The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 14 of 55
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 14 of 55
Editor: Emma Helen Blair
Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne
Editor: James Alexander Robertson
Release date: March 23, 2005 [eBook #15445]
Most recently updated: December 14, 2020
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898 — VOLUME 14 OF 55 ***
Produced by Jeroen Hellingman & the PG Distributed Proofreaders Team
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XIV, 1606-1609
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XIV
Preface 9
Documents of 1605
Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuña, and
others; Manila, July 1-4 29
Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuña, and others;
Manila, July 4 and 5 38
Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña, Manila, July 1-15 53
Documents of 1606
The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O.P.,
and others; 1604-06 81
The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; Tidore, March
16 112
The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de
Maldonado; Sevilla, 1606 119
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almaçan,
and others; Manila, July 6 140
Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral;
Manila, July 149
The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; San
Lorenzo, August 5 and 15 173
Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels
on the California coast. Felipe III; San Lorenzo el Real,
August 19 182
Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Muñoz de
Herrera, and others; July-November 189
Letter to Acuña. Felipe III; Ventosilla, November 4 193
Documents of 1607
Petition for a grant to the Jesuit seminary in
Leyte. Madrid, January 18 199
Artillery at Manila in 1607. Alonso de Biebengud; Manila,
July 6 201
Letter from Audiencia to Felipe III, on the Confraternity
of La Misericordia. Pedro Hurtado Desquivel; Manila,
July 11 208
Trade of the Philippines with Mexico. Madrid, December
18 214
Passage of missionaries via the Philippines to Japan. Conde
de Lemos, and others; Madrid, 1606-07 218
Documents of 1608-09
Annual receipts and expenditures of the Philippine
government. Pedro de Caldierva de Mariaca; Manila, Aug. 18,
1608 243
Decrees regarding way-station for Philippine
vessels. Felipe III; [Aranjuez.], September 27, 1608,
and San Lorenzo, May 13, 1609 270
Letters to Juan de Silva. Felipe III; May 26 and July 29,
1609 278
Expeditions to the province of Tuy. Juan Manuel de la Vega;
Passi, July 3, 1609 281
Petition of a Filipino chief for redress. Miguel Banal;
Quiapo, July 25, 1609 327
Despatch of missionaries to the Philippines. Diego Aduarte,
and others; [1608-09?] 330
Bibliographical Data 339
ILLUSTRATIONS
Aqvapolqve (view of harbor of Acapulco, Mexico); photographic
facsimile of engraving in Levinus Hulsius's _Eigentliche uund
wahrhaftige Beschreibung_ (Franckfurt am Mayne, M. DC. XX), p. 60;
from copy in library of Harvard University 103
View of Japanese champan; photographic facsimile of engraving in
T. de Bry's _Peregrinationes_, 1st ed. (Amsterdame, 1602), tome
xvi, no. iv--"Voyage faict entovr de l'univers par Sr. Olivier
dv Nort"--p. 42; from copy in Boston Public Library 223
PREFACE
The documents here presented range from 1605 to 1609. Many of them
concern the Chinese revolt of 1603 and its results, of which much
apprehension still exists; but the threatened danger passes away, and
the ordinances excluding the Sangleys from the islands are so relaxed
that soon the Parián is as large as in 1603. The usual difficulties
between the ecclesiastical and the secular authorities continue; and
to the religious orders represented in the islands is added a new one,
that of the discalced Augustinians, or Recollects. Acuña conducts an
expedition to drive out the Dutch from the Moluccas, and soon afterward
dies. Various commercial restrictions hinder the prosperity of the
islands; and the new fiscal, Guiral, complains of various illegal
and injurious proceedings on the part of officials. The expenses of
government are nearly double the amount of the revenues. The province
of Cagayán is explored by certain private adventurers, attracted by
the prospect of gold-mines.
In July, 1605, several letters of complaint against the archbishop
of Manila are sent to the king, Acuña writes that Benavides is
arrogant and self-willed, and quarrels with everyone; and suggests
that hereafter bishops for the islands be selected more carefully. The
provincial and other high officials of the Augustinian order state that
the archbishop's rash utterances had much to do with precipitating
the Chinese insurrection, and that his quarrels with the governor
are unnecessary and notorious--moreover, he opposes their order
in every way; and they ask the king to interpose his authority and
restrain Benavides. At the same time the Audiencia complain that he
interferes with their proceedings, treats them with little respect,
and assumes precedence of them to which he is not entitled.
Interesting documents of similar date touch on the relations of the
colony with the Chinese. The archbishop appeals to the Audiencia,
in memorials presented June 10 and 13, to accede to the demands of
the Chinese emperor by making restitution to the Chinese merchants for
property of theirs left in Manila at the time of the insurrection and
sold by the Spaniards; and by sending back to their own country those
Chinese survivors of the revolt who were sentenced to the galleys. The
letter sent to Acuña in March, 1605, by a Chinese official is now
answered by the governor (apparently at the beginning of July). He
blames the Portuguese of Macao for not having delivered the letters
to Chinese officials which he wrote after the Sangley insurrection
of 1603; and claims that the Chinese slain therein were themselves
to blame for their deaths. To maintain this position, he cites the
kindness with which the Chinese in the islands were treated by the
Spaniards; and declares that they revolted without provocation, and
killed or abused many Spaniards and Indians, and that the survivors
were punished with great leniency. He sends a part of the money due to
Chinese merchants who owned property in the islands, and promises to
send the rest next year. A letter from one of the auditors at Manila
informs the king that the number of Chinese allowed to remain there
is now (1605) restricted to one thousand five hundred.
Letters from Acuña (July 1-15) to the king give his usual yearly
report of affairs. Reënforcements of troops have arrived from Mexico,
very opportunely for the expedition which Acuña is preparing for the
recovery of Ternate. He details these preparations, and the condition
of his troops and ships. He complains of the opposition which he has
encountered from the archbishop and the auditor Maldonado. Various
private persons have volunteered to go with him, carrying their
own provisions. He plans to leave Panay in February, 1606; and has
been informed that the Dutch are preparing a large fleet to drive
the Spaniards from the Maluco Islands, and to establish themselves
more firmly there than before. Acuña needs more money, to pay his
troops in the Maluco campaign; he asks for further supplies, urges
the desirability of cutting off the Dutch from their treasury of the
Spice Islands, and recommends a vigorous prosecution of hostilities
against them. He recommends better adjustment of the soldiers'
pay. In another letter Acuña reports the failure of this year's
trading voyage to Mexico, one of the ships being compelled to return
to port and the other being probably lost--which causes the utmost
distress and poverty in the islands. Acuña relates the non-residence
in the islands of Gabriel de Ribera, in consequence of which his
encomiendas have been taken from him and given to others. The Moro
pirates are apparently disposed to make peace, so Acuña is discussing
this with them; but he has little confidence in their promises, except
as he can inspire them with fear. The difficulties arising from the
slaughter of the Chinese in their revolt of 1603 have been a source
of much anxiety to the Spaniards; but these are in a fair way to be
settled. The fiscal, Salazar y Salcedo, has died; and the Audiencia
has appointed temporarily to that post Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, whom Acuña
highly commends. The governor complains that the archbishop has been
meddling with his appointments of chaplains for the galleys. He also
asks for money to maintain galleys for the defence of the islands. In
a third letter Acuña complains of the unjust and tyrannical conduct
of the auditor Maldonado, and asks for redress from the king. This
evil conduct has been especially noticeable in Maldonado's efforts
to secure the hand and property of a wealthy minor heiress.
A group of documents relating to the Dominican mission which reached
the islands in 1606 depict the difficulties, besides the long and
toilsome voyages, which the missionaries encountered on their journey
to the other side of the world. Diego Aduarte, one of the most noted
of the Dominican missionaries in the Far East, is in charge of a
reënforcement to go to the Philippines, and applies (at some time
in 1604) to the officials of the treasury in Spain for the money
necessary for their expenses in this journey; a grant for this is
made. He furnishes a list of the friars who are to go with him, with
the names of the convents that send them. In a document written by
Aduarte (January 20, 1605) he relates at length "the difficulties
of conducting religious to the Philippine Islands." The hardships
and perils of the long voyage daunt many at the start, and he who
is in charge of them must use great discretion in managing them. At
the court, he cannot get his documents without much importunity,
locomotion, and red tape, and long and tedious delays. The sum of
money allowed for the traveling expenses of the missionaries to
Sevilla is far too small; and, arriving there, they encounter more
red tape and delays. Besides, the amount granted for provisions on
the voyage is utterly insufficient, as is also the allowance for the
friars' support while waiting for the departure of the fleet. The
royal council requires that the list of missionaries be submitted
to it for approval which cannot well be done in the short time which
they spend at Sevilla; besides, they are unnecessarily annoyed by the
examination to which the council subjects them. Those who finally reach
the port of departure are confronted by extortionate demands for fees,
which are renewed in mid-ocean, and again on landing in Nueva España,
at Mexico, and at Acapulco; and at all these places, the missionaries
encounter afresh the annoyances and hindrances which had beset them
in Spain. Aduarte makes vigorous complaint about these difficulties,
and requests the government to make less rigorous rules and more
liberal allowances for the missionaries; this petition is partially
granted by the authorities.
While the Spanish expedition to the Moluccas is at Tidore, one of the
Dutch prisoners is interrogated (March 16, 1606), and his deposition
gives various interesting particulars as to the plans and actions
of the Dutch in the Spice Islands. He explains the treaty made by
them with the ruler of Tidore, the goods brought by the Dutch for
this trade, and their intention of establishing a colony in those
islands. Another account of the Chinese insurrection of 1603 is
here presented (at this point, because printed in 1606), written
by a soldier in the Philippines, but edited by one Maldonado. He
describes, in a plain and simple narrative, the circumstances of that
revolt; and many of these are not found in the official reports (see
_Vol_. XII). For instance, he relates that a great many religious
took part in the defence of Manila; he gives details of each battle
with the Chinese, and tells of their attacking the city with machines
which overtopped the walls; and describes the sack of the Parian,
the slaughter of the Chinese in the villages beyond, and the execution
of the ring-leaders. At the end of the narrative of the insurrection
some additional information is given. The governor sends an envoy to
China with the news of this tragic affair. The writer relates bits
of news which have come from China to Manila--of ravages occasioned
therein by floods, earthquakes, and a war with the Japanese.
In a letter dated July 6, 1606, the Audiencia informs Felipe III
of the death of Governor Acuña. New regulations for the commerce
of the islands have been received from Spain, of which complaints
are made. The amount of the Mexican trade has been limited to two
hundred and fifty thousand pesos, and the returns therefor to five
hundred thousand pesos; the citizens of the islands claim that this
restricts their profits too much, and that they should be permitted
to invest a larger sum. This liberty will tend to increase not only
their prosperity, but the number of new settlers in the islands. The
proposal to send on each ship from the islands fifty soldiers is
quite impracticable, as the ships are too small and crowded. Instead
of paying to the men and subordinate officers the salaries and wages
proposed by the government, it is better to continue the present system
of allowing each to do a little trading for himself. The auditors
recommend that some changes be made in the duties levied on goods,
which are onerous on the merchants.
By the same mail goes a letter from the new fiscal, reporting to the
king the condition of affairs in the islands. He complains that the
Sangreys are allowed to remain in Manila, and that this is done by
the Audiencia without heeding the remonstrances of the city officials
and himself. Many Chinese also come without registry, evading even
the slight restrictions heretofore imposed. Their number is steadily
increasing, and the Parian is now as large as it was when the revolt
occurred. He advises further and more severe restrictions on the
Chinese immigration. Guiral also notifies the king that the laws
regarding the succession to encomiendas are being constantly violated;
and recommends that all which are wrongly held shall be declared
vacant and be reassigned. The encomenderos resent his enforcement of
the royal decree that they should furnish to the priests who instruct
their Indians wine for celebrating mass. He recommends that the matter
of granting offices to small encomenderos be further examined. The
increase in extent and number of the cattle-farms near Manila causes
much damage to the Indians and Guiral recommends that these farms be
abandoned within a certain distance of all towns. The peaceful Pampango
Indians are frequently harassed by the head-hunting Zambales; the only
way to stop this is to allow the latter to be enslaved by anyone who
will capture them. Certain questions regarding the status of children
of slaves should now be settled. Guiral makes various recommendations
as to the sale of offices and the use of certain funds. The seminary
of Santa Potenciana recently lost its house by fire, which has since
been rebuilt; the king is asked to aid it. A public-spirited citizen
of Manila has established a hospital for Spanish women, and royal aid
is asked for this also. The hospital for Spaniards is not properly
cared for, and the king is asked to send over hospital brethren of
the Order of St. John of God. The guardians of minors often prove
unfit for such trust, and they should be called to account by the
Audiencia. Disputes having arisen over the rights and prerogatives
of the Audiencia in case of their succession _ad interim_ to the
government of the islands, Guiral asks for the royal decision of
such questions. The fiscal complains of the tyrannical conduct of
many friars, especially among the Augustinians, toward the Indians;
he has opposed this as much as possible, but asks further redress
from the king. The coming of the discalced Augustinians (Recollects)
has been a useful check on the other branch of that order, especially
on its arrogant provincial, Lorenzo de León--of whose unlawful acts
Guiral complains, and demands an investigation. He has obliged the
stray Indians about Manila to return to their native places; and he
asks that those who are retained for the service of the religious
orders shall be kept within the allotted number, and that the friars
be compelled to pay these servants fairly. The Audiencia has allowed
Gabriel de Ribera to resume his encomiendas, vacated by his illegal
absence from the islands; and the fiscal asks for correction of this
procedure. He advises the king to refuse the claims made by Figueroa's
heirs for release from the debts incurred by the conquest of Mindanao;
and states that Tello and Morga are the ones responsible for part
of these expenses, and for others which were paid from the royal
treasury by the Audiencia. Guiral ends by requesting permission to
leave the islands as soon as a permanent appointment to his office
of fiscal can be made.
Proceedings in the Council of the Indias (August 5 and 15, 1606)
deal with Acuña's effort to recover the Maluco Islands, from, the
Dutch, summarizing his letters of July 1-7, 1605, and recommending
the measures to be taken by the Spanish government in regard to
it. Later advices emphasize Acuña's statements as to the gravity
of the situation in the Spice Islands. The Council commend Acuña's
action, and advise the king to further his efforts and supply him
(from Mexico) with troops and money. The Council of State act thereon,
seconding these recommendations, and advising that the archbishop and
the Audiencia of Manila be warned not to meddle with affairs of war.
Of special interest to American readers is a royal decree (August 19,
1606) addressed to Governor Acuña, establishing "a way station for
Philippine vessels on the Californian coast". The king recounts the
results of Vizcaino's exploration on that coast in 1602, and the
advantages of Monterey as such station. It is believed that gold
abounds in that region, and that many other advantages would accrue
from a settlement there. The king appoints Monterey as a way-station
for the Philippine vessels, and Vizcaino as the commander of the
expedition to establish it; and directs Acuña to send with him two
men from the Philippines to learn all that is necessary about the
new station, so that they may command the next galleons from Manila.
The Chinese immigration to the islands continues, the official
statement for 1606 showing that over six thousand five hundred land at
Manila in that year. On November 4 following, Felipe III sends warning
to Acuña not to allow any more of them to remain than are necessary
for the service of the community. The king also writes a letter of the
same date to the governor, commending his action in sending troops to
defend Samar from the Moros, in reducing the expenses of government,
and in various other matters; and gives directions for rebuilding
the hospital and for certain other measures.
On January 18, 1607, the request of the Jesuits for confirmation of a
grant in aid of their seminary for the Indians in Leyte is approved by
the royal council. A report is made (July 6) by the chief of artillery,
showing the number and description of pieces which are mounted on
all the fortifications at Manila--in all eighty-three pieces, of
various sizes and power. At the king's command, the Audiencia furnish
(July 11) a statement of the aim, scope, and labors of the charitable
confraternity, La Misericordia, at Manila. It has one hundred and
fifty brethren; they have established and maintained a hospital for
women and a ward therein for slaves, besides their principal labors
for the succor of the poor and needy of all classes. They provide
food and water for the poor prisoners, aid to the inmates of Santa
Potenciana, and homes for orphan boys; and assist many transient
persons. They also settle many quarrels and reclaim dissolute persons.
The question of restricting trade between the Spanish colonies is
discussed by the Council of the Indias (December 18, 1607); they think
it necessary to restrict trade to some extent, but hesitate to take
too vigorous measures. At various times (1606-07) the Council of the
Indias deliberate on the question whether religious shall be permitted
to go to Japan via the Philippines. Certain objections to this are
stated (May 30, 1606); that the Japanese suspect the Spaniards of
desiring to conquer their country; that the constant flow of Mexican
silver to China should be stopped; that the Jesuits, who are already
established in Japan, desire to exclude the other orders from that
country; and that the Portuguese desire to keep out all Spaniards
from both Japan and China. The Council answer all these objections,
and recommend that religious be required to go to Japan via Manila,
but to embark there in Japanese, not Castilian, vessels. Ten months
later (March 31, 1607) the same matter is again brought forward; and,
as before, the Council of Portugal object to the entrance of Castilian
religious into Japan. The Council of the Indias oppose this view,
citing the profitable commerce of the Philippine Islands with Japan,
recently begun; the successful work of the religious orders there,
and the need of more missionaries in that broad field. They adhere to
their former opinion regarding the passage of the religious to Japan,
and recommend that the Philippines be allowed at least a moderate
trade with that country. Both these reports are discussed in the
Council of State (September 7 and December 20, 1607), where complaint
is made against the methods of the Jesuit missionaries in Japan; and
the king is advised to allow religious from other orders to enter
that field, and to prohibit trade from the Philippines to Japan,
The king thereupon requests from Rome the revocation of the briefs
obliging friars to go to Japan via India, and a new one placing this
matter in Felipe's hands.
An itemized statement of the "annual receipts and expenditures of
the Philippine government" (August 18, 1608) enumerates these. The
receipts comprise the tributes, by encomiendas; the royal tenths
of gold, and the ecclesiastical tithes; customs duties; and fines
from the courts. All these sources of income amount to over one
hundred and twenty thousand pesos. Then are mentioned, in order, the
expenses: for salaries of government officials, alcaldes and other
local magistrates; wages of government workmen, pilots, sailors, and
others; supplies in the ship-yards, etc., and purchases for various
purposes; salaries of ecclesiastics, and other expenses for churches
and missions. To these are added "extraordinary expenses:" the cost
of embassies to neighboring rulers; salaries paid to collectors of
tribute, and others; expenses of the soldiers and their officers;
and salaries to the wardens of forts. All these expenses amount to
over two hundred and fifty-five thousand pesos a year, more than
twice as much as the income.
Felipe III writes to Velasco, the viceroy of Nueva España (September 27
1608), regarding the proposed way-station for Philippine vessels. After
summarizing a letter on this subject from Velasco's predecessor,
Montesclaros, the king approves the latter's advice to choose, as
such way-station, the islands called Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata
(afterward found to be fabulous) instead of Monterey; and orders
Velasco to see that a port and settlement be established there, the
enterprise to be conducted by Sebastian Vizcaino. Another decree (May
3, 1609) states that, as Velasco has not carried out this order, and
advices have been received that the said exploration and settlement
should be made from the Philippines, the king decides upon this
latter measure, and the enterprise is to be placed in the hands of
the governor of the islands. Letters from the king (May 26 and July
29) to Juan de Silva, the new governor of the islands, direct him
not to allow the Indians to pay their tributes in personal services,
and to inform the king regarding the proposal of the Dominicans to
found a college in the islands.
Explorations have been made at different times along the Rio Grande
de Cagayán, in the northern part of Luzon. An account of these,
with later information, is compiled by Juan Manuel de la Vega
(July 3, 1609). He gives a brief summary of the efforts made by
Lavezaris, Vera, and Dasmariñas to bring this province under Spanish
control. The third of these (July, 1591), under the command of Luis
Dasmariñas, is the first effective expedition to the valley of the
Rio Grande. He secures the submission of various native villages, and
treats the natives with great leniency. A few weeks later, Francisco
de Mendoca follows on the route, and finds the Indians hostile,
refusing even to sell him food. Not finding Dasmariñas (the main
object of his expedition), he follows the Rio Grande to the city of
Nueva Segovia, thus ending his journey. In November of the same year,
Pedro Sid goes with some soldiers to Tuy, and now finds the natives
friendly. He finds gold among them, which they tell him is brought
from the country of Igorrotes. He makes some further explorations,
and receives submission from all the chiefs whom he encounters. Three
years later, Luis Dasmariñas sends Toribio de Miranda (October, 1594),
with soldiers and friars, to explore further and to pacify the province
of Tuy. The natives are apparently peaceable, but several instances
of treachery occur, and the Spaniards are obliged to be on their guard
continually. As in the other accounts, mention is made of each village
visited, in succession, and various interesting details are related. At
Anit the houses are decorated with the heads of men and of animals;
"such was their custom". At Bantal Miranda builds a fort, and requires
hostages from some hostile or treacherous chiefs. At Agulan the little
children are wearing golden necklaces of good quality, "good enough
to be worn in Madrid". At Tuguey and some other villages the natives
resist the entrance of the Spaniards, but are terrified at the sound
of firearms, and quickly yield submission. Retracing their route, the
Spaniards find that the villages which they had left in peace are now
revolting; they seize the chief who has most disturbed the people, and
send him to Manila. The governor feasts him there, and sends him back
to his own village, apparently well pleased with the Spaniards. Miranda
searches for gold-mines, but cannot find them; and finally, sick and
discouraged, as also are his friars, returns to Manila. Captain Clavijo
is sent to search for the mines, but is compelled to retreat, being
assaulted by more than a thousand Indians. In 1607 many chiefs from
Tuy come to Manila and offer their submission to the Spaniards; but
the Audiencia take no interest in the matter, and pass it by. Later,
those chiefs send requests to Manila for protection and religious
instruction. The richness and fertility of their country is described;
and an interesting account is given of the gold-mines in the adjacent
mountains, and the primitive mining operations conducted by the
natives. These are Igorrotes, of whose appearance and customs some
mention is made. As they are pagans, and lukewarm even in idolatry,
it will be easy to make Christians of them. There is great reason to
believe that the Igorrote country abounds in gold. To this account
are appended several others bearing on this subject. One of these
relates the circumstances which induced Dasmariñas to explore Tuy;
another is a copy of the warrant and instructions given to him by
his father the governor. These are followed by a curious document,
apparently written by Vega on behalf of himself and others interested
in the conquest of Tuy and the Igorrote gold country, and addressed to
some high official in Spain--perhaps Lerma, the favorite of Felipe
III. It contains further stipulations, in matters affecting the
interests of these parties. A suitable reward shall be given, in the
form of small shares in the galleon's cargo, to the officers and men
who serve in the expedition to Tuy; and these must be used only in
certain specified ways. These promoters ask for authority to appoint
the officers and soldiers necessary as garrisons in the conquered
country, and to fix the pay of these men, which shall be provided from
the royal treasury. If they have important despatches to send to Spain,
they wish to send them directly from the Pacific coast of Luzon, rather
than via Manila. If they shall succeed in pacifying those barbarous
tribes, they expect permission to allot those natives in encomiendas,
at their own pleasure. They also ask for commutation of the royal fifth
of gold to one tenth. Still another list of stipulations is given,
also over Vega's signature. The promoters of the Tuy scheme demand that
answer be made to it by return mail; otherwise, they will be released
from all obligations. The cost of this conquest should be borne by
the royal treasury. Vega commends himself and his associate--some man
of affairs--as heads for this enterprise, and urges that the royal
sanction be speedily given to it. The boundaries of the province of
Tuy are declared; and certain stipulations are made regarding the
encomiendas to be allotted therein, also the authority to be granted
to Vega, and the privileges to be accorded to the soldiers.
On July 25, 1609, a petition is sent to the king by Miguel Banal
(a descendant of the Moro ruler dispossessed by Legaspi at Manila),
praying for redress against the Jesuits for depriving him and other
Indians at Quiapo of their lands; he asks the king to investigate this
matter anew, and to protect him from further spoliation. The Dominican
missionary Aduarte makes a declaration (in a document undated, but
of 1608) of the reasons why some of his religious belonging to the
mission of 1606 had remained in Nueva España, instead of completing the
voyage to the Philippines. Some died on the way, some failed to reach
the port of embarcation, and the ship assigned to the missionaries
was too small to carry all of them. Aduarte remonstrates against the
embarrassments and restrictions with which he and other missionaries
have had to contend; and complains, as before, of the scanty allowance
made for their traveling expenses--illustrating this from his own and
others' experiences. This is followed by a request from the discalced
Augustinians (1609?) for extension of previous permission to send
more of their friars to the Philippines.
_The Editors_
April, 1904.
DOCUMENTS OF 1605
Complaints against the archbishop. Pedro de Acuña, and others;
July 1-4.
Relations with the Chinese. Pedro de Acuña, and others; July 4
and 5.
Letters to Felipe III. Pedro de Acuña; July 1-15.
_Source_: All these documents are obtained from the Archivo general
de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first letter in the second document, and the first
two in the third, are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University
of Wisconsin; the remainder, by Robert W. Haight and Emma Helen Blair.
Complaints Against the Archbishop
Sire:
Ever since I began to have dealings with the archbishop Don
Fray Miguel de Benavides, and have recognized his temper, I have
perceived the difficulties that he would cause me; accordingly, I
have always acted with great moderation and care. But the occasions
which he gives for such caution are so many that great patience is
necessary to bear them; for he persuades himself that everything,
both spiritual and temporal, pertains to him, and that there is not a
king, or patronage, or Audiencia that can change his will as to what
he will do. It therefore results that he very often has quarrels with
the Audiencia, with me, with the orders, and with all those of his
church; and nothing occurs in connection with the patronage which he
does not desire to adjudicate, so it is on that subject that he has
had controversies with me. His scruples are insufferable, and they are
continually increasing; accordingly, we dread the lengths to which they
may carry him. Notwithstanding that he is a religious who is greatly
respected, and one of learning and exemplary life, and has always had
this reputation, I believe that he would be better in his cell than in
the archbishopric or bishopric; and that it would be much better for
his conscience and peace of mind, and that this commonwealth would gain
much thereby. It is noticeable that his order, knowing him as they do,
and regarding him as of good character and reputation, as I have said,
have never employed him in any way in their government, as they do not
find him qualified for it. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to order
that he shall not meddle in those affairs which do not concern him,
and that he shall be quiet and treat me and the auditors with respect;
and that he avoid disputes and quarrels, since from them can result
nothing but evil to the service of God and your Majesty, and scandal
to the public. Your Majesty may believe that what I write here is
stated with the utmost moderation, considering the outrages which
he has committed. I therefore doubt not that many complaints of his
proceedings will be sent. The Audiencia have grievances, and sometimes
have been so provoked that they have been at the point of sharply
correcting him; but some of them are afraid of him for private reasons,
and dare not do so. In order not to stumble against such obstacles, I
take it to be an efficacious remedy, for the future, that your Majesty
should not appoint to the archbishopric or bishoprics of these islands
friars who have been trained in these islands without first obtaining
a report from the Audiencia of their qualifications and experience in
government. May our Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty,
according to the needs of Christendom. Manila, the first of July, 1605.
_Don Pedro de Acuña_
[_In the margin_: "Have all the letters which treat of this, and those
which concern the archbishop placed together, and have them taken to
the Council."]
[_Endorsed_: "Manila, to his Majesty; 1605, Don Pedro de Acuña,
the first of July; writes about the archbishop." "July 21, 1606,
examined, and decreed within."]
Sire:
In countries so remote as are these Philipinas Islands, and which lie
so far from the royal presence of your Majesty, we are bound, not only
by our obligation, but in conscience as well, by our feelings in regard
to the sights that every day meet our eyes, and by the commands laid
upon us by special instruction from your Majesty and your presidents
and auditors, always to give information [of affairs here]. We do so,
likewise, in order to secure the aid of the relief which faithful
vassals ought to look and hope for in their hardships and calamities
from their natural king and lord--whose light, like that of the sun,
ought to be equally communicated to all; and whose fatherly protection
it is just that we should recognize on all occasions which arise,
since we cannot appear personally before the feet of your Majesty. Yet
doing what we can in this, we present ourselves with due submission,
giving information that is reliable, and derived from experience,
of the injuries both to the public and to individuals which this
commonwealth, and we the religious of the Order of our father
St. Augustine, are suffering from the presence of Don Fray Miguel de
Venavides, archbishop of this archiepiscopal see--who, we believe,
should be occupying a cell in some convent of his order in exemplary
and peaceful life, as he did before he rose to the position of bishop
and to the dignity which today he holds. In that position, [1] either
because he wishes to assume more authority in the [ecclesiastical]
government than is his due, or on account of some grave scruples which,
continually increasing, so harass and disquiet him that were not the
valor and prudence of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands,
so great, and the royal Audiencia which your Majesty has here composed
of councillors so wise, Christian, and moderate, fear would often have
arisen (and with good cause) of various scandals for which the said
prelate has given occasion. For with his revelations and prophecies,
of which your Majesty has been informed, he publicly stated that the
Chinese were about to rebel, from which it resulted that poor soldiers,
and other persons who belong to peoples that resort here, were eager
for such an opportunity; and it is believed that the cowardly Chinese
were thus led to mutiny and rebellion, putting this whole land in
danger. All this arose from the fears of the archbishop, which were
not communicated to the person who could, without exciting comment,
have taken precautions and prevented the trouble--namely, the governor,
with whom he has usually had collisions. These were principally in
matters concerning the royal patronage, which loses footing out here;
[such conduct is therefore] the less to be tolerated. Your Majesty will
have heard long ago of some ill result, for the governor has tried to
manage the archbishop with due gentleness, treating him with respect,
giving him a wide range in affairs, and temporizing with him in order
to avoid contention. During his sicknesses, which are frequent, the
governor has entertained him as a guest in his own house, keeping him
there a long time. This has been of so little use that he takes every
opportunity to disturb, and sometimes without opportunity disturbs,
the general peace--at which all of us, not only ecclesiastics but
laymen, are so distressed that there is no way of expressing it to
your Majesty. We believe that if it were possible for you in España
to see how we suffer here, your Majesty would immediately remedy it;
for we are led to think that you do not realize the trouble which this
matter is causing, or else that it is one which is not to be discussed
as it should be, on account of the archbishop's many scruples. As
a result, the condition of affairs is intolerable, which is a most
unfortunate thing and one of great importance. Accordingly, as he
is a prelate and we are religious, we are writing to your Majesty's
Grandeur; and we make these statements with great circumspection,
that it may not seem as if passion were carrying us away.
Coming, then, to what concerns us, not even the least important
incident has occurred in which he has not shown himself opposed to an
order such as ours, causing us infinite annoyance--as if it were not
we who discovered these regions for your Majesty, and founded with
infinite toil this new church, and by whose industry your Majesty has
innumerable vassals. Every day, too, we are expecting to open up a
greater conversion [of the heathen]; and we continue what was begun
by those first fathers who trained us here. We desire not only that
the number of the faithful be multiplied, but that the royal crown of
your Majesty be increased. To this end, there has been no expedition in
which we did not send religious for the consolation and encouragement
of the troops. And on the so sudden and dangerous occurrence of the
rising of the Chinese, we doubt not that the governor has given your
Majesty an account of our proceedings; for in public and aloud he
thanked us in your Majesty's name for our humble services, though
our desire was great for the service of our king and lord. Not a
fortification has been made upon land, nor a ship or galley built,
where we have not rendered service; and in ministries to the Indians
and Spaniards, we believe that no religious order has surpassed us. In
spite of all this, the opposition which the said archbishop displays
toward us in everything is well known. Thus we find ourselves without
protection and in a very wretched state, whence we hope to extricate
ourselves with the aid and powerful protection of your Majesty,
who will consider himself pleased with these his household, and
will command that we be treated in all matters as is right. If it
were not for the president and royal Audiencia, who restrain these
acts of violence, this poor commonwealth would be separated by five
thousand leguas from its real deliverance and father, who is your
Majesty--whom may our Lord prosper, and increase his realm, according
to the desire of us his faithful vassals. Dated in this your city of
Manila; [undated].
_Fray Lorenzo de Leon_, provincial of the Augustinians.
_Fray Jhoan Baptista de Montoya_
_Fray Estevan Carrillo_, definitor.
_Fray Pedro de Aguirre_, definitor.
_Fray Roque de Varrio_, new definitor.
[_Endorsed_: "No. 6. Manila; to his Majesty. No date; the religious
of the Order of St. Augustine."]
Sire:
Considering its importance to the service of your Majesty, it has
seemed best to this Audiencia to give an account of the manner in
which the archbishop of these islands proceeds; for he is harsh of
temper and resents the acts of the Audiencia which declare that he
has committed fuerza. [2] He has often said, for this reason, that
they treat him very ill, and put him in such a position that he must
retire to his cell and give up his office altogether; for they do not
esteem him nor allow him to administer justice. The Audiencia having
declared him guilty of fuerza in having imposed excommunication on
those who without his permission entered the house of retirement of
Santa Potenciana--which was established by your Majesty's order and
at the expense of your royal exchequer, that orphan girls and poor
maidens might be sheltered there, and instructed and taught, and remain
there until they should be married--he would not obey the act of the
Audiencia, thus imposing on them the responsibility of employing
the correction and severe measures which your Majesty commands by
his royal laws; but if these were executed in a land so new as this
it would cause a scandal, which would result in much harm that could
not be remedied. To avoid this, it was agreed to send the record of
their proceedings and to make a report to your Majesty, so that you
might command what should be most expedient for your royal service.
[_In the margin_: "Let this clause, with the proceedings referred to,
be taken to the official reporter; provision and decree have been
made elsewhere."]
He treats the Audiencia with less respect than he ought to, and
desires to be preferred in matters of authority; for he will have it
that those who preach, when the Audiencia and archbishop are present,
should bow first to him and not to the Audiencia. When the holy water
is given on Sundays, he has ordered it to be taken to the choir, or
wherever he may be; and, after he has received it, he who is giving
it shall go back and give it to the Audiencia. As this seemed to be
derogatory to the authority which the Audiencia represents, a proposal
was made to him that two vessels of holy water should be carried--one
to the choir for him, and the other to be left for the Audiencia;
but he would not agree to this. He has ordered that the pax which is
given to the Audiencia and the archbishop should be given to him by
the deacon, and to the Audiencia by the subdeacon; and he says that
they should be thankful that he has consented to give them the pax,
for there is no reason why it should be given to them.
In public he places his seat before those of the Audiencia; and,
as they felt that consent to this ought not to be given, a message
was sent to him by the court clerk on St. Potenciana's day--since,
as she is patron saint of this city, the Audiencia and cabildo go to
celebrate mass in her church on that feast-day--to notify him that it
was not proper to put his seat in front of the Audiencia. He answered
that he must place it there, as his Holiness and your Majesty ordered
and permitted it. When this determination of his was known, it was
agreed that the Audiencia would not go [to mass] on that feast-day,
in order to avoid another encounter of this sort; and to maintain a
firm attitude in regard to what your Majesty commands to be done in
his service.
He is quite at variance with the ecclesiastical cabildo, and the
prebendaries in particular make many complaints of him; and it would
be well worth your consideration that this should be checked. Both
they and others demand this from your Majesty, and you will be pleased
to grant such relief as is most expedient. May our Lord protect your
Catholic person for many years. Manila, July 4, 1605.
[_In the margin_: "Have the decree for Santo Domingo and Nuebo Rreyno
[3] brought, so that it may be examined and the proper decree issued."]
_Don Pedro de Acuña_
The licentiate _Tellez Almacan_
The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_
[_Endorsed_: "Manila; to his Majesty, 1605. 58. Governor and
Audiencia." "January 15, 1607, examined, and decreed within."]
Relations with the Chinese
_Restitution of Chinese Property_
_Official statement of the memorials presented in the royal Audiencia
of Manila on the part of the most reverend archbishop of the Filipinas,
concerning the demands of the king of China_.
Most potent lord: The archbishop of these Filipinas declares that, as
such archbishop, he is under obligation to look after the condition
of these islands and of the Christian religion in them; and, as a
member of the Council of his Majesty, to protect the interests of his
royal crown, and of this his dominion--all of which, according to the
counsels of prudence, is at the present moment in great danger. This
danger is one of the greatest that could be, for the powerful king
of China has threatened us with an enormous fleet of ships, saying
that there will be a thousand of them if we do not grant what he
demands in regard to two things. One of these is clearly just; for it
concerns a great quantity of property which was brought into this city
by the Chinese merchants last year, six hundred and three, when the
Sangleys rebelled against this city. Your governor commanded that the
said property, as belonging to enemies (as those who brought it here
were), should be kept, and taken into custody, and should be given
back to them. A great part of this property was afterward sold among
the Spaniards and more than thirty thousand pesos of the proceeds
of the said goods came into the possession of Diego de Marquina,
general depositary of this city, by whom it was all (or nearly all)
turned over to your royal treasury. The rest of the Chinese property
came into the possession of Captain Sebastian de Aguilar, and any
other person who may have received into his keeping and custody other
goods belonging to the said property. The other thing which the said
king of China demands is, that certain Chinese (of whom there are not
many) who remained alive after the war and were at that time taken
prisoners, and are in the galleys, should be given their liberty
that they may go back to their own country. This is a matter for
your Highness to examine carefully, to ascertain whether this be a
just demand, and whether it can be justly exacted. Even if it were
clearly and evidently just that the said Chinese should remain as
convicts in the said galleys, this demand requires much consideration,
on account of the condition of the faith and of the realm, whether
this commonwealth must be forced to break with so powerful an enemy
and enemies as he would be. He brings forward his arguments with much
reason and consideration; by one of his demands--which of itself is
not very important, although more so when, arriving at the question of
justice--he brings up another doubt as to whether it is just for the
said Chinese to be condemned to the galleys. This is questionable,
in the first place, because they are not vassals of his Majesty,
and therefore were not traitors; and likewise whether they should, on
account of the hostilities which the Chinese were generally committing,
immediately be condemned, without recourse, to the galleys, without
being heard individually or their exceptions being received--especially
as no one doubts that the said uprising and rebellion was not voluntary
on the part of all the Chinese, but was contrary to the will of many;
and it may be that some, and even a considerable number, of those who
are on the galleys were not captured in war, but while hidden in the
country districts and on the mountains. To say that the said Chinese
are necessary to work the galleys which your governor must take on
a certain expedition, which it is said he must make, does not affect
the proposition; for the said expedition is not made by the will of
his Majesty, but in his very exact instructions he neither requires
nor permits the said expedition to Huaca [_sic; sc._ Maluco] with the
said Chinese. Moreover, they are so cunning and shrewd that perhaps
they will again do what they did to Gomez Perez, and even worse; and
they may be the cause not only of the disastrous ending of the said
expedition, but even of our complete ruin. There can be no doubt from
the relation sent, as to the attitude of the king of China; for the
three greatest magistrates whom he has in the province and dominion
of Oquen (to which belongs the province of Chiencho)--that is, the
viceroy, the inspector-general and the eunuch--write this, each one
of them, in two letters, one of which is for the said archbishop and
the other for the said governor of these islands.
In view of these considerations, I entreat and beseech your Highness
to command that the said property [of the merchants] be immediately
sent to the said kingdom of China, either by suitable messengers,
or by the Chinese captains who are at present about to go there. The
most certain and the first which should be sent would be that which
comes into the royal treasury of his Majesty from the proceeds of
the said goods of the said Chinese, even if it be necessary to ask
for this a loan from the citizens of this country, or to economize,
or to go without other things. As for giving their liberty to the
said Chinese who are in the galleys I beseech your Highness to order
that this be decided and examined into in great detail, especially
as concerns justice; it should also be examined to ascertain the
rights of the state. For this purpose, both in this affair and in
other things which are presented before his Majesty's Council, some
one who has great experience in Chinese affairs should be associated
with them, and say what he thinks. The archbishop demands justice,
and an attestation of this petition, and of what may be decreed in
this matter, and of the entire proceedings; and that the decision
may be made at once, so that these Chinese ships may convey the
appropriate answer. As for our reputation, nothing will be lost by
sending back the said Chinese, especially those who are not found
to be very guilty; for no one loses reputation by doing justice, and
the king of China and his ministers know very well that the decision
of justice, and the separation of the innocent from the guilty, in
so grave a case has demanded all the time which has elapsed up to
the present. Finally his Majesty the king, our sovereign, [must be
considered]; what he requires is that this colony, as the chief of
all [his possessions here], where he has established so much good,
should not be placed in danger by other matters which might be of
uncertain success--especially for this consideration, which is of so
little importance. Rather it is fitting to set free these Chinese,
as far as possible, as experience has always proved to us, with so
much cost of our blood, and so great danger of the ruin of this land.
_Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila.
At Manila, on the tenth of June, 1605, the lords president and
auditors of the royal Audiencia and Chancilleria of the Filipinas
Islands, being in session, this petition was read, and examined by
the said lords. They commanded this petition to be joined with the
ones presented by the Chinese in this matter, and brought to the
session on Monday.
Before me:
_Pedro Nuñez de Herrera_, notary royal.
Most potent lord: The archbishop of the Filipinas declares that he
has presented a petition, discussing therein what is demanded on the
part of the king of China in a letter from certain of his ministers,
as is explained more at length in his said petition to which he refers
you. He now says that, of the two things which are demanded, although
the money is a matter of importance to the Chinese, yet what most
grieves them is the men who, as they see, are here in the galleys,
with such hardships and in a climate so hot and oppressive as this
is--especially as they have parents, children, wives, and relatives in
that country who are continually beseeching the Chinese magistrates and
people. And he seeks the liberty of those who are here in our power,
captive and condemned, and begs and entreats from your Highness what
he has sought in the other petition. And more particularly he asks
in this other if your Highness will order that especial attention be
given to this; that even if it be true that the king of China will not
make war upon us, as he threatens, yet I am warned by those Chinese
who are our best friends that they know, from their own histories,
that it is quite probable that the king of China will at least cut
off the trade with these countries, under the heaviest penalties,
which would be the total ruin of this commonwealth. The king of China
did this to the Japanese, who formerly had trade and commerce with
the Chinese between the two countries, the Chinese going to Japon
and the Japanese going to China. The king of China, seeing that the
Japanese did not maintain their trade with the care and honesty that
they should, did not make war upon them, but took away their trade
and commerce under a singularly vigorous penalty--which is, that if
any Chinaman trades with the Japanese not only he but his father,
mother, and relatives shall be put to death. This has remained the law
up to the present, inviolably; and no Chinaman has transgressed it,
unless it be some villainous and desperate man. This is one of the
most important considerations to be judged in the present case. He
begs and entreats your Highness to command that this be considered,
and commands me to give an attestation of this petition and procedure.
_Fray Miguel_, archbishop of Manila.
In the city of Manila, on the thirteenth day of June of the year
1605, the lords president and auditors of the royal Audiencia and
Chancillería of these Filipinas Islands being in session, this
petition was read; and, having considered it, they decreed that the
depositaries should be commanded to render an account as soon as
possible, of the property which they have held on deposit, so that it
may be surrendered; and that, when the ships shall have arrived from
Castilla, what is owing shall be paid into the royal treasury. As
concerns the Chinese who are in the galleys, the matter is being
examined, so that suitable measures may be taken in the matter,
and that a decision shall be reached and a decree issued before the
Chinese leave. The attestations which he asks will be given to the
archbishop, in the manner that he desires.
Before me,
_Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_
In fulfilment of which I, Pedro Hurtado Desquivel, notary of court
for the king our lord in his royal Audiencia and Chancillería of
these Filipinas Islands, have given this copy of the said petition
and command, which is certified to be a true copy, corrected and
compared with the originals which remain in my possession. Witnesses
to the examination, copying, correction, and comparison: Pedro Nuñez
de Herrera, Geronimo de Peralta. Manila, the seventh of July, of the
year one thousand six hundred and five. In witness thereof, I have
set my seal in attestation of truth.
_Pedro Hurtado Desquivel_, court notary.
Letter from Acuña to the Viceroy of Ucheo
Don Pedro de Acuña, etc. By the hands of Captain Juan San I received
the letter of the lord viceroy in which he informs me that news has
been carried to China that the Sangleys who came to trade with this
realm of Luzon have been put to death by the Spaniards. He states that
after having investigated the cause of their death, and having asked
the king to execute justice upon the author of so great a wrong, he
learned that on account of the lies uttered by Tioguen we had suspected
that the Sangleys were going to make war against us. On this account,
as he was informed, we had put to death more than thirty thousand
Chinese. The king had punished Tiogueng by commanding his head to be
cut off and hung up in a cage, and had ordered Anglion, his companion,
to be executed. He declared that the Chinese who had been slain in
Luzon were not in fault. I reply to this that that which happened
in this case is as stated in the accompanying letter--which I sent
as soon as the event occurred, with a ship and a proper messenger,
by way of Macan to the Portuguese who live there, who are vassals of
our king. It was my intention that they should give it to the viceroy;
and I sent similar letters to the eunuch and to the mandarins who
were there. But the Portuguese were not well disposed to us, solely
on account of their belief that the Chinese were in close friendship
with us because of the trade and the large amount of commerce which
we had with them; and that this is the cause why they are not able
to buy merchandise at very low prices, as they would certainly do
if the trade from here were to come to an end. Hence they brought
it about that these letters were not delivered; and thus the truth
of this matter could not be known in China, nor the fact that the
Sangleys were greatly to blame for the losses which they incurred. If
these things had been known the Chinese, well disposed as they are to
the execution of justice according to law, and desirous that crimes
should be punished, would certainly have regarded the fault of those
people as greater than the punishment which was inflicted on them.
The penalty imposed on the Sangleys who piloted the two Dutch ships
that were on the coast of Chincheo was very just. These Dutch are not
friends of the Castilians, but bitter enemies; for, although they are
vassals of the king of the Hespañas, my sovereign, they and their
country have revolted, and they have become pirates like Liamon in
China. They have no employment, except to plunder as much as they
can. Hence they did not come to Luzon; and, if they should come,
I would try to capture and punish them.
As for the statement that the letter is sent to let me know the
greatness of the king of China and of his realms, and that they are so
great that he governs all upon which the moon and the sun shed their
light; and the other statement that he desires me to be acquainted with
the great wisdom with which that kingdom is governed, vast as it is,
and that no one should dare offend it, and referring to the war in
Corea--to this I answer that the Spaniards have measured by palmos,
and that very exactly, all the countries belonging to all the kings and
lordships in the world. Since the Chinese have no commerce with foreign
nations, it seems to them that there is no other country but their own,
and that there is no higher greatness than theirs; but if he knew the
power of some of the kings with whom my sovereign, the king of the
Hespañas, carries on continual war, the whole of China would seem to
him very small. The king of China would do well to notice that from
here to the court of Hespaña the distance is five thousand leguas; and
that on the voyage thither are two kingdoms, Nueva Hespaña and Peru,
whose teiritory is so great that it is almost equal to that of China,
without mentioning very large islands in those seas. At the same
time I know that the kingdom of China is governed with much wisdom,
and all the people here know, and I know, of the war in Corea.
The Sangleys who were killed here when they revolted were not thirty
thousand, or even half as many.
As for the statement that after the death of the Sangleys was known
in China, many mandarins joined in a concerted petition to the king
that they might be allowed to avenge those deaths--accusing the
Spaniards of being cruel and ungrateful, and charging us that after
the Chinese had aided us to erect our walls and other buildings,
and in our gardens (all to our profit), we ought not to have done
this--to this I reply that the Spaniards are not cruel of heart, and
never make war upon anyone without just reasons. We regard ourselves
as a just people and as having a standing in the world; and we would
be greatly grieved if it could be said of us with truth that we have
done wrongs or injuries to anyone--especially to our friends, and
to those who are sincerely friends to us. Thus in the case of the
Sangleys who were here, we treated them as brothers and sons; and,
without any precaution, we permitted them to enter our houses at all
seasons and at all hours, as if they had been Spaniards. So true was
this that, if God had not delivered us by revealing their treachery,
they might for that very cause have been able to succeed in it.
I have noted the answer given by the king of China to letters written
by the viceroy and others with regard to this matter. I think that he
ought to be fair in all matters, and that he should not be influenced
to make war on Luzón without first knowing whether we are in fault or
not; for if he should do otherwise we could not say, as we have said,
that China is prudently governed.
The viceroy also writes to me that, since the Spaniards are a sensible
and prudent people, we must therefore be grieved for having slain
so many people, and repent thereof. He also informs me that if we
deal justly with the Chinese return the Sangleys who have survived
the war, and pay the money due on the goods taken from the Sangleys,
he will maintain amity with us and will send merchant vessels every
year. If not, the king will not permit ships to come, but will command
a thousand war-vessels to be built, manned with soldiers--both the
relatives of those who are dead, and men from the other nations and
kingdoms who pay tribute to China; and, without mercy on anyone,
they will make war upon us, and afterward the kingdom of Luzón will
be given to that people which pays tribute.
To this I answer that, although in truth we are grieved for the loss
which the Chinese suffered, we have nothing to repent of therein;
since what we did was to put to death those who would have done the
same to us (although we had given them no reason for it), and who would
have done so if we had not anticipated them. When we were living in
great peace they rose in revolt against us, simply because they were
wicked; left their Parián for a fort which they had built without my
knowing anything of it, and sallied out thence against the farms to
kill Spaniards and Indians. This they succeeded in doing by catching
them unawares, and they inflicted very great cruelties even upon the
Spanish women and upon their slaves, both male and female. Since
this is true, as the very Chinese who have survived will declare,
let the viceroy judge what could have been done, and what he would
have done if such a thing had happened in China.
The crime is such that all of them justly deserve to die for it;
but, moved with pity, I permitted some few to serve in the galleys
of the king, which is a punishment inflicted by us upon criminals
to avoid putting them to death. After they had been placed in the
galleys, I get free some of them who, as it afterward appeared,
had not been so much in fault; and others furnished some slaves,
who received the same treatment. It is well known that kingdoms and
provinces where crimes are not punished cannot maintain themselves;
and if this crime were not punished, and the Chinese were to see that
they received their liberty even when they had committed so great
a crime, another day they would do the same thing. Hence I have not
yet set at liberty those Sangleys who are condemned to the galleys,
that they may go to China and even convey to the viceroy knowledge
of what has happened. I am certain that when he knows the facts he
will regard their punishment as very slight in view of their crimes;
but, if he should deem otherwise, let him inform me of his will.
The property which was in existence during the past year, for whom
owners or consignees appeared, was surrendered to them; there was a
great quantity of it, and now they take [_blank space in MS_.]. This
is the amount which I have been able to send from the royal treasury,
where some of the property of the Sangleys was deposited for which
an owner was not to be found; next year I will endeavor to send the
rest. During the past year one ship arrived; and the other, which
was on its way to Castilla, was lost with a very great quantity of
Chinese stuffs and other goods. For this reason it has been impossible
to discharge this obligation in full at the present time. Let the
viceroy notice that this is and will be done because it is just, and
not because he has written that unless the people and the goods are
sent he will make war on Luzón; for I am sure that the king of China
and his ministers, being prudent, politic, and discreet persons,
will not wage war for causes so light. Still, if they desire to do
so, the Castilians are well able to defend their lands from all who
may attempt to take them away; and they even know how to attack their
enemies and to seek them out in their own dwelling-places, when their
opponents suppose that they have them conquered.
As regards the licenses for ships coming from China to trade with
Luzón, it is not so dangerous to grant such permissions that the king
[of China] or other persons there will consent to lose the great
advantage which they possess in the large quantity of silver which is
carried hence every year; for this remains in China, without a single
real leaving there, while the goods which they give us in exchange
are consumed and used up in a very short time. Hence we may say that
in this trade the Chinese have as great an interest as the Castilians
have, or even more.
Chinese Immigration Restricted
Sire:
By commission from the royal Audiencia, I have this year attended
to the investigation of the Chinese ships, and the Sangleys who have
come to this city. I myself went to examine them, in order to avert
the injuries which might be inflicted on them. Eighteen ships having
arrived, with merchandise and five thousand five hundred Chinese on
board, besides five hundred more who remained in this city from last
year, I ordered the cabildo and regimiento of the city, if Chinese
were necessary for the public service, to enter petition therefor
within four days, giving a memorandum of the number necessary and the
duties that they were to perform. As they did not do as I had ordered,
for a number of days, and as the ships wished to return to China, and I
to despatch in them all the infidel Chinese who were here, I reported
the case to the royal Audiencia here. Considering what great lack of
service there is in this city, and how necessary workmen are for its
restoration, as it has been ravaged by two fires--more than a hundred
of the houses formerly standing having been destroyed during this year
of six hundred and five, and more by the other fire that occurred in
the year six hundred and three--they determined to have one thousand
five hundred infidel Chinese stay here for the rebuilding of the burned
part, and the service of the city. They commanded me by an act to give
permission to the said number of infidel Chinese, choosing them from
the crafts which should appear to me most necessary. This I did with
exactness and fairness, being personally present, and not entrusting
this task to any other person. In this way, the said number will not
be in any way exceeded; it has appeared necessary and sufficient,
and it will be important for the service of God and of your Majesty
that this number be not exceeded in years to come. May God protect
the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila, July 5, 1605.
The licentiate _Manuel de Madrid y Luna_
[_Endorsed_: "To his Majesty; Manila, 1605: The licentiate Manuel de
Madrid y Luna. July 5." "That, by commission of the Audiencia, the
inspection of the ships of the Chinese Sangleys has been attended to;
and by order of the said Audiencia, considering the great necessity of
labor and repairs, permission was given for a thousand and five hundred
of them to remain in that city, as they are very necessary. And in
compliance with this they will be allowed to stay for this purpose,
without the said number being exceeded. March 22, 1607. This measure
is in the letters of the governor."]
Letters from Pedro de Acuña to Felipe III
Sire:
On the twenty-fifth of February of the current year, 1605, there
arrived in the port of Cabite a ship from Nueva Hespaña, and in
it Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus, with news of the
decision which had been reached regarding the matter of Maluco;
the order for this military service also came. There were, besides,
in the said vessel about two hundred infantry, in two companies,
of those who are to go on the expedition. Their arrival was very
seasonable and caused much rejoicing in these islands, because it
occurred at a time when we had received news by way of Macan that an
army was being prepared in China to come here. [4]
The diligence shown by the viceroy of Nueva Hespaña in despatching
these advices, and informing me of the condition of the embarcations
there, was of great value in assisting me to prepare some necessary
supplies; for nearly everything has to be obtained from different
provinces, while some supplies must be imported from distant kingdoms,
as China and Japon. Hence time is requisite for this purpose--and,
indeed, even more than we have; but all will be made ready although
with some difficulty.
The master-of-camp, Juan de Esquivel, arrived at the opening of the
strait of Capul June 11, and came to Cabite June 17, after having
disembarked the forces in the port of Ybalon--where he received my
order to do this, and found ships in which to send them on to the
island of Panay, where provisions for them are provided. The number of
troops who have come with the master-of-camp are six hundred and fifty
men, including thirty who came afterwards in a small vessel which had
been left behind. These men had gone from Acapulco to Tehuantepeque
for four pieces of artillery which were cast in Nueba Hespaña for
this expedition.
The forces for which I asked from Nueva Hespaña for this undertaking
were one thousand five hundred men, including sailors and soldiers. As
for the five hundred who have served in old companies and are not
altogether new recruits, I was told by the master-of-camp, that those
from his regiment are for the most part good soldiers. What I can
assert is, that the troops in the two companies who arrived first, and
the troops of the master-of-camp who are here, have satisfied me very
well. From this garrison and from the paid soldiers as large a force
will be formed as can be spared, in order to leave matters here with
a safe guard; since on account of the importance of this enterprise
I must, if God gives me health, go on this expedition in person. I
intend to take with me some Panpango Indians and some Indians from this
region, among whom there are many good arquebusiers and musketeers. In
company with Spaniards, they prove to be very good soldiers.
I asked for five hundred quintals of powder; and your Majesty informed
me that the viceroy would send them. Although he did not send the
whole amount, two hundred and thirty-five quintals of powder and a
hundred quintals of saltpetre arrived. We shall be obliged to use
what there is in the royal magazines here, that we may not lack so
necessary a thing; yet the whole is but little.
The said viceroy wrote me that the troops came paid for a year, and
that from the wages of the troops he had retained sixty-five pesos in
the case of each soldier. The total amount is forty thousand pesos,
which sum was sent under registry on the account and at the risk of
the said forces. This is a piece of excellent foresight; for if the
total amount of wages had been paid, as is customary, they would have
gambled and spent the whole in two days, and would be in need the
whole year, from which great evils would follow. For the expedition
the viceroy sent sixty thousand pesos, without considering that the
treasury here is in such a state that, even if the whole amount should
be paid into it on account of these islands, there would not be enough
to pay unavoidable debts and the loans which have been taken throughout
a whole year from private persons, some of which were granted on my
credit. I was expecting some good quantity of money on a separate
account; and I also hoped for the ordinary soldiers who are sent every
year to supply the places of those who are drowned and those who die of
disease and in battle. We are continually waging war in one province
or another, and sometimes at home. But I have been disappointed in
all this, and must expend my efforts to get on as best I can, using
some methods to prevent the service of your Majesty from failure.
As soon as I was informed that your Majesty would be pleased to
command this expedition to be undertaken, I began on the very
day when I arrived here to busy myself with the preparation of the
materials and other things necessary to build the galleys and also to
keep them in proper condition. I regard them as the most effective
means of defense for this kingdom, on account of the causes which
I have previously written to your Majesty. Accordingly, I have five
equipped. The flagship has twenty-two benches, the second in command
[_patrona_] and another have nineteen each, and two others seventeen
each. One of these two which have seventeen will be launched within a
fortnight, and has the necessary supply of rowers. These vessels are
not made larger, being thus more suitable for these regions, because
there are many shoals here; and when they are of this size they are
sufficient for the contests which they have to carry on with the
oared vessels employed by the enemy Another reason is the advantage
of keeping down the number of rowers and reducing the expenses, as I
have written your Majesty. These galleys have turned out very well,
because I found here a good foreman; and although he died a few days
ago, I have had the good fortune to find a second, a Genovese, a good
workman. He is well known in Cartagena, where he built a galley. I have
met with much opposition from the archbishop and from the licentiate
Don Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. If
I had had to follow the opinion of either of them so that they could
restrain my hand, the first stick of wood would still have to be
worked. God knows what I have had to undergo in this, and what I am
still undergoing; and He knows the evil results which follow from such
a state of things in a region so distant from your Majesty, when those
persons undertake to correct matters of war, and to meddle with them,
who do not understand them and have nothing to do with them.
I expect to take with me on the expedition four of these galleys,
and a vessel which has arrived here just now from Acapulco, which
was made here and has capacity to carry a large amount of troops
and provisions; it is of seven hundred toneladas. This vessel I will
have fitted and put in good order. I expect also to take another of
moderate size, of two hundred and fifty toneladas, which I have had
built in the province of Camarines. I shall have three Moro ships
from Perú. These will be very light, the largest being of a hundred
and fifty toneladas, and the other two of a hundred and thirty each,
more or less. Thus in all there will be five, in addition to seven
brigantines and five lorchas, vessels built after the fashion of
China and Japon. These are very good with both oar and sail, and have
greater capacity and accommodation for carrying provisions than any
other kind of vessels with which oars are used.
I expect that this expedition will include the foregoing vessels and
galleys on account of your Majesty; and that in addition there will go
seven or eight other ships belonging to private encomenderos and other
persons. These will be ships of moderate size, with a high freeboard,
in which their owners will take a quantity of biscuit, rice, wine,
meat, and other supplies; these will be of great assistance, since a
number of volunteers will go. This provision made by private persons
is of considerable usefulness, and on that account I have had it
made. To induce them to go it is absolutely necessary to encourage
them to it, and to urge upon them the service which they will render
to your Majesty. This I have had to undertake, since in view of the
losses and misfortunes which they have suffered, they are poor and
discouraged. They finally volunteered to go with a good will, and their
going will be an assistance of no little consequence; as a result of
it, I am certain that we shall have provisions for more than a year.
I have commanded the whole of this body of vessels to assemble in the
island of Panay, at the town and port of Oton, where the infantry
is on shore. When they have assembled there they will proceed,
and I will leave this city after the day of St. Francis, taking
advantage of the north winds. I shall attend to whatever shall be
necessary there, and get it all in order by the end of January or
the beginning of February. That is the season best suited for the
voyage to Maluco. It will then be most likely that we shall have
the benefit of the monsoon which is likely to blow with gentle and
favorable brisas. In this way I shall not be forced off my course
by vessels with a high freeboard; this accident happens very often,
because of the great number of currents among these islands. I have no
doubt that we shall encounter some vessels from Olanda and Gelanda,
and more this year than others, since this is the year of the clove
monsoon more than the two previous years; for in the third year the
clove-trees bear much more heavily. The fruit is like olives, and
the trees resemble olive-trees in their leaves and in their size,
as I am told. [5] I had further information from Enrique de Castro,
a Fleming, a native of Amberes [_i.e._, Anvers?], a man of good
reputation, able to speak several languages, and very sensible; he
told me that he came as a soldier in one of the companies brought by
the despatch-boat which reached here February 25. He said that he
had left Olanda fifteen months before, from the city of Nostradama
[_i.e._, Amsterdam]; and that there, and in another city in the
same country of Olanda, they were preparing twelve or thirteen large
vessels with the purpose of coming to the Yndias. He was told that
they were to seize Ambueno and the Maluca Islands, and that they were
carrying a large number of men, besides lime and cut stone in ballast,
to make a fortress. I am much afraid that this is true, because of
what I have previously written to your Majesty with reference to
the advices which I have received from the king of Tidore. He states
that the king of Terrenate had sent to invite the Dutch, offering to
permit them to build a fort and a factory in his country, in order
to make them willing to assist him against the said king of Tidore,
against the Portuguese, and against us. Accordingly the forts there
and in Ambueno are in danger. The one at Tidore is a matter for jest;
and the commandants, as well as the commanders of galleons, think of
nothing but merchandise and of making their fortunes. The same thing
is true throughout the whole of Yndia. If this news should prove true,
there would be much difficulty in this enterprise. May God turn all
things well for His cause.
The forces of the regiment of the master-of-camp, Esquibel, have
received their pay for a year in advance, as the viceroy informs
me by his letter. At the present time more than half the year has
passed, and by the time they leave Oton the whole year will have
been completed. Inasmuch as in the order for this expedition which
your Majesty commanded to be given, I noticed that the Marques de
Montes Claros was directed, in case the forces should be retained
in the service of your Majesty for a longer period than the said
year, to send me money to pay them in case I advised him thereof,
it seemed well to me to advise him of this matter immediately, and
to tell him that during the coming year he should send me what is
needed for a thousand men in addition to the sea force. It is plain
that this will be necessary for by the time that the fleet leaves
these islands the [soldiers'] year will be at an end. I therefore
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give him imperative commands to
fulfil this requirement; since soldiers in a country of enemies, and
so far from their own country, serve badly if they are in need. Thus
many important opportunities might be lost, and even considerable
disadvantages might be experienced without there being any possibility
of remedying them. If the enterprise turns out prosperously--as by
the grace of God I hope it will--I expect that it will provide the
means for maintaining the conquest, for paying all the expenses which
have been and shall be incurred, and for affording a large quantity
of cash surplus in addition to the expenses, besides repairing the
losses incident to this affair. In particular, I think that to drive
the enemy from the Maluca Islands and from the inlands of Banda will
be of great advantage for our affairs in Flandes, since the rebels
of Olanda and Gelanda harvest the product of these islands and draw
from them great wealth, by means of which they carry on war and become
rich. I, therefore, again beseech you to be pleased to give commands
that this expedition may be adequately provided with supplies. I
also beg that what is necessary for the expenses of the fleet and for
other requisite objects may likewise be sent. I further request that
for the regular expenses of the government a liberal supply may be
placed in the treasury of the islands on a separate account, since
the treasury is so needy and so heavily burdened with obligations.
Weapons and gunpowder are always opportune, and generally the lack of
these causes a great deal of trouble. I accordingly beg your Majesty
to be pleased to command that as large an amount thereof as possible
may be sent, and that the forces at Manila may also be supplied. I
suggest that although what is now of most importance, and what must
primarily be considered, is merely the regaining of the fort and island
of Terrenate, still the care and attention which will be necessary to
protect and sustain the conquest, at least for the first few years,
will not be small. During that time it will be necessary for us to keep
it under control with arms in our hands. We shall have contests every
day with the natives of the country, and likewise with the Dutch,
who will not at once be willing to abandon it without testing the
defense which it can offer, for the reasons which they publish there
and in the other Maluca Islands, and in the islands of Banda. With
regard to this matter I have written to your Majesty. We must be on
the watch everywhere, making Terrenate our center.
By the first section of the orders which your Majesty was pleased to
command to have sent to me for this expedition, it appears that the
captains who come on the expedition receive sixty ducados a month
and the privates eight, whether they were recruited in Hespaña or in
Nueva Hespaña. I was commanded that if this rate of payment for the
soldiers might be moderated in view of what is paid the soldiers here
who are of the same rank, I should reduce it, but with fairness. I
have to state that the pay of a private in this garrison is six pesos
a month. This is little, in view of the fact that the country is
incomparably more expensive than when their rate of pay was fixed,
as I have previously written your Majesty. The eight ducados which
the soldiers of the expedition receive is high pay; and accordingly,
in my judgment, it would be well to pay the infantry in both forces
at the rate of eight pesos (of eight reals) a month, in addition
to the thirty ducados of extra pay which are allowed every company
in Hespaña and other regions. I should advise that the captains of
both forces should be paid at the rate of fifty pesos, the ensigns
at twenty pesos, and the sergeants at the rate of ten, as they are
now paid here. The captains here receive only thirty-five pesos,
while those of the expedition are paid sixty ducados, which amount to
eighty-two pesos and six reals. Your Majesty will give such commands
as you shall be pleased to issue. Until we receive the decision of
your royal will in this matter, the accounts of the members of the
expedition will not be closed. May our Lord keep the Catholic and royal
person of your Majesty, as Christendom has need. Manila, July 1, 1605.
_Don Pedro de Acuña_
[_Endorsed:_ "The requests in this letter were honored, in virtue of
advice given to his Majesty by the council, August 5, 1606."]
Sire:
In two ships which left here for Nueba Hespaña last year, 1604,
General, Don Diego de Mendoca, of my order, [6] wrote to your Majesty
in duplicate, giving information of all the events which had happened
here. It pleased God that the flagship should return to port, after
having suffered from a tempest during which it was obliged to cut off
the mainmast. It returned to this port today, four months after it had
left it, although without any loss of the property which it carried,
[_Marginal note_: "Let him be informed that this letter has been
received and that the council has been advised of what he reports."]
The ship "San Antonio," the almiranta, which left port first,
has not been heard from up to the present time. It is regarded as
certain that it was lost, by having struck upon some desolate island
or some shoals as it was driven by the tempest. A few days before
the arrival of the flagship, there were seen on the coast of this
island opposite Manila, and on the Babuyanes, which are some islands
in the province of Cagayan, a quantity of bales of cloth from the
lading of the almiranta. It is accordingly inferred that the ship was
lost on its way to port here, during some very severe storms which
took place during that season and in that region. Still, some hopes
were entertained that it might have made its way to Nueva España,
although with a very small amount of cloth; but these hopes were lost
with the coming of the two ships on which arrived the master-of-camp,
Juan Desquivel, and the officers of the expedition for Maluco. These
vessels, having left Acapulco on the twenty-second of March, reached
Cavite on the seventeenth of the present month, and reported that they
had no news of the said almiranta. This has been a very great loss and
one which has thrown this kingdom into almost incredible misery. The
return of the flagship has added to its wretchedness, because the
citizens have nothing from which to obtain money from Nueva España,
since their goods have not arrived there. The documents which were
sent in the flagship last year go in it again; and in this ship I send
duplicates, which your Majesty may give commands to be shown to you.
The matter of the payment of the Indian tributes was settled by the
Audiencia, by me, and by the archbishop and the religious orders,
in conformity with the directions given me by your Majesty. The
assessment which was made accompanies this letter; and therewith
will cease many wrongs which have been inflicted upon the natives,
and the encomenderos and collectors can satisfy their consciences,
if they desire. [_Marginal note_: "Let this section be filed with the
papers which gave occasion to it, and with the report which has been
sent, and let the whole be delivered to the fiscal."]
By a royal decree of your Majesty, dated October twenty-fifth of last
year, 1603, I was advised that your Majesty had given commands for
permission to be granted to the mariscal Graviel de Rivera that, in
spite of the fact that he has Indians in encomienda on these islands,
he may be permitted to live in the City of Mexico, where he is at
present, for two years, on condition that during that period he shall
maintain eight musketeers in this garrison at his own expense. I was
enjoined to fulfil this command and to see to it that the musketeers
should be serviceable men. On the part of the said mariscal, the
fulfilment of this decree was demanded, the aforesaid permission being
presented; and, although I answered the demand of the mariscal by
stating to him the condition of affairs in the island, I have thought
best to refer the matter to your Majesty. As soon as I arrived in these
islands to undertake my office, I was handed the instructions given
to the governor and captain-general who had previously filled them,
Don Francisco Tello de Guzman. By section 47 of these directions,
it was ordained and commanded that if, when the said Don Francisco
Tello should have arrived at Nueva España, the said mariscal should
not have returned to the said islands, his encomiendas should be
confiscated and should be assigned to others, without permitting
reply or excuse; and if any other procedure was followed it was
directed that it should be held as null and void. I made inquiries
to find out if the said Don Francisco Tello had complied herewith. I
discovered that, although he found the said mariscal in Mexico, he
had not complied with the commands given by the said section, but
that he had brought him with him to this city, and in a short time
had given him permission to return to Nueva Hespaña for three years,
under color of having business to do for this city. I also found that
the said mariscal had appealed to the Audiencia, affirming that the
time was too short, and I learned that he received license to remain
for an additional year, making four in all. In truth, however, the
power of attorney held by the said mariscal had been revoked by the
city before he left it in the year 1600. Upon this, I wrote to the
said mariscal in Mexico that, since he was aware of the decree of
his Majesty with regard to his absence, he should return to fulfil
the duty of residence to which he was obliged in these islands, as
soon as the time of his license had expired. If he should go beyond
the period allowed, I informed him that his encomiendas would be
vacated and would be assigned to others. Since he has not fulfilled
the requirement of residence, and since the said term is at an end,
therefore, in virtue of the said section of the instructions and in
fulfilment of what is decreed by another and separate royal decree,
I have commanded that the encomiendas should be vacated, and that
one of them, the encomienda of Bonbon, should be granted to General
Don Juan Rronquillo del Castillo, a man whose merits, services, and
abilities are known to all. This encomienda is at the present time in
his possession. The income from the other encomiendas I have commanded
to be placed in the royal treasury, which is being done. As for the
report of the said mariscal, made to me in Mexico, that he was there
with the permission of the Audiencia and governor on business for the
city, I wrote your Majesty, in a letter on the second of November of
the year 1601, that it seemed to me proper for permission to reside in
Nueva España to be given him, in view of his services and age, since
he was serving with eight musketeers in defense of this country. After
I arrived here and saw how this matter had been arranged, in view
of the aforesaid facts, and of the great inconvenience which results
from the non-residence of encomenderos in this country, I vacated the
said encomiendas, as it seemed to me that your Majesty would not be
served by giving a dispensation to the said mariscal in this matter;
and I would not have made the report which I made in Mexico if I had
previously seen the documents. [_Marginal note_: "Let this be filed
with the papers which deal with this matter."]
Although, as I have said, I assigned the said encomienda to the
said Don Juan Ronquillo, appeal was taken on the part of the said
mariscal and his son (who was successor to the encomienda) to this
royal Audiencia. In this case, after command had been given that a
copy of the documents should be furnished to the parties and to the
fiscal of your Majesty, and after testimony had been taken as regards
the claims of all parties, it was declared that I had authority to
vacate the encomiendas of the said mariscal; and it was decreed that
the parties should exercise their rights of justice, in conformity
with the law of Maliñas. [7] It was further decreed that the said
General Don Juan Rronquillo should give bonds that, if at any time it
should be decreed that I did not have this authority to assign the said
encomiendas, he should return the income which he should have collected
therefrom. This decree was, on review, confirmed in all points, and
the case is being prosecuted. I may say to your Majesty that General
Don Juan Rronquillo is one of the most deserving men of the islands,
and one of the highest rank and services here; and further that he
is one of those who received the least rewards. He deserves that
some favor should be shown to him, as I have previously written. I
may add that on account of the aforesaid grant I have discharged him
from the office of commander of the galleys, which had been granted
to him with eight hundred pesos of yearly salary. If this sum is not
paid to him, it is certainly necessary that some compensation should
be made to him; and if in this matter that is not carried out which is
ordained by the royal decrees--which were formerly so closely followed,
especially in this country--much harm will result.
The affairs of Christianity in Japon are in excellent condition,
as your Majesty will see from the letters of two religious which are
enclosed; but the dissensions between the bishop and the religious
orders with regard to those who go by way of these islands to
engage in that ministry cause me great anxiety. They have reached
a very high point, as your Majesty will learn from the statements
which all of them are certain to write to you. In so new a country,
governed by heathen kings, to have wrangling and lack of harmony
among the religious who instruct them cannot fail to cause scandals
and difficulties. Your Majesty will command the proper remedy to be
applied. Inasmuch as I see the necessity of ministers of the gospel
in that kingdom, and the great results which they have obtained,
I have not hindered the passage of religious from these islands to
that country, especially as I have seen no decree of your Majesty
and no brief of his Holiness to the contrary. [_Marginal note_: "Let
this be filed with the other papers dealing with this matter, and let
Don Pedro de Acuña be informed that his report has been considered,
and that attention is being given to it."]
The chiefs of Mindanao have treated for peace; and, although I had
determined to attack them this year and to put an end to them, with
the aid of the ordinary reënforcements in men and money, which I was
expecting from Nueva Hespaña, still I have thought it best on account
of the expedition to Maluco to listen favorably to them; and I shall
try to pacify and reduce them by gentle means, since they themselves
have offered such means and have sent a representative to treat for
peace. I have accordingly agreed to what they desire; yet, since they
are Indians, who when they take a whim cannot be restrained from
trying to gratify it, I have little confidence that they will keep
their promises, since there is no holding them to account except
so far as fear will oblige them to it. Still, it seems that this
year they have not made any piratical expeditions to these islands,
although I am informed that they have attacked some of the other
islands in various provinces with a great fleet of caracoas. Being
in some doubt, I have kept the provinces of Pintados in a state of
defense with two galleys, which I have sent there, with other vessels;
for, as I say, there is little confidence to be placed in the treaties
of these tribes. [_Marginal note_: "The council has been informed of
this matter."]
When the Sangleys left here last year they brought but little cloth,
as I wrote at the time to your Majesty. This they sold, at the same
time offering to come again this year with some vessels, and very
early. For this cause the country remained entirely without any
sort of merchandise, although the citizens had considerable money,
as they had no opportunity to invest the returns which had come [from
Mexico]. Since the Chinese are very avaricious, it was regarded as
certain that some vessels would come without fail, and the swift ones
would arrive here much earlier than they ordinarily do in other years:
but this did not happen, for it was the end of May before we had any
news from China. For this reason and on account of the news which
we received from Macan (as I wrote previously) that the Sangleys
were coming to these islands to avenge those who died at the time of
the revolt, the city was in great anxiety and fear. Yet it pleased
God that eighteen vessels should come with a large amount of cloth,
which relieved us of our fear; and it now seems that this arrangement
had been agreed upon. However, demands had been made upon me on the
part of the Chinese for the Sangleys who survived the uprising, whom
I had placed in the galleys. The viceroy of Ucheo and an inspector and
eunuch, who are two other mandarins who keep constant watch over him,
sent me a letter, which will go with this; to this letter I refer,
as also to a copy of the answer which I have made, with the approval
of the Audiencia. The style is not very polished, because those who
translate it are not very skilful in both languages; and, in order
that they may understand it, it is better that the letter should be
written in these terms, as experience has showed. We are striving to
maintain our friendship with that king, since he is very powerful;
and we sustain our position here only by the reputation that we
have. [_Marginal note_: "This statement of his has been noted."]
The licentiate Geronimo de Salaçar y Salcedo, fiscal of this royal
Audiencia, died two or three months ago. No great loss will result
hereby to the affairs to the royal treasury, since he paid little
attention to them in his office. For the interim before your Majesty
shall appoint a person to fulfil the duties of this position, the
Audiencia has appointed the bachelor Rodrigo Diaz Guiral, a man
of learning, integrity, and responsibility--such a man as might be
desired for this office. My acquaintance with all these qualifications
in him has constrained me to call your Majesty's attention to them,
so that you might be pleased to favor him; for surely, in my opinion,
it would not be possible to find another man more suitable for this
office. He has property of his own, and claims and suits give him no
anxiety. Accordingly, I have made special efforts to induce him to
accept the position; for it is necessary to seek persons like him for
such offices. Since he has had so much experience with the business
of this office, I have no doubt that he will give a good account of
himself. [_Marginal note_: "Referred to the Council."]
The commanders of the galleys which your Majesty has in Hespaña,
Italia, Yndias, and other regions appoint for the said galleys
a chief chaplain and chaplains. After these are approved and have
obtained a license from the ordinary to carry on their ministries, the
archbishops and their vicars and the bishops do not trouble themselves
about the chaplains. This is a settled and recognized custom, so
that no one pays any attention to it except the archbishop of this
city, because there is nothing with which he does not meddle. He
has handed in a document, maintaining that this is not a concern
of your Majesty's but belongs to him, and that he has the right to
nominate and approve the chaplains to these positions if he desires,
or to decline to approve them. Accordingly, after I had nominated
an approved religious, a preacher of the Order of St. Augustine,
as chaplain of these galleys, the bishop directed him, under pain of
excommunication, not to fulfil this ministry, declaring that I had
no authority to make the nomination. Certain other religious who had
been chaplains of galleys in Spain, and General Don Diego de Mendoça,
and others who had sailed in galleys there, and who were acquainted
with the system followed in them, all gave testimony; but this was
not sufficient to restrain him from carrying out his purpose. I beg
that your Majesty will be pleased to give command that since this
matter does not concern him he shall not meddle with it, nor with the
other things which are outside his jurisdiction. [_Marginal note_:
"Referred to the Council of War."]
In other letters I have reported to your Majesty the great importance,
for the security and defense of this country, of maintaining a supply
of galleys, and I have also reported the number which I have supplied
with arms. Since they cannot be kept up without an allowance of money
sufficient for them, I beg your Majesty to be pleased to command that
there shall be set aside twenty thousand ducados from the treasury of
Mexico, or else from the ten per cent duty levied at Acapulco upon
the merchandise exported hence. The purpose of this fund shall be
to maintain four or five galleys, which are necessary here. This is
the same amount that is spent in Cartagena for a single galley, and
your Majesty may trust me, as one who has looked carefully into the
matter, that this is necessary; and that expenditures without this only
waste funds and consume lives in gaining nothing. [_Marginal note_:
"Referred to the Council of War."]
I shall examine some despatches which have been received here this
year, which as yet I have not been able to do because of the necessity
of concluding this despatch, and I shall answer them at the first
opportunity. May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, as
Christendom has need.
From the port of Cavite, July 8, 1605.
_Don Pedro de Acuña_
[_Endorsed_: "August 2, 1606. Examination and decree within"]
Sire:
Many are the labors of this charge, both bodily and spiritual,
and almost without surcease must be the cares of him who holds, on
his own account and for your Majesty, the protection, defense, and
preservation of a kingdom and provinces so far from your royal person,
and amid so many nations, so great in numbers and so powerful, who have
so extraordinary tendencies, laws, and customs. From these we promise
ourselves, in time, with the help of God, excellent results for His
greater glory and the increase of His church. No one of these things
has given me so much anxiety as the conduct of the licentiate Don
Antonio de Rivera Maldonado, auditor of this royal Audiencia. This man,
with his temper, his haughtiness, and lack of understanding, has given
and is giving so many occasions for annoyance to the people, to me, and
to his companions--and particularly to the soldiers, and the military
and royal officials--that I have had more ado to moderate, adjust,
and set right his affairs than all others in my charge. His arrogance
is terrible. The citizens, even the most powerful of them, fear him,
for they realize that in his position as senior auditor he has the
boldness to attempt any design to their harm that comes into his mind,
or suits his desires, and that he carries out his plans. Consequently,
all cry out to God for redress for his unjust acts. For there is
no redress here, and it comes but tardily from your Majesty, owing
to the time necessary for it to reach this country. I do all that I
can, but he gives me so many provocations that it is a wonder some
great quarrel has not occurred. To obviate the difficulty in regard
to the troops, I have ordered that the companies of the guard shall
not enter in angular order, but in troops, as has been done now for
more than five months; for it appears that he was carefully awaiting
an opportunity to rout them, horse and foot, with all his blacks. I
refer to the two informations, sent herewith, which concern this,
and the rest. Although I did not choose to make investigations, for
the sake of greater secrecy, and to avoid the annoyances that the
witnesses of lower rank might suffer if the said Don Antonio knew
that they swore against him therein, measures will be taken to find
out what there is in the affair.
The said Don Antonio has persistently striven to bring about his
marriage with Doña Margarita de Figueroa, daughter of Captain Esteban
Rodriguez de Figueroa, and has employed many instruments to accomplish
this. Several suits have been brought before the royal Audiencia on
the part of the said Doña Margarita and her sister, both of whom
were minors, against the royal treasury, some of these involving
large sums of money, as did that which concerned the conquest of
Mindanao. These girls had many suitors, and there were differences
of opinion as to where they could reside with the most security
and privacy, so that there should be no negotiations concerning
their marriages; for they were very rich, and had near relatives to
claim guardianship over them--as their grandmother, the wife of the
accountant of the royal exchequer; and Captain Francisco de Mercado,
whom the father of the minors left as their guardian, and in whose
hands was the said property. The said Don Antonio, with this object,
began to favor the causes of the above-named persons, and communicated
his intention to Andres Duarte de Figueroa, their uncle, the brother of
their father--whom he considered a safe person, as he was his intimate
friend, and a claimant for the guardianship of the girls. He proceeded
so artfully that the guardianship of the minors was denied to all the
others by the Audiencia, who commanded that they be given over to the
said Andres Duarte, who was an unmarried man. Owing to the pretensions
which the said Don Antonio entertained in regard to this marriage,
he decided the said cases in favor of the said minors, which greatly
pleased their uncle, and caused much complaint on the part of those
who were present. He used to go at night to visit the said minors,
causing a great deal of talk by his intentions. Although his purpose
was well understood by the public, it became more apparent when Don
Juan de Tello was negotiating a marriage with the said Doña Margarita,
who is now his wife. On this account the said Don Juan, fearing that
Don Antonio will be as much opposed to him in the said suits now,
as he was formerly favorable to the said minors, has accused him,
and is furnishing information against him. My proceedings in this
case, and in one of those which I mention in a paragraph before this,
are sent by this mail, by which your Majesty will see the results of
the investigation. It is held as certain that the said Don Antonio
has brought great pressure to bear on the said Andres Duarte that
he may not betray him in the matter of the said marriage, but shall
say that he was asking it for his brother, and not for himself; and
that the said Andres, on account of his friendship, and, knowing Don
Antonio's temper, fearing that the latter will do him some harm, would
not declare against him. I believe that he is going to España, where
perhaps he will make this matter known, as he will be free from the
jurisdiction of the auditor; but here what he swears under oath only
hinders the matter. The troubles arising from the pretensions of the
said Don Antonio are not confined to this matter; for, furthermore,
when the uprising of the Sangleys occurred, and the auditors were
obliged to lay aside their robes and put on short cloaks, as they
did, the said Don Antonio went about with a gilded sword. Then,
when occasion for this was past, the other auditors put on their
robes; but the said Don Antonio seemed to think that he represented
a different person from an auditor, and was not obliged to do as the
other auditors did. He kept on his short cloak and sword, and appeared
thus in the halls of justice, possibly because he thought it suited
his affair of the marriage, as it was at this time that he pressed it
most. And as I thought that it was not right that he should try to
distinguish himself in so unfitting a manner, and that it ought not
to be permitted, and as remarks about it had been made in public, I
told him of it, and asked him to put on the robe. The answer he gave
was what your Majesty may learn in the document which accompanies
this, to which I refer you--adding only that your Majesty may judge
by this matter how other things must go, and his manner of behavior,
in which he goes so far as to say, and let it be understood, that he
alone can do these things, and must command everything. Your Majesty
will decree the remedy which is expedient and so necessary. May our
Lord protect the Catholic person of your Majesty with the happiness
needful for Christendom. Manila, July 15, 1605.
_Don Pedro de Acuña_
DOCUMENTS OF 1606
The Dominican mission of 1606. Diego Aduarte, O.P., and others;
1604-06.
The Dutch factory at Tidore. Joan ----; March 16.
The Sangley insurrection of 1603. Miguel Rodriguez de Maldonado.
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III. Telles de Almaçan,
and others; July 6.
Letter from the fiscal to Felipe III. Rodrigo Diaz Guiral; July.
The Terrenate expedition. Council of the Indias; August 5 and 15.
Decree establishing a way-station for Philippine vessels on the
California coast. Felipe III; August 19.
Chinese immigration in the Philippines. Pedro Muñoz de Herrera,
and others; July-November.
Letter to Acuña. Felipe III; November 4.
_Sources_: All these documents are obtained from foreign archives:
the third (a printed pamphlet) from the Real Academia de Historia,
Madrid; the sixth, from the Archivo general at Simancas; the seventh,
from the British Museum; the last, from the Archivo Historico Nacional,
Madrid; all the rest, from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_. The first, second, fourth, fifth, and eighth of these
documents are translated by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of
Wisconsin; the third and seventh, by James A. Robertson; the sixth
and ninth, by Norman F. Hall, of Harvard University.
The Dominican Mission of 1606
I, Fray Diego Duarte, [8] of the Order of St. Dominic, affirm that
his Majesty by his royal decree, which I present herewith, commanded
that in addition to the thirty religious and four servants whom in
accordance with his said royal decree I received permission to convey
to the Feliphinas Islands, I should conduct ten other religious,
making forty in all; and that for the despatch of all of them your
Lordship should give me what was necessary at the expense of his
royal treasury. This allowance is to be in conformity with the report
mentioned in the said decree (which your Lordship has sent to the
royal Council of the Yndias), which states the cost of the passage
to the Yndias of each religious. Since the time is now far advanced,
it is necessary for me to receive the payment for the said religious
in order that they may make their voyage in the fleet which is about
to be despatched to the province of Nueva Spaña, and that his Majesty's
commands may be fulfilled. This cannot take effect unless your Lordship
provide me with the money necessary to buy clothing and ship supplies,
and what else is needed.
Therefore I beg and pray your Lordship to give commands that, in
addition to the seven hundred and seventy thousand seven hundred and
fifty-two maravedis which the treasurer Don Melchor Maldonado has been
commanded to deliver to me, in conformity with the said royal decree
issued from the royal council of the treasury, for the despatch of
the said religious, there may be delivered and paid to me the amount
which, in conformity with the said report sent by your Lordship to
the said royal council, shall be necessary and sufficient for the
despatch and maintenance of the said ten religious whom, as I have
said, his Majesty by his said royal decree commands me to conduct to
the said islands in addition to the said thirty religious--for whom
only your Lordship has given commands that allowance shall be made to
me. Thus your Lordship will do service to our Lord, and will fulfil
his Majesty's directions. For this, etc.
_Fray Diego Duarte_
The aforesaid members of the Council, having considered this petition,
give as their decision that a warrant has been delivered for the
amount for which he possesses the necessary papers; and that as for
the rest for which the said Fray Diego Duarte offers his prayer, he
shall receive the papers needed; and they, accordingly direct that
a warrant shall issue in conformity with the ordinance of the treasury.
Before me. _Adriano de Siguença_, notary.
Your Lordship: Fray Diego Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic declares
that in accordance with the commands received from your Highness
directing him to seek religious of his order in order to conduct
them to his province in the Philippinas Islands, he has exerted
himself to do so, and will take the number of forty. He offers his
petition to your Highness that you will be pleased to command that he
shall accordingly be given what is necessary in order that they may
go aboard and also what they need to convey them to Sevilla, since
[his Majesty] by Don Francisco de Tejada, of his council, gave his
royal word to provide him with it. [Without date or signature.]
[_Endorsed_: "Let him receive the two hundred ducados which were
decreed to be given. January 11, 1605." "Let father Fray Diego Duarte
receive what is needed for himself and thirty religious; and, if
he conducts more, for as many as forty, in accordance with the new
estimate and report; and let him receive in addition two hundred
ducados beside the two hundred which were given him for the living
and conveyance of the said religious on their way to Sevilla. Decreed
in full council; Valladolid, January 19, 1605."]
_List of the Religious who go to the Province of the Holy Rosary in
the Philippinas with father Fray Diego Aduarte during the present
year, 1605_
_From San Esteban at Salamanca_
Father Fray Diego del Aguila, son of the same convent and at the
present time preacher in it, a native of Escalona; aged forty-eight
years, thirty-two years in the order.
Father Fray Marcos de los Huertos, son of the same convent, a native
of Astudillo; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; his
studies completed.
Father Fray Pedro de Armeiun, son of the same convent, a native of
Calahorra; aged twenty-eight years, nine years in the order; his
studies completed.
Father Joan de Vera, a son of the same convent, a native of Berlanga;
aged twenty-six years, seven years in the order; his studies completed.
Father Fray Martin de la Anunciación, a son of the same convent,
a native of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged twenty-nine years, seven
years in the order; in the third year of theology.
Father Fray Francisco de Santa Maria, a son of the same convent,
a native of Fuente de Cantos; aged twenty-eight years, seven years
in the order; in the third year of theology.
Father Fray Matheo de la Villa, a son of the same convent, a native
of Asturias; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order; his
studies completed.
Father Fray Diego Gomez, a son of the same convent, a native of the
district of Avila; aged twenty-five years, six years in the order;
in the second year of theology.
Father Fray Lorenzo de Ponis, a son of the same convent, a native of
the district of Burgos; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the
order; his studies completed, since before he assumed the habit he
was far advanced in them.
Brother Fray Gaspar de Casa-Blanca, deacon, a son of the convent of
Nuestra Señora at Peña de Francia, a native of the town of Fresneda;
aged twenty-three years, six years in the order; in the first year
of theology.
Brother Fray Antonio de Salazar, sub-deacon, a native of Salamanca
and a son of the convent there; aged twenty-two years, six years in
the order; in the first year of theology.
Brother Fray Roque Benito, a son of the convent of San Pedro Martir
at Calataiud; aged twenty-one years, seven years in the order; in
the second year of theology; a native of Ateca in Aragón.
Brother Fray Antonio Vazquez, lay brother of the same convent, a
native of Vittoria; aged twenty-seven years, three years in the order.
Brother Fray Joan Zilarte, lay brother of the same convent, a native
of Aldea Nueva de la Vera; aged thirty-two years, eight years in
the order.
_From San Yldefonso at Toro_
Father Fray Lorenzo Campo, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo at
Ocaña, a native of Corral de Almaguer; aged twenty-six years, seven
in the order; in the second year of theology.
Brother Fray Diego Lopez, deacon, native and son of Plasencia;
aged twenty-two years, six years in the order; in the second year
of theology.
_From Santo Thomás el Real at Avila_
Father Fray Francisco del Barrio, native and son of Victoria; aged
twenty-six years, eight years in the order; in the third year of
theology.
Father Fray Gabriel Perez, native and son of Ocaña; aged twenty-six
years, seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.
_From Sancta Cruz at Segovia_
Father Fray Ambrosio de Huerta, a son of the convent of Santo Domingo
at Ocaña; aged twenty years, three years in the order; his studies
completed.
Brother Fray Manuel de Ledesma, a son of the same convent, a native
of Segobia; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the order; in the
second year of theology.
Brother Fray Gabriel de Zuniga, sub-deacon, a son of the convent of
Yepes, a native of Ocaña; aged twenty-two years, seven years in the
order; in the first year of theology.
Brother Fray Francisco Rodriguez, a son of the same convent, a native
of Guadalaxara; aged thirty years, ten years in the order. He is a
lay brother.
_From Sancta Cruz at Carboneras_
Father Fray Jacinto Lopez de San Gerónimo, a son of the same convent,
a native of Torrejoncillo de Huete; aged twenty-eight years, eleven
years in the order; his studies completed.
Father Fray Joan de Cuebas, a son of the same convent and lecturer
on the arts therein, a native of Cardenete; aged twenty-five years,
nine years in the order.
_From San Pedro Martyr at Toledo_
Father Fray Joseph de San Jacinto, a son of the convent of Ocaña, a
native of Salvanes; aged twenty-five years, eight years in the order;
in the second year of theology.
Brother Fray Pedro Gomez, deacon, a son of the convent San Ginés
at Talavera, a native of the same place; aged twenty-three years,
seven years in the order; in the first year of theology.
_From San Pablo at Valladolid_
Father Fray Jacinto Orfanel, a son of the convent of Santa Catalina
at Barcelona, a native of the district of Valencia; aged twenty-eight
years, eight years in the order; his studies completed.
_From the college of San Gregorio at Valladolid_
Father Fray Pedro Balberde, a native of the district of Córdova, a
son of the convent of San Pablo at Cordoba; aged twenty-five years,
seven years in the order; his studies completed.
_From the college of Santo Thomás at Alcala_
Father Fray Melchor Mançano, a native of Villaseusa de Aro, a son
of the convent of Santo Domingo at Ocaña; aged twenty-six years,
nine years in the order; his studies completed.
Father Fray Joan de Leiba, a native of La Rioja, a son of the convent
of Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged thirty years, ten years in the order;
his studies completed.
Father Fray Andres de Velasco, a native of La Rioja, a son of the
convent of San Pablo at Burgos; aged twenty-eight years, ten years
in the order, his studies completed.
Brother Fray Joan Ordima, deacon, son of the convent of San Pedro
Martyr at Toledo, a native of the same place; aged twenty-four years,
eight years in the order; his studies completed.
Brother Fray Juan Rodriguez Morcillo, deacon, son of the convent of
La Madre de Dios at Alcalá, a native of Madridejos; aged twenty-three
years, seven years in the order; in the second year of theology.
_From Santa Maria at Nieva_
Father Fray Domingo del Arco, a native of the district of Guadalaxara,
a son of the convent of La Madre de Dios at Alcalá; aged twenty-six
years, six years in the order. He is not far advanced in his studies,
but is very well fitted for this expedition.
_From Santiago in Galicia_
Father Fray Garcia Oroz, a native of the district of Pamplona, a
son of the convent of Nuestra Señora at Atocha; aged fifty years,
thirty years in the order. This father has been in Nueva España. I
ask for a dispensation that he may have permission to accompany me,
for he will be of great use in this expedition and to that province.
_From the convent of La Magdalenaat Alfararin, in the kingdom of
Aragón_
Father Fray Domingo Vicente, a son of the convent of Preachers in
Zaragoza; aged twenty-six years, eight years in the order; a native
of the district of Calatayud; his studies completed.
_From the convent of San Pedro Martyr at Calatayud_
Brother Fray Jacinto Francin, deacon, a native of Caspe and a son of
the convent there; aged twenty-three years, five years in the order:
in the first year of theology.
_From the convent of Corpus Christi at Luchente_
Father Fray Dionisio de Rueda, a son of the same convent; aged
thirty-two years, sixteen years in the order; his studies completed. He
is a native of Valencia.
In addition, I expect from the kingdoms of Cataluña and Valencia as
many as twelve other religious who, as I certainly know, are very
suitable persons for this mission, but I do not know their names. I
shall not be able to learn these names until the religious reach here,
which will be very late. I beg your Highness to be pleased to send me
a license, so that I may have authority to take all of them; for, in
the confidence that I should receive that permission, I have searched
them out and disturbed them in their convents. I swear, on the faith
of a religious and a priest, that those whom I have assigned so far
are the aforesaid.
_Fray Diego Aduarte_
With regard to nearly all of those whose names appear in the list I
am certain that they are religious of approved life and holy zeal, and
that they will be able to do good service to our Lord in the conversion
of the kingdoms and countries of the Indians. Many of them I saw on
the road to Sebilla going on foot, to the edification of others, and in
the order of sanctity. In the case of two or three I have found no one
who knew them; but I trust in God and in the excellent zeal and choice
of father Fray Diego Duarte that they will be like the rest. This is
what I know; and in testimony of its truthfulness I have signed it
with my name. In the convent of San Pablo at Valladolid June 4, 1605.
_Fray Garcia Guerra_, Master [9] and Procurator.
[_Endorsed_: "Let the documents necessary for the expenses of these
religious be issued. Valladolid, on the sixth of June, one thousand
six hundred and five.]"
To Diego de Vergara Gaviria, receiver of oaths in this Council:
From the sums in your charge received for court fines give and pay
to Fray Diego de Duarte of the Order of St. Dominic, two hundred
ducados, amounting to seventy-five thousand maravedis, which it has
been commanded to give him in addition to two hundred ducados which
by warrant of this Council, dated August 31 last, in the year 604,
we commanded you to pay him. This is on account of the expenses
which he is obliged to incur in the conveyance and support of the
religious. Take his receipt, with which and with this warrant the
accountants of his Majesty who aid this Council shall receive and
credit you on account the sum which you shall thus pay him. At
Valladolid, on the thirty-first of August in the year one thousand
six hundred and four. [10]
Signed by the Council.
_A true report of the difficulties of conducting religious to the
Philipinas, because of the severe restrictions imposed by the decrees
of his Majesty in regard to the matter_.
Although taking religious to any part of the Indias is a very
arduous undertaking, it is incomparably more so to convey them to
the Philippinas, since the journey is much longer, and there are more
places on the way at which it is necessary to have dealings with royal
officials. Accordingly, this voyage offers difficulties twice as great
as the others. Not only is it necessary to cross two great seas--those
of the North [Atlantic] and, of the South [Pacific]--besides the
difficult journey across the country of Nueva España from one ocean
to the other, but in addition his Majesty obliges us who make this
journey to pass through so many hands and through so many registries
as are certainly intolerable. If affairs be always conducted thus,
it will be truly impossible to make the voyage according to the very
severe regulations laid down by his Majesty, and with the very slight
assistance given by his officials to the religious. I do not expatiate
upon the great difficulties in obtaining religious, on their own side,
as they are the sons of many mothers; and as soon as they begin the
journey they hear a thousand things in regard to the evils of the
country where they are going. Even if nothing more is said of it than
that there is neither bread nor wine therein, that is enough to daunt
a giant. Then those who by their strength of character overcome these
difficulties at the edge of the water are frightened at the sea, and
at the dismal prophecies that are usually current, that the fleet
will be lost on account of sailing very late (as it almost always
does) from España. Thus many of the religious have not courage to
embark; while those who overcome this difficulty and do go aboard,
being new to the sea and seeing themselves in so narrow a space as
is that of one ship, and being very seasick--indeed, there are many
who during the whole voyage cannot raise their heads--are delighted
to find themselves on shore alive. Then having set foot on the land
of Nueva España, from which they understand that they are obliged
to pass anew through all that they have already suffered, and over a
much larger ocean, they are put to the test by the climate; some die,
and others find themselves attacked by a thousand sicknesses. They
get there no better report about the country to which they are
going than they had in España--indeed a much worse one, as it is
received from eye-witnesses, both laymen and friars; and they dare
not go on farther. All these difficulties have to be conquered by
the commissary who conducts them, by means of his prudence, of which
he needs a goodly supply. He is obliged to conduct them with love,
for the religious are not of a character to be treated with rigor
and violence, especially in a matter contrary to flesh and blood,
when they exile themselves to those distant countries, so hot and
so sterile, leaving their own land, which perhaps they can never
forget. Hence, if they were to be treated with violence the result
which your Majesty desires would not follow, that is, the service of
God and of your Majesty's self in the conversion of souls. Not only
would they, if thus treated, destroy more than they would build up,
but they would serve only to disquiet those who were there occupied in
the building up of that great church. These difficulties themselves are
not so small; but it is reasonable to add the other and greater ones,
such as are those of sending the religious away, and those which are
stated in the following paragraphs.
_What occurs at Valladolid in despatching this business._ The first
of the difficulties is in the first steps taken to bring the journey
before the Council at the court. These steps are many; and anyone who
goes thither without money--and those who come from the Philippinas to
treat for this matter generally have no money--will find it necessary
to take a great many more steps, since the officials regard that
time as lost which they spend upon despatching the business of a
man who offers them no advantages. Accordingly, it is not possible
to obtain documents from them except by dint of importunate prayers,
and these necessarily require much going about; this in the streets of
Valladolid in winter is a very arduous task, especially for religious,
who cannot leave their convent whenever they please. Still, to avoid
this going from place to place is impossible if the business is to be
carried on. After obtaining an order from the Council of the Indias,
which one cannot generally get at the first request, it is necessary
to obtain a second order from the Council of the Exchequer with regard
to the allowance for the journey, and both of these must be recorded
by the accountants of both councils. Although this may be necessary
to give further security to the decrees of his Majesty and to relieve
them from any suspicion of forgery, still, as those which are given
to religious persons, and for so pious a purpose as this, are free
from such suspicion, they may well be privileged in some respects and
need not be obliged to pass through so many registries. On account
of the great number of matters which are attended to in Valladolid,
documents cannot pass through all the registries without taking much
time. Accordingly, much trouble is necessarily caused in the hospices
[_i.e._, guest-houses] of the convents where they lodge, and the
commissioner who takes charge of this business is also obliged to
suffer even more inconvenience--finding that for business so much to
the advantage of our lord the king, and requiring so great labor and
responsibility on his own part, and in which there is not a trace of
profit to himself, it should be necessary to make such exertions at
the very beginning. I confess, for my part, that I would have given
up at this first station on the route if I had not supposed that all
the hindrances to this voyage that I could encounter in the direction
of his Majesty would have ended at this point; but later it will be
seen how completely deceived I was in this notion. However, it is as
well that all those who concern themselves with this business should
be so deceived at the beginning, for if they were not they would give
up this work, pious as it is.
_The smallness of the allowance for conducting the religious to
Sevilla._ Further, the amount which your Majesty commands to be
granted in Valladolid for conveying the religious from their convents
to Sevilla, is insufficient by far for the expense thus incurred. I
conducted the religious who accompanied me to Sevilla in the greatest
poverty, for many of them went on foot, and he who was best equipped
rode an ass. Yet I arrived in Sevilla burdened by a debt of more than
two hundred ducados, merely from the expenditure which I was obliged
to make on their account.
_In Sevilla._ In Sevilla, which is the second stopping-place, another
troop of difficulties are encountered. In general, it is customary
at the House of Trade to make some additions to the decrees of his
Majesty; in order that these be accepted a great number of requirements
must be fulfilled, the lack of any one of which is sufficient to
invalidate the documents. Usually some one of these is lacking, from
which it is easy to understand the embarrassment in which he must be
who has charge of this matter, when he finds himself and his companions
already in Sevilla without sufficient means for their support. This
happened to me, and I am certain that I was not the first, and that
he who follows me will not be the last, thus situated. I found myself
in such embarrassment as the result of this that I was almost on the
point of abandoning the enterprise at that time.
_The small allowance for provisions on the voyage._ Moreover, the
amount granted in Sevilla for the entire support of the religious
is far from sufficient for this purpose. If the amount commanded
to be granted to them is divided into vestments, bedding, carriage
of books, and freight-charges from Sevilla to Sanlucar, the amount
allowed for the ship supplies for each person comes to only twenty-two
ducados, which is all that they actually had. It is easy to see that
it is impossible to obtain with this, or even approach, all that is
necessary. It is certainly true that for bread and wine alone, I spent
almost all of what the king granted me for supplies on the voyage;
and that I had to encroach upon what was granted me for vestments and
what clothes the friars themselves used for apparel. In addition,
I was unable to pay all that we owed in Sevilla to the convent for
the days during which we had remained there; accordingly, when I left
it I was out of favor with the prior and the other brethren of the
convent and yet I reduced to a very limited amount the supplies for the
voyage. This is the statement of facts _in verbo sacerdotis_; for it
may be evident in what straits we were, to anyone who has received as
allowance for this purpose no more than that which the king gives, as
ordinarily those who come from the Philippinas have only that amount.
_The requirement that the Council shall approve the religious who
are to go is severe and useless._ After all this, the requirement
of making the voyage under the very severe rule that the Council
shall approve the friars who are to go to the Indias brings the whole
undertaking within obvious risk of failure. If the list of names of
the religious who are going must be certain and accurate, it cannot
be sent to the Council before they are all assembled in Sevilla;
for up to that point it is very uncertain who are to go. Even then it
still remains uncertain, for many come back from Sevilla. The ordinary
state of affairs is that all are gathered there a few days only before
the departure of the fleet, for, if they go much sooner, there is no
means for their support; for his Majesty gives commands to provide
a real and a half daily for every religious, while the contribution
demanded from the convent is three reals a day for each one. Now,
if the list of names of the religious cannot be sent to Valladolid
earlier, even if it should be approved there at the very moment--and
usually business there is despatched quite otherwise--it is necessary
that the approval shall come back from Valladolid immediately, or
else the fleet will have departed, or be on the point of going. In the
meantime the religious are in suspense, without knowing whether they
are to make the voyage or no; for in the House of Trade at Sevilla they
either refuse to give them the grant necessary for their support until
the approval of the Council arrives, or, if they grant it in advance,
they require a bond which the poor commissary does not know where to
find--and which even if he could find it would be unwise for him to
give, since he has no means by which to satisfy it in case the Council
decree some other thing than what he expects. If, on the other hand,
the House of Trade allows the grant after the appropriation arrives,
the time is so short that it is impossible to provide the supplies for
the voyage, except very poorly and in great haste, and at a very high
price, since one must purchase without time for examination. Besides
this, the religious are greatly hurt to find themselves subjected to
an examination at the hands of the Council with regard to their life,
their habits, and their family, just as if to permit them to go to the
Indias were as much as to appoint them to bishoprics; this has greatly
cooled their ardor. If the commissary who conducts them is not a man
of great prudence, so that he can gild and smooth over this annoyance,
it is certain that not one of them will go farther. Much more is it
true that, if the rule should become known in the provinces of Castilla
and Aragon, whence the religious for these missions usually go, no one
would enter them; for if a man is required to leave his own country
and his relatives and friends, and exile himself to the end of the
world, at the risk of being excluded from the missions by the Council
of the Indias, that would be the same as to put on him an eternal
_sanbenito_ [11] in his order. Indeed, who would voluntarily subject
himself to an interrogation of this sort? May it please God that,
even if the bridge be made of silver, they shall be willing to go,
all the more for so long and hard a voyage as that to the Philippinas,
which in itself involves so many difficulties that only the arm of
God can overcome them. It would be well to entrust to the commissary
who conveys them this examination into their life and habits, for,
if he is a conscientious man, he knows well that he lays a burden
upon his conscience if he conducts ministers who will not unburden
the conscience of the king; and, if he is not conscientious, these
ordinances are ineffective, for, as they are so rigorous, he will
evade them with very little trouble and at no expense to himself,
for the whole matter must rest upon the honesty with which he is
willing to act.
_Registry fees in Sanlucar._ In Sanlucar is the third
stopping-place. Here, however well a man may have managed his business
in getting out of Sevilla, there are never lacking hindrances;
for whenever religious are registered there for passage they always
meet with some obstacle, if it be nothing more than being asked for
fees. These fees are demanded by the clerk of the registry and by
the inspector of the ships, who is usually an official of the House
of Trade at Sevilla. This demand for a fee for every religious who
goes through is a very base thing. As for me, I was asked for three
reals apiece by the clerk. As I thought that the act was an injustice,
I went to the accountant and reported the case to him; it seemed even
worse to him, and he told me that he would correct it. He did so by
telling me on the following day that I should give the clerk what he
asked for, and a real and a half more for every one; and that, if I
did not do so he would not permit me to go aboard. This is the truth,
_in verbo sacerdotis_. It seems to me that since the king does not
require us to pay fees for our books and clothes, still less ought
we to be asked to pay fees for our persons. I sent a complaint to
the duke of Medina, who was greatly offended, and condemned the act,
so finally they gave me my despatch for almost nothing.
_Fees on the Northern Sea._ At sea there is another registry at the
time of the inspection of the ships, which generally takes place in
mid-ocean at some time when the wind is fair, at the pleasure of the
commander of the fleet. In truth, it seems as if it were invented
solely for the gain which the officials obtain from it. They exact
twelve reals from every passenger; and since the poor are usually
by that time drained so dry that most of them go on board without a
single real--having spent everything on expenses in port, the king's
fees, and the ingenious exactions of the custom-house officers and
excise-men--they suffer more from this than from everything else
that they have previously spent. In my case they did me the honor to
excuse me from the fees for the religious, but refused to do so for
the servants whom we brought with us. Finally, however, we brought
them to the point of agreeing to this because it was plain that we
all had come by the order of his Majesty. This affair was the cause
of no small embarrassment and resentment for all.
_From San Joan de Lua to Mexico._ In the port of San Joan de Lua [12]
in Nueva España is the fourth station on the route. It is not the most
comfortable one, although it ought to be so, since all arrive there
much exhausted and worn out by the voyage. There one begins anew to
deal with royal officials, to whom money must be given. Thus after we
have passed the ocean the torments begin, which have no mercy upon
those whom the ocean has many times spared. At that port it is very
necessary to have something left over from one's sea-stores, for
the expenses are very great in this country. The vicar must not be
niggardly in distributing them, if he has to transact any business;
or he must arm himself with patience, which is very necessary. His
Majesty commands that the religious be provided there with what they
need from his royal treasury for the journey which they must make to
México. They allow them only ten days for the journey, and provide
food only for that period. The road is eighty leguas in length
and is very rough, so that it takes a well-mounted horseman with a
light load all of ten days to make it. How much more must it take
for people going in company, and with a string of pack animals (as
the religious ordinarily travel), who do not expect to go more than
five or six leguas a day. Moreover, they are traveling in countries of
varying climates; one of these being hot and the next cold, they often
fall ill on the road, and some cannot travel farther. It is no small
achievement for those in health to reach México in twenty days. That
which is allowed them for ten days' journey is not enough, as is very
certain, in this country; how, then, will it suffice for twenty?
_In México_. In the City of México, which is the court of Nueva
España, is the fifth stopping-place, where all of the difficulties
which have been experienced at the court of our lord the king and in
the city of Sevilla are renewed; because here one has to deal with
royal officials in order to obtain money, and with the officials of
his lordship the viceroy regarding the formalities necessary for the
second embarcation. And both classes of officials make themselves
so much the owners of the poor religious who has need of them that,
when they again commence their demands here, he would, even if he had
the patience of a Job, need all of it because of the many occasions
which are here offered for his losing it. Although I arrived at México
burdened with the expenses of the journey, and had no food and no
place from which to get it, the royal officials are not obliged to
pay a single maravedi until all the party have passed through their
registers. This will be done when they please. They inquire from the
religious where their homes are, and who are their parents--a very
unpleasant thing. One requires great assistance from Heaven in order
not to resent it bitterly. They put so little confidence in his word
and oath that what they do not see with their own eyes it is not worth
while to swear to them. It happened, on the day when they registered
me, that I did not have with me three religious, who were lying sick
in the city of Los Angeles, which is on the route hither. Although I
told the royal officials of this and swore it _in verbo sacerdotis_,
that did not avail to make them give me the subsistence which I was
obliged to send to those sick men. After this, since the stay in
Mexico is long, lasting for almost a half a year, they asked money
whenever they paid the tri-yearly allowance, and for every warrant
they charged ten pesos, which comes to eighty [13] pesos. The payment
is made in silver, to exchange which for current money causes a great
deal of loss. Thus all of these pilferings consume the little which
is given to the religious. I pass over the fact that it is impossible
to collect money due without taking many steps and hearing many rude
answers and sometimes insulting language. At one time when I was
making such claims, one of the Mexican accountants uttered to me,
before respectable witnesses, an insult which cut me to the heart,
because I felt it as a man; and if he had uttered those words to one
of his slaves, it might have wounded him.
_In Acapulco_. At the port of Acapulco is the last stopping-place. I
do not even know what happens there, for at the time of writing this
report we have not arrived there; but I have sufficient evidence
that it must be the most burdensome of all. It is about three months
since I have had three religious there, being obliged to send them
in advance that they might prepare there what is needed for the
voyage. One of them with my power of attorney requested the royal
officials there to grant them a house, as is usual and customary,
that they might collect there the ship-stores which are on the way
from Mexico, and might lodge the friars there when about to make the
journey. They presented for this purpose your Majesty's decree which
I possess, and the officials replied that they would not grant them
the house without a command from the viceroy. I sent this to them,
and they made I know not what additions, and so have sent it back
to me. During the two months and more that have been occupied with
these demands and answers, the poor friars have slept on the ground,
without having anyone to take them into his house--except that, being
taken ill, they were received in the hospital. It is with all these
hardships and difficulties that this voyage, so much to the service
of God and of his Majesty, is taken, besides those experienced in
the voyage itself, which are enough to make the beard of the bravest
tremble. His Majesty requires, in spite of all this, that all of the
religious who go from España to Philippinas must proceed thither,
without permission being granted for any to remain in Nueva Spaña;
but there is no means less suitable to gain that end than obliging
them to pass through so many difficulties. They come out of them
so much grieved and humiliated that their courage and good will in
serving his Majesty has come to an end. To transport them by force
most certainly is no profit to his royal service, much less to the
service of God. It does no good to the cause of religion, as I said
in the beginning. Besides this, if your Majesty is pleased that we
religious shall pass through so many registries without having our
word or oath believed in them, because of the fraud that might exist
in the amounts allowed to us from his royal treasury--if we are not
to be trusted in this matter, much less shall be so in regard to the
relief of his conscience, for which he sends us to those regions. Hence
it seems that sending us might be dispensed with; the more since his
Majesty entrusts this matter to his royal officials to whose direction
and command he subjects us religious. They, perhaps supposing that by
showing themselves rigorous in a matter of such piety they are likely
to be regarded as zealous for the protection of the royal treasury in
all other matters, draw the string until it breaks. But it is evident
that there are royal officials in the Indias who maintain princely
houses, perhaps without having inherited means for this from their
parents. With regard to them it is plainly known that they serve the
king solely for their own advantage; yet his Majesty trusts more to
them than to disinterested religious who ask for nothing but their
food and lodging on the road. If this costs much, it is because the
journey is so tedious. Although at this point it might be said that
the accounts of the royal officials have to be audited in due time,
and that therefore they are more to be trusted, I, who have seen
much of the world and know what happens in it, know also what is the
fact in this matter. It is, that he who goes out of office richest
at the time of the residencia goes out the best justified; hence,
for fear of that, he never fails to make his profit. I do not mean
to say that there should be no order or system in regard to the
grant allowed by his Majesty to the religious for these missions;
but I mean that his Majesty should command his officials to believe
them at least on their oath, and that when they are obliged to give
their oath they should not be annoyed as they have been hitherto.
The only objection to this is the irregularities of the fathers
commissaries who have taken religious to the Indias. These, it is
said, have obliged his Majesty to impose such restrictions in this
matter, and as a safeguard against irregularities which may occur in
future--because there have been commissaries who have taken fewer
religious than the king provided for, thus defrauding his royal
treasury by spending on a few that which was allowed for many. To
this I reply, first, that there is no fraud upon the royal treasury,
inasmuch as the allowance made by it for four is insufficient for
the support of three, as appears from the previous statements of what
happened to me in Sevilla. Hence there is not in this the evil design
which seems to exist. The second point is that, as a result of these
oppressive orders, the condition of things is sure to be much worse,
since many mare friars are certain to remain in Sevilla and Nueva
Spaña, even after they have received money from the royal treasury
for their ship-stores. After this has once been paid none of it can
ever be restored to the treasury, even if a great excess were left;
since whatever would be restored to the treasury, of all this which has
been obtained from it with so many documents and precautions, would not
go to it but to its officials. This would be the more true inasmuch as
they, however justified they might be, would be unwilling to accept the
things in kind, for fear of being obliged to give an account of them
afterwards. This might subject them to great danger of loss. Above
all, if the commissary were to reveal this matter to the officials,
they would put an embargo on the whole affair, and he would undergo the
risk of being unable to undertake the voyage. This happened to me once,
for, being very fond of following truth and honesty, I told the royal
officials of this City of Mexico that two religious of my company had
received my permission to remain here, as that was expedient for the
service of God and of his Majesty, and declared that I did not require
living expenses and ship-stores for them. The officials, in place of
trusting me at seeing that I proceeded without fraud or falsehood,
cut off the provisions for all of my company, refusing for more than
twenty days to give me what his Majesty commanded to be allowed for
the support of the religious. Thus I was almost on the point of being
unable to make the journey; for I used up on their living in México
all of the ship-stores which I had provided for the sea. Accordingly,
in their desire to prevent two from remaining here, they incurred the
risk that all of us might be compelled to remain. I stated this to the
royal officials and the viceroy in a petition, and gained nothing by
it. This is the kind of inconveniences which follow from practicing
honesty with regard to the decrees of his Majesty.
As for the aforesaid, I, Fray Diego Aduarte, vicar of the religious
of Saint Dominic who are going to the Philippinas, swear _in verbo
sacerdotis_ that it is true, and I sign it with my name. At Mexico,
January 20, 1605.
_Fray Diego Aduarte_
[_Endorsed_: "February 12, 1607, referred to Señor Don Francisco de
Tejada to examine the papers and report thereon to the council."
"February 16, 1607, examined; the decrees, within."]
[_Endorsed_: "Let the House of Trade state why dues are collected
from every religious who goes on his Majesty's account to the Indias,
and let it give an account of the amount charged for registration;
and in the meantime, and until further orders, let it take no fees,
and issue a decree that the officers shall not levy these dues.
"Let the approval of the religious conducted by father Fray Graviel
de San Antonio to the Filipinas be entrusted to Señor Don Francisco
de Vaste; and on the credit of this alone let the House of Trade,
for this one time, furnish him with provision for the friars' support
during the voyage.
"Write to the viceroy of Nueva España to direct the royal officials
and all other officers to despatch with promptitude and treat with
kindness the religious who go to the Filipinas by command of his
Majesty and at his Majesty's expense; and let them take no fees for
the despatch of their persons and their books, or for the warrants
for collection of the expenses which they incur on the journey.
"In regard to everything else contained in this petition and report
from father Fray Diego Aduarte, let that be decreed which is fitting
to the service of God and his Majesty."]
(Most Powerful Sire: I, Fray Gabriel de San Antonio [14], vicar of the
religious who by order of your Highness are to go this year to the
Philippinas, declare that father Fray Diego Aduarte, who conducted
the religious who last went to the said islands, found, in spite
of the liberal grant made by your Majesty to him, some difficulties
which greatly hindered his voyage, as appears from his report herewith
enclosed. Of all these difficulties the gravest are three. The first
is, that the officials of the House of Trade at Sevilla are unwilling
to pay to the commissioner or vicar who conducts the religious the
money which your Highness commands to be given for their voyage, unless
he first gives good and sufficient bonds that he will return the money
in case the religious do not embark; the second is, that the convent
of San Pablo at Sevilla and that of Santo Domingo at Sanlucar, where
the religious are entertained, demand from them three reals a day,
although your Highness grants only a real and a half; the third is,
that the registry clerks are unwilling to record the grants to the
religious unless they receive three reals for each person. As a result,
since that which your Highness grants for the voyage is but little,
they put so much difficulty in the way that the religious are unable
to go on, and the commissary or vicar who conducts them is prevented,
to that extent, from fulfilling his obligations and the service of
your Highness.
He prays your Highness, in view of the service which he has done for
your Highness in the Philippinas, in Eastern Indias, and in sending
out the religious whom he, father Fray Diego Aduarte, conducted,
and in that which he is now about to undertake in his own person,
and considering how small is the allowance granted to the religious
for their voyage, that your Majesty will be pleased to make an
allowance for additional expense for himself and for the religious
whom he conducts with him; and he prays your Majesty that, in order
to relieve the difficulties referred to, you will decree that which
is most suitable to your royal service and to the prompt despatch of
the religious.
_Fray Gabriel de San Antonio_)
The Dutch Factory at Tidore
_Testimony of a Dutchman named Juan who was taken in the factory
at Tidore_
In the port of Tidore, on the sixteenth day of the month of March,
in the year one thousand six hundred and six, the captain and
sargento-mayor Christoval Asqueta Minchaca of the regiment of the
master-of-camp Joan de Esquibel, the royal commander of this fleet,
declares that the said master-of-camp, Joan de Esquibel, sent to him
in his ship a foreigner, whom he found with others in the factory
[15] at Tidore, that he might undergo examination.
The following interrogatory was put to this man: "What are the names of
this declarant and his companions? In what vessels did they come? How
many are there in Maluco and in these Eastern Yndias? In what regions
have they been, each of them, and how long in each region, and in what
vessels did they come? To whom do these vessels belong? who equipped
them? on whose account did they make their voyage? and for whom is this
factory conducted? Are this factory and that of Terrenate all one,
belonging to the same owners? With what permission did they come to
these regions?"
He said that he was named Joan and was a native of Amberes, a
Christian, and had been baptized in the said city. Of his companions,
the factor, named Jacome Joan, is a Dutchman, a native of the city
of Absterdaem; the second is named Pitri, a native of Yncussa in
the islands of Olanda; a third is named Costre, by his last name,
and this declarant does not know his first name. He is a native
of Campem, of the states of Olanda. This declarant came to these
regions in the ship of the [Dutch] vice-commander, which voyaged in
company with the other four; and they seized Ambueno and this fort
of Tidore. It is eight months since they left him on this island,
and two months before they had anchored in the said port, the said
five ships had halted for supplies in Java, where they remained
fifteen days. Jacome Joan, who is at present factor of this island
of Tidore, has spent five years in Terrenate. The declarant does not
know from what place he came. The merchants of Jelanda of the city of
Millburg--named Joan Comne, another Burriel, and another Muniq, natives
of Amberes--are known to this declarant, and have other associates
in Olanda in the city of Ambstradama, in Cuyssem and in Horrem. [16]
All of these together have a common purse, and it is all one amount;
it is they who have equipped these vessels for this expedition. The
names of the citizens of these cities of Olanda and Gelanda are known
to one of the associates of this declarant, the one named Costre. The
factories of Tidore and of Terrenate are all one, owned by the same
persons. In Ambueno, in Java, in Banda, in Sunda, in Pajani, in Achi,
on the coast of Vengala, [17] and in some regions the names of which
are not known to this declarant the said merchants have factories,
under such an arrangement that the whole affair is all one thing,
owned by the same proprietors. Of these fleets none set sail except
by permission of the prince of Oranje, to whom is given the part
which pertains to him as lord. And this is his answer.
He was asked, "What ship is the one which was met by this fleet? whence
comes it? what arms and artillery, powder and provisions does it
carry? whence are they obtained and provided? and where have they
their factory?" He answered that the ship about which the inquiry
is made is one of the five which came with this witness when they
seized the said forts of Ambueno and Tidore. The captain was a certain
Gertiolfos, a native of Olanda. He set sail from Yncussen with money
and provisions for only two years. He has been cruising about these
islands for ten months, and in the opinion of this declarant the said
ship carries at present forty seamen, more or less; while the exact
number of the forces in the said ship will be stated by Costre and
Pitri, since they came as seamen in her. This declarant does not know
that they carry more arms than are needed to arm all the men on board
her. Their weapons are muskets, arquebuses, and half-pikes. When this
declarant went aboard the ship, it seemed to him she had twenty-nine
or thirty pieces of artillery. As for her provisions they get them in
places where they have factories. He does not know how much gunpowder
they carry, except that they came out from Olanda and Jelanda provided
with it.
He was asked what treaties they had with the king of Tidore and the
king of Terrenate, and what oaths the king of Tidore had made to them;
he replied that the treaty which they had made is of the following
nature: The king of Tidore at the time when they took this fort
told the commander of the fleet, who was called Cornieles Bastian,
that they should leave here forces and that he would build a fort
where these might be kept, so that if Portuguese or Castilians came
they might be able to defend the country; while he would assure them
that the country should be for the Dutch. The commander answered that
he had not a sufficient force to be able to leave any to defend the
country; and the said king asked him to leave three or four Dutchmen,
that they might carry on their trade and barter. When the commander
asked with what security he could leave them, and what the other would
do, the said king then caused the books of his Mahometan religion to
be brought; and, laying his hands upon them, made an oath after his
custom that he would protect, favor, and defend the Dutch as if they
were his own sons. In the same manner he swore that he would sell
cloves to no people except to the Dutch, unless extreme need of food
should force him to sell them to some other people, in which case he
would not sell them except to Java. In this manner was carried out that
which is contained in this interrogatory. Being asked if the kings of
Tidore and Terrenate were at peace, and how and under what conditions,
for how long a time, and who intervened in forming the peace--he
answered that it is a matter of public knowledge in this region that
they have not made peace or amity, but that both kings are at war.
When asked what goods they have in the factory on this island of
Tidore, what amount of cloves is due to them, who they are who owe the
Dutch, and how many the king owes--he answered that the goods which
they have in the factory are bales of cloth--such as fine muslins
and linens, gauzes [_word illegible_] and iron. This declarant knows
that the king of Tidore owes the factory a great amount of cloves,
and that some of the people of Tidore likewise owe some. He refers to
the accounts of the factor. Being asked who or which of them keeps
the book of accounts and reckoning of the factory, that he might
exhibit it, he answered that the factor, named Jacone Joan, had it,
and he referred to him.
Being asked with what intention they remained in these islands, when
they expected to leave them, and whether they intended to maintain
a permanent trade there--he responded that this declarant and his
companions remained in order that commerce with the people of Tidore
and Terrenate might be opened, and that they were waiting for ships
from Olanda in which a commanding officer and troops would come to
remain as colonists and inhabitants, like the Portuguese, and to
carry on commerce with the islands from Olanda and Jelanda. And this
is his answer.
Being asked what offer they had made to the kings of Terrenate and
Tidore as to aiding and assisting them against the Spaniards: he
answered that the king of Tidore had agreed with the commander that if
the Spaniards came with such a fleet that he would be unable to resist
them he would be obliged to yield the country; and by consequence,
if the Dutch had a force sufficient to take it from the Spaniards or
Portuguese, he was not sufficiently powerful to defend the country
against them. He knew that the commander had written to Java that
six vessels which he had been informed were to go to Java should come
here; after this had been done, the said commander went back to Patan,
but the ships had not come. This declarant does not know that more
vessels have arrived or set out than the five of which he has spoken.
Being asked if they expect any ships, how many there are, when they
are to come, how many came out in a fleet from Olanda, and at what
time they set sail--this declarant replied that he was certain,
now that the commerce here had been begun and this fort established,
that vessels would come. He does not know the number, but the said
factor will have an account thereof. When this man who is making his
confession set sail, there set out from Olanda and Jelanda twelve
ships. They were divided after the following manner: Two of them
separated from the others at the Cape of Buena Esperanza [_i.e._, Good
Hope], at the island of Sant Lorenço, and two others at Masanvique
[_i.e._, Mozambique]; three remained in Ambueno, to go to Banda to
be laden with pepper; and the five others came to these islands. It
may be two years since they left Olanda and Jelanda. This declarant
does not know what course they followed, more than as a common sailor
who went on board to get his livelihood.
Being asked of what he knows of affairs in Terrenate, and of the
state in which they are, and of the fort and defenses there--he
answered that the artillery was not inside the fort, but in a house
intended for the sole purpose of protecting the artillery against
the water. The height of the wall is four estados, as he thinks. This
declarant thinks that the city where the fort is contains as many as
two thousand men of war, armed with arquebuses, muskets, campilans,
cuirasses, and helmets. This is his answer and it is the truth, under
the penalty imposed upon him who testifies falsely; and he has signed
this with his name. [Signature is lacking]
The Sangley Insurrection of 1603
_True relation of the Sangley insurrection in the Filipinas, and
the miraculous punishment of their rebellion; and other events of
the islands: written to these kingdoms by a soldier who is in those
islands, and abridged by Miguel Rodriguez Maldonado._ [18]
[_Marginal note at beginning of MS._: "Chinese Sangleys who remained in
this island to enjoy the liberty of the gospel, many of whom afterward
failed in their duty."]
On September 26 of the former year 603, it was reported in this city
of Manila that a negress had declared that on St. Francis's day there
would be a great fire and much bloodshed. Investigations were made in
regard to her statement, and the time passed until Friday, October
3, of the said year, the eve of St. Francis. In the afternoon, Don
Luys de las Marinas sent to Governor Don Pedro de Acuña to ask for
thirty soldiers, as he perceived that the Sangleys living in Tondo
and Minondo, where he usually lived, were in rebellion. He had learned
that a band numbering three hundred had assembled, mostly gardeners;
and, although he wished to reconnoiter them, he did not dare to,
because of the few men that he had. The messenger reached Don Pedro de
Acuña, and a little later came a Christian Sangley, one Baristilla,
then governor of the Sangleys, both Christian and pagan. He craftily
informed Don Pedro de Acuña of the news, and was heartily thanked,
as the matter was not understood. The Spaniards immediately called a
council of war, where it was resolved to send the help asked by Don
Luys de las Marinas. That same day the reënforcement left, and all the
companies were assembled with the utmost silence, in the guard-room,
and were given their orders. Some of the inhabitants were ordered
to be on their guard, and to sound the alarm if they perceived any
extraordinary excitement. Accordingly, it happened that the alarm
was sounded very suddenly, between one and two o'clock that night;
they had been obliged to give it because of a fire that they saw
near the city. There was a great commotion, as there were so few
inhabitants in the country. Every man hastened to his banner, and
all went to the guard-room, where they were ordered to take their
stations. Having manned the walls, and keeping on the alert, it was
discovered that the fire was in certain summer-houses, where Captain
Estevan de Marquina was living with his children and wife. A troop
of four thousand Sangleys went to this house, and killed him and his
wife, four children, and twenty slaves, with great cruelty, although
he defended himself as a good soldier and Spaniard. He had confessed
that afternoon, for it was the jubilee of St. Francis. Only one little
girl, his daughter, escaped from his house, whom a slave carried
out in his arms, although she was badly wounded and burned. Having
inflicted this damage, the Sangleys invested another house near by,
where the archdean, Francisco Gomez de Arellano, was living, as well
as the father-commissary of the Holy Office, and Father Fernando
de los Reyes. The Sangleys were very determined to kill those men,
but they, hearing the noise, fired two loaded arquebuses. When
the enemy perceived that they were firing arquebuses, imagining
that they had many of them, they passed by, and at one-half legua
reached a village called Quiapo. There they set a large fire, and
then immediately extinguished it. Half an hour later they built a
larger fire, which lasted a longer time. This was a signal for the
Sangleys in the Parian to assault the city, and take it. Although
the Sangleys of the Parian saw the fire, they did not then dare to
attack the city; for they were divided into factions, as the wealthy
merchants did not wish to risk their property. But as those who had
little to lose were in the great majority, they forced them to attack,
and calling to the mob, they assailed the city. [19] It is said that
they saw over the gate opposite the Parian (which they were about
to attack) a crucified Christ dripping blood, and at His feet the
seraphic father, St. Francis, with face uplifted toward Him. On this
account they became so faint-hearted that they were forced to retire,
without being observed from the city, as it was night. Those in
Quiapo set fire to it and burned it. They killed some natives, whose
moans and cries were heard on the city walls. At this juncture day
dawned, and it was seen that the enemy were marching to their camp,
in order to fortify themselves in a chapel called San Francisco del
Monte, two leguas from the city. There they established themselves,
and fortified a stronghold built of stakes filled in well with earth,
to a man's height, and furnished with two ditches of fresh water. It
seemed suitable for twenty thousand men, and had very skilfully
laid-out streets. This means that more than two hundred Sangleys
were building it for more than a month, but with so great quietness
that it was never known; for it was a district little frequented by
Spaniards, as it was swampy. The men began to gather there again, so
that at noon on Saturday, the fourth of October, the enemy had more
than ten thousand men in camp. On that day the Christian Sangleys
of Tondo and Minondo rose. When Don Luys de las Marinas saw this,
and the help that he was awaiting having arrived, he attacked them
with great spirit and killed many of them. But as he perceived that
his men were about to be attacked by a great number of people, he
requested the governor to send him a second reënforcement quickly. The
governor hesitating as to whom to send, Captain Don Tomas Bravo de
Acuña, his nephew, begged to be assigned to this task, and to take his
company, numbering seventy good soldiers--musketeers and arquebusiers,
a picked body of men. Besides this almost all the soldiers of the
country offered to go with him, as it was an expedition of so great
justice and honor. The governor was urgent in ordering that no others
than Don Tomas and his company should go. But he could not help it,
and accordingly the following persons went on the expedition.
[Here follows a list of the principal officers who accompanied the
governor's nephew. They contained such names as Captain Juan de la
Isla, Captain Villafaña, Captain Cebrian de Madrid, and Pedro de
Benavides, besides a number of citizens who are unnamed.]
They came in sight of the enemy on this day, Saturday, and having
joined Don Luys de las Marinas in Tondo and General Juan de Alcega,
they attacked the enemy. The latter were in three squadrons, of forty
companies of one hundred and eighty men apiece; and most of them
were ambushed with their colonel. Our men were not dismayed one whit
by this; on the contrary, they were animated by their justice in the
matter and by Spanish spirit. They made so furious an attack that they
forced the enemy to retire very quickly. Eager for victory, our men
went pressing on after them, so that, when they saw the trickery of the
enemy's retreat and wished to do the same, they were unable to--on the
one hand, because they had entered a swamp, and were up to their knees
in the bog; and on the other, because the enemy had surrounded them,
and they were unable to use their arquebuses and other weapons. Thus
they were all killed with clubs and cutlasses, and only four escaped,
who had retreated when they saw the multitude of the enemy. This event
was indeed one of lamentation and grief, and news of it immediately
spread all over the country, whereat great grief was felt. However, the
truth was not known with certainty for a week, in accordance with the
governor's command, in order not to cause so great pain suddenly. The
enemy sought shelter in their camp, whither they took the heads of
our men strung on some bejucos. The three principal ones--namely,
those of good Don Luis de las Marinas, General Juan de Alcega, and
Captain Don Tomas--were placed above the gates of their camp, and
they made great merriment, while waiting the night. Then they took
the heads of the others, and carried them to the Parian, opposite
the city. There many revolted with them, but more than one thousand
eight hundred Sangleys remained in the Parian--mostly merchants and
mechanics--who cautiously wished to be on their guard, in order that,
if those of their nation should gain the land, they might join these;
but if the Spaniards should obtain the victory, they would say that
they were guiltless in the insurrection. On Sunday, and until noon of
the following Monday, the governor, accompanied by all the Audiencia,
visited the Parian, where he gave what orders seemed advisable. The
Sangley merchants told them that they were friendly to the Castilians,
and that his Lordship should decide what he would command to be done
with them. The governor answered to this that they should place their
property within the city, and that a location would be assigned them
where they would be safe under their guards. The Sangleys did not
wish to accede to this, but placed a great amount of property in the
city. The governor, seeing that they did not wish to enter, ordered
each one to be given a certificate granting him life; and had them
told that he who did not have one of these would be regarded as one
who had come from the enemy's camp. After this resolution the governor
and Audiencia left the Parian on Monday at noon. On the morning of
that day, some Spaniards and four hundred Japanese had left the city,
at the governor's orders, to attack the enemy. They did so and killed
more than fifteen hundred men, and burned all their food. This obliged
them to break camp and to return toward the city, marching in three
squadrons, numbering fifteen hundred men. Every moment they were
joined by bands of two hundred and three hundred. They assembled in a
town called Dilao, situated about three musket-shots from the city,
at twelve o'clock in the morning. They united all their forces, and
carried on operations from a very strong large stone house, which
was the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Candelaría. Two days before, her
image had been carried into the city in most solemn procession. On
that day it rained heavily, and as those in the houses were fearful
lest the enemy would set fire to their dwellings, they had removed
the nipa [20] with which they were covered. In the houses built of
stone and tile there was not standing-room, as all or most of the
people gathered there, both women and children, and those incapable
of bearing arms. All was confusion and lamentation, because of this,
and since more than sixteen hundred Sangleys were in sight of the
city. Most of the people distributed themselves along that part of
the wall; and in the cavaliers and ravelins were mounted pieces of
artillery. Until now no resolution had been taken whether to put
to the sword those Sangleys who remained in the Parián, or to set
the Parián afire, or to let the people benefit from the sack of it,
which was worth more than eighty thousand pesos. However there was no
opportunity for this, as the enemy's camp was so near, that now those
Sangleys in the chapel were communicating with and going to those in
the Parián, and those in the Parian to the chapel. Consequently it
was resolved to burn it. This was done with great haste, for Divine
justice was apparently showing that such sins as were committed there
were deserving of such a penalty. When the Sangleys who had remained
in the Parián perceived that it was burning, they packed up as much of
their possessions as possible and went to the other side of the river,
where stood the residences of the wealthy merchants. That afternoon a
council of war was held in the enemy's camp. They determined to send
late that night Sangleys in pairs to the walls, to ascertain whether we
had any artillery, and whether all the people manning the walls were
Spaniards; for they thought that this was not possible, unless we had
brought the images of the saints which were in the church. They did
not think wrong, either way, for they were a thousand holy religious,
who had laid aside their holy habits for such an occasion, and they
were encouraging all with holy words and valorous deeds, and now with
musket, now with arquebus, pike, or spear, and sword and buckler,
were standing as sentries and helping on the walls day and night. The
enemy began to make grimaces and gestures within musket-range, making
obeisances, and doing other things worthy of their shamelessness. In
reply, they remained there as if born there, so that of the many
Sangleys who came, it was found that only one escaped, and that all
were killed with the balls fired at them from the walls; for both day
and night, no one took his eyes from the enemy, who went retreating
to the river in the midst of his camp, for the other side of it was
defended by a wall, and that precaution was not a bad one, if it had
availed anything. Thursday morning, on the seventh or the said month,
the governor and council of war determined to attack the enemy. Between
eight and nine o'clock, one hundred and fifty Spanish arquebusiers and
five hundred Japanese left the city, under command of Sargento-mayor
Gallinato, who was accompanied by other captains. Attacking with
greater spirit than concert, the Japanese entered in the vanguard, and
the Spaniards in the rear, and assaulted the Sangleys. They gained the
gate of the river, and the chapel, where the camp was situated. They
killed five hundred men, besides wounding many others. They gained
possession of the enemy's flags. Then the Sangleys, perceiving that
the Spaniards were becoming greedy, attacked them on both sides with
more than fourteen hundred men--and so vigorously, that the Spaniards
were compelled to retire, in spite of their disinclination, when they
saw the Japanese retreating as rapidly as possible. Consequently
they were forced to turn and retreat to the city, and to lose what
had been gained. The enemy with loud cries went to attack in their
course the gates of the city and the lowest and weakest part of its
wall. All the army hastened to that side, to the assistance of those
on the walls. They kept their matches ready, and, with each pikeman
between two arquebusiers, Sargento-mayor Gallinato retreated to
the city. As soon as he was in safety, the artillery began to play,
and gave the enemy a shower that softened their fury, and compelled
them to halt upon recognizing their danger. Sargento-mayor Gallinato,
encouraging his men, attacked anew, issuing with his men by the lower
gate, and the city was very joyful on that account. As soon as they had
cleared the country, they halted, in order that the same thing might
not again happen as before. Had they not been near the city walls,
and had not Sargento-mayor Gallinato with only ten soldiers defended
the bridge with great spirit, they would all have been killed. After
this Gallinato sent to the governor asking for orders, for the men
were fatigued and the sun extremely hot, while he was badly used by
two wounds with stakes that he had received. Such are the weapons
used by the Sangleys; and they first wound with the point like a
spear and then draw it through from behind, with so much force that
they cut a man all to pieces. The governor ordered them to retire,
and they did so accordingly. Having informed the governor of what had
happened, a spark fell into a flask full of powder and burned three
people. From that another spark fell into a jar full of powder and
burned five more soldiers. And had not the sargento-mayor been so
agile, it would have injured him. Meanwhile those in the Parian were
not rejoicing when they saw that, the day before, half of the Parian
had been burned. As men determined to conquer or die they came that
night in two machines that they had made with so great skill that one
side was low and the other high so that they overtopped the walls of
the city; thus they could with very little trouble throw thirty men
into the city each time when they attacked. Behind these machines
came a great throng of Sangleys, of whom the fury of the artillery
killed a great number. At the same time the artillery broke up the
machines. At this juncture reënforcements of one thousand men entered
the city--Pampanga Indians, comprising arquebusiers and pikemen. They
sallied out with some Spaniards and attacked the enemy. They killed
more than a thousand of them and set fire to the rest of the Parian. In
the fire three hundred of the most important and richest merchants were
burned. These, in order not to die at the hands of our men, hanged
themselves and burned themselves alive with their belongings. The
Japanese, seeing that the Pampanga Indians were destroying and sacking
the Parian with great fury, gradually joined them. Together they
killed all the Chinese whom they met, and went away, this man with a
chest, this one with a pair of breeches, [and others with] bags filled
with silks and rich articles. But no Spaniard had any leave to take
part in the sack. However, some who took part in it, at all hazards,
profited very much from the enemy. The sack lasted all the afternoon
and part of the night. The enemy, upon seeing the Parian burned in
every part, and their goods lost, were discouraged. Having held a
council that night, they very silently went to a village called San
Pablo. They were pursued by Don Luys de Velasco with five hundred
Spaniards and one thousand Indians, by order of Governor Don Pedro
de Acuña, before they reached San Pablo. The Sangleys killed of our
men six Spaniards and four Japanese, but it cost them fifteen hundred
of their men. So great was their number, and the confusion among all
of them, that our men did not hesitate to kill as many of them as
they met on the road and elsewhere. The governor immediately sent
word to his Majesty's villages and ordered them not to spare any,
but to put to the sword whomsoever they found. Of all the Chinese,
except thirty who were taken to the city--and who died Christians,
to all appearances, for they asked for the water of holy baptism--no
others are known to have taken the road to salvation, out of more
than twenty thousand who were infidels. The governor having seen that
they were killing all the Sangleys in the islands, ordered, for just
reasons, that none of those coming to the city should be killed. As
soon as this news was given out, about four hundred came. Had they
been ten thousand, they would have been received, for they were
needed in the city. They all accused Bautistilla, a Christian, who, as
above stated, was their governor, saying that he was the cause of the
insurrection, and that he had been made king of all the country. They
also accused Miguel Onte and Alonso Sagoyo--both Christian Sangleys,
and the chiefest men. Having taken their depositions, and through the
sufficient proof that was furnished, since all blamed Bautistilla,
the latter was condemned to be hanged and quartered, and his head
set in the Parian. He was declared a traitor, and his property
confiscated for his Majesty. His houses were razed and their sites
sown with salt. This sentence proceeded from the royal Audiencia, and
was executed on the eleventh of the month of October. At the foot of
the scaffold he said that that death was not due him for his conduct,
and that he had always been a loyal vassal of his Majesty; and that
God knew what was in his breast, and the thoughts of his heart. He
died with the marks of a good Christian. Then on the fifteenth day of
the said month, the two Christian Sangleys were executed. They were
condemned by the sargento-mayor and master-of-camp. One of them, in
order to save himself, declared that the mandarins had come with the
cunning purpose of spying out the land, and that the insurrection had
been by their orders. He said that they were coming soon to attack
the city, and that the Spaniards should not neglect to act very
carefully. Accordingly the governor set about taking all necessary
measures. He and the sargento-mayor worked in a way wonderful to
behold. May God strengthen their hands! Four days later, when the enemy
had fortified themselves quite strongly in San Pablo, Captain Don Luys
de Velasco went out at the head of sixty Spaniards. Having reached the
_calaco_, he attacked so spiritedly that the Sangleys retreated. He
entered the camp of the enemy in his eagerness, whereupon, uttering
loud cries, they returned in a large mob to attack him, so that it
cost him his life and those of four soldiers. The others, on seeing
their captain killed, retreated and went down the mountain. This
news reached the city, whereupon Sargento-mayor Ascoeta went Out
with 220 Spanish arquebusiers, 400 Japanese, 2,000 Pampanga Indians
(of whom 1,500 were arquebusiers and musketeers, and the others were
armed with spears, swords and arrows), 200 Monos, [21] and 300 blacks,
who came as friends to take part in this war. After having gone only
seven leguas, they met the enemy, and having rested four days, they
formed their camp. After having found where the enemy could retreat,
and holding them at every point, they attacked the Sangleys, of whom
they killed more than four hundred. Their master-of-camp retreated
to a little elevation near by, after defending himself with great
courage. Our men rested until morning of the next day, when they went
to give them the "Santiago," and killed fourteen hundred. Three hundred
fled, and hid in the thickets and woods there-about. Our men fortified
themselves with the food that the enemy had there. On the morning of
the following day they went in pursuit of the three hundred who had
hidden and attacked them, and not one of them was left alive. This
victory was obtained without the death of more than twelve Christian
Indians. Our camp rested for three days, and on the fourth began to
march to another village, on the seashore, called Batangas. There
they found a troop of twenty-five hundred hostile Sangleys with ships
and boats, with the intention of going to their own country. After
five days' march our leader sighted the enemy, whereupon he ordered
a halt and drew up his men. On the morning of the next day he gave
battle with great fury, and killed one thousand one hundred and two
Sangleys. The rest, badly crippled, sought refuge in the mountains in
the interior. The Spaniards did not go in pursuit of them, for they
were very tired after their six hours of fighting, while some were
wounded. Consequently Sargento mayor Ascoeta sent an Indian chief,
one Don Ventura de Mendoça, with two hundred Pampanga Indians, to
pursue them. In a few days all the Sangleys were killed. After this
good result and victory the sargento-mayor retired with his camp,
without losing a man outside of twelve Indians and one Japanese,
while seventeen Spaniards were wounded. The most dangerously wounded
was the captain of the guard, Martin de Herrera, who was wounded with
two spear-thrusts through the thighs. He has proved himself a very
honorable and gallant soldier on all occasions. The sargento-mayor
immediately sent a messenger to the governor, to tell him of the
victory. This was on the twelfth of November, at eleven o'clock on
St. Martin's day. After the arrival of this news another piece of news,
of no less importance to this country, was received, namely that the
king of Mindanao wishes peace with us. As security he sent his son
and his nephew as hostages, and with them all the Christians captive
in his land. He offered to help the governor as a true friend. It is a
notable thing that even the animals have tried to show the mortal hate
that ought to be extended toward this canaille. Many thanks have been
and are given to our Lord for all. Hence the most holy sacrament has
been exposed for forty days. Every monastery has observed its octave
with great solemnity and processions, accompanied ever by their good
mother [_i.e._, the Virgin] and the propitious St. Francis, by whose
help we have obtained the victory on all occasions offered us. The
plans of the Sangleys were as follows. On the day of St. Francis,
both workmen and merchants were to enter as usual into the city,
some of the merchants with shoes and others with clothes. The barber
was to attend to his duties. Then with four Sangleys in each house,
they were to put all the Spaniards to the sword, reserving the Spanish
women. These they had already distributed, the young girls for their
enjoyment and the old women to serve in the house. For this purpose
each of them was to carry a catan, or sort of cutlass, under their
long robes. Besides this they had ordered a body of five hundred to
assemble, who were to assault the monastery of St. Francis, and leave
no one alive there. Doubtless they would have killed all according to
this plan, if God our Lord had not been pleased, in His divine mercy,
to disclose it, the day before. Although there had been some rumors of
the insurrection nine days before, the Spaniards would never believe
it; for the life of the Spaniard is all confidence, and he thinks no
one can dare to do such things. The cause of the enemy dividing into so
many troops was the factions among them, so that out of the more than
22,00[0] Sangleys in all these islands, not 800 have survived. [22]
On the twenty-fourth of October they began to dig the trench about
the city wall, at which three hundred men, all Sangleys, worked. The
one thousand Moros were engaged in other works, not only on the fort
and in the new retreat, but on the wall and the supplies for it. The
ditch is seventy feet wide and two estados deep. As soon as the war
began, three hundred Sangley Christians who lived in Tondo and Minondo
embarked in some small boats with their wives and children, and went
down the river to the governor, to whom they said that they had no
wish to revolt. These were sent away safely, and returned to their
houses. The Spaniards are living with great caution toward them, for
they are treacherous and cunning in what they do. They exercise their
trades in this city. Each of them is considered as well employed, in
exchange for which they must not commit offenses as in the past, which
were great and numerous. On the fourteenth of November, Sargento-mayor
Ascoeta entered this city, marching in good order with his camp,
both Spaniards, and the Pampanga Indians and Japanese. They brought
in the banners won from the enemy. They were very well received by
the governor and Audiencia, and by all the city. Don Pedro showered
a thousand compliments on all the Pampanga captains for their good
services. They were much pleased at this, and offered their persons,
lives, and possessions to the service of his Majesty. The Japanese
and Pampangas had a share in all the wealth of the booty, and it was
large, for it consisted mainly of gold, silver, reals, and pearls.
I do not mention the stratagems of war, the instructions, and the
orders throughout the course of it, in order not to prove wearisome,
and, moreover, to leave them for one who can write them in a better
style. Only, as an eye-witness, I affirm what I have here told, and
that all in general have behaved themselves very well as honorable
soldiers (especially the leaders), both of the ecclesiastics and of
the laymen; and that in this, as in other matters, our Lord has shown
us a thousand favors.
Among the enemy's flags were two that contained characters in the
Sangley language, which, translated into our Castilian vernacular,
read as follows:
"The leader and general of the kingdom of España ... [23] so that
all the Chinese take part together in this affair and obey us by
destroying root and branch these hostile robbers, whom we have against
our will, both Castilians and Japanese. We the Sangleys swear that
after the conquest of this city we shall share the lands, even to
the very herbs, with equal shares, as brothers." That which gave the
traitor Bautistilla more courage in undertaking so great a treason
was a stratagem and subtilty which he employed to know those on his
side. This was to order each Sangley to bring a needle and deliver
it into his hand. This they did, and he put the needles in a little
box. He thus ascertained that twenty-two thousand one hundred and
fifty Sangley Indians could gather in Manila on the last of November,
the day of St. Andrew, patron of this country. He had determined and
ordered that the insurrection be made on that day both in this city and
in the other districts of these islands. But upon seeing the governor
raising the wall and taking other precautions, because of the many
rumors about the mandarins (who had departed to their own country,
and which the governor did not believe), the traitor determined to
make the attempt on the day of St. Francis, since our Lord permitted
it thus for our welfare. Blessed be He forever! Amen!
On the tenth of December, Captain Marcos de la Cueva left this city
as ambassador to the kingdom of China, accompanied by one hundred
and forty Spaniards and two friars, in order to inform the eunuch
who is the viceroy at Canton of the above events. Many thought
that he ought not to go, for if the matter were learned there, and
war-vessels were to come, then the island would be supplied with men
to be able to receive them in the same manner; and if they came for
peace they would be received in peace. In the latter case they were
to be informed of the truth of the matter, to which the Christian law
binds us, and told that we did not intend to take their possessions,
or refuse to pay them what was owing them. Nevertheless, he went,
ordered to do the contrary by the Council. May God direct everything
for His holy service.
On the seventeenth of February of 604, the said ambassador, Marcos
de la Cueva, put back to port on account of a storm that struck him,
which caused his vessel to spring a leak. He was again sent out
in another and very good vessel with one hundred and fifty picked
soldiers, under the leadership of Captain Cueva, a very honorable
and brave soldier. He left on Thursday, the twenty-fifth of the said
month, in the ship "Santiaguillo," which was quite well equipped for
whatever should happen--a very necessary thing. He arrived at the
trading-post where there are Portuguese who trade with the Chinese,
and delivered his letters to them, in order that they might be given
to the eunuch. For the period while he stayed there, no reply was
received to the letters, but he was put off with words; whereupon,
growing impatient, he returned to Manila, leaving affairs in that
condition. With the vessels that came from China this year of 605
to this city, the eunuch sent three letters--one to the governor,
another to the Audiencia, and the third to the archbishop. All were
similar. The eunuch stated that he had received the letters taken by
the ambassador. The people who had been killed were very properly
killed, as they were an abandoned people. By the information that
he had received from some Sangleys he learned that many Sangleys had
been condemned to the galleys. He asked for them in his letters since
they were still living, asking that they be sent with the property
that had been taken from them. If not, then he would go there with
a war-fleet of one hundred armed ships and conquer their land, and
give the same to others who better merited it. [24] The governor, with
the advice of the others, answered this letter to the effect that he
refused to send the Sangleys; and that before the one hundred armed
ships reached here, he would go to meet them with five hundred, for he
would rejoice to put an end to such canaille, and had enough men to do
it. This letter was given to a Sangley, one Juan de San, a prominent
man among them, and very wealthy, who had lived many years among us,
that he might give it to the eunuch. This man and others who came
in this year of 605 brought news that in [the province of] Canton,
three hundred leguas in the interior, a river overflowed so that it
drowned two hundred thousand Sangley Indians, and much property was
lost. It was also said that earthquakes had occurred, two hundred
leguas in the interior, and as far as Canton, which lasted for two
months. They were so terrific that they shook the very strong palaces,
while other houses and mosques were overthrown. This misfortune and
plague has been by the permission of heaven. At another part, the
Japanese of Great Corria have revolted, and are warring with these
Chinese, so that four hundred thousand of them have banded against
the latter, by which the Chinese are receiving great injury. [25]
Thus, by these and other things, the Chinese are being consumed and
finished, although much time is needed for it. May God be mindful of
us, as He is able, and ever give us His protection.
[A list of the chief Spanish inhabitants of Manila who were killed
during the Chinese insurrection follows. It contains such well-known
names as Luyz Perez de las Marinas, Juan de Alcega, Juan de la Peña,
Captain Villafaña, Juan de Ybarra, Marcos Diaz, Luys de Vetasco,
Estevan de Marquina, Tomas Bravo de Acuña, besides many others,
both officers and men, among them a number of friars. [26]]
Letter from the Audiencia to Felipe III
Sire:
By the death of Don Pedro de Acuña, governor of these islands, who died
on Saturday, June 24, this Audiencia succeeds to their government. In
it has been considered a new order which your Majesty commands to be
followed in sending out the merchant ships that are to go from these
islands to Nueva España. Since those which are to go this year are
already laded, and must set sail within three or four days, it has not
been possible to put your Majesty's commands into execution for the
present year. Although this city has prayed for this new order and for
the decrees which have been granted in pursuance of it, yet on account
of the man
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