country, proclaiming a fixed sum of gold for each man
killed, to be paid to him who did the deed. And they killed many from
the Roman army, not soldiers, however, but slaves and servants, who
because of a desire for money went up into the villages stealthily and
were caught. And the farmers brought their heads before Gelimer and
departed receiving their pay, while he supposed that they had slain
soldiers of the enemy.

At that time Diogenes, the aide of Belisarius, made a display of
valorous deeds. For having been sent, together with twenty-two of the
body-guards, to spy upon their opponents, he came to a place two days'
journey distant from Carthage. And the farmers of the place, being
unable to kill these men, reported to Gelimer that they were there. And
he chose out and sent against them three hundred horsemen of the
Vandals, enjoining upon them to bring all the men alive before him. For
it seemed to him a most remarkable achievement to make captive a
personal aide of Belisarius with twenty-two body-guards. Now Diogenes
and his party had entered a certain house and were sleeping in the upper
storey, having no thought of the enemy in mind, since, indeed, they had
learned that their opponents were far away. But the Vandals, coming
there at early dawn, thought it would not be to their advantage to
destroy the doors of the house or to enter it in the dark, fearing lest,
being involved in a night encounter, they might themselves destroy one
another, and at the same time, if that should happen, provide a way of
escape for a large number of the enemy in the darkness. But they did
this because cowardice had paralyzed their minds, though it would have
been possible for them with no trouble, by carrying torches or even
without these, to catch their enemies in their beds not only without
weapons, but absolutely naked besides. But as it was, they made a
phalanx in a circle about the whole house and especially at the doors,
and all took their stand there. But in the meantime it so happened that
one of the Roman soldiers was roused from sleep, and he, noticing the
noise which the Vandals made as they talked stealthily among themselves
and moved with their weapons, was able to comprehend what was being
done, and rousing each one of his comrades silently, he told them what
was going on. And they, following the opinion of Diogenes, all put on
their clothes quietly and taking up their weapons went below. There they
put the bridles on their horses and leaped upon them unperceived by
anyone. And after standing for a time by the court-yard entrance, they
suddenly opened the door there, and straightway all came out. And then
the Vandals immediately closed with them, but they accomplished nothing.
For the Romans rode hard, covering themselves with their shields and
warding off their assailants with their spears. And in this way Diogenes
escaped the enemy, losing two of his followers, but saving the rest. He
himself, however, received three blows in this encounter on the neck and
the face, from which indeed he came within a little of dying, and one
blow also on the left hand, as a result of which he was thereafter
unable to move his little finger. This, then, took place in this way.

And Belisarius offered great sums of money to the artisans engaged in
the building trade and to the general throng of workmen, and by this
means he dug a trench deserving of great admiration about the
circuit-wall, and setting stakes close together along it he made an
excellent stockade about the fortifications. And not only this, but he
built up in a short time the portions of the wall which had suffered, a
thing which seemed worthy of wonder not only to the Carthaginians, but
also to Gelimer himself at a later time. For when he came as a captive
to Carthage, he marvelled when he saw the wall and said that his own
negligence had proved the cause of all his present troubles. This, then,
was accomplished by Belisarius while in Carthage.


XXIV

But Tzazon, the brother of Gelimer, reached Sardinia with the expedition
which has been mentioned above[61] and disembarked at the harbour of
Caranalis[62]; and at the first onset he captured the city and killed
the tyrant Godas and all the fighting men about him. And when he heard
that the emperor's expedition was in the land of Libya, having as yet
learned nothing of what had been done there, he wrote to Gelimer as
follows: "Know, O King of the Vandals and Alani, that the tyrant Godas
has perished, having fallen into our hands, and that the island is again
under thy kingdom, and celebrate the festival of triumph. And as for the
enemy who have had the daring to march against our land, expect that
their attempt will come to the same fate as that experienced by those
who in former times marched against our ancestors." And those who took
this letter sailed into the harbour of Carthage with no thought of the
enemy in mind. And being brought by the guards before the general, they
put the letter into his hands and gave him information on the matters
about which he enquired, being thunderstruck at what they beheld and
awed at the suddenness of the change; however, they suffered nothing
unpleasant at the hand of Belisarius.

At this same time another event also occurred as follows. A short time
before the emperor's expedition reached Libya, Gelimer had sent envoys
into Spain, among whom were Gothaeus and Fuscias, in order to persuade
Theudis, the ruler of the Visigoths,[63] to establish an alliance with
the Vandals. And these envoys, upon disembarking on the mainland after
crossing the strait at Gadira, found Theudis in a place situated far
from the sea. And when they had come up to the place where he was,
Theudis received them with friendliness and entertained them heartily,
and during the feast he pretended to enquire how matters stood with
Gelimer and the Vandals. Now since these envoys had travelled to him
rather slowly, it happened that he had heard from others everything
which had befallen the Vandals. For one merchant ship sailing for trade
had put out from Carthage on the very same day as the army marched into
the city, and finding a favouring wind, had come to Spain. From those on
this ship Theudis learned all that had happened in Libya, but he forbade
the merchants to reveal it to anyone, in order that this might not
become generally known. And when Gothaeus and his followers replied that
everything was as well as possible for them, he asked them for what
purpose, then, they had come. And when they proposed the alliance,
Theudis bade them go to the sea-coast; "For from there," he said, "you
will learn of the affairs at home with certainty." And the envoys,
supposing that the man was in his cups and his words were not sane,
remained silent. But when on the following day they met him and made
mention of the alliance, and Theudis used the same words a second time,
then at length they understood that some change of fortune had befallen
them in Libya, but never once thinking of Carthage they sailed for the
city. And upon coming to land close by it and happening upon Roman
soldiers, they put themselves in their hands to do with them as they
wished. And from there they were led away to the general, and reporting
the whole story, they suffered no harm at his hand. These things, then,
happened thus. And Cyril,[64] upon coming near to Sardinia and learning
what had happened to Godas, sailed to Carthage, and there, finding the
Roman army and Belisarius victorious, he remained at rest; and
Solomon[65] was sent to the emperor in order to announce what had been
accomplished.


XXV

But Gelimer, upon reaching the plain of Boulla, which is distant from
Carthage a journey of four days for an unencumbered traveller, not far
from the boundaries of Numidia, began to gather there all the Vandals
and as many of the Moors as happened to be friendly to him. Few Moors,
however, joined his alliance, and these were altogether insubordinate.
For all those who ruled over the Moors in Mauretania and Numidia and
Byzacium sent envoys to Belisarius saying that they were slaves of the
emperor and promised to fight with him. There were some also who even
furnished their children as hostages and requested that the symbols of
office be sent them from him according to the ancient custom. For it was
a law among the Moors that no one should be a ruler over them, even if
he was hostile to the Romans, until the emperor of the Romans should
give him the tokens of the office. And though they had already received
them from the Vandals, they did not consider that the Vandals held the
office securely. Now these symbols are a staff of silver covered with
gold, and a silver cap,--not covering the whole head, but like a crown
and held in place on all sides by bands of silver,--a kind of white
cloak gathered by a golden brooch on the right shoulder in the form of a
Thessalian cape, and a white tunic with embroidery, and a gilded boot.
And Belisarius sent these things to them, and presented each one of them
with much money. However, they did not come to fight along with him,
nor, on the other hand, did they dare give their support to the Vandals,
but standing out of the way of both contestants, they waited to see what
would be the outcome of the war. Thus, then, matters stood with the
Romans.

But Gelimer sent one of the Vandals to Sardinia with a letter to his
brother Tzazon. And he went quickly to the coast, and finding by chance
a merchant-ship putting out to sea, he sailed into the harbour of
Caranalis and put the letter into the hands of Tzazon. Now the message
of the letter was as follows:

"It was not, I venture to think, Godas who caused the island to revolt
from us, but some curse of madness sent from Heaven which fell upon the
Vandals. For by depriving us of you and the notables of the Vandals, it
has seized and carried off from the house of Gizeric absolutely all the
blessings which we enjoyed. For it was not to recover the island for us
that you sailed from here, but in order that Justinian might be master
of Libya. For that which Fortune had decided upon previously it is now
possible to know from the outcome. Belisarius, then, has come against us
with a small army, but valour straightway departed and fled from the
Vandals, taking good fortune with her. For Ammatas and Gibamundus have
fallen, because the Vandals lost their courage, and the horses and
shipyards and all Libya and, not least of all, Carthage itself, are held
already by the enemy. And the Vandals are sitting here, having paid with
their children and wives and all their possessions for their failure to
play the part of brave men in battle, and to us is left only the plain
of Boulla, where our hope in you has set us down and still keeps us. But
do you have done with such matters as rebel tyrants and Sardinia and the
cares concerning these things, and come to us with your whole force as
quickly as possible. For when men find the very heart and centre of all
in danger, it is not advisable for them to consider minutely other
matters. And struggling hereafter in common against the enemy, we shall
either recover our previous fortune, or gain the advantage of not
bearing apart from each other the hard fate sent by Heaven."

When this letter had been brought to Tzazon, and he had disclosed its
contents to the Vandals, they turned to wailing and lamentation, not
openly, however, but concealing their feelings as much as possible and
avoiding the notice of the islanders, silently among themselves they
bewailed the fate which was upon them. And straightway setting in order
matters in hand just as chance directed, they manned the ships. And
sailing from there with the whole fleet, on the third day they came to
land at the point of Libya which marks the boundary between the
Numidians and Mauretanians. And they reached the plain of Boulla
travelling on foot, and there joined with the rest of the army. And in
that place there were many most pitiable scenes among the Vandals, which
I, at least, could never relate as they deserve. For I think that even
if one of the enemy themselves had happened to be a spectator at that
time, he would probably have felt pity, in spite of himself, for the
Vandals and for human fortune. For Gelimer and Tzazon threw their arms
about each other's necks, and could not let go, but they spoke not a
word to each other, but kept wringing their hands and weeping, and each
one of the Vandals with Gelimer embraced one of those who had come from
Sardinia, and did the same thing. And they stood for a long time as if
grown together and found such comfort as they could in this, and neither
did the men of Gelimer think fit to ask about Godas (for their present
fortune had prostrated them and caused them to reckon such things as had
previously seemed to them most important with those which were now
utterly negligible), nor could those who came from Sardinia bring
themselves to ask about what had happened in Libya. For the place was
sufficient to permit them to judge of what had come to pass. And indeed
they did not make any mention even of their own wives and children,
knowing well that whoever of theirs was not there had either died or
fallen into the hands of the enemy. Thus, then, did these things happen.


FOOTNOTES:

[1]

Cadiz.

[2]

Sea of Azov.

[3]

Abila.

[4]

Or Septem Fratres.

[5]

Most ancient geographers divided the inhabited world into three
continents, but some made two divisions. It was a debated question with
these latter whether Africa belonged to Asia or to Europe; of. Sallust,
_Jugurtha_, 17.

[6]

Kadi Keui.

[7]

More correctly Hydrous, Lat. Hydruntum (Otranto).

[8]

At Aulon (Avlona).

[9]

Adding these four days to the other items (285, 22, 40), the total is
351 days.

[10]

Calpe (Gibraltar).

[11]

_i.e._, instead of stopping at Otranto, one might also reckon in the
coast-line around the Adriatic to Dyrrachium.

[12]

About twenty-four English miles.

[13]

Iviza.

[14]

"Black-cloaks."

[15]

Belgrade.

[16]

Mitrovitz.

[17]

In Illyricum.

[18]

He ascended the throne at the age of seven.

[19]

That is, the actual occupant could enter a demurrer to the former
owner's action for recovery, citing his own occupancy for thirty years
or more. The new law extended the period during which the ousted
proprietor could recover possession, by admitting no demurrer from the
occupant so far as the years were concerned during which the Vandals
should be in possession of the country.

[20]

This is an error; he really ruled only eighteen months.

[21]

Geiseric, Gaiseric, less properly Genseric.

[22]

Now corrupted to Bona.

[23]

Emperor in Gaul, Britain and Spain 383-388. Aspiring to be Emperor of
the West, he invaded Italy, was defeated by Theodosius, and put to
death.

[24]

This is an error, for Attila died before Aetius.

[25]

Including the famous treasure which Titus had brought from Jerusalem,
cf. IV. ix. 5.

[26]

Domitian had spent 12,000 talents (£2,400,000) on the gilding alone;
Plutarch, _Publ._ 15.

[27]

_i.e._ "leaders of a thousand."

[28]

130,000 Roman pounds; cf. Book I. xxii. 4. The modern equivalent is
unknown.

[29]

Placidia's sister, Eudocia, was wife of Honoric, Gizeric's son.

[30]

See chap. iv. 27.

[31]

_i.e._ "wisdom."

[32]

Jebel Auress.

[33]

_i.e._ to what sect or religion they belonged.

[34]

Cf. Book IV. xi. 17 ff.

[35]

Book I. xxii. 16.

[36]

The "imperial" taxes were for the emperor's privy purse, the fiscus.

[37]

These foederati were private bands of troops under the leadership of
condottiere; these had the title of "count" and received from the state
an allowance for the support of their bands.

[38]

The medimnus equalled about one and a half bushels.

[39]

_i.e._ "runners."

[40]

Eregli, on the Sea of Marmora.

[41]

Cape Matapan.

[42]

Book I. xxiv. 12-15; xxv. 8-10.

[43]

The ration of this twice-baked bread represented for the same weight
one-fourth more wheat than when issued in the once-baked bread. He was
evidently paid on the basis of so much per ration, in weight, of the
once-baked bread, but on account of the length of the voyage the other
kind was requisitioned.

[44]

Instead of by weight.

[45]

Now Porto Lombardo.

[46]

Or Athalaric.

[47]

Now Gozzo and Malta.

[48]

Cf. III. v. 8 ff.

[49]

_i.e._ couriers, from _veredus_, "post-horse."

[50]

An adjutant, the general's own "choice."

[51]

Topsails.

[52]

_i.e._ _Decimum miliarium_, tenth milestone from Carthage.

[53]

Before 533 A.D.

[54]

Hermaeum, Lat. Mercurii promontorium (Cape Bon).

[55]

"Auxiliaries"; see chap. xi. 3, 4.

[56]

The troops were billeted as at a peaceful occupation.

[57]

St. Cyprian (_circa_ 200-257 A.D.), Bishop of Carthage.

[58]

Chap. xx. 13.

[59]

Compare the remarks of Gibbon, iv. p. 295.

[60]

In _Arcana_, 18, 5 ff., Procopius estimates the number of the Vandals in
Africa, at the time of Belisarius, at 80,000 males, and intimates that
practically all perished.

[61]

Chap. xi. 23.

[62]

Cagliari.

[63]

On this Theudis and his accession to the throne of the Visigoths in
Spain see V. xii. 50 ff.

[64]

The leader of a band of _foederati_. Cf. III. xi. 1, 6, xxiv. 19.

[65]

Also a _dux foederatorum_, and _domesticus_ of Belisarius. Cf. III. xi.
5 ff.

       *       *       *       *       *




 HISTORY OF THE WARS:



       *       *       *       *       *




BOOK IV

THE VANDALIC WAR (_Continued_)


I

Gelimer, seeing all the Vandals gathered together, led his army against
Carthage. And when they came close to it, they tore down a portion of
the aqueduct,--a structure well worth seeing--which conducted water into
the city, and after encamping for a time they withdrew, since no one of
the enemy came out against them. And going about the country there they
kept the roads under guard and thought that in this way they were
besieging Carthage; however, they did not gather any booty, nor plunder
the land, but took possession of it as their own. And at the same time
they kept hoping that there would be some treason on the part of the
Carthaginians themselves and such of the Roman soldiers as followed the
doctrine of Arius. They also sent to the leaders of the Huns, and
promising that they would have many good things from the Vandals,
entreated them to become their friends and allies. Now the Huns even
before this had not been well-disposed toward the cause of the Romans,
since they had not indeed come to them willingly as allies (for they
asserted that the Roman general Peter had given an oath and then,
disregarding what had been sworn, had thus brought them to Byzantium),
and accordingly they received the words of the Vandals, and promised
that when they should come to real fighting they would turn with them
against the Roman army. But Belisarius had a suspicion of all this (for
he had heard it from the deserters), and also the circuit-wall had not
as yet been completed entirely, and for these reasons he did not think
it possible for his men to go out against the enemy for the present, but
he was making his preparations within as well as possible. And one of
the Carthaginians, Laurus by name, having been condemned on a charge of
treason and proved guilty by his own secretary, was impaled by
Belisarius on a hill before the city, and as a result of this the others
came to feel a sort of irresistible fear and refrained from attempts at
treason. And he courted the Massagetae with gifts and banquets and every
other manner of flattering attention every day, and thus persuaded them
to disclose to him what Gelimer had promised them on condition of their
turning traitors in the battle. And these barbarians said that they had
no enthusiasm for fighting, for they feared that, if the Vandals were
vanquished, the Romans would not send them back to their native land,
but they would be compelled to grow old and die right there in Libya;
and besides they were also concerned, they said, about the booty, lest
they be robbed of it. Then indeed Belisarius gave them pledges that, if
the Vandals should be conquered decisively, they would be sent without
the least delay to their homes with all their booty, and thus he bound
them by oaths in very truth to assist the Romans with all zeal in
carrying through the war.

And when all things had been prepared by him in the best way possible,
and the circuit-wall had been already completed, he called together the
whole army and spoke as follows: "As for exhortation, fellow Romans, I
do not know that it is necessary to make any to you,--men who have
recently conquered the enemy so completely that Carthage here and the
whole of Libya is a possession of your valour, and for this reason you
will have no need of admonition that prompts to daring. For the spirits
of those who have conquered are by no means wont to be overcome. But I
think it not untimely to remind you of this one thing, that, if you on
the present occasion but prove equal to your own selves in valour,
straightway there will be an end for the Vandals of their hopes, and for
you of the battle. Hence there is every reason why you should enter into
this engagement with the greatest eagerness. For ever sweet to men is
toil coming to an end and reaching its close. Now as for the host of the
Vandals, let no one of you consider them. For not by numbers of men nor
by measure of body, but by valour of soul, is war wont to be decided.
And let the strongest motive which actuates men come to your minds,
namely, pride in past achievement. For it is a shame, for those at least
who have reason, to fall short of one's own self and to be found
inferior to one's own standard of valour. For I know well that terror
and the memory of misfortunes have laid hold upon the enemy and compel
them to become less brave, for the one fills them with fear because of
what has already happened, and the other brushes aside their hope of
success. For Fortune, once seen to be bad, straightway enslaves the
spirit of those who have fallen in her way. And I shall explain how the
struggle involves for you at the present time a greater stake than
formerly. For in the former battle the danger was, if things did not go
well for us, that we should not take the land of others; but now, if we
do not win the struggle, we shall lose the land which is our own. In
proportion, then, as it is easier to possess nothing than to be deprived
of what one has, just so now our fear touches our most vital concerns
more than before. And yet formerly we had the fortune to win the victory
with the infantry absent, but now, entering the battle with God
propitious and with our whole army, I have hopes of capturing the camp
of the enemy, men and all. Thus, then, having the end of the war ready
at hand, do not by reason of any negligence put it off to another time,
lest you be compelled to seek for the opportune moment after it has run
past us. For when the fortune of war is postponed, its nature is not to
proceed in the same manner as before, especially if the war be prolonged
by the will of those who are carrying it on. For Heaven is accustomed to
bring retribution always upon those who abandon the good fortune which
is present. But if anyone considers that the enemy, seeing their
children and wives and most precious possessions in our hands, will be
daring beyond reason and will incur risks beyond the strength which they
have, he does not think rightly. For an overpowering passion springing
up in the heart in behalf of what is most precious is wont to diminish
men's actual strength and does not allow them to make full use of their
present opportunities. Considering, then, all these things, it behooves
you to go with great contempt against the enemy."


II

After such words of exhortation, Belisarius sent out all the horsemen on
the same day, except five hundred, and also the guardsmen and the
standard, which the Romans call "bandum,"[1] entrusting them to John the
Armenian, and directing him to skirmish only, if opportunity should
arise. And he himself on the following day followed with the infantry
forces and the five hundred horsemen. And the Massagetae, deliberating
among themselves, decided, in order to seem in friendly agreement with
both Gelimer and Belisarius, neither to begin fighting for the Romans
nor to go over to the Vandals before the encounter, but whenever the
situation of one or the other army should be bad, then to join the
victors in their pursuit of the vanquished. Thus, then, had this matter
been decided upon by the barbarians. And the Roman army came upon the
Vandals encamped in Tricamarum, one hundred and fifty stades distant
from Carthage. So they both bivouacked there at a considerable distance
from one another. And when it was well on in the night, a prodigy came
to pass in the Roman camp as follows. The tips of their spears were
lighted with a bright fire and the points of them seemed to be burning
most vigorously. This was not seen by many, but it filled with
consternation the few who did see it, not knowing how it would come out.
And this happened to the Romans in Italy again at a much later time. And
at that time, since they knew by experience, they believed it to be a
sign of victory. But now, as I have said, since this was the first time
it had happened, they were filled with consternation and passed the
night in great fear.

And on the following day Gelimer commanded the Vandals to place the
women and children and all their possessions in the middle of the
stockade, although it had not the character of a fort, and calling all
together, he spoke as follows: "It is not to gain glory, or to retrieve
the loss of empire alone, O fellow Vandals, that we are about to fight,
so that even if we wilfully played the coward and sacrificed these our
belongings we might possibly live, sitting at home and keeping our own
possessions; but you see, surely, that our fortunes have come round to
such a pass that, if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy, we
shall, if we perish, leave them as masters of these our children and our
wives and our land and all our possessions, while if we survive, there
will be added our own enslavement and to behold all these enslaved; but
if, indeed, we overcome our foes in the war, we shall, if we live, pass
our lives among all good things, or, after the glorious ending of our
lives, there will be left to our wives and children the blessings of
prosperity, while the name of the Vandals will survive and their empire
be preserved. For if it has ever happened to any men to be engaged in a
struggle for their all, we now more than all others realize that we are
entering the battle-line with our hopes for all we have resting wholly
upon ourselves. Not for our bodies, then, is our fear, nor in death is
our danger, but in being defeated by the enemy. For if we lose the
victory, death will be to our advantage. Since, therefore, the case
stands so, let no one of the Vandals weaken, but let him proudly expose
his body, and from shame at the evils that follow defeat let him court
the end of life. For when a man is ashamed of that which is shameful,
there is always present with him a dauntless courage in the face of
danger. And let no recollection of the earlier battle come into your
minds. For it was not by cowardice on our part that we were defeated,
but we tripped upon obstacles interposed by fortune and were overthrown.
Now it is not the way of the tide of fortune to flow always in the same
direction, but every day, as a rule, it is wont to change about. In
manliness it is our boast that we surpass the enemy, and that in numbers
we are much superior; for we believe that we surpass them no less than
tenfold. And why shall I add that many and great are the incentives
which, now especially, urge us on to valour, naming the glory of our
ancestors and the empire which has been handed down to us by them? For
in our case that glory is obscured by our unlikeness to our kindred,
while the empire is bent upon fleeing from us as unworthy. And I pass
over in silence the wails of these poor women and the tears of our
children, by which, as you see, I am now so deeply moved that I am
unable to prolong my discourse. But having said this one thing, I shall
stop,--that there will be for us no returning to these most precious
possessions if we do not gain the mastery over the enemy. Remembering
these things, shew yourselves brave men and do not bring shame upon the
fame of Gizeric."

After speaking such words, Gelimer commanded his brother Tzazon to
deliver an exhortation separately to the Vandals who had come with him
from Sardinia. And he gathered them together a little apart from the
camp and spoke as follows: "For all the Vandals, fellow soldiers, the
struggle is in behalf of those things which you have just heard the king
recount, but for you, in addition to all the other considerations, it so
happens that you are vying with yourselves. For you have recently been
victorious in a struggle for the maintenance of our rule, and you have
recovered the island for the empire of the Vandals; there is every
reason, therefore, for you to make still greater display of your valour.
For those whose hazard involves the greatest things must needs display
the greatest zeal for warfare also. Indeed, when men who struggle for
the maintenance of their rule are defeated, should it so happen, they
have not failed in the most vital part; but when men are engaged in
battle for their all, surely their very lives are influenced by the
outcome of the struggle. And for the rest, if you shew yourselves brave
men at the present time, you will thereby prove with certainty that the
destruction[2] of the tyrant Godas was an achievement of valour on your
part; but if you weaken now, you will be deprived of even the renown of
those deeds, as of something which does not belong to you at all. And
yet, even apart from this, it is reasonable to think that you will have
an advantage over the rest of the Vandals in this battle. For those who
have failed are dismayed by their previous fortune, while those who have
encountered no reverse enter the struggle with their courage unimpaired.
And this too, I think, will not be spoken out of season, that if we
conquer the enemy, it will be you who will win the credit for the
greatest part of the victory, and all will call you saviours of the
nation of the Vandals. For men who achieve renown in company with those
who have previously met with misfortune naturally claim the better
fortune as their own. Considering all these things, therefore, I say
that you should bid the women and children who are lamenting their fate
to take courage even now, should summon God to fight with us, should go
with enthusiasm against the enemy, and lead the way for our compatriots
into this battle."


III

After both Gelimer and Tzazon had spoken such exhortations, they led out
the Vandals, and at about the time of lunch, when the Romans were not
expecting them, but were preparing their meal, they were at hand and
arrayed themselves for battle along the bank of the stream. Now the
stream at that place is an ever-flowing one, to be sure, but its volume
is so small that it is not even given a special name by the inhabitants
of the place, but it is designated simply as a brook. So the Romans came
to the other bank of this river, after preparing themselves as well as
they could under the circumstances, and arrayed themselves as follows.
The left wing was held by Martinus and Valerian, John, Cyprian, Althias,
and Marcellus, and as many others as were commanders of the
foederati[3]; and the right was held by Pappas, Barbatus, and Aïgan, and
the others who commanded the forces of cavalry. And in the centre John
took his position, leading the guards and spearmen of Belisarius and
carrying the general's standard. And Belisarius also came there at the
opportune moment with his five hundred horsemen, leaving the infantry
behind advancing at a walk. For all the Huns had been arrayed in another
place, it being customary for them even before this not to mingle with
the Roman army if they could avoid so doing, and at that time
especially, since they had in mind the purpose which has previously been
explained,[4] it was not their wish to be arrayed with the rest of the
army. Such, then, was the formation of the Romans. And on the side of
the Vandals, either wing was held by the chiliarchs, and each one led
the division under him, while in the centre was Tzazon, the brother of
Gelimer, and behind him were arrayed the Moors. But Gelimer himself was
going about everywhere exhorting them and urging them on to daring. And
the command had been previously given to all the Vandals to use neither
spear nor any other weapon in this engagement except their swords.

After a considerable time had passed and no one began the battle, John
chose out a few of those under him by the advice of Belisarius and
crossing the river made an attack on the centre, where Tzazon crowded
them back and gave chase. And the Romans in flight came into their own
camp, while the Vandals in pursuit came as far as the stream, but did
not cross it. And once more John, leading out more of the guardsmen of
Belisarius, made a dash against the forces of Tzazon, and again being
repulsed from there, withdrew to the Roman camp. And a third time with
almost all the guards and spearmen of Belisarius he took the general's
standard and made his attack with much shouting and a great noise. But
since the barbarians manfully withstood them and used only their swords,
the battle became fierce, and many of the noblest of the Vandals fell,
and among them Tzazon himself, the brother of Gelimer. Then at last the
whole Roman army was set in motion, and crossing the river they advanced
upon the enemy, and the rout, beginning at the centre, became complete;
for each of the Roman divisions turned to flight those before them with
no trouble. And the Massagetae, seeing this, according to their
agreement among themselves[5] joined the Roman army in making the
pursuit, but this pursuit was not continued for a great distance. For
the Vandals entered their own camp quickly and remained quiet, while the
Romans, thinking that they would not be able to fight it out with them
inside the stockade, stripped such of the corpses as had gold upon them
and retired to their own camp. And there perished in this battle, of the
Romans less than fifty, but of the Vandals about eight hundred.

But Belisarius, when the infantry came up in the late afternoon, moved
as quickly as he could with the whole army and went against the camp of
the Vandals. And Gelimer, realising that Belisarius with his infantry
and the rest of his army was coming against him straightway, without
saying a word or giving a command leaped upon his horse and was off in
flight on the road leading to Numidia. And his kinsmen and some few of
his domestics followed him in utter consternation and guarding with
silence what was taking place. And for some time it escaped the notice
of the Vandals that Gelimer had run away, but when they all perceived
that he had fled, and the enemy were already plainly seen, then indeed
the men began to shout and the children cried out and the women wailed.
And they neither took with them the money they had nor did they heed the
laments of those dearest to them, but every man fled in complete
disorder just as he could. And the Romans, coming up, captured the camp,
money and all, with not a man in it; and they pursued the fugitives
throughout the whole night, killing all the men upon whom they happened,
and making slaves of the women and children. And they found in this camp
a quantity of wealth such as has never before been found, at least in
one place. For the Vandals had plundered the Roman domain for a long
time and had transferred great amounts of money to Libya, and since
their land was an especially good one, nourishing abundantly with the
most useful crops, it came about that the revenue collected from the
commodities produced there was not paid out to any other country in the
purchase of a food supply, but those who possessed the land always kept
for themselves the income from it for the ninety-five years during which
the Vandals ruled Libya. And from this it resulted that their wealth,
amounting to an extraordinary sum, returned once more on that day into
the hands of the Romans. So this battle and the pursuit and the capture
of the Vandals' camp happened three months after the Roman army came to
Carthage, at about the middle of the last month, which the Romans call
"December." [533 A.D.]


IV

Then Belisarius, seeing the Roman army rushing about in confusion and
great disorder, was disturbed, being fearful throughout the whole night
lest the enemy, uniting by mutual agreement against him, should do him
irreparable harm. And if this thing had happened at that time in any way
at all, I believe that, not one of the Romans would have escaped and
enjoyed this booty. For the soldiers, being extremely poor men, upon
becoming all of a sudden masters of very great wealth and of women both
young and extremely comely, were no longer able to restrain their minds
or to find any satiety in the things they had, but were so intoxicated,
drenched as they were by their present good fortunes, that each one
wished to take everything with him back to Carthage. And they were going
about, not in companies but alone or by twos, wherever hope led them,
searching out everything roundabout among the valleys and the rough
country and wherever there chanced to be a cave or anything such as
might bring them into danger or ambush. For neither did fear of the
enemy nor their respect for Belisarius occur to them, nor indeed
anything else at all except the desire for spoils, and being
overmastered by this they came to think lightly of everything else. And
Belisarius, taking note of all this, was at a loss as to how he should
handle the situation. But at daybreak he took his stand upon a certain
hill near the road, appealing to the discipline which no longer existed
and heaping reproaches upon all, soldiers and officers alike. Then
indeed, those who chanced to be near, and especially those who were of
the household of Belisarius, sent the money and slaves which they had to
Carthage with their tentmates and messmates, and themselves came up
beside the general and gave heed to the orders given them.

And he commanded John, the Armenian, with two hundred men to follow
Gelimer, and without slackening their speed either night or day to
pursue him, until they should take him living or dead. And he sent word
to his associates in Carthage to lead into the city all the Vandals who
were sitting as suppliants in sanctuaries in the places about the city,
giving them pledges and taking away their weapons, that they might not
begin an uprising, and to keep them there until he himself should come.
And with those who were left he went about everywhere and gathered the
soldiers hastily, and to all the Vandals he came upon he gave pledges
for their safety. For it was no longer possible to catch anyone of the
Vandals except as a suppliant in the sanctuaries. And from these he took
away their weapons and sent them, with soldiers to guard them, to
Carthage, not giving them time to unite against the Romans. And when
everything was as well settled as possible, he himself with the greater
part of the army moved against Gelimer with all speed. But John, after
continuing the pursuit five days and nights, had already come not far
from Gelimer, and in fact he was about to engage with him on the
following day. But since it was not fated that Gelimer should be
captured by John, the following obstacle was contrived by fortune. Among
those pursuing with John it happened that there was Uliaris, the aide of
Belisarius. Now this man was a passionate fellow and well favoured in
strength of heart and body, but not a very serious man, but one who
generally took delight in wine and buffoonery. This Uliaris on the sixth
day of the pursuit, being drunk, saw a bird sitting in a tree at about
sunrise, and he quickly stretched his bow and despatched a missile at
the bird. And he missed the bird, but John, who was behind it, he hit in
the neck by no will of his own. And since the wound was mortal, John
passed away a short time afterwards, leaving great sorrow at his loss to
the Emperor Justinian and Belisarius, the general, and to all the Romans
and Carthaginians. For in manliness and every sort of virtue he was well
endowed, and he shewed himself, to those who associated with him, gentle
and equitable to a degree quite unsurpassed. Thus, then, John fulfilled
his destiny. As for Uliaris, when he came to himself, he fled to a
certain village which was near by and sat as a suppliant in the
sanctuary there. And the soldiers no longer pressed the pursuit of
Gelimer, but they cared for John as long as he survived, and when he had
died they carried out all the customary rites in his burial, and
reporting the whole matter to Belisarius they remained where they were.
And as soon as he heard of it, he came to John's burial, and bewailed
his fate. And after weeping over him and grieving bitterly at the whole
occurrence, he honoured the tomb of John with many gifts and especially
by providing for it a regular income. However, he did nothing severe to
Uliaris, since the soldiers said that John had enjoined upon them by the
most dread oaths that no vengeance should come to him, since he had not
performed the unholy deed with deliberate intent.

Thus, then, Gelimer escaped falling into the hands of the enemy on that
day. And from that time on Belisarius pursued him, but upon reaching a
strong city of Numidia situated on the sea, ten days distant from
Carthage, which they call Hippo Regius,[6] he learned that Gelimer had
ascended the mountain Papua and could no longer be captured by the
Romans. Now this mountain is situated at the extremity of Numidia and is
exceedingly precipitous and climbed only with the greatest difficulty
(for lofty cliffs rise up toward it from every side), and on it dwell
barbarian Moors, who were friends and allies to Gelimer, and an ancient
city named Medeus lies on the outskirts of the mountain. There Gelimer
rested with his followers. But as for Belisarius, he was not able to
make any attempt at all on the mountain, much less in the winter season,
and since his affairs were still in an uncertain state, he did not think
it advisable to be away from Carthage; and so he chose out soldiers,
with Pharas as their leader, and set them to maintain the siege of the
mountain. Now this Pharas was energetic and thoroughly serious and
upright in every way, although he was an Erulian by birth. And for an
Erulian not to give himself over to treachery and drunkenness, but to
strive after uprightness, is no easy matter and merits abundant
praise.[7] But not only was it Pharas who maintained orderly conduct,
but also all the Erulians who followed him. This Pharas, then,
Belisarius commanded to establish himself at the foot of the mountain
during the winter season and to keep close guard, so that it would
neither be possible for Gelimer to leave the mountain nor for any
supplies to be brought in to him. And Pharas acted accordingly. Then
Belisarius turned to the Vandals who were sitting as suppliants in the
sanctuaries in Hippo Regius,--and there were many of them and of the
nobility--and he caused them all to accept pledges and arise, and then
he sent them to Carthage with a guard. And there it came about that the
following event happened to him.

In the house of Gelimer there was a certain scribe named Boniface, a
Libyan, and a native of Byzacium, a man exceedingly faithful to Gelimer.
At the beginning of this war Gelimer had put this Boniface on a very
swift-sailing ship, and placing all the royal treasure in it commanded
him to anchor in the harbour of Hippo Regius, and if he should see that
the situation was not favourable to their side, he was to sail with all
speed to Spain with the money, and go to Theudis, the leader of the
Visigoths, where he was expecting to find safety for himself also,
should the fortune of war prove adverse for the Vandals. So Boniface, as
long as he felt hope for the cause of the Vandals, remained there; but
as soon as the battle in Tricamarum took place, with all the other
events which have been related, he spread his canvas and sailed away
just as Gelimer had directed him. But an opposing wind brought him back,
much against his will, into the harbour of Hippo Regius. And since he
had already heard that the enemy were somewhere near, he entreated the
sailors with many promises to row with all their might for some other
continent or for an island. But they were unable to do so, since a very
severe storm had fallen upon them and the waves of the sea were rising
to a great height, seeing that it was the Tuscan sea,[8] and then it
occurred to them and to Boniface that, after all, God wished to give the
money to the Romans and so was not allowing the ship to put out.
However, though they had got outside the harbour, they encountered great
danger in bringing their ship back to anchorage. And when Belisarius
arrived at Hippo Regius, Boniface sent some men to him. These he
commanded to sit in a sanctuary, and they were to say that they had been
sent by Boniface, who had the money of Gelimer, but to conceal the place
where he was, until they should receive the pledges of Belisarius that
upon giving Gelimer's money he himself should escape free from harm,
having all that was his own. These men, then, acted according to these
instructions, and Belisarius was pleased at the good news and did not
decline to take an oath. And sending some of his associates he took the
treasure of Gelimer and released Boniface in possession of his own money
and also with an enormous sum which he plundered from Gelimer's
treasure.



V

And when he returned to Carthage, he put all the Vandals in readiness,
so that at the opening of spring he might send them to Byzantium; and he
sent out an army to recover for the Romans everything which the Vandals
ruled. And first he sent Cyril to Sardinia with a great force, having
the head of Tzazon, since these islanders were not at all willing to
yield to the Romans, fearing the Vandals and thinking that what had been
told them as having happened in Tricamarum could not be true. And he
ordered this Cyril to send a portion of the army to Corsica, and to
recover for the Roman empire the island, which had been previously
subject to the Vandals; this island was called Cyrnus in early times,
and is not far from Sardinia. So he came to Sardinia and displayed the
head of Tzazon to the inhabitants of the place, and he won back both the
islands and made them tributary to the Roman domain. And to Caesarea[9]
in Mauretania Belisarius sent John with an infantry company which he
usually commanded himself; this place is distant from Carthage a journey
of thirty days for an unencumbered traveller, as one goes towards Gadira
and the west; and it is situated upon the sea, having been a great and
populous city from ancient times. Another John, one of his own
guardsmen, he sent to Gadira on the strait and by one of the Pillars of
Heracles, to take possession of the fort there which they call
"Septem."[10] And to the islands which are near the strait where the
ocean flows in, called Ebusa and Majorica and Minorica[11] by the
natives, he sent Apollinarius, who was a native of Italy, but had come
while still a lad to Libya. And he had been rewarded with great sums of
money by Ilderic, who was then leader of the Vandals, and after Ilderic
had been removed from the office and was in confinement, as has been
told in the previous narrative,[12] he came to the Emperor Justinian
with the other Libyans who were working in the interest of Ilderic, in
order to entreat his favour as a suppliant. And he joined the Roman
expedition against Gelimer and the Vandals, and proved himself a brave
man in this war and most of all at Tricamarum. And as a result of his
deeds there Belisarius entrusted to him these islands. And later
Belisarius sent an army also into Tripolis to Pudentius and
Tattimuth,[13] who were being pressed by the Moors there, and thus
strengthened the Roman power in that quarter.

He also sent some men to Sicily in order to take the fortress in
Lilybaeum, as belonging to the Vandals' kingdom,[14] but he was repulsed
from there, since the Goths by no means saw fit to yield any part of
Sicily, on the ground that this fortress did not belong to the Vandals
at all. And when Belisarius heard this, he wrote to the commanders who
were there as follows: "You are depriving us of Lilybaeum, the fortress
of the Vandals who are the slaves of the emperor, and are not acting
justly nor in a way to benefit yourselves, and you wish to bring upon
your ruler, though he does not so will it and is far distant from the
scene of these actions, the hostility of the great emperor, whose
good-will he has, having won it with great labour. And yet how could you
but seem to be acting contrary to the ways of men, it you recently
allowed Gelimer to hold the fortress, but have decided to wrest from the
emperor, Gelimer's master, the possessions of the slave? You, at least,
should not act thus, most excellent sirs. But reflect that, while it is
the nature of friendship to cover over many faults, hostility does not
brook even the smallest misdeeds, but searches the past for every
offence, and allows not its enemy to grow rich on what does not in the
least belong to them.[15] Moreover, the enemy fights to avenge the
wrongs which it says have been done to its ancestors; and whereas, if
friendship thus turned to hostility fails in the struggle, it suffers no
loss of its own possessions, yet if it succeeds, it teaches the
vanquished to take a new view of the indulgence which has been shewn
them in the past. See to it, then, that you neither do us further harm
nor suffer harm yourselves, and do not make the great emperor an enemy
to the Gothic nation, when it is your prayer that he be propitious
toward you. For be well assured that, if you lay claim to this fortress,
war will confront you immediately, and not for Lilybaeum alone, but for
all the possessions you claim as yours, though not one of them belongs
to you."

Such was the message of the letter. And the Goths reported these things
to the mother[16] of Antalaric, and at her direction made the following
reply: "The letter which you have written, most excellent Belisarius,
carries sound admonition, but pertinent to some other men, not to us the
Goths. For there is nothing of the Emperor Justinian's which we have
taken and hold; may we never be so mad as to do such a thing! The whole
of Sicily we claim because it is our own, and the fortress of Lilybaeum
is one of its promontories. And if Theoderic gave his sister, who was
the consort of the king of the Vandals, one of the trading-ports of
Sicily for her use, this is nothing. For this fact could not afford a
basis for any claim on your part. But you, O General, would be acting
justly toward us, if you should be willing to make the settlement of the
matters in dispute between us, not as an enemy, but as a friend. And
there is this difference, that friends are accustomed to settle their
disagreements by arbitration, but enemies by battle. We, therefore,
shall commit this matter to the Emperor Justinian, to arbitrate[17] in
whatever manner seems to him lawful and just. And we desire that the
decisions you make shall be as wise as possible, rather than as hasty as
possible, and that you, therefore, await the decision of your emperor."
Such was the message of the letter of the Goths. And Belisarius,
reporting all to the emperor, remained quiet until the emperor should
send him word what his wish was.


VI

But Pharas, having by this time become weary of the siege for many
reasons, and especially because of the winter season, and at the same
time thinking that the Moors there would not be able to stand in his
way, undertook the ascent of Papua with great zeal. Accordingly he armed
all his followers very carefully and began the ascent. But the Moors
rushed to the defence, and since they were on ground which was steep and
very hard to traverse, their efforts to hinder those making the ascent
were easily accomplished. But Pharas fought hard to force the ascent,
and one hundred and ten of his men perished in this struggle, and he
himself with the remainder was beaten back and retired; and as a result
of this he did not dare to attempt the ascent again, since the situation
was against him, but he established as careful a guard as possible, in
order that those on Papua, being pressed by hunger, might surrender
themselves; and he neither permitted them to run away nor anything to be
brought in to them from outside. Then, indeed, it came about that
Gelimer and those about him, who were nephews and cousins of his and
other persons of high birth, experienced a misery which no one could
describe, however eloquent he might be, in a way which would equal the
facts. For of all the nations which we know that of the Vandals is the
most luxurious, and that of the Moors the most hardy. For the Vandals,
since the time when they gained possession of Libya, used to indulge in
baths, all of them, every day, and enjoyed a table abounding in all
things, the sweetest and best that the earth and sea pr

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