The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 18 of 55
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 18 of 55
Editor: Emma Helen Blair
Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne
Editor: James Alexander Robertson
Release date: April 6, 2005 [eBook #15564]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898 — VOLUME 18 OF 55 ***
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XVIII, 1617-1620
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XVIII
Preface 9
Documents of 1617-1618
Letter to Felipe III. Andrés de Alcaraz;
Manila, August 10, 1617. 31
Trade between Nueva España and the Far
East. [Unsigned and undated; _ca._ 1617].
57
Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617-18
[Unsigned; Manila], June, 1618. 65
Description of the Philippinas
Islands. [Unsigned]; Manila, 1618. 93
Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro
de Heredia]; [1618?]. 107
Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned];
Manila, 1618. 112
Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza;
Cavite, August 10, 1618. 116
Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; Madrid,
December 19, 1618. 150
Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera,
S.J.; Manila, December 20, 1618. 161
Documents of 1619-1620
Philippine ships and shipbuilding. Sebastian
de Pineda; [Mexico? 1619]. 169
Royal decree regarding religious expelled
from their orders. Felipe III; Madrid,
February 19, 1619. 189
Proposal to destroy Macao. Diego Aduarte, O.P.;
[Madrid? 1619]. 194
Relation of events in the Filipinas Islands,
1618-19. [Unsigned]; Manila, July 12, 1619.
204
Letter to Felipe III. Pedro de Arce; Manila,
July 30, 1619. 235
Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza;
Manila, August 10, 1619. 247
Grant to seminary of Santa Potenciana. Juan
Oñez, and others; Manila, 1617-19. 282
Reforms needed in Filipinas (to be
concluded). Hernando de los Rios Coronel;
[Madrid?], 1619-20. 289
Bibliographical Data. 345
ILLUSTRATIONS
Plan of the city of Goa and its environs; photographic
facsimile of engraving in Bellin's _Petit atlas maritime_
([Paris], 1764), no. 29, from copy in library of Wisconsin
Historical Society. 199
View of the city of Manila; photographic facsimile of
engraving in Spilbergen and Le Maire's _Speculum orientalis
occidentalisque Indiæ navigationum_ (French edition, 1621),
no. 18, facing p. 86, from copy in Library of Congress.
225
Autograph signature of Fernando de Los Rios; photographic
facsimile from original MS. in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla. 343
PREFACE
The scope of the present volume extends from 1617 to 1620. The islands
are still ravaged at intervals by the Moro pirates from the southern
part of the archipelago. Even worse are the losses to the commerce of
the islands inflicted by the Dutch; their ships infest the seas about
Luzón, and those of the Moluccas, in which region they are steadily and
even rapidly gaining foothold, and securing the best commerce of those
lands. Corruption in the management of the Spanish interests in the
Spice Islands renders them an expensive and embarrassing possession;
and the new governor, Fajardo, finds the same influence at work in
the Spanish colony itself, especially among the auditors and other
high officials. The colonial treasury is, as usual, short of funds,
and can do little to defend the islands from the Dutch; the Madrid
government is unwilling to spend much more on the Philippines, although
beset with importunities to save that colony, and Spanish commerce
generally, from the insolent Dutch. The usual building of ships in the
islands has so harrassed and exhausted the unfortunate natives that
it is necessary to have ships built for the Philippines in India and
other countries where timber and labor are more abundant. The trade of
the colony with China is the object of much discussion, and proposals
are again made to restrict it, as well as that with Nueva España, in
order to protect the commercial interests of the mother-country. In
the final document is a detailed statement, in vigorous language,
of the abuses current in the administration of the islands--arbitrary
and oppressive conduct of the auditors, corruption among officials,
extravagant expenditure of public funds, lax enforcement of laws,
burdensome exactions imposed upon the Indians, and Chinese, etc.;
for these the citizens demand redress, prevention, and relief.
Andrés de Alcaraz, the auditor in charge of military affairs after
Silva's death, writes to the king (August 10, 1617). The ships
could not go to Nueva España in 1616, because the Dutch were lying
in wait for them; but the Acapulco galleon arrives safely at Manila,
and brings money to relieve the general distress. Alcaraz makes ready,
although in the midst of great difficulties, a fleet to drive away the
Dutch. On April 14, 1617, this Spanish fleet has a battle with the
Dutch squadron at Playa Honda. After a long and fierce contest, the
enemy take to flight, having lost several ships and much artillery,
and many of their men being killed or wounded. As soon as possible
thereafter, Alcaraz sends supplies to the Spanish forts in Ternate;
recalls Geronimo de Silva to Manila, to act as governor _ad interim_;
and despatches pilots to meet the fleet that is coming from Spain via
Cape of Good Hope. He criticizes Geronimo de Silva for his harshness
and arrogance, already displayed in many ways. Alcaraz thanks the
king for permitting him to resign his position as auditor and return
to Spain; and explains why he has not yet vacated his office. He
mentions the Philippine officials who have merited special rewards
from the crown, especially those who were prominent in the battle of
Playa Honda. Reënforcements of men have come from Spain, but with them
was no money; and the treasury of the islands is entirely empty. Its
debts are heavy, and aid is urgently requested. Through sickness and
absence, there are no auditors of the Audiencia in active service,
except Alcaraz himself.
A document unsigned and undated [_ca._ 1617] discusses the trade of
the Spanish colonies with China and Japan. This trade advances the
interests of religion in those heathen lands. Its character, methods,
and results are described in orderly array of interesting facts--first
in a general survey, then in details regarding each colony; and finally
in comparisons between the commerce of those colonies respectively
with China and Japan. Eastern India depends on this trade for its
maintenance and preservation; and the customs duties therefrom cause
larger profits to the crown than do those from the other colonies. This
income will be greatly increased, for both Castilla and Portugal, if
Nueva España and Filipinas be no longer allowed to trade with China and
Japan. The writer (apparently one of the king's councilors) suggests
various expedients for attaining this end, and closes by urging the
king to confine the Filipinas merchants to trade with Nueva España.
The events of the year from June, 1617, to June, 1618, are chronicled
by some unnamed writer (apparently one of the Jesuits in Manila). The
battle of Playa Honda deals such a blow to the Dutch power in the
archipelago that the natives in some of the Malucas Islands rebel
against it. A small English post is destroyed by the Dutch; and their
ships that flee from Playa Honda go to Japan. Their adventures in
that country are detailed. Some Dutch ships come again to the coast
of Luzón, and plunder the Chinese trading vessels as they appear;
the Spaniards cannot prevent this, as their galleons are laid up for
repairs. A shipload of supplies for the garrison and the missions at
Ternate is sent from Manila; the master of the ship, taking advantage
of the absence on shore of part of the passengers and men, steals away
with the ship and its cargo. The Jesuits secure a new supply of food
for their mission, by soliciting alms. The islands still suffer from
the depredations of the Moro pirates. The writer describes the special
festivities in honor of the Virgin Mary, and the martyrdom of some
missionaries in Japan. He then proceeds to relate the particulars of
the murder of the Augustinian provincial, Vicente Sepulveda, by some
of his own friars, and the punishment of the criminals. A postscript
to this letter states that the ships sent to Ternate with supplies
had been attacked by the Dutch; and part of the crew were killed and
wounded, and much of the food lost. Other supplies, however, have
been sent to Ternate from India. The prince of Tidore has become
hostile to the Dutch. One Sequeira makes an unsuccessful voyage,
and dies in Cochin. The new governor of the Philippines arrives at
Manila in July, 1618.
Of nearly the same date is a descriptive account of the Philippine
Islands, their inhabitants, government, products, etc.--including a
statement of the number of Indian tributes in each island, which amount
in all to 160,000. The writer notes various matters relating to the
interests and social condition of the Spanish colony, especially the
need of vigorous measures to punish the Moro pirates, who continually
harass the Pintados.
Pedro de Heredia, a Spanish official in the Moluccas, furnishes to the
king (1618) a list of the Dutch factories and forts in the Orient;
from this, and the value of the products annually exported thence,
it is evident that the Dutch have gained an extensive footing and
prestige in the Far East, together with rich profits, while the
Spaniards have lost the best part of their former commerce there. The
king is urged to consider these matters, and take measures to remedy
the present state of affairs.
A former steward of the royal hospital at Manila memorializes the
Council of the Indias (1618) regarding the losses incurred by that
institution through the mismanagement of its funds; and various orders
conducive to the improvement of the hospital are thereupon given by
the Council.
Soon after his arrival in the islands the new governor, Alonso Fajardo
de Tenza, writes to the king (August 10, 1618) regarding the state
of affairs there. He finds the colony suffering from various recent
disasters, and much fear and uncertainty among the people. He implores
aid from the king to maintain the Philippine colony and defend it from
its enemies. He is endeavoring to make the most of his scanty naval
torce, in the face of news that hostile fleets are coming to attack
the islands; and has sent to Nueva España to ask for reënforcements and
supplies. His predecessor, Geronimo de Silva, desires to go to Spain;
but the Audiencia orders an investigation of his official conduct,
especially in regard to the loss of the galleons. Fajardo recommends
that more care be taken to provide suitably for an _ad interim_
government of the islands, when such shall occur; and declines certain
perquisites of his office. Much resentment against the Audiencia
is felt among the people, since the best offices and incomes in the
islands are appropriated by relatives and dependents of the auditors,
who seem bent on exploiting the colony for their own profit, and
oppress the inhabitants; and Fajardo asks the king to check their
selfishness and arrogance. He is trying to correct certain illegal
proceedings by the auditors in their recent government _ad interim_,
and asks the king to suspend his confirmation of these until he
can send further information thereon; he makes the same request in
regard to other cases where certain persons are intriguing to obtain
profitable appointments. He asks for skilled clerks and galley-masters;
and, after recounting the injuries caused to the Indians by the
building of galleys in the islands, he states that he will endeavor
to procure vessels in Portuguese India. Some private persons in the
islands are building ships, but the Indian labor employed thereon
is paid and voluntary. Fajardo makes some suggestions for the better
management of naval affairs. He also forwards the request of Manila
citizens that encomiendas be granted for three lives; and asks for
rewards for certain brave military and naval officers. The Audiencia
finally compel Geronimo de Silva to furnish his residencia in person,
and clear himself from charges made against him.
To the governor's letter are appended several others, which concern
Malucan affairs. Manuel Ribeyra, a Jesuit, states that the governor
there, Gaviria, has fortified the Spanish posts in his care, which are
in unusually good condition; certain supplies, however, are needed for
them, as also a better class of subaltern officers. Gaviria is somewhat
overbearing in disposition, but Ribeyra commends his ability. That
officer himself writes to Fajardo, explaining why he cannot at
present fill the governor's order for a quantity of cloves. The
Dutch and English are contending with each other in the Moluccas;
and the former, it is said, are intending to attack the Spanish forts
there soon. Gaviria has but few men, and some of these are unfit for
duty. He needs a few galleys, as he has "only one rotten galliot";
also troops, money, and clothing. Gaviria thinks that the Dutch are
being to some extent supplanted by the English; and that the latter
will gladly unite with the Spaniards against the common enemy. He
recommends the abandonment of the Spanish posts in Gilolo. A letter
from the king of Tidore accompanies Gaviria's letter, in which that
ruler demands that Fajardo succor the Spanish forts promptly.
Letters from the king to Fajardo (December 19, 1618) give him orders
regarding certain matters in the administration of the Philippine
government. Offices shall be given to these citizens of the islands
who deserve rewards for meritorious services. The alarming expenses of
the Maluco establishment are not counterbalanced by any returns from
the spice-trade there, and it is openly declared that the Spanish
officials have embezzled what profits might have accrued therefrom
to the royal treasury. Fajardo is therefore ordered to investigate
this matter and punish those who may be guilty; and to take charge,
for the present, of the conduct of the clove-trade at Ternate. The
force of men there should be reduced, if practicable; and certain forts
in Maluco should be abandoned. In these and other ways expenses must
be reduced. The governor and the archbishop must warn the religious
orders to cease their exactions upon the Indians. A separate letter
warns the governor that expenses must be reduced to the utmost; and
that he must maintain the colony on its own revenues, without aid
from the government. He is advised to endeavor to open and work the
mines in the islands; but in doing so he must not molest or injure the
Indians. He should endeavor to enlist their aid in this undertaking,
and the missionaries should use their influence with the natives.
The Jesuit Joan de Ribera writes to some high official in Spain
(December 20, 1618), urging the importance of Manila and the
Philippines, and the necessity of opposing the progress that the Dutch
are making in India, Japan, and the archipelago, so as to preserve for
Spain the rich trade of the East. Another most important consideration
is the need of maintaining these islands as a center for religious
labors among the heathen tribes.
A naval officer, Sebastian de Pineda, sends from Nueva España (1619)
to the king a paper on ships and shipbuilding in the Philippines. He
begins by describing various kinds of timber used for this purpose;
then enumerates, the shipyards in the islands, and the wages paid to
the workmen. Fourteen hundred carpenters were formerly employed at
one time in the Cavite shipyard alone; but half of them were killed
or captured by the Moros in 1617, many have died from overwork, and
many others have fled to parts unknown because they had been unpaid
for five years. Iron is brought to Manila from China and Japan,
and wrought by the Chinese and Indian artisans; the Chinese smith
"works from midnight until sunset," and earns less than one real a
day. Iron should be imported from Biscay, however, for some special
purposes. Much useful information is given as to the material, quality,
and prices of rigging and canvas. Pineda makes recommendations as
to the shipment to Manila of various articles, showing how present
expenses may be lessened, and waste avoided, in many ways. He states
that the naval defense of the islands is quite inadequate, and they
are consequently in danger of being seized by the Dutch. But it is
at present impossible to build in the islands the ships needed there;
for the natives are exhausted by the labors and exactions imposed upon
them in previous years, and by the deaths of so many at the hands of
the enemy or through the hardships of enforced naval service. Pineda
recommends that the ships needed for the islands be built in India or
Cochin, and that slaves be brought thence to serve on the Philippine
galleys. Many Filipino natives are migrating to Nueva España, which
should be checked. One reason for this is the fact that these Filipinos
distil palm-wine, which will soon ruin the wine-trade of Spain in Nueva
España. The incursions of the Mindanao pirates have also been a serious
obstacle to shipbuilding in the Philippines; and they have rendered the
use of La Caldera, as a station for the Spanish vessels, impossible,
while they welcome the Dutch to their shores. Pineda recommends that
the king proclaim that any one who wishes may wage war upon and enslave
these Mindanao infidels, as thus only can they be subdued. He ends with
a report on the measurements of the galleons in the islands in 1617.
A royal decree dated February 19, 1619, confirms the ordinance enacted
by the dean and cabildo of Manila cathedral, refusing benefices and
ecclesiastical dignities to religious who have been expelled from
their orders.
The Dominican missionary Diego Aduarte proposes to the Council of
the Indias (probably in May, 1619) a means to check the outflow
of silver from Nueva España to the Philippines. Aduarte recommends
that the trade of the islands with Nueva España be suppressed, and
that their inhabitants be allowed to trade with Japan, selling in
that country the silks that they buy from the Chinese. But the bulk
of this trade is already in the hands of the Portuguese of Macao;
in order that it may be monopolized by Manila, Aduarte advises that
Macao be abandoned, and its inhabitants transported to other cities of
India. This can be accomplished easily by a royal decree forbidding
them to engage in the Japanese trade, which would compel them to go
elsewhere. He enumerates the beneficial results of this measure,
and declares that even without these Macao should be abandoned;
for its people are lawless and irreligious, and are not even vassals
of Spain, but of China. The Portuguese of Macao are needed in India,
which country would be benefited in many ways by the measure proposed,
as also would the kingdoms of Spain and Portugal. Moreover, they
hinder, by their evil example, the conversion of the Chinese natives.
One of the Manila Jesuits writes (July 12, 1619) an account of
events in the Philippines and in the neighboring countries during the
past year. The city of Bassein, near Bombay, has been destroyed by
storms and earthquakes. In China there has been a persecution of the
Christians, and four Jesuits were expelled from the empire. Others
remain there, who are preaching the gospel wherever they can. In
certain inland districts, these missionaries have encountered a large
colony of Jews, and a people who worship the cross, although they are
heathens. The Tartars have invaded Chinese territory, and our writer
copies the text of a memorial regarding this invasion, sent by the
mandarins of Pekin to the ruler of China, detailing the defeats and
misfortunes suffered by the Chinese. They complain of his neglect of
public affairs, and his harsh treatment of a certain mandarin, and
ask him to take measures to drive back the Tartars, in Cochinchina the
recently-begun missions of the Jesuits are prospering. For the Japanese
mission are coming a large reënforcement of Jesuit missionaries; but
affairs there are so disturbed that they cannot enter the country at
present. The writer recounts various omens and portents which are said
to have occurred in China and Japan. In the latter country, a fierce
persecution of the Christians serves but to display the steadfastness
and zeal of both the missionaries and their converts. Several naval
encounters between the Dutch and the English and Portuguese are
narrated. Good news comes from the Moluccas: the petty king of Manados,
with many of his chiefs, is converted to the Christian faith; Tidore
and Ternate are at war; and Maluco is well supplied. Both Dutch and
Spaniards are building more forts in those islands. Other European
nations also are acquiring a foothold in the archipelago. The writer
describes two remarkable comets which have been visible in Manila. A
plague of locusts is destroying the grain-crops. In October, 1618,
the Dutch again come to Luzón to plunder the Chinese merchant vessels;
but they do not attack Manila, and in the following spring they depart
from the islands, perhaps overawed by the forces of ships and guns
which the Spaniards collect.
Pedro de Arce, bishop of Cebú, writes to the king (July 30, 1619);
he praises Governor Fajardo, and asks the king to send more ships
to his aid. The bishop asks permission to resign his see, and more
salary as acting archbishop; recommends Pedro de Heredia to the king;
asks that an _ad interim_ appointment in the cathedral may receive
royal confirmation, and that the Cebú church may receive a grant
for repairs and further income. He requests that the ecclesiastical
cabildo of Manila may be authorized to rule the archbishopric,
in case of the death of the archbishop. It is reported that the
Jesuits are endeavoring to oust the other orders from Japan, which
Arce deprecates, advising the king to confirm the appointment of the
Franciscan Luis Sotelo as bishop of eastern Japan. Arce's requests
regarding the archbishopric of Manila are seconded by various papers
appended to his letter, embodying the opinions of the auditors and
royal officials thereon, who support Arce's claims.
A letter from Fajardo to the king (August 10, 1619) gives his report on
various matters of importance. He has received certain reënforcements
and supplies from Mexico, but urges that these be sent every year. He
describes the last incursion of the Dutch in Philippine waters, and his
military preparations by which they were obliged to retreat thence. His
resources for defense are small, and he cannot depend upon India for
aid, as the Portuguese there are themselves in straits; accordingly,
the king must send a fleet from Spain for the aid of the islands. He
has aided Ternate to the best of his ability, and will send more
when he can. The governor there has resigned his post, after many
complaints of his rule; Fajardo has made a temporary appointment,
and asks the king to provide further for this post. The English
in the archipelago are engaged in conflicts with the Dutch, and it
is rumored that the former would like to ally themselves with the
Spaniards to fight their mutual foe. Fajardo is perplexed regarding
the king of Ternate, who is still held a prisoner at Manila; and
asks for instructions. He makes various recommendations and requests
concerning the appointment of certain subordinates, desiring to secure
persons most fit therefor. He has attempted to correct abuses in the
government, which he recounts in detail. Fajardo has been annoyed by
constant quarrels in the Audiencia, but, with the somewhat reluctant
aid of the old auditor Alcaraz, has been able to quiet them in part. He
has found in both Alcaraz and the archbishop Serrano, most judicious
and helpful counselors; but the other auditors are on bad terms with
him, and one of them has a scandalous reputation, both public and
private. A scandal has occurred in the seminary of Santa Potenciana,
but the guilty have been punished. Conflicts of jurisdiction have
arisen between Fajardo and the Audiencia, especially in regard to the
trials of soldiers and sailors for crimes. The governor complains that
retired officers refuse to serve in the regular companies; and asks
that extra pay be allowed them as an inducement for such service. He
asks for directions as to his sending the usual gifts to the emperor
of Japan. The loyalty and bravery of the Spanish citizens of Manila
are warmly commended, especially in the case of Juan Ronquillo and some
others who are named. Certain intrigues and frauds have been detected,
which are recounted. Fajardo recommends that more Jesuits be sent to
the islands; he complains that the Dominicans are too ready to leave
their work, but commends the Augustinians. A short document appended
to Fajardo's letter concerns the relative merits of the routes to
Filipinas via Cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn respectively.
A group of papers dated 1610-19 shows that an encomienda of Indians
was granted to the seminary of Santa Potenciana for its support,
in consequence of the destitution suffered by its inmates.
An important document is that sent--in two memorials, of 1619 and
March, 1620, respectively--to the king by Hernando de los Rios Coronel,
long procurator-general of the Filipinas, on "reforms needed" in the
islands--of which he has been despatched by the citizens to inform
the king. Accordingly, he writes (apparently at Madrid) a detailed
statement of the "matters that demand reform." Serious losses of
life and property have been caused by the delays in despatching the
trading ships from Manila; the governors should be compelled to send
them at the favorable season. The officials on these vessels should
be appointed from among the deserving citizens of the islands,
and not be the relatives or servants of the governor or other
royal officials. The citizens have been greatly defrauded in the
assignment of lading on the galleons, and too much of this is granted
to charitable institutions. The trading ships should not be used for
any other purposes. The Manila authorities buy ammunition and other
supplies in China, which, "in order not to anger the Portuguese in
Macan," they buy from them rather than from the natives, but the
supplies thus cost three times their value; the agent who buys them
should buy wherever he can do so to the best advantage, and directly
from the Chinese. The royal ships should be built in India, and the
burden of enforced service in this work should be removed from the
Indians. Commerce from Japan to Nueva España should be stopped; and
Spaniards should not be allowed to man Japanese vessels. An enemy
can close Manila harbor to all vessels desiring to enter; another
route to it should therefore be devised and made available. The Moro
pirates must be prevented from harassing the islands, and the best
means for this end is to proclaim that any one who will may capture
and enslave those pirates. No royal official should be allowed to
attend the session of the Audiencia in which a case concerning him
is tried. When Filipino natives serve as soldiers, their families
should during their absence be relieved from tributes and other
impositions. The ecclesiastical affairs of the Malucas should be
under the jurisdiction of Cebú, not of Goa. The commanders of the
trading ships should not be allowed to carry on the trade that they
now do; and the officials at Acapulco should be checked in making
extortionate charges. Ignorant and inefficient men should not be
placed in the ships as sailors. The common seamen therein (who are
Filipino natives) are inhumanly treated, and many of them die from
hunger, thirst, or cold, on each voyage. Slave women are carried on
the ships, in spite of the royal prohibition; and thus arise "many acts
offensive to God," and much cause for scandal. No sailor or passenger
(unless a person of rank) should be allowed to take with him more
than one male slave. Numerous other abuses are mentioned, regarding
the traffic in slaves, the treatment of seamen, and the overloading of
ships. The Chinese at Manila are oppressed by the royal officials--who,
moreover, appropriate their own household supplies of food from the
royal storehouses at the lowest possible prices. Municipal officers
and other leading citizens should not be compelled, as now, to live on
their encomiendas. Flour, rigging, and many other supplies should be
obtained in the islands, instead of being imported from Nueva España;
a great saving of money would be thus effected. The oppressive acts
of the friars toward the Indians should be checked; and no more
orders should be allowed to establish themselves in the islands. The
Chinese immigrants in Luzón should be collected in one community,
and induced to cultivate the soil. No relative or dependent of any
royal official should be allowed to hold a seat in the cabildo of
Manila, or to act as inspector of the Chinese trading vessels. More
religious are needed in the missions. The Chinese residents should
be treated more justly, and relieved from burdensome exactions. The
Japanese who come to Manila should be compelled to return to their
own country. No more ships should be built by the natives, and they
should be paid the arrearages which are due them.
The other memorial by Rios Coronel (March, 1620) is additional and
supplementary to the former one. He asks that regidors of Manila
be chosen by the Audiencia, and allowed some compensation for their
services; and that the governor be not allowed to compel the cabildo
to meet in his house. He blames the friars for transferring Indians
from the encomiendas to settlements near Manila, where these natives
are kept merely for the profit of the friars, and, moreover, become
greatly demoralized. The grant of licenses to Chinamen to reside in
the islands should be more carefully regulated; and they should in
no case be allowed to sleep within the walls of Manila. The Japanese
are also an undesirable element of the population, and their coming
to the islands should be restricted. The "commons," or reserve
supplies of rice, contributed by the Indians do them no good,
for these are plundered by the Spanish officials; and the number
of these oppressors has been unduly increased. Other injuries are
inflicted upon the natives, for whose protection the writer pleads;
and these unjust acts are committed by both the officials and the
religious. Rios Coronel objects to the practice in vogue of giving the
Indians military training; and to the traffic in slaves from Malacca,
which brings to the Philippines dangerous and criminal blacks. Public
suits should be tried and decided in the Audiencia, and not sent to
Mexico. The governors should not be allowed to treat the citizens
with insolence; and should be obliged to send the trading ships to
Mexico at the right season, in order to avoid the present frequent
loss of property and lives in wrecked vessels. Another cause of these
losses is the culpable neglect and recklessness of royal officials
and governors. Various abuses in the equipment, lading, and management
of the trading vessels are pointed out, with the corrective measures
that should be taken. The fertile and healthful province of Nueva
Segovia is neglected, and its population is decreasing; this should
be remedied by the colonial authorities. Rios Coronel asks for the
appointment of a competent and reliable shore-master to aid him
in the equipment and despatch of the ships, and for more thorough
inspection of what is done by royal officials in the islands; for
the latter purpose he recommends a choice from several ecclesiastics
whom he names. The Moro pirates still ravage the islands, and the king
should permit them to be enslaved by any one who may capture them. The
head-hunting Zambales and Negrillos of Luzón continually harass the
peaceable Pampangos; and this can only be stopped by allowing the
Pampangos to enslave these foes when captured. The Filipino natives
have been almost ruined by the exactions of forced labor imposed upon
them by the Spaniards, especially in the building and navigation of
vessels. Rios Coronel says: "As I have seen personally, and as all the
inhabitants of that country know, the galleys of the Filipinas are
their destruction." Rios Coronel describes the sort of vessel which
should be used in the islands (one of which he has built at his own
cost), and asks that such be furnished for the use of the colony. The
garrison at Manila is insufficient and demoralized; and the writer
makes various recommendations for improving its status. Many persons
in the artillery service are incompetent; the writer demands a sort
of civil-service test for those appointed to such places. He also
asks for a competent artillery-founder. Better provisions should be
made for the ecclesiastical government of the islands. He asks that
silver bullion from Japan may be legalized as money in the Philippines;
and concludes with the request that the religious and the officials
there be compelled to treat the Indians more kindly. A letter by Rios
Coronel, included in this document, is deferred to _Vol_. XIX.
The Editors
August, 1904.
DOCUMENTS OF 1617-1618
Letter to Felipe III. Andrés de Alcaraz; August 10, 1617.
Trade between Nueva España and the Far East. [Unsigned and
undated; _ca_. 1617].
Events in the Filipinas Islands, 1617-1618. [Unsigned];
June, 1618.
Description of the Philippinas Islands. [Unsigned]; 1618.
Dutch factories and posts in the Orient. [Pedro de Heredia];
[1618?].
Memorial regarding Manila hospital. [Unsigned]; 1618.
Letter to Felipe III. Alonso Fajardo de Tenza; August 10, 1618.
Letters to Fajardo. Felipe III; December 19, 1618.
Filipinas menaced by Dutch. Joan de Ribera, S.J.; December
20, 1618.
_Sources_: The first, and last four, of these documents are obtained
from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla; the remainder,
from MSS. in the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid.
_Translations_: The first and seventh are translated by James
A. Robertson; the second, third, and fourth, by Herbert E. Bolton,
Ethel Z. Rather, and Mattie A. Austin, of the University of Texas;
the remainder, by Robert W. Haight.
LETTER FROM LICENTIATE ALCARAZ TO FELIPE III
Sire:
The enclosed papers were taken from the ships that were going last
year to Nueva España. Those ships were despatched to make the voyage
by way of Yndia; but as the Dutch enemy was lying at the entrances of
this bay with his ten warships, it was not possible for the ships to
leave, for it would have been only to have fallen, beyond all doubt,
into his hands. In them I inform your Majesty of everything occurring
up to their date. In this I shall inform you of what is new. The coming
of this enemy caused the anxiety which was the reason--inasmuch as we
had heard for a long time that he was coming; and that he would wait
to seize the Chinese and Japanese ships, and prevent their entrance
into the city with food--that, in order to frustrate those designs, I,
with the advice of the Audiencia and the council of war, resolved to
prepare seven galleons and to equip them as thoroughly as possible, so
that they could go out to fight that enemy. When about to set this plan
afoot, obstacles began to arise, because there was not a single real
in the royal treasury, on account of the non-arrival of the ships from
Nueva España; and because the country was in great need, and had no
income except that collected from the licenses of the Sangleys. These
were collected with great effort and difficulty, but the sum was all
spent in a few days in the repair of these galleons. When there was
nothing more to use, the ship expected from Nueva España arrived. It
had put in at Japon, and brought more than eight hundred thousand
pesos for the royal treasury and for the citizens. It was regarded
as a great mercy of God that He should help this afflicted land in
such necessity and extremity, and that He should keep this ship from
falling into the hands of that enemy. After this the repairs and
preparations of this fleet proceeded with great energy, and although
innumerable obstacles continued to arise because the wood, rigging,
rice, and other things necessary had to be conveyed by long detours,
all difficulties were conquered by God's help. To Him recourse was
always had, through all the religious orders and the religious,
so that His [Divine] Majesty should be pleased to aid this [our]
cause against those rebels to His church and sacrament, and to your
Majesty, and disturbers of the common peace. These joyous causes
furnished ecclesiastical and secular motive to request me, with loud
and frequent acclamations of joy, to hasten as quickly as possible the
preparation of this fleet. Notwithstanding that it was detained, they
said that it could go out; for they were assured that, since we had
so large galleons, that enemy would not dare to await it, and that the
flagship and almiranta were alone sufficient to drive away that enemy
and prevent the damages that were expected so close at hand. They said
that the preparations that were intended to be made would be useless,
for, when they were finished, then the enemy would have already gone
to Terrenate, enriched with his booty from the Chinese ships; and
that damage would result from delay, while great expenses would have
to be met from the royal treasury. For my part, all these arguments,
since they arose from loyal desires, without taking the trouble to
show the irreparable injuries that would result from that course of
action, caused me no care. I constantly attended to the repairing
and preparation of this fleet as well as possible, including in it
whatever your Majesty possesses in these islands. The reason that
obliged me to lay great stress upon that enemy was that--since he
knew that Don Juan de Silva had gone to Sincapura with a fleet of
ten galleons, four galleys, and one patache--he, without knowing of
the governor's death, came to look for him with an equal number of
warships. These were chosen from twenty-two vessels, and equipped with
the best artillery and men of arms and war in them all; and he dared
to come within sight of our walls and very confidently was coming
with his great force. Consequently I considered it best to prepare an
armed fleet which, being such, might be able to fight with his. Not
of less consideration was the fact that we are in the view of so many
barbarous nations, who esteem and extol him who conquers. Accordingly
it was necessary to consider carefully not to place our reputation
and credit in any danger, but that we should have as superior a fleet
to his as could be collected, to go out to measure strength with the
enemy; for in this case what was once branded [1] could not be effaced.
The final reason that caused me to arm those galleons with the best
forces that could he assembled was the consideration that the enemy
should not go out victorious because your Majesty did not possess in
this land the means with which we could construct a fleet in many
years; and if we drove the enemy's fleet away and punished him as
his boldness and arrogance merited, he would have to lay aside his
desire for returning to these islands, and would leave them quiet and
peaceful, and free from the dangers that his coming threatened. With
this resolution conquering great difficulties with the help of God,
who always favored this His cause, the fleet of seven galleons,
one patache, and three galleys was prepared. In order to man them
with the rowers that were needed, the citizens, Sangley Christians,
and some Indians lent two hundred and twenty-three slaves. And as one
hundred and fifty slaves were still wanting to man them sufficiently,
and because there was so little revenue in the royal treasury, I
made efforts to have the Sangley infidels supply this deficiency,
inasmuch as they were the most interested in avoiding the damages
caused by that enemy. They excused themselves from giving persons
to serve in the galleys; but offered to give the money to pay those
hired rowers who were willing to go. For this purpose the Sangleys
themselves made a contribution of one peso apiece from all who had
any money, and gave five thousand pesos. This sum they delivered
to a regidor for the pay of any slave or freeman who was willing
to serve on this occasion, to each one of whom twenty-five pesos
would be given. With this sum one hundred and forty-seven rowers
were gathered. Some new slaves were bought with this money and the
others were paid twenty-five pesos apiece. One thousand five hundred
and forty-five pesos of the five thousand pesos happened to be left,
and this amount was spent for another matter of equal importance.
In order to equip these galleons and galleys--and that very
moderately--we needed one thousand infantrymen; but all the islands
could only furnish six hundred paid soldiers. In order to supply
this lack, three hundred and eighty men were provided from the
citizens of this city, and from captains, alférezes, and sergeants
on half-pay--the captains numbering thirty-four, the alférezes one
hundred and six, the sergeants eighty, and the common soldiers one
hundred and sixty. These men showed a willingness to take service on
this occasion for honor. But to fulfil their obligations they had not
the means with which to buy any arms, or other supplies which were
necessary to them. The report spread that, if the money were not given
to them so that they could equip themselves, they could not embark. It
was necessary to find a remedy for the loss that might result from
this condition, and the one that seemed most suitable so that they
might serve your Majesty with single-heartedness, was to assign as a
gratuity to each captain one hundred pesos, to each alférez fifty, to
each sergeant thirty-five, and to each common soldier twenty-five. But
inasmuch as the royal treasury had nothing wherefrom to supply these
gratuities, and they could not be avoided, thirty toneladas of the
freightage for Nueva España were distributed, and were divided among
the citizens who had capital. Each citizen was given one pieza [2]
for twenty-five pesos. In this way six thousand pesos were raised,
which, with the one thousand five hundred and forty-five pesos given
by the Sangleys, amount to seven thousand five hundred and forty-five
pesos. This money was given as a gratuity, with thirty-nine toneladas
more and six piezas; figuring this at twenty-five pesos a pieza, all
the help amounted to fifteen thousand five hundred pesos. This amount
was regulated by giving to each captain fifty pesos and two piezas
of the cargo; to each alférez, twenty-five pesos, and one pieza of
the cargo; to each sergeant, ten pesos and one pieza of the cargo,
and to each common soldier his twenty-five pesos.
To aid the seamen, who are a discontented class, there was no
money. For after having aided the paid infantry, not a single peso was
left in the royal treasury. Forty-six of the citizens lent twenty-two
thousand seven hundred pesos and the treasury of the probate court
[_caxa de bienes de défuntos_] [3] lent four thousand. A moderate
amount of aid was furnished to those men by that means. After that,
naught more was left to be done toward the suitable preparation of the
royal fleet. May God be praised, who favored this cause so greatly,
so that your Majesty might be better served. It can be thoroughly
understood that to attempt any of these three things would give
anxiety even to him who had considerable power of management; for
the departure of the fleet to fight with the enemy depended on very
careful management; while, on the contrary, it must remain in port
if all the expenses incurred in its preparation had been carelessly
planned. But it happened as we could have desired. When all necessary
arrangements had been made, the bishop of Zibu, who has charge of this
archbishopric, gave his blessing to the royal fleet. The fleet took
as patroness the immaculate conception of our Lady, who was conceived
without the stain of original sin. It left the port of Cavite in charge
of Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, [4] on Saturday, on the eighth
day of the month of April, one thousand six hundred and seventeen,
to find the enemy, who was stationed at Playa Honda [5] with six
vessels. There, in the past year of six hundred and sixteen, he was
defeated by Governor Don Juan de Silva. Three ships of the enemy were
thirty leguas in advance, on the look-out for Chinese vessels, while
the last of his ten ships had been sent to Terrenate. On Thursday,
the thirteenth of the said month, our fleet sighted four vessels
[of the enemy's fleet]. They were lying by very carelessly, with
two Chinese vessels that they had pillaged. Those two vessels ware
carrying about three hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise. One
of them the enemy had begun to rob, although only slightly. It was
impossible to attack them, for wind was lacking. Thereupon the enemy
very leisurely weighed anchor, but did not leave the Chinese ships
until the next day. Then as the two fleets were about to engage,
they left their prizes, in order not to be hindered by them. They
had already been joined by two other vessels. Our royal flagship had
got to windward. Near it, at eight in the morning, was the galleon
"San Juan Bautista" under command of Admiral Pedro de Heredia (but he
was not admiral of the fleet). The other galleons were to leeward. As
the enemy saw so good an opportunity, he maneuvered his six ships,
placing them in good order. His flagship passed within musket-shot of
one side of the royal flagship and discharged its artillery. Answering
them with another, as good and better, many volleys were fired
without missing one shot, because the pieces were fired at so short
a distance. Another ship passed, with the same good order, giving and
taking its heavy volleys. The four other ships of those which I said
were there, did the same. It was the greatest gallantry that I ever
saw; for our galleon gave all those of the enemy so many volleys that
it displayed excellently its great strength--as well as the injury
received by the enemy, since he attempted nothing more on that day. On
our side five men were killed and eight wounded. The following day,
Saturday, the fifteenth of the same month of April, the two fleets
got ready to fight, and ours got to windward. Orders were given for
each galleon to grapple with one of the enemy--flagship with flagship,
and the "San Juan Bautista" with the almiranta of the enemy; while the
galleon "San Lorenzo" and the patache were to aid whichever boat they
saw needed help; the galley flagship was to aid the royal flagship,
and the other two galleys the galleon nearest them. The enemy was
awaiting us in excellent order; and, signaling the other vessels to
attack him, our first galleon, named "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe,"
under Captain Juan Bautista de Molina, grappled; and then the royal
flagship with that of the enemy; the galleon "San Juan Bautista" with
their almiranta; the galleon "San Miguel," commanded by Rodrigo de
Guillestigui, with the ship that fell to its lot; the galleon "San
Lorenço," under Captain Juan de Acevedo, with another ship. As for
the galleon "San Marcos," under Captain Don Juan de la Vega (one of
the best ships of the fleet), and the galleon "San Phelipe," under
Captain Sebastian de Madrid, these two did not grapple, although
common report says that they could have done so had they made an
effort. They fought a very fierce battle. The galleon "Nuestra Señora
de Guadalupe" defeated its opponent, being aided by the galley under
Captain Don Diego de Quiñones; and the enemy having shown a flag of
peace, soldiers from our side entered it in token of victory. The royal
flagship, after having been grappled for more than two hours--the
battle being fought with great gallantry on each side, each firing
heavy volleys at the other, and the galley flagship aiding on its
side--was reported to be leaking badly from the effect of certain
volleys which it received at its water line. This forced it to throw
off the grappling-irons and go away; while the enemy's ship refused
to mind its helm, and, in a little more than half an hour, careened
on one side and sank, without any of its cargo being seen. Forty or
more men, among them the general, escaped in two lanchas. With great
efforts they reached one of their ships. The galleon "San Miguel,"
after having fought with great courage, set fire to its opponent,
a vessel of eight hundred toneladas, laden with cloth which they had
stolen. The fire caught the main-sail, which was so quickly burned
that the sail fell, on the yard, into the waist of the ship. The ship
continued to burn so fiercely that it could not be quenched. All the
men took to the sea, some in lanchas and others swimming, most of the
latter being drowned. This burning ship drifted to where our galleon
"Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe" was stationed. Near it was the captured
galleon, and the burning vessel coming down upon the latter, set fire
to it; and this one began to burn so furiously that the soldiers who
had entered it escaped with difficulty, while some were burned. And,
since our galley was not so near now, all, both Spaniards and Dutch,
were drowned or burned. Then the first burning ship passed on. The
galleon "San Juan Bautista" having almost captured the enemy's
almiranta, the burning vessel bore down upon them both. Throwing off
their grappling-irons with considerable difficulty, the fire forced
them to ungrapple; and at once they separated, so that the fire might
not injure them. Thereupon victory was declared, and the three hostile
ships took to flight badly crippled. Their almiranta was so damaged
that our people thought that it would surely sink. Those three vessels
were pursued by the "San Marcos," and "San Phelipe," which were more
to the windward, and by all the rest of the fleet. However, inasmuch
as the royal flagship, the "San Juan Bautista," and the "San Miguel"
and "Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe" were hardly used and leaking badly,
they turned shoreward after midnight. In the morning the "San Marcos"
and the "San Phelipe" found themselves alone, and somewhat separated,
and found no traces of the enemy. Although they should have kept
together, they did not do it, but each vessel acted by itself. The
galleon "San Marcos" went to a place where two ships of the enemy
were pillaging two other Chinese ships. When the enemy discovered it,
one of his vessels went to reconnoiter it, while the other stayed
behind with the vessels that they were pillaging. They commenced
to fight and the battle lasted more than three hours, at the end
of which the Dutch vessel withdrew and joined the other ship. Next
day--that of San Marcos--the [Dutch] ship that had not fought came;
it is understood that it was reënforced with men. Firing a quantity of
chain-shot, it did considerable damage to our rigging; and as our main
yard had fallen, our ship did not mind its helm well. Consequently,
our galleon sustained serious injury at the stern, upon which its
commander came to a very imprudent resolution--namely, to go in
toward shore and anchor in twelve brazas of water, and there fight
with the enemy. This was so carelessly executed that, upon throwing
the anchor, they could not find bottom, whereupon they grounded
the galleon in four brazas of water. The entire crew went ashore
taking some things with them. None of the enemy disembarked. As the
commander thought that the enemy could burn them with his lanchas,
he made another decision as bad as the other, and set fire to his
vessel. Thereby was lost the hull of the ship, which was especially
good. The artillery and anchors were all taken out and most of them
are ashore. The commander appears to be very blameworthy; and the
investigation to punish him according to his offense is now being
made. This devolves upon Don Geronimo de Silva, castellan and governor
of the forts of Terrenate, to whom your Majesty has granted the office
of captain-general because of the death of Governor Don Juan de Silva,
until a proprietary governor is provided. All the rest of the fleet
returned to the port of Cavite. The bad treatment received by the
galleons from the many volleys, the sailors, soldiers, and artillery
aboard them, and the dead and wounded, your Majesty can ascertain,
if so pleased, from the charts accompanying this letter.
May God give your Majesty many most happy victories for His honor
and glory and the welfare of all Christianity. Such may be expected,
since in a land so destitute as this, and by means so weak as these
now, His Divine Majesty was pleased to destroy the greatest fleet
from Olanda ever seen in these districts; and at a juncture when, if
the fleet sent by your Majesty by way of the cape of Buena Esperança
arrives safely, strong hopes may be entertained that it will drive
that enemy from sea and land, because he has lost many men and ships,
and more than ninety pieces of artillery. The best and largest of the
cannon were taken from his fortresses, and he will have difficulty
in replacing them. Although three pataches were prepared to take the
usual help to the forts of Terrenate, the enemy did not allow them to
sail from the port of Cavite. Considering the need and stress that
the forts were in, and that they had only sufficient food to last
until the end of September, as the castellan wrote, I ordered all the
champans possible to be collected and prepared with great haste in
Oton, eighty leguas from this city, and to be laden with rice, meat,
wine, and other supplies. As champans are but insecure craft, and badly
managed, inasmuch as they are manned by Sangleys, I sent some sailors
to serve as pilots. Eight champans were prepared, of which six reached
their destination, besides one despatched from Zebú. By all possible
means I managed to succor those forts. They were made very happy by
the help that reached them--for they were quite out of rice--and by
the hopes that I gave them of the speedy sailing of a ship laden with
food, clothing, and money. Thus the forts were provided sufficiently
to enable them to await the help that was to be sent in the ship.
The viceroy of Nueva España despatched two advice-boats which reached
these islands, early in February and in March. They brought your
Majesty's papers for Don Juan de Silva, which the royal Audiencia
received. They contained the title of master-of-camp for Don Geronimo
de Silva, knight of the Order of St. John, and castellan and governor
of the soldiers of Terrenate; an order to Don Juan de Silva that the
former be given the title of captain-general of artillery, and an
appointment [with instructions], so that, in case of the said Don
Juan de Silva's death, it might be opened. On opening it, we found
your Majesty's grant to Don Geronimo de Silva of an appointment as
captain-general, on sea and land, in these islands and in Terrenate. He
was at Terrenate engaged in his duties there, for Don Juan de Silva's
statement to your Majesty, saying that he was ordering Don Geronimo
to Manila to act as master-of-camp, and was sending Lucas de Bergara
Gabiria to Terrenate, had not been carried out. With all possible
haste I sent a galley to advise him of the grace bestowed upon him
by your Majesty. In the boat I sent ten thousand pesos in reals,
four thousand five hundred pieces of cloth, and what wine and rice
it could carry for their sustenance going and returning, besides a
quantity of jars of powder. Within twenty days I despatched the three
pataches that were at the port of Cavite, since the enemy had now
left the entrances to this bay; and with them I sent Don Gaviria to
serve in the offices held by Don Geronimo de Silva. They carried more
than three thousand baskets of rice, with wine, and meat; a quantity
of clothing; six thousand pesos in reals; four eighteen-pounders, and
a number of jars of powder; and balls, and many other things for the
sustenance of those forts. The occupants of the forts have reported
that that was the most substantial help that has been sent them for
many years. May God be praised that He provided help for the great
necessity of that presidio at a so needy time. Another royal decree
was also received, in which your Majesty orders that pilots be sent by
more than one way, so that they may go to await the royal fleet that
is to come by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza, and give the general
of it orders to go to Terrenate or to Manila--whichever place may be
more suitable for his effective despatch. Having called a council of
war, it was decided, the Audiencia concurring, that the fleet should
come to Manila--because it would thus find accommodation in ports that
furnish docking, shipyards, and materials--and join the galleons here;
and chiefly because there is the means here for their sustenance,
which cannot be had in Terrenate. Shortly after the twentieth of
March, a galliot and a patache were despatched in which two pilots
sailed, those most experienced in navigation. They came from España
with General Rrui Gonçalez de Sequeira, and had gone to the strait
of Sincapura with Don Juan de Silva, one of them as his chief pilot.
The said Don Geronimo de Silva reached the port of Cavite May seven,
after I had had charge of the office of captain-general for fifteen
months. These islands enjoyed during that time the greatest peace and
quiet for many years, except for the war of the enemy--as disinterested
persons will relate, to whom credit must be given. I hope that they
will continue in that condition, and improve with the coming of that
cavalier. I find certain objections [to him] in accounts, emanating
from Terrenate, of the trouble experienced by the infantry because
of the harshness of his temper and the ill-treatment that they have
received in word and deed. During the first week after his arrival in
this city he has manifested the same disposition toward several persons
who made the expedition, in depriving them of certain military posts
in order to bestow them upon his followers and relatives, who say
that they are to be preferred to others. They feel so exalted over
this office [of Don Geronimo], with which he is willing to provide
them government posts, that they desire all persons to call him
"your Lordship." And because the first day of his arrival, Licentiate
Madrid y Luna, auditor of this royal Audiencia, did not call him so,
Don Geronimo sent him a message saying that since the auditor was
his friend he should honor him by calling him "your Lordship." He has
not broached this subject to me, for he knows that I do not consider
it fitting to occupy myself with these matters, which are immaterial
and confer no authority; and that the office itself possesses enough
dignity without trying to give it that which is not needful to it
in order that your Majesty may be well served. He ordered an edict
to be published that all the captains, army officers, and soldiers
whose places have been abolished during the last ten years, should
appear at the office of the royal accountant within a fortnight, under
penalty of six years' service in the galleys. That caused a great
uproar throughout the city; for they declared that they were not his
subjects. The captains--feeling angered because they were under no such
obligation, but employing the mild and expedient measures of courtesy,
so that there might be peace and the people become quieted--as soon
as the session began sent the governor a message by the clerk of
the Audiencia, petitioning that he consider the edict and correct the
commotion caused by it. They requested that he would check future evils
by suspending the effect of the edict, for those included in it were
in the jurisdiction of the government; and it concerned the Audiencia
not to allow injury to be inflicted on anyone, especially since this
act was opposed to its authority. He replied that he was acting within
his powers, and consequently he had ordered that measure. And although
certain religious have, by virtue of their office, represented to
him the difficulties that must result from the edict, as yet he has
given no signs of regarding it with the consideration and reflection
advisable to the service of your Majesty, and the peace and quiet of
this community. He thinks that it is to be governed according to his
will, and places no check on his own inclinations. If this is to be
done, these islands will suffer until your Majesty shall provide such
remedy as is advisable for your royal service. This royal Audiencia,
performing its duty with what authority it possesses, will do its
utmost; and it will not consent that he meddle in matters outside his
jurisdiction. But all this must be with grievances to the community,
and the people will live in disquiet and anxiety.
By one of the said pataches, I received three decrees from your
Majesty. In one of them you were pleased to grant me acceptance of
my resignation as auditor of this royal Audiencia, and permission
to go to España. In another decree your Majesty orders the governor
of these islands to give me accommodations in the vessels about to
sail to Nueva España, in accordance with the quality of my person,
and the offices that I have held. In the last decree your Majesty
concedes me one year's salary as a gratification for the many expenses
that I shall incur in so long a voyage. Immediately upon receiving
these royal decrees, I could have bid farewell to the Audiencia;
but, considering that it was then in the midst of preparing the
fleet, and since I had been employed in and had arranged what was
advisable to your Majesty's service, I thought that it would be very
wrong to retire on such an occasion and flee the danger, and lift
my hand from a matter of so great importance. After the expedition,
I would have vacated my office and would have prepared to go to give
your Majesty an account of many things of importance to your royal
service, but I have neglected to do so, because there are no judges
in the Audiencia. Licentiate Madrid y Luna is ready to go in one of
the trading ships to serve in his position as alcalde of the court of
Mexico. Doctor Juan Manuel de la Vega has been sick for four months,
and small hopes are had of his recovery. Two new auditors are expected
(who are known to be in Nueva España) on the ships of this year. When
they shall have arrived, it will necessarily take some days for them
to understand the affairs of government and the form of procedure of
the Audiencia. Since I think that I shall serve your Majesty in this,
I shall delay here no longer than is absolutely necessary for the
Audiencia to fulfil its obligations, and so that your Majesty may be
better served.
With the grace shown me by your Majesty in permitting me to go to
España, I shall not enjoy my salary as auditor from the day that I
shall cease to serve in this post. Consequently I shall not be able
to live in accordance with the quality of my person and the posts
that I have held. In remuneration of twenty-nine years of service
(twenty-four of them in the Indias)--and no favors have been granted
me for the offices of president and captain-general, and the successful
outcome of the difficulties that I experienced therein--I petition your
Majesty to grant me the reward of certain pensions equivalent to the
salary taken from me, or what reward your Majesty may be pleased to
order given me, which will be in excess of what my services can merit.
The persons who have served best on this occasion, and who merit
rewards from your Majesty, are: first, the general Don Juan Rronquillo
del Castillo, who assisted at Cavite, from the first of November of
last year, in the repair and preparation of this fleet, until he
sailed from the port with it and fought the flagship of the enemy
and defeated and sank it--and, according to what the prisoners say,
it will be incredible in Olanda that there is sufficient force in the
Philipinas to have defeated this galleon; next, Captain Don Diego de
Quiñones, for the service rendered to your Majesty by him in resisting
the enemy--first, at his entrance to the town of Oton (where the Dutch
disembarked with six hundred men); then, after killing and wounding
many men with less than one hundred soldiers, and causing the enemy
to retreat ignominiously after a stay of not more than twenty-four
hours in front of the said town, Don Diego came at my orders to serve
on this occasion, leaning on a crutch--for he was not yet recovered
from a musket-ball that had passed through one thigh--and served as
commander of a galley. He found himself near the galleon "Nuestra
Señora de Guadalupe," which was grappled to another of the enemy;
and, with his aid, the latter was defeated.
Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestigui, commander of the galleon "San Miguel,"
grappled with another of the enemy; and although another ship attacked
him, and he received great damage from the artillery discharged upon
him, he refused to leave his prize until, after fighting with great
courage and valor, the galleon to which he was grappled took fire,
whereupon with great haste he ungrappled so that the fire should not
do him harm. The vessel that was burning was deserted by its men very
hastily, some of whom embarked in the lancha, while others jumped
into the water; and, the fire reaching the powder, the ship went down.
Captain Juan Bauptista de Molina, commander of the galleon "Nuestra
Señora de Guadalupe," was the first to grapple with a ship which,
according to the prisoners who were in the battle, was in Piru, where
it and another vessel sunk our almiranta. He fought as a good soldier
until the enemy surrendered after a hard fight. While a captain
and soldiers from our side were in the said vessel, that ship of
the enemy's that was coming down upon it afire, as the executor of
divine justice, set fire to this one, and it was burned. That ship
was burned because His [Divine] Majesty did not choose that there
should be more spoils from that victory than the memory of the just
punishment that He gave by His powerful hand.
Admiral Pedro de Heredia, commander of the galley "San Juan Baptista,"
grappled with the hostile almiranta; and after fighting valorously,
and having almost defeated it, because it was no longer serving its
artillery or musketry, the burning boat charged down upon the two
galleons and forced them to ungrapple for fear of the fire. Thereupon
their almiranta got away with some difficulty, because it had so
few men left to handle the sails. The men who escaped from the small
boat of the burning ship were taken aboard that vessel, so that they
had sufficient men to retreat; and our galleon could not return to
attack the said almiranta, which left so badly dismantled that it is
thought that it must have sunk. The facts will be learned with the
first advice that comes from Terrenate.
General Francisco Bravo de la Serna, who came aboard the flagship that
put in at Japon, gained the good will of the ruler where he put in,
by his diligence, discretion, and sensible procedure, aided by the
munificent presents that he gave to the king. Consequently the king
received him as hospitably as if he were in your Majesty's lands,
giving him whatever he needed at moderate prices. When the general
wished to leave, the king gave him permission, without his having
received any ill treatment. That was considered a good outcome,
and was all the more so because, when he reached these islands and
learned that the enemy had taken the passage in order to enter the
port of Cavite, he took the flagship to the most hidden place that
he could find. Having made port in haste, he unloaded the silver and
stored it inland; then, while anchored, he took ashore all the rest
of the cargo. That was the compensation of these islands and the fund
with which the fleet was prepared; and without it the galleons could
not have been equipped. Therein is made evident the good service that
Francisco Bravo rendered your Majesty. He also rendered service on
this expedition; for he embarked on the flagship, and took with him
twelve men at his own cost. His presence proved of great importance,
for he attended to his orders with great energy, exactness, and labor,
while his advice and counsel were among the best that the general
had. The latter declared the same to me, and that Bravo should be
highly esteemed for the manner in which he distinguished himself in
your Majesty's service on this occasion.
Licentiate Manuel de Madrid y Luna, auditor of this royal Audiencia,
has aided me in this campaign, accomplishing those things with which
I charged him. Last year, when that enemy came to this bay, he helped
to cast the artillery; and he worked at it day and night, until they
had cast so many pieces that they sufficed to put the fort of Cavite
in a state of defense. Two of his brothers and one cousin have died in
this land in your Majesty's service--one in the Sangley insurrection,
and two on this noble occasion. One brother was commander of the
galleon "San Phelipe." As soon as the battle began, he was wounded by
a musket-shot and lived little more than one hour. It is considered
certain that more would have been accomplished with this galleon;
had not the said commander been killed. On that account, and for the
good accomplished by his services in this royal Audiencia, the said
Licentiate Madrid claims that your Majesty should grant him as a reward
permission to marry some of his seven daughters and three sons in
Mexico. That is the greatest wealth that he takes from these islands.
Captain Andrea Coello came from India in a patache in July last
year with despatches from the viceroy. That enemy having come and
taken position in the entrances of this bay, he offered to serve
as ordered, whether on land or on sea, with his person, patache,
sailors, and soldiers; for his profession was to serve your Majesty
in war. He remained until the royal fleet was ready to sail in search
of the enemy; and the said captain supported the sailors and soldiers
with his patache and with the moderate aid given him. He took part
on that occasion, and acted as an honorable and valiant soldier,
attending with exactness to all his orders.
The viceroy of Nueva España sent a ship from the port of Acapulco,
which reached the port of Cavite on June twenty-six. Aboard it were the
bishop of Nueva Segovia [6] and twenty-eight Augustinian friars; one
hundred and forty soldiers and twenty convicts; one hundred quintals
of powder, one hundred muskets, and one hundred arquebuses. Since
the country was at peace, that proved a tolerable reënforcement. No
money came for the royal treasury, which does not contain one single
peso. From the money that is expected from Nueva España must be paid
the twenty-six thousand seven hundred pesos lent by the citizens
and the probate court account; besides other twenty-three thousand
pesos due to the captains and the Japanese and Chinese merchants,
for cloth and war supplies which they have delivered to the royal
magazines. There is no royal revenue from which to satisfy those
debts. The only revenue that can be collected now will be the proceeds
of the Sangley licenses, and that will scarcely suffice for the
very ordinary expenses. There will be no money with which to pay
the salaries of the Audiencia, royal officials, and other persons;
the stipends of the bishops and prebends of the church, and those
given to the religious; the wages of the infantry of this camp and
that of Terrenate; and the aid that must be sent to those forts for
their ordinary sustenance. And then this is increased by the delay of
the fleet which your Majesty has ordered to come by way of the cape
of Buena Esperança because of the great expenses that will be thus
incurred, and by the repair of the galleons in Cavite. The latter must
not be abandoned, and are without masts, for only their futtock-timbers
can be of use. It is all very difficult when so many things come at
the same time, and there is no money with which to repair them. May
God in His mercy provide a remedy for so many necessities. I shall do
the utmost that in me lies. Although there is considerable to provide,
I shall attend to the most needful, so that things may be maintained
until the viceroy of Nueva España, upon learning of the wretched
condition of these islands and those of Terrenate, may provide the
aid that is necessary for their conservation. Accordingly I humbly
beg your Majesty to send the viceroy orders that the succor asked
from him be sent promptly. And should a case happen like the present,
of no vessels going to Nueva España because they have to return in
distress to these islands, [I beg you to order] that the viceroy do
not neglect to send the money which is usually asked from him for the
payment of the expenses incurred in these islands. Those expenses,
like those of the war which are of so great moment, cannot be supplied
if there is a lack of money, and it will not be well to fall again
into such straits as those that we suffer at present.
The two auditors who were to come to this Audiencia, remained in
Mexico, as there was no accommodation in the ship to enable them to
sail. Their absence causes a conspicuous deficiency; for I am the only
judge in the Audiencia, because the sickness of Doctor Juan Manuel
de la Vega is of long duration, and few hopes are sustained of his
recovery, according to the physicians' reports. Licentiate Manuel
de Madrid y Luna has determined to go to serve in the position of
alcalde of the court in Mexico (which your Majesty has bestowed upon
him as a reward), notwithstanding that I did not allow him to quit
that of auditor of this Audiencia on account of the just reasons
for serving therein--through the many affairs concurrent in it of
justice and government, and through the great lack that all these
would experience if they were in charge of only one person. Should it
happen that I were to die, there would be no Audiencia nor any one to
govern these islands--irreparable injuries, for which it is advisable
to prepare the remedy beforehand. And although, besides these things, I
presented to him many considerations that should oblige him to postpone
his departure; and notwithstanding the requests and protests that I
have made to him regarding the present injuries and those that might
happen on his account; all this has not sufficed to move him from his
purpose. He has answered me with the arguments which if your Majesty
pleases may be seen in the accompanying testimony. Manila. August
10, 1617.
_Licentiate Andres de Alcaraz_
[_Marginal note_: "Take particular account of what is stated about
his services, in order to reward him as may be fitting, especially
for what he did on the occasions that he mentions which have been so
advantageous to the royal service and to the conservation of those
islands, which results from achievements as great as were the defeat
and punishment of the enemy. In what concerns the persons of whose
services he gives information, let attention be given to them in the
Audiencia; and have them summoned so that they may know what knowledge
his Majesty has of them, and what he has entrusted to their persons."]
TRADE BETWEEN NUEVA ESPAÑA AND THE FAR EAST
_Of the Trade of Eastern India, Nueva España, and Filipinas with
Macao and Japon_
Beyond a doubt Christian interests in Japon and China are sustained
and prospered, after the grace of God, through the trade which your
Majesty's vassals carry on with those kingdoms; for the heathen there,
being avaricious, are much pleased with the gain they derive from
the goods carried to them, and from those which they sell to the
Christians. Therefore, they allow the religious of Europe in their
countries, because they know that, if they do not admit them, they
will not enjoy this trade; for they see that principally on account
of religion your Majesty's vassals come to them with their ships and
goods. This is shown by the experience of many years.
Although this trade may be profitable to your Majesty's subjects and to
your royal exchequer, it ought to be so carried on that not only may
these interests be advanced, but also in such a way that Christianity
shall not be injured. When any one of these interests is in danger, it
is plain that it would be a less evil to lose something of the temporal
[advantage from trade] than of the spiritual advantage resulting from
the conversion of souls there. There is no doubt that your Majesty
wishes it thus, as do all of your ministers, who are so anxious for
the honor of God and for the progress of His holy Catholic faith.
Trade with China and Japon is carried on as follows: from Eastern India
[to both countries] by way of the city of Macao, and entirely in the
hands of the Portuguese; from Felipinas and Nueva España to China, by
way of the same city of Macao; and [from Felipinas and Nueva España]
to Japon by way of the various Japonese cities, principally Nangasaqui.
From Eastern India eight-real pieces and other things in which there
is considerable profit are carried to China. From Macao, which is
a Chinese city, silks and gold, upon which profits are large, are
taken to Japon; while silver, which also yields profit, is taken
to China. From China, copper, silks, gold, and other articles are
transported to India. This trade is also remunerative. Since upon all
these things import and export duties are paid to your Majesty, this
trade is undoubtedly the means by which Eastern India is maintained;
for through it are made possible the large expenditures for the
fleets which the viceroys send each year against your Majesty's
enemies. Indeed, without this trade little could be done, because the
[_a word lacking; MS. worn_] customs would yield little.
From Nueva España silver is exported to China, but little more;
they do not carry silver thence to Japon, because there is no lack
of it there. Some other things are taken to Japon, among them silks
brought from China, but little else; for they have nothing in Nueva
España useful to Japon, except these few articles.
From Felipinas they carry to China silver obtained in Nueva España,
but there is nothing else to carry. To Japon they take silks which
they buy in China, or which the Chincheos are accustomed to bring to
Manila, which is unquestionably the metropolis of Felipinas.
From the trade of Nueva España and Felipinas with China and Japon less
in customs duties are paid to your Majesty than from that of Eastern
India with the same countries, because there is nothing upon which
to pay them except the silks. Thus this trade is not so advantageous
as that of Eastern India. Indeed, your Majesty's profits will be much
greater if this trade of Nueva España and Felipinas shall cease. This
will be experienced not only by the crown of Portugal, but even by
that of Castilla.
By the crown of Portugal this will be experienced because, if the
people of Eastern India alone were to sell goods and to buy those
of the Chinese and Japonese, they would obviously gain more and be
able to pay higher customs to your Majesty; for when the sellers
and buyers are many and different, all is to the advantage of the
Chinese and Japonese, because then they sell and buy on their own
terms. Under such circumstances your Majesty's subjects have sustained
great injuries, and many times have sold their goods for prices far
below what they had cost, in order not to carry them home. From these
circumstances, too, quarrels have arisen in China and Japon between
the subjects of the two crowns--to the discredit of España and to the
shame of Christians there who see discords among Christians and among
subjects of the same king. The Portuguese, in order not to suffer these
injuries, will abandon this trade: if they do so, Eastern India will
be in great danger, especially now, from those who go there from the
north. And your Majesty will even come to lose it; and this through
not having wherewith to maintain the fleet by means of which it is
protected and prospered, as has been shown by experience. In the same
way your Majesty will lose the city of Macao which you have in China,
for as it is in the territory of the king of China, it has no income
other than through this trade.
This result will also be experienced by the crown of Castilla, because
the trade of Nueva España with China serves only to carry thither
silver which ought to come to España, and to bring from China the
silks which might be sent from España. Whence great injuries to España
follow, as is notorious, through the loss both of the silver of which
it is deprived, and of the duties and profits on its silks. The trade
of Nueva España with Japon is also unprofitable, because there are no
goods on which to secure gain either going or returning, except what
they may get from the silks which they carry from China, to Japon,
and from some iron, copper, cabinets [_escritorios_], and similar
articles. Indeed, on account of the before-mentioned disadvantages,
it is easier to lose than to gain in this trade; and if it should
be expanded your Majesty would suffer other disadvantages. This has
already been seen on some occasions when it has been tried.
The trade of Filipinas with China may be hurtful in so far as the
silver carried is concerned, because this might come to España. It is
true, the silk trade with China is of some profit to Filipinas as a
basis of trade with Nueva España--which cannot be dispensed with--to
supply the things needed from there. But this silk trade might be
substituted by carrying some of the gold of Filipinas to Nueva España
to buy what is necessary from España, to which thereby would come more
advantage; and by carrying also some of the silks which the people
of Chincheo are wont to take to Manila. These are bought in this way
more advantageously than when the Filipinas merchants go to China to
buy, as has been seen during many years' experience with the former
method. But it might even be well to put an end to the coming of the
people of Chincheo to Manila (many of whom live there by agreement),
because they have already attempted to take possession of the city;
and now, when the Hollanders are resorting thither, this should be
more carefully watched. To prevent the coming of the Chinese, your
Majesty might order the inhabitants of Macao to take to Manila the
silks, bronze, and other things needed in Filipinas which the people
of Chincheo bring. And everything will be more secure, the profit
will be much greater, and all of it will accrue to your Majesty's
subjects if it be ordered that the Chinese shall not sell anything
that the inhabitants of Macao have to sell.
The trade of Filipinas with Japon is very hurtful to your Majesty
and to your subjects, since, as they carry in it nothing but silks
from China, which the people of Eastern India and those of Macao
also take to Japon, all the advantage lies with the Japonese; for,
as they are in their own land, and have a larger number of articles
to choose from, they buy where they wish and at their own figures,
and they sell their own goods in the same way. All this is injurious
to your Majesty's subjects, and advantageous to that king to whom they
pay so large customs duties. Sometimes the people of Felipinas and
those of Eastern India have returned without selling or buying, in
order not to suffer total loss. Thus results a great loss of customs
which ought to be paid to your Majesty. And not alone do you suffer
in your exchequer but also in your reputation, because the Japonese
despise your Majesty's subjects when they see the disorders that they
create; [7] and they lose [also] respect for your viceroys. When, in
order to correct this impression, certain embassies are sent to those
kings, they judge from this that your Majesty's subjects have greater
need of them than they have of your Majesty or your viceroys. This
has been observed during all these past years, especially among
the Japonese--who, being arrogant, proud, and warlike, think that
everything depends upon them, and ask odds of no one. They, judging
by the great number who go to Japon from Felipinas that they are
necessary to the latter, have ever thought of making war upon these
islands in order to conquer them for themselves. [_In the margin_:
"And now that the Northerners are there, it is possible for them
together to attack the forces."]
From what has been said the plain inference is that your Majesty,
who is king of both realms, ought to order that the trade be so
conducted that what is gained by one be not lost by the other. You
ought also to consider which line of trade will profit you most,
and should enforce this one and prohibit the other by decrees issuing
from both crowns, enforcing them through your viceroys, and imposing
severe penalties upon violators of such decrees, and greater ones
upon those who fail to require them to be kept. [_In the margin_:
"This was ordained by the king, Don Felipe Second, grandfather of
your Majesty, as the Council of Portugal will inform you."]
From the foregoing it is easily seen that the trade of Eastern India
is, from a temporal standpoint, the most profitable to your Majesty and
for your subjects; and from a spiritual standpoint, for the maintenance
and propagation of Christianity in China and Japon. This was proved
in the years during which this plan was tried. [_In the margin_:
"Conversion there has entirely ceased today because this plan has not
been tried during recent years, and because of the severity of the
present emperor of China, who even punished laymen for protecting the
religious who went from Felipinas to China contrary to his commands."]
It is plain, therefore, that the trade of Nueva España and Felipinas
with Japon and China is unprofitable in comparison with that of Eastern
India, not to mention the marked injuries already pointed out which it
inflicts upon España, and which must be repaired and corrected lest
greater ones be sustained. The trade always carried on with Nueva
España is fully sufficient to maintain Felipinas. In this they carry
gold and some of the silks which the Chinese merchants carry from
China to Manila to be sold; and they might bring silks from Macao,
should your Majesty now order it. In return they bring from Nueva
España what they need for their own maintenance and growth (to make
it unnecessary to go to Japon and China for the same). In proportion
as this plan has been observed the welfare of both the Eastern and the
Western Indias has been advanced; and the kingdoms of España have had
great profits from them, through their carrying silver and bringing
back merchandise. Now that the Hollanders are so powerful there, it is
necessary that this be watched with the greatest care and vigilance,
in order that what your Majesty gets from there may not be lost.
EVENTS IN THE FILIPINAS ISLANDS
FROM THE MONTH OF JUNE, 617, UNTIL THE PRESENT DATE IN 618
Last year I informed you at length of the naval battle, and of the
signal victory which our Lord was pleased to give us over the enemy,
the Hollanders, who came to these islands with the largest force that
has ever been here. They brought ten galleons well equipped with men,
artillery, ammunition, and other implements of war. Of these ten
galleons they lost three in the battle--one, the admiral's ship,
was sunk, and two were burned. Four of the remaining seven fled to
Maluco, badly damaged. So many of their men were killed and wounded
that, although they had set out with a large number, they arrived
with scarcely one hundred. These were the messengers of an event
most disastrous for them but fortunate for us. The other ships fled
to Japon.
Until now the natives of the Malucas Islands had greatly favored
the heretics; but, loving novelty and seeing that the power of
the Hollanders had declined, they began to plan a revolt. When the
Hollanders learned of this, they hanged in Machien, one of their best
strongholds, a chief whom, it was understood, the natives wished
to place at the head of the insurrection. But in other quarters
they could not so quickly effect a remedy. In the island of Siao
the people killed all the Hollanders who had seized their land,
except three whom they handed over alive to our governor of Maluco
for galley-slaves. The natives of the island of Vanda [Banda] dealt
in the same manner with the Hollanders who were there, and gained the
ascendency. In Ambueno some of the natives revolted. The Hollanders
tried to pacify them by force of arms, but we do not know how the
affair ended. All this, however, was not what most disturbed the
Hollanders, but it was rather the fact that they saw that English ships
had come and formed an excellent stronghold in Pullovay. [8] Thus,
when the Hollanders undertook to eject the English from that port,
the two nations were engaged in as bloody warfare with each other as
[each was] with us. From all these circumstances it seems that the
strongholds of the Hollanders were about to fall; and that, if at
that time it had been possible to go with a fleet to the Malucas,
a great exploit might have been performed. By this means, as wrote
the governor of Ternate, Lucas de Vergara Gabiria, everything might,
perhaps, have turned in our favor. But it was not possible to do this
as was desired.
As I informed you in my report of last year, two other galleons,
called "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," had separated from the rest
of the fleet near the coast of Ilocos, a province of the island of
Manila, in order to plunder, to more advantage and with less risk, the
Chinese who were accustomed to steer for that coast. For this reason
they took no part in the naval battle. This was very fortunate for
them, since, without loss of men or of artillery, they plundered nine
[many--_V.d.A._ [9]] Chinese ships, laden with very valuable silks
which the Chinese were bringing here to the city of Manila. When these
learned of the destruction of their fleet, they made haste to return
to Japon, where they arrived on the seventh of July, 617. On the way
they overtook two Chinese ships loaded with silks. They captured them,
and, as their own were full of the plunder that they had taken, they
put seven men as a guard on each of the Chinese ships and took them
thus to Japon. When in sight of Japon the ships were driven by a storm,
and one of the Chinese vessels was separated from the other and from
the two of the Hollanders. It made port in the kingdom of Satsuma. But
the authorities of this place, learning that the ship was a captive,
and disapproving of a thing so foreign to civilized intercourse, would
not consent that they should remain in the port longer than four days,
at the end of which time they forced them to leave. During these four
days the Chinese who came in the ships, about thirty-four in number,
went ashore and secretly bought some catanas, arms peculiar to Japon
and not very different from cutlasses. With these they embarked for
Firando, another kingdom of Japon. One night they suddenly fell upon
the Hollanders [the seven who guarded the ship], and, in spite of
their resistance, they beheaded them and threw them into the sea. The
Chinese then loaded all their goods upon little fishing boats that
they had provided for the purpose, and setting fire to their ship,
fled with their property in different directions. In all of this
they were very diligent and discreet. If they had not been so, the
Hollanders who reside in that kingdom undoubtedly would have taken
the ship away from them by legal process, because (as we shall see
later) the Hollanders have things much to their liking at the court
of the emperor.
The two galleons, "Leon Rojo" and "Fregelingas," and the other Chinese
ship, of which I spoke, arrived at Cochi [Kochi], a port of the
island of Firando, one league from the port and city of Firando. [10]
Here they began in great haste to unload the galleon, "Leon Rojo,"
with the purpose of going to look out for the ship of Macan. The
Portuguese who reside in Nangasaqui, learning of this design, went
to the governor of that city to complain of what the Hollanders were
planning. He sent them at once to the Jeno [11] of Firando with an
order by which the Jeno was commanded not to allow any Dutch ship to go
out in search of the ship of Macan commanded by the Portuguese. This
precaution, however, was unnecessary, because our Lord prevented,
by other means, the accomplishment of their purpose. On the day of
the blessed apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, a furious storm overtook
them while they were in the port of Cochi. The "Leon Rojo" ran aground
and filled with water; the "Fregelingas," through loss of mainmast
and rigging, was badly shattered. The Chinese ship also ran aground,
and silks of great value were injured by water. With infinite labor
and expense they hauled off the "Leon Rojo," and, as best they could,
they took it to the port of Firando. They were compelled, however,
to give it up and leave it here for lost, because the leak was so
great that it was impossible to stop it. They took the "Fregelingas"
also to Firando, where they quickly repaired it.
There remains to be told the fate of another ship, called the "Sol
Viejo" ["Old Sun"], that fled from the battle of last year and was
confidently believed to have foundered in the sea. In it, however, the
Dutch general, Juan Rodriguez Lam, [12] escaped. With only eighty men,
who remained with him, he crossed to the coast of Camboja, and went
to the port of Champan [Champa _V.d.A._] in order to repair the damage
that the ship had sustained here in the Felipinas. They were not able
to go, as they wished, from there to Patam, where they had a factory,
because the vendavals, which were contrary, had now arisen. Therefore,
they were forced to put into Japon at the port of Nangasaqui,
where they entered with two other ships of theirs. One of these, the
"Leon Negro" ["Black Lion"], carried one hundred and fifty-five men,
and twenty-eight pieces of artillery, all of cast iron; the other,
the "Galeaça," carried ninety-five men and twenty-four pieces of
artillery. The Dutch general had met these two ships on their way
from Bantan, where the Hollanders had another factory. The "Leon
Negro" and the "Galeaça" had captured three Chinese vessels that were
going to Bantan to trade with the Hollanders. To save the Chinese the
trouble, the Hollanders had loaded all the goods of the Chinese upon
their own ships, thus taking from them the great wealth of silk they
were carrying, and leaving them only the hulks of the ships. [_In
the margin_: "Not the least compensation was made for such great
injustice and injury."] Sailing, then, by way of Hermosa Island, these
two ships had sighted the "Sol Viejo;" and, thinking that it was the
ship of Macan, they were much rejoiced, and prepared to seize it. When
they came a little nearer, however, they discovered that it was the
"Sol Viejo," in which was their own general, who had fled routed from
the naval battle that took place in these islands. Distressed at the
bad news [of their defeat in this battle], they together [with the
"Sol Viejo"] directed their course to Nangasaqui, where they made
port the first of July, 617. While these three ships were anchored
within the bar of this port, news arrived that the ship of Macan
was eight or ten leguas at sea. The governor of Nangasaqui prepared
and sent a message to the Portuguese to the effect that they could
enter the port without any fear whatever of the Hollanders. But,
not considering this safe, they withdrew to another port near by,
where they felt more secure. When the governor saw that, on account
of the Hollanders, the ship did not enter his port, he commanded
that notice be given to the Hollanders, in the name of the emperor,
that they should go at once to their port of Firando, which had been
assigned to them for trade with Japon. They disregarded this command
and replied that they had come to Japon with no other purpose than to
look for that ship, which they must take without fail. The governor
responded with a second notification, and so they thought it best to
leave unobstructed the entrance to Nangasaqui, and to go to Firando,
where they joined five Dutch vessels--including the "Leon Rojo,"
which had been abandoned.
As has been ascertained, these heretics plundered on the coast of
Manila eighteen Chinese ships, besides the two which on their return
to Japon they [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"] had carried
with them as they were, loaded, and the three which the ships coming
from Bantan [the "Leon Negro" and the "Galeaça"] had despoiled. This
robbery caused much commotion in Japon. The brother of the ruler of
Firando governed that state at this time, because of the absence of
the latter, who had gone to court. He accordingly placed guards upon
the Dutch ships as soon as they arrived, and commanded that no one
should go to them or buy anything from them until the emperor should
know of their arrival, which he reported immediately. The Hollanders,
paying no attention to these orders, began to unload their cloth
until they filled the warehouses of their factory, leaving the
surplus in the ships. Much of this cloth was wet, because, as I
said above, their vessels [the "Leon Rojo" and the "Fregelingas"]
and that of the Chinese had been shipwrecked. As this was the rainy
season, it was impossible to dry it; and thus, to their great sorrow,
much was lost. They secretly sold everything that they could before
there should come from the court any order that might be to their
disadvantage. They made a large sum of money, and then in all haste
they loaded a great number of the boxes of silk upon the "Leon Negro,"
which they put in readiness for whatever might happen. They then
despatched their messengers to Macao [_sc_. Meaco], the court of the
emperor, to whom they presented four fine pieces of bronze artillery,
which he prized very highly. They sent also thirty thousand taes
of silver, each one equal in weight to ten Spanish reals, and many
pieces of various kinds of silk, with which they gained the good
will of the emperor and of the courtiers upon whom their prosperity
and security in Japon depended. As a result of this, they were soon
very successful in their negotiations, at which they were greatly
pleased; for they were given permission to sell their spoils in the
kingdom of Japon to whom and wherever they pleased, since they said
that the Spaniards were their enemies and that the Chinese were going
to trade with them [the Spaniards]. With the matter thus arranged,
they returned to Firando, and, as they found themselves in such favor,
the first thing that they did was to take back from the poor Chinese
the hulk of the ship and some cloth of little value, which they had
given them because they had feared that they might not be successful
at court. And they did this in spite of the fact that the Chinese,
with their good industry and hard labor, had drawn from the water
the ship, which, as has been said, was stranded and submerged. The
Hollanders carried this spoliation to such an extent that they took
their very clothes from their bodies.
Having completed this very successful exploit, on the fifteenth of
October they despatched for Holanda the "Leon Negro" with sixteen
hundred boxes of changeable silk. Each box contained two picos of
silk (each pico equals five arrobas); besides this, they shipped
three hundred fardos of black and white mantas--all of which will
yield a great sum of money, if it reaches its destination. In the ship
"Fregelingas" the Dutch general returned to the strongholds of Maluco;
he carried with him a great quantity of timber to repair other ships,
and many provisions and munitions to supply their fortresses. The
other two ships, the "Sol Viejo" and the "Galeaça," warned us that
they intended to come to the coast of Manila about April, in order to
plunder at once the ships which come to this city at that season. This
has really happened, because for almost two months two Dutch ships have
been in the place [13] [where they seized the ships from China. This
has caused much apprehension in this city--_V.d.A._] which last year
furnished so powerful a fleet; for then it had galleons with which
to defend itself. Now it has none, because six galleons were sent
to other islands in order that the injuries that they had received
in the late battle might be repaired. On the eleventh of October a
furious hurricane overtook the ships and, [since they had been pierced
by balls in the battle--_marginal note in MS.; also in V.d.A_.] they
parted in the middle and sank in the sea. The twenty-four pieces of
artillery which the galleons carried--four in each galleon--were lost
with the ships. They were, however, neither very large nor of much
value. Most of the people escaped by swimming, or upon some rafts;
but as many as four hundred persons, including Spaniards, Indians,
and Chinese, were drowned. And some of those who had escaped from the
storm by means of the rafts perished from hunger out at sea, after the
storm subsided. In this event the justice of God was evident, because
it is said that that many had embarked upon these galleons with their
concubines, purposely to live with them in the holds of the ships,
without fear of either God or man; therefore our Lord permitted men and
galleons to run aground. [Not only was the city deprived of these six
ships, but] it must be added the information received from his Majesty
that the fleet of galleons formed in Cadiz to come here, by way of the
cape of Buena Esperança, had been sent toward Saboya [_i.e._, Savoy]
to impede the expedition of Count Mauricio to that dukedom. This city,
seeing itself thus deprived of the forces that it had and of those
that it expected, resolved at once to build six galleons and some
galleys; this they are doing with all speed. But as these ships have
not yet been finished (and cannot be very soon) they were worthless
to oppose these two Dutch vessels that have been along the coast of
Ilocos, a province of the island of Manila, and have plundered at will
everything within their reach. According to some, they have despoiled
of silks and other merchandise twelve or thirteen ships. Thus only
the smallest number escaped falling into their hands, and then only
by the merest chance. However, on the night of the eighteenth of May,
the Dutch ships were in danger of shipwreck. There arose a strong wind,
a vendaval, which obliged them to take care of their own ships and to
release the Chinese vessels that they had with them. Four of these,
delighted at this good opportunity, resolved to flee, and as the
winds were favorable, they set out on the return voyage to China.
The Dutch carried on this pillaging with little risk, and without fear,
because they had learned, through some prisoners who had escaped, of
the loss of our galleons. With these spoils they returned, I think, to
Japon, where they will again be received as they were last year. And
the worst of it is that they will delight in coming [every year to
inflict as much more damage; and therefore the Chinese will not dare
to come--_V.d.A._] to this city with their ships, and commerce will
cease. Everything will then be lost, because the prosperity of these
islands depends solely upon trade with China. May God prevent this
with his powerful hand.
In the island of Oton a strange thing happened this year. The ships
that usually go with supplies to aid the forces of Maluco were
despatched from the city of Manila. In one of the best of these
embarked Manuel Riveyro, a father of our Society from the house of
Ternate. He had come here to solicit and collect the alms which his
Majesty orders to be given to the fathers who labor in the Malucas
Islands. For many days, for years even, nothing had been given;
and, as a result, Ours were suffering great privation. The father
was very successful and collected from the royal treasury a large
sum of money. Part of this he spent for very rich ornaments and
for images for our churches; part for ship stores, and for gifts
with which to aid the poor soldiers in those strongholds of Maluco,
who suffer great want. These soldiers are materially assisted by our
fathers who reside there, to the great edification and gratitude of
the soldiers. With these supplies the father embarked in one of the
ships, and arrived at Punta de Najo [Naso--_V.d.A._], about eight
leagues from the town of Arebalo, where the king's ships go to take
on rice and meat for the Malucas. At this town it was necessary for
the father of our Society, and other fathers of St. Francis, to go
ashore to obtain some things which they needed, in order to have them
ready when the ship should arrive. Therefore they disembarked to go
by land, and the ship anchored off the point. One day the master,
who was called Juan de Ochoa Sarape [? Lara--_V.d.A._], brought it
about by deceit that the captain of the ship, Francisco Benitez,
the pilot, and two soldiers who were not of his following, should
disembark. There were on board also two mariners, a Galician and a
Castilian, neither of whom had sided with him in the treason that he
had planned with the others. He sent these down the hatchway for some
ropes, and then took a lock and fastened the hatchway. Thereupon the
traitors unsheathed their swords, drew their arquebuses and muskets,
and lighted their fuses. Standing under arms, they cut the cables, and
set sail, taking possession of the ship and of all the goods that it
carried for the king, for the governor of Maluco, and for the fathers
of San Francisco and of our Society, all of which, they say, might be
worth more than thirty thousand pesos. The captain and the pilot, who
witnessed this treason from land, embarked at once in a little vessel,
and, coming near the ship, discharged three muskets, none of which
did any damage. The traitors asked the pilot whether he wished to go
with them. Seeing that neither he nor the captain was so inclined,
they took them to land, and in their ship changed their course to
Borney and Macasar. This treason was committed by twelve Spaniards,
eight of whom were Biscayans and four Castilians. They made captain
the master [of the ship] who was the author of the treason. Besides
these [twelve Spaniards], there were on board this ship the other
two Spaniards, whom, as I said, they were carrying as prisoners,
as well as some Indians of this country who also were compelled to
go. When Father Ribeiro considered how much labor it had cost him to
get together the help he was carrying there for the fathers of Maluco,
this disaster caused him some distress--all the greater when he thought
of the hunger and need that they must suffer. But our Lord prevented
this. The father started out to beg alms from the inhabitants of the
town; and in a short time he got together an abundant supply of rice,
wine, and meat for one year, for all responded liberally to relieve a
necessity that had so moved them to pity. The father set, sail with
all this in another ship, and we trust that, by God's help, he is
already in Maluco. This is the same vessel that had been despatched
this year for Nueva España as almiranta. It left port so heavily
laden that it was necessary to put back into harbor to unload part
of the merchandise, so as to be able to make the voyage. This done,
they set out a second time from the port; but they encountered such
violent storms that, after sailing entirely around the island of
Manila, losing the masts, and imperiling their lives, they returned
to Manila on the seventh of October, 617. Afterward the vessel was
utilized [for Ternate] in the manner indicated above.
From the Mindanaos there came persistent rumors that they were
undertaking to set out with a large fleet to besiege the fort of Caraga
which was in the same island, Mindanao, and held in check a province
of that island. Its inhabitants do not now engage in robberies and
hostile incursions by sea, as has been their custom. [Upon receipt
of this news] two galleys were despatched from the city of Manila, in
order that with the caracoas that were to be found in Zebu they might
go to aid the fort. They left Zebu for Caraga, but before arriving
there our fleet turned back, partly because notice was received
that the rumor had not been true, and partly because the winds had
arisen. These winds would have greatly endangered our ships upon
their entrance to and departure from that coast, which is very bold.
But, although we have been free from these enemies this year, we
have had to deal with others, the Camucones, [14] a people who owe
allegiance to the king of Burney, They are thieves who scour the
sea, plundering everything within their reach. They are so cruel
that they never imprison, but kill all upon whom they can lay their
hands. These people came to the Filipinas this year with seven caracoas
and seventeen _ajuangas_, vessels resembling large galleys, but not
so strong; ordinarily they carry four hundred men at the oars. They
did very little damage, however, for they must have heard that our
fleet was on the sea, and therefore they soon withdrew to their own
territory. Their withdrawal was also due in no small degree to the
fact that when they once landed upon an island the native Indians,
sallying forth, killed some of their men and put their heads upon
poles along the coast in order to terrify the rest. It was the special
providence of our Lord that our father provincial did not fall into
the hands of these corsairs when he went to visit the Pintados Islands,
for when they [the father and his crew] were not far from the islands,
a strong wind came up ahead of them, which compelled them to remain
sheltered in a small bay for more than fifteen days. Here the news
of these enemies came to them, and therefore the father retired to
Manila. It is certain that if that contrary wind had not arisen he
would have gone forward, and would have fallen into their hands.
The devotion to the Immaculate Conception of the most sainted Virgin
has greatly increased among all the people. As soon as the ship from
Nueva España arrived, bringing the news of the elaborate demonstrations
that had been made in all España in honor of this Lady, they began to
place on all the corners and upon the doors of churches notices that
read, "Praised be the most holy sacrament and the Immaculate Conception
of the most holy Virgin, conceived without blot of original sin." There
was no lack of persons who tried to efface one of these notices that
was on the door of the church of Santo Domingo, a fact which caused
the people to burn with greater devotion to this Lady. It was arranged
that for two nights there should be a procession of masked figures. In
it a banner with an image of the Immaculate Conception was displayed;
lamps were placed throughout the city; the cathedral bells began
to chime; and the orders formed in line of march. One devout person
placed on the corners eighteen images of the Conception of our Lady,
with a legend reading, "Without blot of original sin." Other pious
people adorned these images with gilded ornaments and lights that burn
all night. The children continually recited before these images, in
loud voices, various couplets in praise of the Immaculate Conception,
thus fulfilling that saying of David, _ex ore infantium e lactentium_
["out of the mouths of babes and sucklings"], etc.
Concerning the persecution in Japon, I can only say that with the death
of Daytusama, who was the chief cause of the expulsion of our fathers,
[15] it was hoped that the persecution would cease or at least would
abate. On the contrary it has increased under the new administration of
his son, who is so hostile to the law of Christ our Lord that simply
because of our holy faith he has martyred one religious from each
of the four orders there. These four religious, among many others,
had gone about secretly, as in England, with great labor cultivating
that vineyard. This event occasioned much rejoicing in the hearts of
all the people of this city, the laity as well as the religious. They
talked of making fiestas and public rejoicings in thanksgiving that
our Lord had adorned the four orders that are in these islands with
four martyrs so distinguished. But in order not to further provoke to
wrath the ruler of Japon, who had ordered their death, and for other
reasons, it was thought best to suspend for the present all kinds of
fiestas. Among those who suffered this fortune or fate was a father
of our Society named Juan Bautista Tavora, a native of the island of
Tercera. He died in company with a father of San Francisco. Afterward
they martyred two others, one of Santo Domingo, and the other of San
Agustin, and in order that respect might not be paid by the Christians
to their bodies, the heathen threw them into the sea. The bodies of
the father of our Society and the father of Santo Domingo were placed
together in one box; those of the two fathers of San Francisco and San
Agustin in another. These last were afterward found, but the first
were not. The account of all that happened concerning this matter I
will place in the relation of that province [Japon] where these most
happy deaths will be related at length.
I will conclude this account with one of the most singular events
that have ever happened in the world. Although it is discreditable to
the Order of St. Augustine, it should be related here with all truth,
because it is so public and will be so noised about through all the
world. When Fray Vicente de Sepulveda, [16] first cousin of Father
Juan Laurencio, rector of the College of Mexico, finished his term of
three years as provincial, the fathers of St. Augustine met in chapter
in a convent near the city of Manila, to elect a new provincial. They
chose Fray Geronimo de Salas, [17] not without dissensions and discords
between the two parties into which they are divided. This provincial
died twenty days after his election. He died, as some say (and this
opinion seems not without foundation, as we shall see further on),
from poison that they gave him, and consequently his death was very
sudden. By the death of this Fray Geronímo de Salas, Fray Vicente de
Sepulveda returned to the office of provincial, as their regulations
provide. It seemed to some religious who were not of his party that it
was too much for him to govern three more years, so they planned to
cut the thread of life for him--by means of poison, since this would
not betray them. They gave it to him more than eight times in his
food and drink--in his chocolate, and even in the wine with which
he was consecrated. The poison was ground glass, and it resulted
in eruptions over his entire body and in illness for several days,
but it did not produce death. When the conspirators saw that their
attempts so far had been unsuccessful, four of them planned to kill
him with their own hands. The affair was so public that not only was
the conspiracy noised about among the friars but also among the laity
of Manila. Thus it came to the ears of the provincial himself, who
had not lived as prudently as he should have done for the safety of
his person. After this, he was very careful about his food and drink;
he locked himself in at night, and entrusted the key of the apartment
to only a few. He ordered one, who was the author of the treason
(and he was the one that was suspected), that in virtue of his [the
provincial's] holy precept, he should not come into the convent of
Manila, but that he should prepare to embark for Nueva España where
they should take from him the cowl. Thereupon this individual, Fray
Juan de Ocadiz--who was a native of Madrid, a priest, and one of long
service in his order--formed an agreement with three others, all young
men about twenty years of age, who had been ordained to preach. These
were Fray Juan de Quintana and Fray Andres Encinas (both natives of
Manila), and Fray Ignacio de Alcaraz, born in Nueva España in a place
near Acapulco, called I think, Quatulco. Fray Ignacio was companion
and secretary to this provincial, and so he had the opportunity of
making a key to the apartment, by first making an impression of the
key in wax. On the thirty-first of July, 617, the day of our Father
Ignacio, at eleven o'clock at night, the four opened the door of
the provincial's apartment with the key that had been prepared
for the purpose. The provincial heard the noise immediately, and
suspecting what it might be, rose from the bed, and went shouting to
meet them. At this juncture the three evangelists repented of what
had been begun, and talked of withdrawing from it. But Fray Juan de
Ocadiz, bolder than the rest, since he had already begun the work,
told them that if they deserted he would have to stab them. Thereupon
all four together attacked the provincial, threw him upon the bed,
and held his mouth. The three evangelists held his arms and legs
firmly, and Fray Juan de Ocadiz, putting his knees upon his stomach,
choked with his hands. While the friar was choking him, the provincial
begged for confession. Fray Juan said, "Father, repent of your sins,
and in token of this clasp my hand." The provincial took his hand,
and the murderer absolved him, adding, "Trust, Father, in our Lord,
who will pardon your sins." Upon this he seized his throat, and
finished choking him. Then with diabolical cruelty, in order to be
more certain [that he was dead] they twisted his neck against the bed
in such a way that they disjointed the bones, no that the head fell
from one side to the other as if he had been a dead fowl. All this
tragedy was committed in the dark, so they went for a light, cleansed
the provincial's body of the blood that had gushed from his mouth,
changed his bed-linen and garments, and set everything in good order,
that it might appear that he had died of some sudden accident. They
did not take into consideration the many discolorations upon his
body, or the twisted neck, that must soon give testimony of the
hideous crime. Fray Andres Encinas took all the bloody clothing and
threw it into the closets. The others closed the door from within,
with a cross bar, and jumped through a little window. Although the
provincial had given many loud cries, and other friars lived near
the apartment, nothing was heard in the convent--a thing that seems
impossible. After the crime was completed the bells rang for matins,
for which it was now time. The murderers, or rather parricides, with
great craftiness went to prayers. Morning came, and the hour arrived
at which the provincial was accustomed to open his apartment; but he
did not open it. They waited a little, but he did not come out. They
knocked at the door, but he did not respond; they knocked louder,
but in vain. The prior and the other friars, who were ignorant of
the affair, determined to break down the doors. They did so, entered,
and then beheld the crime, and saw that the provincial had been killed
with violence. The prior, a certain Fray del Rincon, [18] hastened to
the president of the royal Audiencia and to Don Geronimo de Sylva,
captain-general, in order that they might give him help of which he
was destitute because there was so great a tumult in the convent. They
soon came with men. First the president ordered that all the friars
should go one by one to kiss the hand of the dead man, in order that he
might note the countenance of each. Finally they buried the provincial,
and every one can well infer what would be said of the whole order;
for people will forget that in the apostolic college there was a Judas
and in Heaven a Lucifer, and yet the other apostles and the angels did
not fall on this account. Reports of the affair were transmitted to the
bishop of Zebu, Don Fray Pedro de Arce, of the Order of St. Augustine,
and at that time governor of the archbishopric of Manila. He imprisoned
some and tortured others; and in a short time, and with little trouble,
the criminals were discovered. He made all the investigations, prepared
the case, and handed it over to the _definitorio_, which, as they
said, had by right jurisdiction in the matter. The definitorio, which
was composed of nine of the most prominent friars of their order,
advised with the other orders as to whether, without consulting
the pope, it could condemn the criminals to actual degradation and
deliver them over to the secular arm. The Society [of Jesus] avoided,
as far as it could, giving its opinion upon an affair that was of
such moment, and that must create such a sensation. In the decision
of the affair, whether wise or unwise, it was best for us not to
interfere. The authors were examined, and upon the advice of wise
and learned men the definitorio resolved to give the sentence. It was
read to the criminals from the pulpit of the church of St. Augustine,
on the nineteenth of September, 617, before all the people, who had
congregated to witness a spectacle so extraordinary. Immediately they
took from him the cowl, and left them with only some short cassocks
such as are worn by clergymen. They delivered them to the bishop,
who was already prepared for the degradation. He immediately began to
degrade them, and then delivered them over to the secular arm. They
were taken to jail by the strong guard of soldiers that had been in the
church ever since the criminals had been removed from the prisons to
hear the sentence. But it was possible to execute this sentence against
three only, because Fray Andres Encinas had escaped the night before,
in company with a lay brother who was guarding him. With chains and
all, the lay brother removed him from the prison at twelve o'clock at
night, and, placing him upon his back, carried him along an unfinished
wall of the convent, with great danger to both of falling and killing
themselves. He took from him the chains and, together with another
lay brother of their order, they jumped from the wall and fled in
great haste. On the twenty-second of September of the same year,
617, the secular tribunal pronounced the sentence of death upon the
three. They were taken from the jail amid a great retinue of religious
of all orders, who were assisting, and of soldiers who were guarding
the prisoners. At ten o'clock in the morning they were hanged in the
square before the largest assembly of people, I think, I have ever seen
in my life. They died with suitable preparation. I am unwilling to omit
the account of a very peculiar circumstance. Twenty years ago they were
hanging in Madrid that Augustinian friar because he wished to make a
pastry-cook king of Portugal, and to marry him to Doña Ana de Austria,
the mother of Fray Juan de Ocadiz. She was watching the proceeding,
and all at once she began to scream and weep. When asked the cause
of this she replied that she fancied she saw on the gallows her son,
who was an Augustinian friar. Followed by a large crowd they took the
bodies of these three men who had been hanged, to the convent of San
Agustin for interment, where they will remain with their provincial
until God calls them to judgment. The friars then very diligently
searched for the one who had fled, in order to execute upon him
the same sentence. At first they did not find him. And afterward,
although they might have captured him, they did not, because they did
not feel obliged to revive the painful remembrances and cause to all,
and especially to his mother and the relatives whom he has here,
the grief and distress that the first three deaths occasioned.
Besides these there were found guilty in the affair Fray Joseph de
Vides, a native of Mexico, who had been instructor of the novices;
and Fray Pedro de Herrera, a native of Medina del Campo, who had
been professor of theology, and who now was prior of a convent. As
these two were not so guilty as the others the friars took from them
the cowl, and sentenced them to six years at the galleys in Maluco;
and to suspension [from mass] for one additional year, on account of
the reverence that is due to so high and divine a mystery. They were
handed over to the secular tribunal, and were put upon galleys. But
in a few days they escaped, and embarked upon a small ship in company
with Fray Andres Encinas and the lay brother who had freed him from
prison. All four set out together upon the return to Malaca, in order
to go from that place to Goa, España, and finally to Rome. Such is the
unfortunate event which was reported last year to the pope, the king,
and all the world alike. This year report will be made of the justice
meted out to the malefactors. [19] And as more than four lies will
be written, I have thought it best that your Reverences should know
the affair just as it occurred, nothing being added or omitted. [20]
_Events at Ternate_
Since this was written, advices came from Ternate that brought us some
news which I will add here. The aid that was sent from this city to
the Malucas Islands arrived, and those who carried it found in the
passage two Dutch ships awaiting them, to prevent their entrance to
our fortifications, and even to take the supplies, if possible. They
made an attack and our people thought best to withdraw; but after
some days they returned by another route, to land the supplies if
they could. They again found the Hollander in the road and, being
attacked a second time, they fought, made a great effort to pass,
and succeeded--although the enemy so pursued one ship, the admiral's,
that it ran aground in the island of Tidore. Most of the people were
saved, but some the enemy killed with musket-shots, and some, who threw
themselves into the water, perished. Captain Alonso Martin Quirante,
who was in our stronghold of Tidore, hurried out and prevented the
enemy from taking anything from the ship.
Many of the provisions that were in the ship were lost, among them
almost all of those that the father, as I mentioned above, was taking
for our fathers. In the thick of the battle this father was the first
to be wounded. He was struck on the arm by a splinter, but his wound
was of little consequence. The soldiers, however, will not because of
this loss be in want this year; for the English went [to the Malucas]
with a shipload of rice to trade for cloves, and the viceroy sent
six galeotas of provisions from India.
The above-mentioned captain, Alonso Martin Quirante, made an
ambuscade, in which he killed twenty-one Hollanders and captured
four. Of the enemy, twenty-five Hollanders and many of the Indians of
their following deserted to our fortifications. Although the king of
Tidore has always been very favorable to us, the prince his son has
been very friendly and of much importance to the Hollanders. But our
Lord has been pleased to destroy these friendly relations in this
way. The Hollanders, for what reason I do not understand, hanged
one and drowned four of the people of Tidore. On account of this
the prince has been so opposed to them that he has sworn to avenge
himself, and to do them all the injury that he can. And he will do
this, without doubt, because he is very valiant.
So much for the Malucas. To this may be added the fact that the admiral
Heredia had made, at his own expense, a beautiful, though not very
large, ship with which to serve his Majesty whenever occasion might
offer. Just as soon as it was launched upon the sea, it was overtaken
by a storm so severe that it foundered and was lost.
I forgot to say that one [_Marginal note_--Sequeyra's ship] of the two
ships that were despatched last year for Nueva España, but did not
arrive there, was separated from the other. It must be known that a
certain de Sequeira, a Portuguese of the Order of Christ [_del Habito
de Christo_], went in it as captain. He had come as general of the
fleet which five years ago the king sent by way of the cape of Buena
Esperanca, [21] and he carried a cédula from his Majesty to the effect
that they should send him back at once by the same route. Instead,
they detained him four years in this city, much against his will. At
last they sent him as captain of this ship in order that he might go
to España by way of Nueva España. They loaded upon this ship goods
of high value, although not a great quantity of them, because the
vessel was small. He began his voyage with favorable winds astern,
and when he had reached the latitude of more than 30 degrees, he
saw that he might turn toward India; but, the brisas beginning to
vex the ships, he ordered the return, and, arriving at these islands,
disembarked some Castilians whom he carried but who did not wish to go
with him. He steered for Malaca and India, in order to go, they say,
to España upon the voyage which his Majesty had ordered. He arrived at
Malaca and died, I think, in Cochin. Nothing more is known [of him],
nor [is it known] what will be done with the goods that he carried.
The ships from Nueva España arrived very late, at the beginning of
July. It was fortunate that the vendavals were very much delayed this
season; for, if they had begun when they usually do, it would have
been impossible for the ships to reach these islands this year. But
God chose to bring to us the governor [22] who was so much desired. A
grand reception, with many costly triumphal arches, was prepared for
him in Manila. But he embarked from the port of Cabite in a galley,
and entered quietly into the palace through a postern gate near by,
and therefore the whole reception fiesta was a failure. And when
they desired him to go out of the city again, in order that he might
enter with solemnity, he said that he did not wish them to carry him
in procession as if he were a penitent, and so he remained there.
DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINAS ISLANDS
The governmental district of the islands commonly called Philippinas
comprises seven principal provinces, not to mention many other
islands and smaller provinces within its jurisdiction. Five of these
principal provinces are in the island of Luzon, which is four hundred
and sixty leguas in periphery and extends about from the thirteenth
to the twenty-first parallel. One can travel two hundred leguas in a
straight line on this island, for it is even longer than this. From
east to west, between the Cape of Spiritu Santo (the first sighted when
coming from Nueba España) and the bay of Manila, it is eighty leguas;
and from south to north, between the same bay and Cape Boseador,
in the province of Cagayan, which is opposite Japon and China, it is
one hundred and twenty leguas. The capital of Cagayan is the city of
Nueba Segobia, which was settled by Governor Don Goncalo Ronquillo de
Peñalosa in fifteen hundred and eighty-one. The shape of this island
of Luzon, taken as a whole, is more like a semi-quadrant than anything
else, although there are many irregularities in places. Some parts
are narrow, because of the numerous arms of the sea which bound and
penetrate the island; but in some parts, principally those on the
north side, the island grows broader and more spacious, as I will
show in the proper place. In other parts it is rough, rugged, and
not a little mountainous. When the island is considered as shaped
like a semi-quadrant, the great bay of Manila lies in the angle,
where the sides meet the city--which is in the center of the island,
near the entrance to the same bay; and has as a port Cavite, a little
more than two leguas to the south.
_Camarines_
The first, of the five provinces in the island of Luzon, beginning on
the eastern coast, is Camarines, which includes all the territory near
the mouth of the channel of Capul. The capital of Camarines is the
city of Cazeres, sixty leguas from Manila. It was settled by Doctor
Francisco de Sande, governor of these islands, in fifteen hundred and
seventy-four. He settled on the Vicor, a large and peaceful river,
whose waters are very fresh and healthful, because it runs through many
veins of gold, as do most or all of the rivers of these islands. There
are in Camarines as many as twenty encomiendas, counting the four into
which the island of Catanduanes (which is included in this district)
is divided. The largest of these encomiendas does not contain more
than fifteen hundred tributes; there are a few of one thousand; most
of them must have from seven to eight hundred; while some have four
hundred or even less. Among these peoples a great deal of gold was
formerly obtained from the mines or placers of Paracali and from the
island of Catanduanes. Camarines yields no rice, and it has not so good
a food supply as other parts of Luzon, owing to the fact that Luzon
is very narrow here, and in many places is rough and mountainous. It
is believed that as much gold is mined now as usually, yet it seems a
small quantity; for, although the Indians in general have more money
than formerly, obtained through their [various] sources of income,
they keep back the gold to work up into chains and jewelry, with
which they adorn and parade themselves freely. They pay tribute in
tin reals. The Camarines have become a very settled and tractable
people through the religious instruction and careful teaching of
the discalced Franciscan fathers, their ministers. They had been,
of all the people of these islands, the most warlike and the most
feared, as was shown by their resistance; indeed, one can hardly
assert that they were conquered. The number of the inhabitants of
this province can be but roughly estimated, as it is difficult to
count them accurately. It is probable, however, that there are more
than one hundred and fifty [thousand], counting the intractable black
people who live in the interior of the country. Of this number some
estimate that one-fourth are Christians.
_Judicial offices of the province of Camarines_ [23]
With respect to royal jurisdiction, this province has these three
offices:
The alcaldia-mayor of Caseres, which is ordinarily called the
alcaldia-mayor of Camarines, because Caseres is the capital of the
province, and has jurisdiction over the larger and better part of it;
the corregimiento of Ybalon, which is at the mouth of the channel;
and the corregimiento of the island of Catanduanes, which is also
near the same channel mouth.
_The province of Manilla_
The second province [in the island of Luzon] and the principal one
in importance and wealth, because of its extensive commerce and of
the fact that it is in the center of the kingdom, is Manila. Within
its jurisdiction are included other smaller provinces. These are the
two lake provinces, Bonbon and Bay; and (the most important of all)
Panpanga, which, at the outside, is not more than twelve leguas from
Manila. This is an inundated valley, and yields a great amount of
rice, owing to the richness and location of its lands, as well as to
the wealth and superior character of its natives--among whom there
are at present many who have aided and served as faithful subjects
and friends, whenever opportunity has offered. In Panpanga your
Majesty has as many as six thousand tributes in the four governmental
districts and principal villages, among which are Betis, Lubao, Guagua,
Mexico, and other smaller places. All the neighboring country, and
particularly the royal magazines, secure their rice from this province
[of Pampanga]. There must be in the province of Manila forty thousand
tributes belonging to private individuals, and almost twenty thousand
belonging to your Majesty. There must be in all more than five hundred
thousand people, of whom one-fourth are Christians. In this, however,
estimates vary. The adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, settled the
important city of Manila in the year fifteen hundred and sixty-one,
[24] after having lived for six years in the islands of Zubu and Panay,
of which I shall speak more in detail in another place.
_The judicial offices in the province of Manila_.
The offices to which appointments are made in the province of Manila,
not to mention the judicial officers of greater or less importance
who are maintained by the city within its walls, are as follows:
The alcaldia-mayor of the Parian or alcayzeria of the Chinese; the
alcaldia-mayor of the coast near this city, its capital being the
town of Tondo; the alcaldia-mayor of the Lake of Manila, ordinarily
called Laguna de Bay; the alcaldia-mayor of Bulacan and Calumpite,
one of the two alcaldias of Panpanga; the alcaldia-mayor of Panpanga,
which includes the rest of the province; the alcaldia-mayor of
Balayan and Bonbon, twenty leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of
Mindoro and Baco, twenty-five leguas from Manila--which, although
it is itself an island, is a division of this province for judicial
and religious administration; the alcaldia-mayor of Calilaya, forty
leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of Masbate, an island fifty
leguas, or a little more, from Manila, between this island [of Luzon]
and the Pintados.
_Pangassina_
Next after Panpanga comes the district comprising all of Sambales and
Pangasinan. This, although here considered as a separate province,
is under the jurisdiction of Manila in judicial and religious
matters. Its natives are chiefly those called Negrillos. They are
mountain Indians and are either very tawny in color, or black. They
are so restless, so warlike, and so averse to trade and communication
with other people, that up to this time it has not been possible to
subdue them effectively. Although on different occasions they have
been severely chastised, there is still no security from them. They
are in the habit of making sudden assaults upon their neighbors,
continually, and cutting off many heads. In this consists the whole
happiness of these barbarians. These Negrillos belong to the same
race of people as those who live farthest in the interior and in the
most rugged parts of these islands. It is a very well established and
common belief that they are the real aborigines; and that the rest
of the Indians are immigrants who conquered them, and compelled them
to leave the shores and plains, and to retire to the most isolated
and rugged parts of the islands, where they now are. They are still
so brutal and so averse to civilization that they scarcely deserve
more than the name of men; for they often cut off the heads of their
own fathers and brothers as a pastime, for no other reason than
their natural cruelty and brutality. Very few of them have fixed
settlements, nor do they plant crops; but they live upon camotes
(a kind of potato), other herbs and roots, and the game which they
hunt. They hardly ever come to the plains or coasts except to make
assaults and to cut off heads. The one who has cut off the greatest
number of these is most feared and respected among them. The skulls
they keep in their huts as trophies, or to serve as jugs and cups
in their drinking-bouts. There is such abundance of wild game in
the province of Pangasinan that within a space of only twenty leguas
over sixty thousand, and sometimes as many as eighty thousand, deer
are killed every year. The Indians pay these deerskins as tributes;
while trade in them is a source of great profit for Japon, because
the Japonese make of them good leather for various purposes.
_Ten thousand tributes_. There must be in Pangasinan between ten
thousand and twelve thousand half-pacified tributes, two thousand
belonging to his Majesty, and the rest to private individuals. The
capital of this province is a place called Binabatonga. It
formerly contained about three thousand houses, or, according to
other estimates, a greater number; but it now has only about two
thousand. The province has some good ports. One is that of Agoo,
commonly called "the port of Japon," because it was the first port
which the Japonese occupied in these islands [when our people first saw
them here]. Another port is Bolinao, which is better than any other.
_Judicial offices in Pangasinan_. There is only one judicial office
in this province, namely, the alcaldia-mayor of Pangasinan.
_The province of Ilocos_
Next after Pangasinan, toward the north, on the same coast, comes
the province of the llocos, a people on the whole more settled and
tractable; and although there have been some disturbances among them,
they are now very peaceable. They are well supplied with provisions,
especially with rice--a great quantity of which comes to Manila every
year during February and a part of March, for at this time the winds
are favorable for going from Ilocos to Manila and back again. The
capital of this province is the town called Fernandina [now Vigan],
which was settled by the master-of-camp Guido de Lavazares, who
governed these islands in fifteen hundred and seventy-three, upon
the death of the adelantado, Legaspi. This province must nave between
fourteen thousand and fifteen thousand tributes, which are collected
without resistance. Five thousand of them belong to his Majesty,
and the rest to private individuals. There used to be in it, also, a
great quantity of gold but the Ygolotes Indians diminished the amount
for the reason given above. [25] This diminution is quite noticeable.
_Judicial offices of the province of Ilocos_. There is in this province
only one judicial office, the alcaldia-mayor of Ilocos.
_The province of Cagayan or Nueva Segobia_
After Ilocos comes the province of Cagayan, the northernmost portion
of the island of Luzon, where there is a great deal of incompletely
pacified country. It contains villages inhabited by a very strong
and warlike people, who have given us much trouble.
_Twelve thousand_ [_tributes_]. Between twelve thousand and thirteen
thousand tributes are collected in the pacified portions of the
province. Fifteen hundred, or a little more, belong to his Majesty,
and the rest to private individuals.
The capital of this province is, as has been said, the city and port
of Nueba Segobia, opposite and facing China and Japon, one hundred
and twenty leguas from Manila. It is so near China that from Cape
Bojeador, one of the points or promontories of Cagayan, it is not
more than a seventy leguas' journey to the nearest towns on the coast
of Chincheo, a maritime province of that great kingdom. The greater
part of the Sangleys who come to these islands are natives of that
place. For this reason, and because of the natural restlessness of
the people of Cagayan, there has been established in Nueba Segobia a
regular garrison, sometimes with fifty, and sometimes with a hundred,
or even more, soldiers, as necessity demands. Nueba Segobia contains
the cathedral church and is the capital of the archbishopric of the
province of Cagayan, just as the city of Caseres is of Camarines. There
are then, in the island of Luzon, not counting the archbishopric of
Manila, which is the capital of the kingdom, the two archbishoprics
above mentioned. It must be noted that there are in this island many
races and kinds of people, such as the Camarines, Camintanes, Tagalos,
Panpangas, Sanbales, Ilocos, Cagayanes, and many others. They differ
noticeably not only in language and in physical characteristics,
but also in disposition and customs. But the Tagala dialect, that of
Manila and the surrounding country, is a common language. It is spoken
and understood everywhere, not only by the above-mentioned natives
of the island of Luzon, but by the natives of all the islands. From
this fact those who know something concerning the past of these people
infer that the other nations of the archipelago have long carried on
trade and commerce with Manila. Because the island is the center of
an infinite number of nations and barbarous people, some heathens and
some Mahometans; and because of its nearness to and trade with the
rich and powerful kingdoms of Japon and China, as well as for other
reasons that might be mentioned, Manila is considered of greater
importance in this governmental district than can here be indicated.
_Judicial offices of the province of Nueba Segobia_. There is only one
judicial office in Cagayan, the alcaldia-mayor of the entire province.
_Province of Panay in the Pintados_
The sixth province, one of those outside of Luzon, is the island
of Panay, situated in the Pintados, one hundred leguas south of
the city of Manila. It is more fertile, and yields more rice and
other provisions, than any other province of the kingdom except
Manila. Neither is there any province relatively more densely
populated, for, although it is not eighty leguas in periphery,
it contains thirty thousand of the most profitable and peaceable
tributes in the whole kingdom. The capital of this island is the town
of Arebalo, which was settled by the adelantado Legaspi in fifteen
hundred and sixty-seven, and enlarged by Don Gonzalo Ronquillo in
fifteen hundred and eighty-two. It is near the village of Oton and
the port of Yloylo, the most southerly port of the governmental
district. For this reason, and because of the fertility of this
province, it is better fitted than any other for provisioning
and sending aid to the Malucas Islands and to the presidios of
Terrenate. This province is on the coast facing toward Mindanao,
Maluco, and all the "islands of enemies," as the islands to the
south are designated. In religious instruction and ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, this province is included in the bishopric of Zubu.
_Judicial offices in the island of Panay_. There are in Panay three
judicial offices. These are, the corregimiento of Panay and Aclan,
the rivers and principal settlements of the island; the corregimiento
of the island of Negros, which is included in the district of Panay;
the alcaldia-mayor of the town of Arebalo (commonly called the
alcaldia-mayor of Otong) and including the purveyorship--the best
and most important office of that province.
_The Province of Subu and its jurisdiction_
Forty leguas eastward from Oton, and one hundred and twenty leguas
from the bay of Manila, is the island of Zubu. The capital of
this province, as well as of all the provinces of the Pintados,
is the city of Santissimo Nombre de Jhesus--celebrated throughout
the kingdom, not so much on account of its good harbor as because
it was the first town to submit to his Majesty; and because it is
the first city which the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legaspi settled
and pacified in these islands. It is also noted because it is but
half a legua from the island of Matan, where the famous Magallanes
died fighting; and more than all else on account of the holy relic,
[an image] of the child Jesus, which our fathers found there, which
is now at the capital city in the convent of San Agustin, and has been
signalized by some miracles that have occurred there. Zubu is a small
island, and it yields but few provisions, because it is rugged and
mountainous. But it has an abundance, of game, and secures sufficient
[of other] provisions and supplies from the islands and provinces
under its jurisdiction. These are: Leyte, Çamar, Ybabao, Bohol, and
many other islands of lesser importance, besides that part of the
island of Mindanao opposite Zubu which was formerly at peace--that
is, all the country along the Butuan River, forty leguas from Zubu,
and the coasts of Surigao, Dapitan, and Caragas, a little further
from Zubu. Eight or ten years ago, all of these revolted from this
province. There are in the provinces of Zubu and its jurisdiction,
according to some estimates, over twenty thousand, and according to
others, twenty-four thousand, very peaceable tributes. Three thousand
of these belong to his Majesty and the rest to private individuals. To
the two provinces of Zebu and Panay only is given the name Bisayas,
but to all this group of islands taken together is given the name
Pintados. The Pintados are now giving more trouble than any others
in the whole governmental district; not because the inhabitants are
restless (for none are more peaceable or more useful), but because
they are on the frontier toward the seas of Mindanao and Maluco. The
natives of Mindanao and Maluco--principally the Mindanaos and other
allied tribes, the Sangiles, Joloans, and others of that region--have
been emboldened by their great successes during the last ten years
to infest the coasts of the islands (and especially of the Pintados,
which are nearest to them), so frequently that they have kept the
forces of the kingdom diverted [to that region]. They have been greatly
aided by the artifice and craft of Silongan, their principal chief,
and most of all by the remissness of our fleets. For these reasons
they have harassed and are now harassing all the Pintados, where they
have at different times robbed many places, captured many thousands
of friendly Indians, burned and sacked the churches and barbarously
profaned sacred things. And yet for these excesses they have neither
made amends nor been punished, and since these Moros have power and
courage to continue the war, many evil consequences result; for in
spite of the pretended treaties of peace, which they are always
promising but never keep, they persist in their offenses. [For
instance], at the end of November, 1616, these Mahometan Indians,
by the coming of the Dutch ships which reached this bay on the last
of October led to think that our forces would be engaged, improved
the occasion like good strategists, and burned three of his Majesty's
ships in the dockyards of Masbate. About twenty leguas from Manila,
they burned some villages and captured many Spaniards; and what two
galleys did let some other person tell his Majesty. We know their
designs by experience, and the opinion grows that it would be well to
punish them for once, with sufficient force to keep them sufficiently
under restraint and subjection to make it possible to apportion the
island [in encomiendas], and to establish in it fortified posts. This
is the true way to prevent their disturbances. Since Mindanao is
directly opposite the Pintados, and so near to Matheo and Terrenate;
since it has so many encomiendas to distribute (as it is over four
hundred leguas in extent); and since it yields gold, wax, cinnamon,
and a great quantity of rice and other valuable products--great
benefits would accrue to his Majesty by its pacification.
_Judicial offices of the province of Zubu; three_. Returning to the
province of Zubu, from which I have been diverted by a discussion
of the affairs of Mindanao, I may say that there are three judicial
offices here. They are the alcaldia-mayor of Zubu, which is the
principal office in the province; the corregimiento of the islands
of Leyte, Camar, and Babao; and the corregimiento of Botuan, which
is the portion of the island of Mindanao that used to be peaceful.
Summary of the tributes--160,000. Each tribute consists of a man
and wife.
I wrote this in Manila, in 1618, to give to Governor D. Pedro de
Bivero.
DUTCH FACTORIES AND POSTS IN THE ORIENT
_Account of the factories, and the posts garrisoned with infantry and
artillery, that the Dutch enemies maintain in the islands of the East._
_Item_. From these factories are taken food and other provisions for
Maluco, and a ship of a thousand toneladas of pepper every year.
_Item_. In the island of Caramandel they maintain two factories
without a garrison. One of them is in the port and country of Achen,
[26] and the other in the same island, which is called Chambi. There
is sent from these factories a shipload of a thousand toneladas of
pepper, gold, and jewels.
_Item_. In Negapatan they have a factory, without a garrison; from
it are carried cloths, which the Terrenate Indians of Maluco wear.
_Item_. In the island of Jor [27] there is at present one factory,
without a garrison; and 400 bares of pepper are shipped from it every
year. A bare [_i.e._, bahar] is known to contain 600 libras.
_Item_. In Patane there is a factory, without a garrison; from it are
shipped glazed earthenware, silk, and various drugs which come from
China, and one shipload of more than 600 toneladas of pepper each year.
_Item_. In Cian [_i.e._, Siam] they have a factory, without a garrison;
from it are carried jewels and various drugs of much value.
_Item_. In Borneo they have a factory, without a garrison. Thence
are sent gold, jewels, and camphor.
_Item_. In Japon they have a factory, without a garrison. Thence are
shipped military supplies and provisions for Maluco; and thus the
Dutch greatly hinder the progress of Christianity in that country.
_Item_. In Macazar they had two factories; but have removed them thence
because the king and the natives do not get along well with them.
_Item_. In the island of Banda they have a garrison, with artillery
and troops. They gather there Masatrella nutmegs to the amount of
more than 1,600 bares each year.
_Item_. In the island of Caramandel they have a fortress with a
garrison and two factories, one called Masapotamia, [28] and the other
Petapulli; from them is carried cloth to trade and barter in Maluco.
_Item_. In the island of Bachan they have a garrisoned fortress;
more than a hundred bares of cloves are shipped thence each year.
_Item_. In the island of Maquian they have three garrisoned fortresses;
and 1,200 bares of cloves are gathered there each year.
_Item_. In the island of Mutiel they have a garrisoned fortress. From
this island they ship more than 350 bares of cloves each year.
_Item_. In the island of Tidore they have a garrisoned fortress,
and his Majesty has another. The whole island yields each year about
600 bares of cloves, of which half, or a little less, is secured by
the Dutch.
_Item_. In the island of Terrenate they have two garrisoned fortresses,
and his Majesty has one. The island yields each year more than 700
bares of cloves; and the profitable part of it is gathered by the
Dutch, as they have friendly relations with the natives, while his
Majesty obtains never a pound--although it is true that the greater
part is lost through war.
From these islands--Bachan, Maquian, Motiel, Tidore, and
Terrenate--which are the ones that Don Pedro de Acuña won back and
left in peace and quiet, with an amply sufficient garrison to maintain
them, the enemy enjoys and obtains each year nearly two million pesos
in profit. The reason for this loss to us was that, on account of Don
Pedro's death, so many quarrels arose between his adherents and those
of the Audiencia that they spent all the time in making war against
each other with ink and paper. In the meantime the enemy fortified
themselves in Malayo, and took possession of the island of Maquian,
and those of Motiel and Bachan, and the other ports which they now
hold, without its costing them a drop of blood. But this burnened
us with much ignominy; for we--being occupied in wasting paper and
ink in lawsuits, which have continued to this day--both by this loss
and that other which first arose from the dismantling of a fort in
Mindanao which had been built in the port of La Caldera, have given
the enemy an opportunity to take possession of so large a part of
these islands. And the worst is, that these factions are lasting to
this very day, and are causing the many losses and the great expenses
which your Majesty now incurs; and these hatreds will not be lacking,
for they are so deeply rooted. It is for us to apply a check to them,
for from them has sprung the loss of respect to whomsoever should
have it, and thence have come to this court reports so sinister.
What is recounted in this relation is from the mouth of General Pablos
Blancar, who was our prisoner in Terrenate. Being grateful for the
good treatment which he had and received from my hand, he gave me
this, assuring me that it was altogether true; and I even agree with
what he said, for, being disgusted with his countrymen because they
did not help him, and feeling grateful for the friendship which he
personally received in my house, he told me--as it were, in payment
for that, and by way of vengeance on his own countrymen--all that I
have recounted. As for the failures to serve your Majesty on the part
of our people, I have restrained myself in many respects, for they
are more important than I can express; but I advised Señor Don Diego
de Ybarra of them in the year 1617. I am certain of everything which
happened there, as I was present there in person, and saw these things
with my own eyes, being in those islands as captain and sargento-mayor,
and governing them in the absence of Don Jeronimo de Silva. [29]
MEMORIAL REGARDING MANILA HOSPITAL
Manila, 1618. Memorial for his Lordship Señor Don Fernando Canillo,
president of the Council of the Indias for his Majesty, informing
him of the injuries and losses which, during the seven years that
I served as head brother in the royal hospital of his Majesty, were
ascertained by me in that time, in order that they may be remedied in
the city of Manila; and of the good which the brothers of John of God,
are accomplishing in these regions.
1. In the time of Governor Don Francisco Tello, there was a steward
who drew a salary of three hundred pesos, with a hundred fanegas of
rice, and two hundred fowls, and lodging in the hospital. 2. Another
succeeded him, who died owing three hundred pesos, which could not
be collected. 3. The second was succeeded by the Confraternity of
La Misericordia, and when they had left the administration there
remained a surplus of three thousand pesos. 4. To this third succeeded
a person who finally owed the hospital five or six thousand pesos. I
believe that they could not collect this sum, because he died at
that time; and God knows what evil the hospital suffered on account
of the funds thus withheld, as the hospital building was burnt twice
in one year. 5. The fifth successor, who was the owner of a horse,
sold it to the hospital as a breed horse for the mares, so that the
hospital might have a stock-farm. The price paid was four hundred
pesos; but the horse was of no use for this purpose, and there was no
need of him for any other use, so the said hospital sold him for one
hundred and fifty pesos. This steward remained in office two years;
and three years passed without his rendering any accounts, and I
believe he never did so. He died, and may have rendered a good account
in heaven. 6. The fifth steward requested from the sixth a tonelada
from the hospital assignment of freight in the ships. He did not lade
it, not having the means to do so; he sold it for six hundred pesos,
and paid the hospital two hundred pesos. During my time the governors
gave to the royal hospital of Manila eight toneladas for provisions
and utilities. The city sold its toneladas at six hundred pesos,
and sometimes more; and the hospital sold its space mostly at two
hundred pesos, at twenty-five pesos a pieza. The hospital for Indians
has two toneladas, and sells them at more than six hundred pesos each.
The hospitals which your Majesty has in the Filipinas Islands: the
royal hospital, where the soldiers are treated; another in Gavite,
where the sailors are treated; another for the Indian natives,
[conducted by] the Franciscan friars; another for Sangleys, by the
Dominican friars; another, by La Misericordia, for the mulattoes;
another, at the hot springs, [30] by the Franciscan friars; another
in Cagayan; another in Cebu; another in Maluco; and another for
convalescents, by the friars who are coming back from the Indias. The
brothers of the blessed Juan de Dios will attend to the care of
these hospitals, for they are greatly lacking in comforts for the
sick. They will save all these losses to the treasury of his Majesty,
and obviate the offenses which are committed against God.
To the steward as salary 500 pesos
Collected from the encomiendas 200 pesos
200 more from the stock farm 200 pesos
From the collector of fowls 200 pesos
1100 pesos
[_Endorsed_: "The royal hospital at Manila. Send a copy of these
clauses to the governor and Audiencia, so that they may name an auditor
as inspector thereof; and let the senior auditor, if convenient,
fill this office. He shall superintend and audit the accounts of this
hospital, and bring its property into the most profitable condition. As
for the customs and mode of life of the officials who are employed
in this hospital work, if they have committed any unlawful acts
let them be punished, if laymen, according to their guilt; and if
they be ecclesiastics, let them be dismissed and sent to their own
judge. Each year, one of the Audiencia shall be appointed, in turn,
to take the hospital in his charge; and at Easter-tide, when the
general inspection of prisons is made, the governor shall, on the day
which he shall consider most suitable, visit personally and examine
into the cleanliness and state of the bedding of this hospital and
the others, so that all may be encouraged to the greatest diligence
and charity. As for the appointment of a steward and other officials,
they shall always be of the honorable and well-to-do persons of the
city; and the office of steward shall last two years. If any persons
shall be found so suited to the position that it will be necessary to
compel him [to serve therein], this shall be done in the best possible
manner, so that people may understand that, after the service of God
our Lord this it is that has most weight with his Majesty, in order to
employ them in other offices, according to the character and method of
their management. Let there be placed upon the books of the accounts
and proceedings of the hospital a copy of this decree. The Council,
November 16, 618."]
LETTER TO FELIPE III FROM ALONSO FAJARDO DE TENZA
Sire:
Having left the port of Acapulco on April second with the two ships,
men, and other things, as I wrote your Majesty from there, God was
pleased to allow us to anchor in this port of Cavite on the fifth of
the past month. One could esteem it a good fortune that although the
season was so advanced there were as yet no vendavals in the channel
[_el Embocadero_] of these islands; for we had suffered many light
winds and even calms, and had waited for a ship that joined us,
in order not to desert it, contrary to the advice of some. Thanks
to His Divine Majesty who gave us so prosperous a voyage, not ten
persons dying in both ships.
The events of which I found news here are indeed to be deplored. Not
only was the small almiranta from Nueva España wrecked at Japon
(news of which was sent in the ship of last year), but its flagship
was also destroyed, having been burned on this coast with two other
vessels, fragatas, which were with it; and I learned of the loss of
the galleon "San Marcos" and the burning of two other ships which
were being built in the shipyards, to which the Mindanao enemy set
fire, encouraged thereto by the Dutch. I found, also that, of the
squadron that was being sent to aid Terrenate, one boat was wrecked,
while another mutinied--thereby casting shame on the Spanish nation
and their loyalty, and even giving occasion for some to make comments
and to say that the needs of this place, their lack of confidence in
its relief, and the departure for another region, could furnish some
reason for a similar act of desperation. Inasmuch as the number of
people who have fled from here by divers routes, especially by that of
Portuguese Yndia, has greatly increased; and considering how this evil
report may harm, and how advisable it is to destroy it (although we
nave a very pressing need of men), I have granted some licenses--the
number I considered necessary and sufficient--so that it might be
understood that they have left these islands, and so that the fear
entertained by so many of coming hither might be dissipated. For the
same reason, I have given certain orders for the payment of necessary
obligations, giving two of these to the sailors who were here, and
as they ire so few, the so small amount of money spent will create no
deficiency. After our aforesaid misfortunes the six galleons that were
to be fitted up at the shipyards were, while going there, overtaken by
a hurricane, and were all wrecked, together with seven hundred persons
whom, it is said, they were carrying--namely, natives, Sangleys,
and Spanish sailors and shipbuilders, and some infantrymen--besides
those who escaped, who were very few. Consequently, these islands
were left without any naval forces and with few enough on land, by
the above-mentioned disaster and the many private persons who died
on the expedition to Sincupura or Malaca. The result was very great
sorrow to the citizens, because of these troubles, and because General
Ruy Gonzales de Sequeira carried an amount of property for them to
Portuguese Yndia, where he died; while the enemy, coming unexpectedly,
seized another very large quantity of property, which some say was
in excess of two hundred thousand pesos, and others of three hundred
thousand pesos. It is certain that the enemy freighted with riches
two vessels, with which they came to this coast, lading them even to
their small boats; and the same with some Chinese craft, with what they
pillaged from the Sangleys of that kingdom. Thus was that so heavy loss
caused to this community, which with two such strokes might fear its
total ruin; on that account there has been no allotment of the lading
space for Nueva España this year, since that of last year, and that
trade is the harvest that sustains this country. Consequently it has
become very necessary to encourage the citizens, seeking innumerable
methods of consolation, and facilitating their protection for the
future with what means we have. I am trying to notify and assure
them that your Majesty's reënforcements and protection will not fail
them--adducing (and in good faith on my part) all possible reasons
why we should promise ourselves and expect that relief, when your
Majesty learns into how great ruin this country has fallen. For one
cannot believe that your Majesty will permit the risking of what it is
so important to preserve, both for the continuation of the conversion
of these souls and that of so many as one may hope will be reduced to
the pathway of salvation--a thing by which our Lord will be so well
served; and for the reputation and even the profit of the treasury,
which will not be slight, and which will follow by maintaining these
islands. For if we had a fleet sufficient to be able to pursue the
enemy, they could not maintain themselves from that day on which we
would thus oblige them to divert their attention from their gains and
trading, in order to join together for defense. It is quite certain
that, in that case, there would be no one in this archipelago who would
do anything to lessen respect for your Majesty's arms. By doing that, a
million per cent would be gained over what was spent on it. Otherwise,
if the enemy enjoy in any quiet what they claim here, it would appear
that they might disturb the peace of Portuguese Yndia, and even of
some portions of the Indias of Castilla [i.e., the Spanish colonies
in America], and other places. That would give reason for anxiety,
because of the so great wealth that the enemy would thus obtain. It is
quite easy to prove this statement, since with only their plundering
and the profits from their business, and without their having any
right or dominion in anything of importance, the enemy repair the
expenses and losses of war, and make the gains that they are known to
secure. Will your Majesty please have this matter considered, and have
an efficient reënforcement of seamen and soldiers sent--all at once,
or as soon as may be possible--so that having their arms in one fleet,
aid may be thus given where and how it is considered most advisable to
your royal service. To that I shall attend with what forces I shall
have, whether many or few, as will be shown by their deeds--to which
I refer, without promising more than the fulfilment of my obligations,
with God's help. In order to do thus, I have represented all the above,
concluding with what is of most importance to this government, which is
reduced, in my opinion, to three points: namely, the commerce of China
and Nueva España; the protection and preservation of the natives; and
having the sword in the hand, so that one may achieve what is needed
and make all things clear. Taking this last point as a basis, Don Juan
de Silva, my predecessor, must have built that fleet, for which he
contrived some ships that he would not have built had it not been so
necessary, as experience proved. For until his death, the enemy did not
resolve to display the audaciousness that they have since shown here,
nor even to conduct their commerce, except with great caution. If
I could construct another fleet like it, I would imitate him; but
he impoverished the wealth of these loyal vassals of your Majesty,
the Spaniards, and of the wretched natives, to such an extent that
many are now in the most dire need. Besides, the royal treasury is
deep in debt, so that nothing can be extracted from it or from them,
which may be worth considering in the present needs. This and the
lack of iron and other materials oblige me to reduce the building
force for five ships, that, I found, had been ordered to be built,
to three, so that I should not run out of the necessary materials,
and all of them be left unfinished. Then, in case that I have enough,
those men could also build the other two. Besides, that is also
important in order that those ships which are to sail to Nueva España
in the coming year may be finished and equipped promptly. I would be
very glad were that work further advanced, in order to hasten work
on one ship that can be of help to me, equipping it, together with
the flagship and another ship of your Majesty that is here, so that
I may oppose the enemy, whom we are expecting, with three galleys,
which can be manned by availing myself of borrowed slaves. However,
according to the news received from the king of Tidore and from Yndia,
there are eighteen ships which they say are being prepared in one place
to come here, and fourteen in another. Although it will be possible
for all to come together, and let them be what they may, preparing
myself, I am ready with what resources I have for those that may come.
News from Terrenate advises us that they have sufficient food there
to be able to await the reënforcements of food and money that I
am preparing, to send them when the weather is suitable. To that
the friendship of their neighbor, the king of Macaçar, is of not a
little aid. With him friendship is being made, and I shall endeavor to
preserve it, as I think it will prove of no possible harm but of gain
now for many things. Galleys are especially desired there, for they now
miss the advantage which they gained when they had these, since they
now have but one small unarmed galliot. I think that from those that I
shall repair here, and from two or three smaller ones that I intend to
build, I shall send them a couple of these vessels after the occasion
for which I am waiting; and besides that, I think it advisable for the
service of your Majesty. I shall do it with great pleasure, because
I hope that all the aid sent to those forts will make a brave show,
for they are entrusted to Governor Lucas de Vergara Gaviria, of whose
excellent zeal and management I have very good reports, and am well
satisfied with him, although there are some who complain of his temper.
The vassals of the king of Mindanao who were formerly your Majesty's
subjects have for some years back been acting very insolently, and
have been committing so many and so great depredations that already
they are causing considerable anxiety. Consequently, it is necessary
to undertake to restrain them, and to lay hands on them. I shall
accordingly try to do so as soon as possible, and for that purpose
I shall use the galliots which I have said that I intend to build.
I am writing to the viceroy of Nueva España, asking him to send me
the aid that he is wont to send other years, in the quantity now
necessary, and as is declared in a memorial signed with my signature
and those of the royal officials of these islands. I have asked that
the money sent be the amount that was asked last year, since that
sent then did not amount to the sum generally sent in other years;
while the occasion that obliged us to ask for it has not ceased,
but rather the necessities caused by the disasters and losses above
mentioned have arisen.
Because of the short time since I arrived here, and the many
occupations that I have had in overcoming the hindrance of despatches,
in arrears, and in attending to the preparation for many necessities
that demanded it, and to the furnishing of these ships that are being
despatched now to Nueva España--in which there were very many things
to do, to which no beginning had been made--I have not been able to
ascertain with certainty who is to blame for the wreck of the six
galleons, and why they did not sail out to drive from the coast the
enemy who were pillaging along it. Consequently, I shall leave that
report to your Majesty for another occasion. However, I can send
with this letter an information regarding this matter, the taking
of which I entrusted to Auditor Geronimo de Legaspi, on the advice
of the Audiencia. The Audiencia gave it so that it might be made
secretly, on the occasion of a petition that was presented against
Don Geronimo de Silva. That petition declared also that neither I nor
any one else could be judge without a special commission from your
Majesty; but that it was necessary to make the said investigation,
in order to see by it whether it was advisable or not to prevent the
said Don Geronimo from going hence to España, as he wishes and is
resolutely undertaking to do. For that he assigns as a reason that
he considers it a disgrace that one who has governed in this country,
in the position and post with which your Majesty honored him, should
remain here, removed from his office, and liable to ruin, and in danger
of uncivil treatment--which one can fear who has so many rivals as he
confesses that he has, because of having exercised his duties with
integrity. I am trying to deliver him from that inconvenience. He
insists on his intention, justifying it with these and many other
arguments. As yet the writ has not been examined, and consequently
I can not say whether he will go or stay.
Returning to the matter of the fault for the loss of the said galleons,
I hold it certain that documents will be presented in your Majesty's
Council, written by the parties to whom that loss may be attributed;
and that, if such should be the case, what each one would write against
the other would disclose sufficient reason for need of your Majesty's
royal clemency. I confess that, as yet, with what I have heard,
I would not dare to decide who is entirely to blame for it, or who
is entirely free from that blame. For Don Hieronimo de Silva blames
the government, by arraigning Licentiate Alcaraz--who, he says, had
charge of everything; while the latter blames Don Hieronimo. At times
one of them blames the royal officials, and some of the people blame
them all, opinions being divided. My own opinion is that, whenever
the government is divided, very great dissensions and evil results
must happen. Consequently, I would consider it less troublesome,
when there is no proprietary governor, for everything to be managed
by the Audiencia; for even in affairs of war (which are those of
which they can have least knowledge), if they were in charge of
these they would endeavor to secure the advice of the military men,
who would be best qualified to give it. But it would be far better
and more expedient for your Majesty to retain in this camp and in the
castle of Manila two military men of such standing and ability that,
when the governor and captain-general is absent, they might succeed
to those duties, and to those of the presidency, since no government
can be worse than one divided. The exemplification of this can be seen
in what has occurred here, if no others offer. On that account, and
because of its importance to your Majesty's service, I petition you
that, if Don Hieronimo de Silva should go, you will please give this
army a master-of-camp such as is advisable, appointing him from the
persons whom I proposed for it at Cadiz, on the eve of my departure
for Nueva España.
I have been told that Licentiate Fernando de los Rios Coronel, who
left this country with power to negotiate its affairs, was, among
other things, to petition your Majesty that a certain portion of lading
space be given and assigned to the governor of these islands. Although
I might be inclined to embarrass myself in this trade, in order to
fulfil my obligations to your Majesty's service, I would petition--as
I do--that no opportunity or occasion be given, so that such governor
may be humiliated and declared to be a merchant. For with a limited
permission of lading space that may be given him, one can fear that
the governor might stretch out his hand farther, and make that his
chief occupation--since even without that permission the governor has
sometimes cherished that covetous vice too much; and, by whatever path
that vice comes and is allowed scope, it tarnishes all the other good
qualities that a governor may have, and almost always hinders their
use. But if, notwithstanding, your Majesty think it not a considerable
obstacle, let it be conceded to him who shall succeed me, or to such
others as you may please to give it. Thereat I will rejoice greatly,
to have advantages added to this office which will oblige more persons
of high standing to covet it, although I would not be satisfied with
those whom this opportunity would incite.
In the Audiencia and assembly the question has been debated of writing
to your Majesty about certain points, which have not all seemed so
advisable to me as to those who proposed them. Particularly so is that
of increasing the number of auditors to five, under pretext that we
are generally in need of judges because of the auditors' occupations
or illnesses. But the reason appears but little sufficient to me, for
the suits entered here can be despatched in a few days when the court
is assembled, if the time is not wasted. I have seen much time lost
in the court by striving to wreak their passions, with which these
unfortunate inhabitants are greatly intimidated. This your Majesty
will have learned by what, I am told, has been written by justices
and regidors, and men of all estates, concerning this matter of the
Audiencia; and some of them have petitioned me to write another of
like tenor. They say that the reasons that move them to such a step
are the oppression caused by the multitude of relatives and followers
[of the auditors]; their appropriation of the offices and emoluments,
to the injury of the meritorious; their hatred and hostility to those
who unfortunately fall out with them; their trading and trafficking,
although it be by an intermediary, since they, being men of influence,
buy the goods at wholesale, and protect their agents. Many others
who speak to me have represented their desire of living without so
much encumbrance, esteeming it as thoroughly intolerable. Nor does
it afford the advantage, mildness and suavity that are found in other
tribunals and councils that are under the eyes of your Majesty, where
one obtains strict justice, administered by upright and holy men--the
people here considering that those who are farthest from meriting that
name are those who are farthest from the presence of your Majesty and
your royal counselors, because of the extent to which they forget to be
human in their endeavor to be paid divine honors. Will your Majesty be
pleased to have the arguments examined which are given on this matter
by those who write and discuss it, and provide what is most fitting
to your service. In what pertains to me, I do not petition you for
anything in this matter, since in no respect can it be ill for me to
have someone to consult, and who will relieve me in matters of justice.
During its government, the Audiencia appointed men to many posts
that became vacant, and several offices for life to those to whom
they gave them; besides many encomiendas--partly to those deserving
them, and partly to some who do not deserve them so much as do
others who, after serving well, were left without any reward. I do
not understand how such a thing could be done, for in order to make
those appointments needs not only the title of proprietary governor
with that of captain-general and president, but also a special decree
from your Majesty, such as I have and as other governors had. Although
I am carefully gathering information of what was done in this matter
(which all do not approve), and although I shall carefully do what is
most advisable for the service of your Majesty, in accordance with
justice and your royal decrees, yet I petition your Majesty to be
pleased to declare your royal will--as was done in what provisions
were made by the Audiencia of Nueva España, although they were made
by many auditors and not by one alone, as here--so that we may all
regulate ourselves thereby, without exceeding in any particular what
pertains to it and what can be done.
Among other offices provided in the above manner was that of secretary
of the registers, which is an office of importance. I entreat that
your Majesty will be pleased not to confirm its concession, nor that
of others of the same date, until you can be informed of the pros
and cons regarding it; for it will either be advisable to sell those
offices for the relief of necessities here (although I do not think
that such sale would go far toward that), or else let the matter
take its course as hitherto, so that there be certain offices with
which men who have served may be, with these employments, rewarded
and gratified. Well can your Majesty believe that I shall lose no
occasion to do what I understand to be advisable for your service,
both in this and in whatever else falls to me, and is in my power.
I shall now give Captain Luis de Contreras, whom I found filling
the office of treasurer of the royal revenues here, one thousand two
hundred Indians in encomienda (or a few more or less), and a pension
of two hundred pesos as a gratification to another deserving man. With
that the former will have received a goodly part of the income that
your Majesty orders me, by a royal decree that he presented to me, to
give him in unassigned Indians or in those of an encomienda which may
become vacant. I could well wish that there were more Indians vacant
than there are, in order to fulfil all that your Majesty orders me,
and which the said Luis de Contreras merits by his character and
good qualities.
Having seen the exactness with which I fulfilled the above, I am told
that many are going about looking for decrees and trying to procure
them now from your Majesty, in order to obtain like encomiendas and
other posts. I entreat your Majesty to postpone granting those favors
until you shall first be informed by your governor of these islands
and your Audiencia; for not all of them will be so well employed as
is the aforesaid, if I may judge from the methods by which I have
heard that they are seeking them, as they procure papers by means of
witnesses presented on their part, which make much of what in itself
is nothing. Although the fiscal intervenes in the matter, it is to
be noted that no one attempts to make investigations unless in some
case when he regards the fiscal as quite on his side.
I am told that some persons here are trying to obtain the office of
treasurer. Besides, that the present holder of it has not left it, I do
not as yet know many who could fill the place to be left vacant by him
in this charge, because of the many qualifications necessary--namely,
trustworthiness, accuracy, system, and other qualities. Although I do
not think that there is lack of a person in whom these will be found,
still I think it necessary to consider carefully the one who should
be chosen for this post, to be sure of it.
One of the things that your Majesty needs most in this county is
intelligent clerks for the efficient administration of the royal
revenues. And because it is certain that much would be gained by it,
I petition your Majesty to send half a dozen of them, who shall have
been reared in a good school. Your Majesty should not neglect to
order the supervisor-general, Tomas de Ybio Calderon, to despatch
one; and I trust that the person whom he would furnish may not be
unsuitable. For authority to serve in the more important offices
of this profession which should become vacant here, the inspector
Diego de Castro Lizon would be quite suitable, and the two brothers,
the accountant Francisco Beltran de Manurga and the inspector Matias
Beltran de Manurga. Either of them is, in my opinion, a person as
capable as is necessary for the said offices, as well as for things
of more importance. I entreat your Majesty to pardon my prolixity in
matters in which you have not asked my advice; for my zeal and desire
for your royal service, and also for some one who may aid me therein,
obliges me to do it.
Moved by the same cause, I again petition your Majesty--as I have
done--to send me Admiral Jusephe de Mena with the reënforcements
that are possible, or that you please, whether few or many; for in
his person alone I shall have one who can help me very well. Galleys
are of great importance to these islands, and not less for those of
Terrenate and Mindanao, according to what I have as yet been able
to ascertain. Although they are almost past use, I shall endeavor
to place them in the condition and number advisable. But so that
they may be of greater service, I need that your Majesty command to
have sent to me a dozen good men, who understand galleys thoroughly,
who may serve as captains, boatswains, and masters, who may teach
those who shall serve in those posts to be proficient. For no one
here thoroughly understands that calling except Captain Francisco
Remanico, who I am told has labored very diligently in this matter,
as well as in other affairs of your Majesty's service. I also need
two or three oar-makers who are good workmen.
The shipbuilding carried on in these islands on your Majesty's account
is the total ruin and death of these natives, as all tell me. For,
in addition to the damage caused by it in withdrawing them from the
cultivation of their lands and fields--whereby the abundance of the
foods and fruits of the country is destroyed--many of them die from
severe labor and harsh treatment. Joined to this is another evil,
namely, that every Indian who takes part in the shipbuilding is
aided by all the neighborhood where he lives with a certain number
of pesos, on account of the small pay that is given them in behalf
of your Majesty. Hence many are being harassed and worn out by
these methods, and a great expense is being caused to your Majesty's
royal treasury. For although the cost of employing the natives seems
moderate, their decrease is a very great detriment; while the planking,
sheathing, and masts are so poor that they must all be renewed every
two years, and sometimes oftener, when the only still useful parts
are the futtock-timbers. But all the above can be found and made so
much better in Portuguese Yndia that, considering the avoidance of
the above wrongs and the bettering and more satisfactory price of
the work, I shall try my utmost to avoid building ships here--sending
to Cochin to have them built, or to buy them ready built; or sending
wherever they may be found better and cheaper in those regions. If,
when this should be negotiated, there should be some cloves to send
on your Majesty's account, the purchase of vessels, as well as that
of slaves for the galleys, would be made very comfortably.
In the construction of ships that private persons are trying to
build in these islands, about which the Audiencia is writing to
your Majesty, I do not find so great an obstacle; for they take no
Indian forcibly from his house and land for this task, and no Indian
works at it unless he consents of his own accord to do so. That is
done without oppression, and the Indian is wholly paid for his work,
without the others having to contribute for it. For the smaller-sized
ships some better woods are found, which, because they are small,
cannot answer for the necessary uses to which they are put in the
larger ships. Since I do not find any noticeable difficulty in this,
I would consider it as very advantageous that leave be granted for
the building of those ships, and for navigation among the islands
and coasts of this archipelago, so long as they do not extend their
voyages to Nueva España and Piru. From that it will result that the
inhabitants will get some profit, and it will not be necessary to hold
all the trade with Nueva España. It will not be unprofitable for your
Majesty's service to keep some ships here, so that, if need should
arise, they might be employed and made useful with the seamen by
whom they shall have been manned. Since it is necessary that whoever
should have a vessel have paid and well-treated sailors, your Majesty
would come to have all that at no more expense than that of the time
while you would employ them; and these your vassals, the natives of
this country, would have more relief from the burden; and surely it
is pitiful to see the burdens that they carry, and what they endure.
The city has requested me to petition your Majesty to concede that
the encomiendas be for three lives in direct descent, that is,
to the grandchildren; and if not, that there be a succession for
two lives, in the manner that is requested in their name; and also
that they be excused from the necessity of getting confirmations of
such encomiendas from the court there [_i.e._, in España], as that
is a matter of great effort and expense to them. What I can inform
your Majesty in regard to it is that I have heard that they have
responded with very great love and loyalty, as excellent vassals,
on all opportunities that have offered for your royal service. At
present the encomiendas are liable to become vacant more quickly than
in the past, even though they are granted for more lives, because of
the danger of losing their lives through the more continuous occasions
for war--to which nearly all of them go, each one according to his
ability. Consequently, for this reason not only do I petition your
Majesty to make them this concession, but also to honor some citizens
who have been soldiers, and always are soldiers ready to risk their
persons and spend their possessions in your Majesty's service. This
many have done, most especially Admiral Rodrigo de Guillestegui, who
has responded to that and to all the needs that have arisen in the
royal service. This relation has been substantiated by public rumor
and reputation, without any dissenting voice. Since it seems just that
services be rewarded, and advisable that those who render them should
be honored, so that others may be encouraged, with such an example,
to try to merit a like reward, I petition your Majesty to be pleased
to have this matter considered, and to have him conceded a [military]
habit that, he has told me, he wishes for his eldest son. By that
it will be evident that services rendered here are also esteemed and
rewarded by your Majesty with your free and generous hand. Inasmuch
as I think that I am serving him in this I petition this for him.
He who goes as commander or head of the flagship this year is Don
Antonio de Leoz, while Captain Juan Baptista de Molina--who has
already served in that capacity before, and who has been castellan of
the fort of this port--fills the post of admiral. They are men who
have rendered much service to your Majesty; and for many years past
they have been enrolled as citizens in this country, so that all the
inhabitants here have applauded their choice.
It has not yet been possible to conclude the suits that I found
docketed against Don Juan Ronquillo, commander of the galleons that
last fought at Playa Onda, and against Don Juan de la Vega, upon and
regarding occurrences in the fleet; consequently, I shall be unable
to inform your Majesty of this matter until a later opportunity.
The departure of Don Hieronimo de Silva has been suspended, because
certain witnesses, whom he calls his rivals, have accused him in the
investigation that I said was being made in regard to him, in such
manner that we have been compelled to come to this resolution. He is
compelled to clear himself; and although he desires to do so, and
to challenge the witnesses by making a counter-charge against them
in such manner as he can, I do not know how he will manage it. For,
on the one hand, he wishes a judge to try and admit his pleas; and,
as for what he does not answer so suitably, he says that he is a
religious of the holy order of St. John, and that all those who enter
and take part in anything against him are excommunicated. He is seeking
for this matter a judge conservator who may punish with censures; and
yesterday the provincial of the Dominicans came to me to say that Don
Hieronimo had nominated him. We are now halting at this point. Will
your Majesty cause decision to be made as to what it is advisable
to do; and whether the residencia of the said Don Hieronimo must be
taken here, and who shall take it; and if possible to excuse me from
it, I petition your Majesty to commit it to another, inasmuch as I
have as yet done nothing touching residencia because I had not your
Majesty's license or order for it. Those who are plaintiffs against
the said Don Hieronimo are complaining that I might do more for their
satisfaction. He is also complaining and is angry because he is not
to go now to España. Truly I have done what I could without failing
in my duty to justice, and have endeavored to pacify each party. Had I
not done that, they would have brought incriminating documents against
one another, each one tarnishing the other's reputation--as is wont to
happen whenever there is any passion, even though it be with little
cause. I confess that, in order to be surer of the relief for these
obstacles, I would rejoice if there were some way so that Don Hieronimo
may go; but the best means for it should be sought. In everything I
shall proceed as I think is most advisable to your Majesty's service.
The archbishop of Manila, I am told, is writing to your Majesty,
petitioning you to command that his stipend be increased. Having
considered the reasons that he gives--and that, even if there were
no other than his residing here in the gaze of so many pagan nations
and those of different sects, as the representative of the greatest
ecclesiastical dignity--his desire for the means to discharge so many
obligations as he has seems as just, for this reason and for the
others regarding the archbishopric, as would be unjust my neglect
to petition your Majesty for the same on my part, because of my
ever-present obligations to represent to you whatever I think to be
advisable for your royal service.
With this letter I send your Majesty the declaration of a notary
who was prisoner among the Dutch, and a document written to me by
a father of the Society, which came together day before yesterday
from Terrenate; and also two copies of letters from Lucas de Vergara
Gaviria, governor of those forts, and from the king of Tidore, which
were received a few days before. Will your Majesty have them examined,
for they contain the latest news from Maluco.
The two vessels that are being despatched to Nueva España are now
able to set sail, and will do so (God willing), when the weather is
favorable. They go well equipped for the voyage, and the lading well
adjusted--more so than has yet been usual here. They carry excellent
crews, artillery, sufficient arms, and good rigging, and a great
quantity of that, in order to spare your Majesty the expense that
is incurred in Nueva España--where each quintal [of rigging] costs,
delivered in Acapulco, about fifty pesos; while here it costs only
one-tenth as much. As great preparation has been made in the candles
for the lanterns, [31] and other things, for the same purpose of
lessening the expense. And, while discussing this matter, I cannot
refrain from again petitioning your Majesty, in order to fulfil
my obligations and my desire for your royal service, to order that
the clerks and the treasury employees that I have requested for this
place be sent to me; for they are very necessary in order to aid more
efficiently the service of your Majesty, whose Catholic person may
our Lord preserve, as is necessary to Christendom. In this port of
Cavite, and bay of Manila, August 10, 1618.
Already on this day (the above date) the ships are to leave this bay,
because of the favorable weather that has come. All the pilots are of
opinion that they will not be lost, and that our Lord will guide and
convey them with all safety. It has seemed best to the Audiencia that
a certain report be sent to your Majesty in this letter, of which
it took charge, made against Don Hieronimo de Silva; consequently
I am sending it in accordance with their opinion, since they are
lawyers. Nevertheless, my opinion was that it should be suspended
until the trial of the said Don Hieronimo, and the truth were known
with certainty; and not to discredit him beforehand with depositions
of certain persons, by whom he has been accused, without allowing
him any opportunity to defend himself.
_Don Alonso Faxardo de Tença_
[Appended to the letter are the following letters on Moluccan affairs,
mentioned by Fajardo.]
_Letter from Manuel Ribeyra, S.J._
As I arrived from this voyage from Maluco ailing and crippled in
one foot, I have not gone to pay my respects to your Lordship and
to welcome you, in ac
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