The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 07 of 55
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898 — Volume 07 of 55
Editor: Emma Helen Blair
Commentator: Edward Gaylord Bourne
Editor: James Alexander Robertson
Release date: October 11, 2004 [eBook #13701]
Most recently updated: October 28, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1898 — VOLUME 07 OF 55 ***
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century
Volume VII, 1588-1591
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume VII
Preface ... 9
Documents of 1588
Relation of the Philipinas Islands. Domingo de Salazar,
and others; Manila, 1586-88 ... 29
Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others;
Manila, June 26 ... 52
Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; Manila,
June 27 ... 64
Documents of 1589
Excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of India. Manuel
de Sousa Coutinho; Goa, April 3 ... 79
Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; Manila, June
13 ... 83
Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de Vera,
and others; Manila, May-July ... 95
Letter to Felipe II. [Gaspar] de Ayala; Manila,
July 15 ... 112
Decree regarding commerce. Felipe II; San Lorenzo,
August 9 ... 137
Instructions to Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. Felipe II;
San Lorenzo, August 9 ... 141
Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations). Juan de
Plasencia, O.S.F.; Manila, October 21 ... 173
Documents of 1590
Letter from Portugal to Felipe II. [Lisboa?] ... 199
Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; Madrid,
April 12 ... 205
Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia to
Felipe II. Santiago de Vera, and others; Manila,
June 20 ... 208
The Chinese and the Parián at Manila. Domingo de
Salazar; Manila, June 24 ... 212
Two letters to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; Manila,
June 24 ... 239
Decree regulating commerce. Felipe II; San Lorenzo,
July 23 ... 262
The collection of tributes in the Filipinas Islands. Domingo de
Salazar, and others; Manila, 1591 ... 265
Bibliographical Data ... 319
Illustrations
Autograph signature of Doctor Santiago de Vera; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla ...
61
Autograph signature of Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.; photographic
facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla
... 187
Preface
Important events and changes occur during the four years included
in the scope of this volume. The Audiencia is suppressed, and in
its place is sent a royal governor; the instructions given to him
embody many of the reforms demanded by the people through their
envoy Sánchez. Extensive and dangerous conspiracies among the natives
against the Spaniards are discovered, and severely punished. Trade
between Nueva España and China is beginning, and seems to menace the
welfare of the Philippine colony. A large immigration of Chinese to
the islands has set in, and is already seriously affecting economic
interests there. The city of Manila, recently destroyed by fire, is
being rebuilt, this time mainly with brick and stone. As usual, there
is much friction between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities,
largely concerning the collection of tributes from the Indians;
the most prominent figure in these contentions is the aged but fiery
bishop, Salazar.
Shortly after the Jesuit Sánchez had gone to Spain as envoy of the
Philippine colonists, a document was prepared (December 31, 1586),
by order of the Manila cabildo, to be sent to him for use at the
Spanish court. As this was lost on the "Santa Ana," and as Bishop
Salazar regards the supply of missionaries in the islands as very
inadequate, he applies (June 3, 1588) to the cabildo for another copy
of such part of this document as relates to the religious needs of the
natives. This he sends (June 25) to the royal Council of the Indias,
with considerable additions regarding certain islands not mentioned
in the cabildo's memorial. This document gives much interesting
information, not only on religious matters, but on the social and
economic conditions of both Spaniards and natives in the islands. In
each island or province are enumerated the population, both native
and Spanish; the number of Spanish troops, also of encomiendas and
tributarios; the number of convents and their inmates; the religious
and ecclesiastics, not only those resident, but those needed among
the natives; the officials employed by the government; the Chinese
immigrants and their occupations; the articles for sale in the public
market; and the imports and exports at Manila. The writer relates many
things of interest regarding the natural resources and products of the
country, the mode of life of both Spaniards and natives, the means of
defense possessed by the colony, the Indians who are not as yet under
Spanish rule. All this affords a valuable and curiously interesting
picture of the colony and its life; but Salazar, in presenting it,
is mainly concerned with the great need of more religious instruction
for the natives, and earnestly entreats the king to send more friars
and ecclesiastics for the purpose.
A letter from Santiago de Vera to the king (dated June 26, 1588)
gives his report for the past year. He recounts the exploits of the
English adventurer Candish against Spanish commerce. Hereafter the
ships which carry goods from the Philippines will be armed with cannon
and other means of defense. Vera asks for more artillery with which
to defend the islands, which are menaced by great dangers in their
present weak condition. He has built some galleys, but would prefer
some light ships for navigation among the islands. The new fort at
Manila is described; it will, when completed, be sufficient defense
for the city. The governor also enumerates the artillery which he
has, and asks that more be provided by the home government. He has
punished the royal officials for engaging in trade. Vera advises
that the sale of certain public offices be deferred for some years,
until the colony shall be more prosperous.
On the next day (June 27) Salazar writes to the king. He defends
himself against the royal reprimand for his dissensions with the
Audiencia. Further information is given regarding the capture of
Spanish ships by Candish. The resulting losses of citizens in the
islands are very great, and still more serious is the loss of Spanish
prestige in the archipelago. In Mindanao, Moslem missionaries are
conducting an extensive propaganda. The bishop complains that in
his diocese the churches, as well as their furniture, are often so
wretched and inadequate that they are a disgrace to religion, and are
"not fit to be entered by horses." This arises from the penuriousness
or the poverty of the encomenderos; nothing can be expected from
the natives, who are "so harassed and afflicted with public and
private undertakings that they are not able to take breath." The
bishop regards the calamities that have befallen the Spaniards as
punishments inflicted on them by God for their evil treatment of the
Indians. He recommends that many religious be sent to the islands,
who will be protectors of the natives; also that a governor be sent
who is not ruled by selfish or family interests. Salazar complains
of the harshness and severity shown by the viceroy of Nueva España,
especially as the latter will not allow certain Dominican friars to go
to the Philippines; and as he has injured the commerce of the islands
by his restrictive measures--especially by selling the vessel "Saint
Martin" to a Mexican merchant to be used in the Chinese trade. The
wreck of that ship at sea he regards as a punishment from heaven. He
urges that trade from Mexico to China be stopped, and that the viceroy
of Nueva España be ordered to send aid to the Philippines, especially
of troops and military supplies, and not to meddle with the decisions
of the Audiencia there regarding customs duties, etc. Salazar objects
to the presence of so many Chinamen in the islands.
An extract from a letter of the viceroy of India to the king (April 3,
1589) complains that some of his officers have violated the prohibition
of intercourse with China and the Philippines. He has sent officials
to Macao to quell disturbances there, and order has been given that
all Castilians there shall be sent away. He is greatly opposed to
the trade which has begun between Mexico and China, and thinks that
rigorous measures should be taken against it.
Vera writes (July 13) to the king imploring reenforcements and
supplies for the islands. Three Spaniards, among them a Franciscan
friar, have been treacherously slain by the Borneans. This proves to
be the outcome of a general conspiracy among the Filipinos, Borneans,
and other peoples to attack and drive out the Spaniards. The plotters
are detected and severely punished. Certain public offices have been
sold, account for which is rendered by the governor. He is endeavoring
to secure a small fleet of trading ships, but is obliged to ask
aid for this from the royal treasury. Not only ships, but sailors
and carpenters are needed, who should be paid in the same way. More
artillery is needed, also to be furnished by royal aid. The Chinese
trade is continually increasing. The city of Manila is being fast
rebuilt, and in stone. But the land is unhealthful and the soldiers
die fast, so that the islands have few men for their defense; and
again the king is earnestly entreated to order that men and supplies
be sent at once from Nueva España. The new fort has been injured by
earthquakes, but Vera is building it more strongly. He complains that
the friars have neglected his commands to learn the Chinese language
and instruct the Chinese who live on the islands. The Dominicans alone
have entered this field; they have achieved great results, and have
now among the Chinese "a village of Christians." Many more would be
converted, if it were not for the bishop's order that the long hair
of the converts should be cut off; accordingly the king orders that
a conference of religious and learned persons be held, who shall
take suitable action in regard to this and other matters concerning
the conversion of the Chinese. Vera complains of the arrogance,
obstinacy, and high temper of the bishop, and asks that the king
restrain him. There is no physician in Manila, and one is urgently
needed in the royal hospital. This document is followed by the notarial
record of proceedings in the trial of various Indians for conspiracy,
which is mentioned in Vera's letter. The punishments inflicted upon
them are specified: in each case, appeal was made to the Audiencia,
which in some cases modified the penalty, but otherwise affirmed the
former decision.
Gaspar de Ayala, royal fiscal in the islands, makes his report to
the king (July 15). He advises that ships for the royal service be
built in the islands; also that the gold used as currency there be
exchanged in Nueva España for Spanish coin--both of which measures
will be of profit to the royal treasury. He renders account of the
recent sale of offices in the islands, and gives advice regarding
this method of aiding the royal exchequer. Certain encomiendas
becoming vacant, Ayala, as fiscal, undertakes to secure them for
the crown; in this he has difficulties with the governor, who also
is trying to make trouble for Ayala with the soldiers. The latter
asks to be relieved from his post in the Philippines, and sent to
some other. The Chinese trade is meager this year, owing to war and
pestilence in China; and there are rumors that it is being diverted
to Peru or Nueva España. If this be true, the Philippine colony will
be ruined. A second plot against the Spaniards has been revealed,
this time in Cebú; but the leaders have been captured. The Indians
of Cagayán have also revolted, and troops have been sent against
them. Ayala adds, "I am ready to certify that there are few places
in these islands where the natives are not disaffected." The Spanish
colony is in great danger, and imperatively needs reenforcements to
save it from destruction. The galleys at Manila, now useless, should
be replaced by light sailing-vessels. A further levy of tribute has
been made on the Indians for the new fortress at Manila: this is an
oppressive burden for them. Ayala relates at length the dissensions
between the bishop and the secular authorities; the king is implored
to settle the question at issue. The bishop has also offended the
Augustinians, by sending Dominican friars into their field among the
Chinese residents: The king is asked to send more friars, to instruct
the natives. The Manila hospital for Indians has no income save of
alms: Ayala recommends that the Franciscans in charge be allowed to
sell a certain amount of pepper in Nueva España. The members of the
Audiencia, and the magistrates and officials appointed during the
current year are enumerated by name. A fierce tempest has occurred
at Manila, causing great damage, and destroying all the vessels in
the harbor except one small one. The expedition sent to Cagayán has
returned without accomplishing anything except the destruction of the
crops belonging to the hostile Indians, which will only irritate them
and incite them to revenge.
A royal decree (dated August 9, 1589) orders the newly appointed
governor of the Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, to repeal the
import duties levied at Manila on provisions and military supplies,
also to suppress the retail trade conducted there by the Chinese.
As a result of Sanchez's embassy to Spain, the king and his counselors
decide to institute many reforms in the Philippines, and to send
thither a royal governor in place of the Audiencia. For this dignity
is selected Gomez Perez Dasmariñas, and the king's instructions to
him (dated August 9, 1589) embody the changes to be made in the
government and life of the colony. The cathedral at Manila is to
be built, for which purpose the king appropriates the sum of twelve
thousand ducados. Similar aid is to be granted to the two hospitals
at Manila. More religious are to be sent to the islands. The rate of
tribute from the Indians shall be increased from eight reals to ten;
this increase shall be used for tithes and the support of troops in
the islands; and the encomenderos must support religious instruction
among the natives, and pay tithes. A grant of money for six years
is made to the city of Manila; but the king declines to abolish
the customs duties--setting aside their proceeds, however, for the
payment of the soldiers stationed in the islands--except those on
food and military supplies. Appointments and encomiendas must be
given to old citizens, or to soldiers who have done actual service;
and a list of persons who are to be rewarded for their services is
furnished to the new governor. Workmen are to be paid at Manila,
not, as heretofore, at Mexico. Trade with Mexico is restricted to the
inhabitants of the Philippines. The question whether the Chinese and
other foreign merchants are to be allowed to sell goods at retail at
the ports is left to the discretion of Dasmariñas. Only Christian
Chinese may remain in the islands. Agricultural colonists shall be
sent thither from Spain, for whom various provisions are made; and it
is expected that from them the Indians will learn the Spanish methods
of farming. Cattle and horses are to be sent to the islands; and the
farmers sent out shall be ordered to tame and breed the wild buffaloes
found there. Agriculture shall be encouraged in all ways. A convent for
girls should be established, and its inmates provided with husbands;
and Indian women should be enabled to marry poor Spaniards. Encomiendas
must be granted with great care, and must be provided with adequate
religious instruction. Dasmariñas is advised to settle lawsuits
amicably out of court, when possible. In disaffected encomiendas,
only part of the tributes should be collected. Suitable instruction
for the natives must be provided, and those who are dispersed should
be gathered into settlements where they can be taught the Christian
faith. The king appoints Bishop Salazar the official protector of
the Indians; and the governor is instructed to cultivate friendly
relations with him. A force of four hundred paid soldiers shall be
maintained in the islands, and various provisions are made for their
discipline and welfare. The minimum age for military service is fixed
at fifteen years, and the enlistment of mestizos is discouraged. The
city of Manila shall be fortified and garrisoned; and the governor is
instructed to be on his guard against various enemies, "chiefly of
the Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts," and to build
forts and galleys for the defense of the islands. He is expected
to continue the conquests begun there by the Spaniards, but only in
accordance with instructions furnished him. He must do all in his power
to pacify the Indians in the disaffected provinces. In attempting any
military expedition, the governor must consult with the most learned
and experienced men of the community; he may contract with captains or
encomenderos for the exploration or pacification of hitherto unsubdued
regions. Provision is made for the instruction of the natives; and
extortion and oppression of the natives in collecting the tributes
must be checked. All Indians enslaved by the Spaniards shall be
immediately set free. All lawsuits concerning the Indians shall be
settled as promptly and simply as possible. Religious persons sent to
the islands must remain there, except by permission of the authorities.
Of especial value are two relations (1589) by the Franciscan missionary
Juan de Plasencia, on the customs of the Tagalogs. He describes their
social organization, which was originally patriarchal; and rights of
property, which are partly individual and partly communistic. There
are three classes among the people--nobles, commoners and slaves. The
status and rights of each are carefully defined, and the causes and
kinds of slavery. A somewhat elaborate system of regulations concerning
inheritances is described, also the status of children by adoption,
which usage is widely prevalent among the Tagalogs. Marriage,
dowries, and divorce are fully treated. In the second of these
relations Plasencia describes their modes of burial and worship,
and the religious beliefs and superstitions current among that
people. They have no buildings set aside as temples, although they
sometimes celebrate, in a temporary edifice, a sort of worship. Their
chief idol is Badhala, but they also worship the sun and the moon,
and various minor divinities. They believe in omens, and practice
divination. A detailed account is given of the various classes of
priests, sorcerers, witches, etc., in which the natives believed;
also of the burial rites of both Tagalogs and Negritos.
A letter to the king from Portugal (written early in 1590) gives him
information which he had requested from Portuguese officials in India,
regarding the character and results of the trade between the Spanish
colonies and those established by the Portuguese in India and the
Eastern archipelago, and China. The continuance of this trade would,
they think, ruin the prosperity of the settlements in India, and
greatly injure the commerce of Spain, and deplete that country and her
colonies of their coin. At Salazar's petition, he receives from the
king (April 12, 1590) a grant of money toward the payment of debts
incurred by him in procuring the rebuilding of Manila in stone. On
June 20 of the same year, the members of the Audiencia, suppressed
by order of the king and replaced by Dasmariñas, notify the king that
they have surrendered their posts, and ask him for various favors.
Bishop Salazar writes to the king (June 24) a special communication
regarding the Chinese (or Sangleys) at Manila. He apologizes for
having formerly given, under a mistake as to their character,
a wrong impression of that people; and relates various instances
of their humane treatment of foreigners in their land. He blames
the Portuguese for having spread in China false reports about the
Spaniards, and thinks that by this means the devil is trying to hinder
the entrance of the gospel into that land. The bishop urges that no
hostile demonstration be made against the Chinese; for they are most
favorably inclined to the Christian religion, and many conversions may
be made among them. Most of Salazar's letter is devoted to the Chinese
residents of Manila, and their quarters there, which is called the
Parián. He narrates the gradual increase of the Chinese immigration
to the islands, their relations with the Spaniards, the establishment
of the Parián, and his efforts for their conversion. These last are
ineffectual until the coming of the Dominican friars in 1587; they
assume the charge of converting the Chinese, and build their convent
next the Parián, which brings the friars into constant and friendly
relations with the Chinese. An interesting description of the Parián
and its inhabitants is given; all trades are represented therein, and
the people carry on the manufactures to which they were accustomed
in China, but with a better finish, which they have learned to use
from the Spaniards. Salazar makes the enthusiastic statement that
"the Parián has so adorned the city [Manila] that I do not hesitate
to affirm to your Majesty that no other known city in España, or
in these regions, possesses anything so well worth seeing as this;
for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of
goods and curious things which come from that country." Especially
interesting are the economic effects of their residence there;
"the handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have all died out, because
people all buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are
very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at very
low cost." Salazar admires their cleverness and dexterity in all
kinds of handiwork especially as they have learned, in less than
ten years, both painting and sculpture; "I think that nothing more
perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the
Child Jesus which I have seen." The churches are thus being furnished
with images. A book-binder from Mexico had come to Manila, and his
trade has been quickly taken from him by his Chinese apprentice,
who has set up his own bindery, and excels his master. Many other
instances of the cleverness, ability, and industry of the Chinese
are related; and the city is almost entirely dependent on them for
its food supplies. Not the least of the benefits received from them
by the city is their work as stone-masons, and makers of bricks and
lime; they are so industrious, and work so cheaply, that Manila is
rapidly being rebuilt with substantial and elegant houses, churches,
and convents, of stone and brick. The day's wage of a Chinaman is one
real (equal to five cents of American money). So many Chinese are
coming to Manila that another Parián is being built to accommodate
them. Nearly seven thousand of them reside there, and in the vicinity
of Manila, and four Dominican friars labor among them. Salazar reports
the condition and progress of the missions conducted by that order
in the islands. Those who minister to the Chinese are securing some
converts, but many who are otherwise inclined to the Christian faith
are unwilling thus to exile themselves from their own land. After due
deliberation, the Dominicans conclude to open a mission in China, and
in that case to relax the rule compelling converts to cut off their
hair and foresake their native land. This purpose they are enabled to
accomplish, after encountering many difficulties, through the aid of
some Chinese Christians in Manila; and two friars are sent to China,
Miguel de Benavides and Juan Castro. The Dominicans have also built a
hospital for the Chinese; it is supported by alms, partly contributed
by "Sangley" infidels; and its physician is a converted Chinese
who devotes himself to its service. This institution has won much
renown and commendation in China. Salazar asks that the king grant
it some aid, and that he confirm a reward given by the governor to
the two Christian Chinese who aided the mission to China. Another
letter from Salazar bearing the same date (June 24) recounts many
things concerning affairs in the islands. He protests against the
royal orders to increase the rate of tribute paid by the Indians,
saying that the king has been misinformed regarding their ability
to pay. He makes comments on the several royal decrees which have
come in this year's mail. One commands that the conquerors make
restitution for the damages inflicted by them upon the natives; but
they or their heirs are tardy in paying the amounts levied for this
purpose, and meanwhile the Indians live in great poverty and want. The
bishop's heart and conscience are harassed not only by this, but by
the inability of the Spaniards to pay the full amount which is due
the Indians as restitution; he therefore asks the king to settle this
matter by remitting part of the amounts thus required. Salazar defends
himself for having encouraged the Indian slaves (who had been freed
by royal decree) to leave their Spanish masters; and for obliging the
Chinese converts to cut off their hair. He also explains, as being
greatly exaggerated, the accusations brought against his clergy of
engaging in traffic; and promises to do all in his power to check
them. One of the decrees settles the question of precedence between
him and the Audiencia; but, as that tribunal has been suppressed,
it is now useless. Salazar takes this opportunity to defend himself
against the aspersions cast upon him in this matter, and in regard
to certain legal proceedings wherein the Audiencia had claimed that
he defied its authority. He declares that he always complied with
its decisions or commands except in a few cases, which he explains in
detail; and complains that the Audiencia has at various times usurped
his jurisdiction, of which he relates instances.
In still another letter (of the same date) the bishop thanks his
sovereign for recent kindness shown him, and for decrees favorable to
the Philippine colony. The money which the king ordered to be given
for building the cathedral at Manila has not yet been paid, as the
royal treasury there is so poor. Salazar comments on certain recent
decrees by the king: that the friars should not leave the islands
without permission from the authorities; that tithes be remitted for
twenty years to new settlers in the islands; and that the processes
of justice be simplified, and pecuniary fines abrogated. The bishop
reiterates his complaint against the cruelty and injustice with which
the Spaniards collect the tributes from the natives, and the dearth
of religious instruction for the latter; he feels responsible for this
instruction, yet cannot provide it for lack of religious teachers. If
more priests can be sent, great results can be achieved. The spiritual
destitution of that region is so great that "of the ten divisions of
this bishopric, eight have no instruction; and some provinces have
been paying tribute to your Majesty for more than twenty years, but
without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be
tormented by the tribute, and afterward to go to hell." If religious
teachers are supplied, it will be comparatively easy to complete
the pacification of the Indians who are now hostile; then the royal
treasury will receive, from the increase in the tributes, far more than
it would now expend in sending out the missionaries. The bishop asks
that, as he is now appointed by the king the protector of the Indians,
he may have also funds for the expenses and assistants necessary for
this office; also that the same protection may be extended toward
the Chinese, who need it even more than the Indians. A royal decree
(July 23, 1590) orders that the trade with China shall be confined
for six years to the inhabitants of the islands.
Next follows a long document, a collection of papers (bearing
various dates in 1591) relating to the collection of tributes in
the islands. The first is a memorandum of the resources and needs
of the hospital at Manila; the former are so small, and the latter
so great, that the institution is badly crippled. A short letter
by Bishop Salazar (dated January 12) classifies the encomiendas
according to the amount of religious instruction given therein,
and lays down the conditions which ought to govern the collection
of tributes. He declares that the encomendero has not fulfilled his
obligations to the Indians under him by merely reserving a fourth
of the tributes for building churches; and advises that the small
encomiendas be combined to form larger ones. This letter is followed by
twenty-five "conclusions" (dated January 18) relating to this subject,
which express the opinions of bishop and clergy on the collection of
tributes from the Indians. These define the purposes for which this
tax should be collected, the restrictions under which collections
shall be permitted, and the respective duties in this matter of the
encomenderos, ministers of religion, and governors, They declare that
restitution should be made for all tribute unjustly collected from
the natives--which includes all that is taken from pagans who have
not been instructed, or from any Indian by force. Another letter
by the bishop (dated January 25) accompanies this document. He
states that he does not desire to forbid the encomenderos from
personally collecting the tributes. He advises that the amount of
such collections should be reduced, and that the Spaniards should not
be too heavily mulcted for the restitutions which should be made to
the Indians. The governor replies to these communications, expressing
much interest in the Indians and desire to lighten their burdens. The
collections should be uniform in rate everywhere, and of moderate
amount. Certain requirements should be made from the encomenderos,
especially in regard to the administration of justice; but they must
be enabled to retain their holdings. The governor wishes to adopt
some temporary regulations which shall be in force until the king can
provide suitable measures. On February 15 the city officials and the
encomenderos present a petition to the governor. They complain of the
pressure exerted upon them by the clergy and the friars to prevent
the collection of the tributes; and entreat the governor to interpose
his authority, and to secure a royal mandate, in order that they may
collect the tributes without ecclesiastical interference, or else
to permit them to return to Spain. Salazar answers (February 8) the
previous letter of Dasmariñas; this reply, and the opinions furnished
by the religious orders, we synopsize in our text, as being somewhat
too verbose for the edification of our readers. Salazar answers the
objections made to his earlier statements, and assures the governor
that the encomenderos can live on one-third of the tributes, that
there is no danger of their abandoning their holdings, and that the
chief obstacle to the conversion of the pagans is the cruelty of the
Spaniards. He urges the governor to reform the abuses practiced by
them, and to do justice to the poor Indians; and says that the clergy
will cooperate with him in this. The heads of the religious orders
(except the Dominicans) send written opinions on this subject to
the governor; and the Jesuits discuss certain measures proposed by
the bishop, with some of which they disagree. The remainder of the
document on tributes will be presented in _Vol_. VIII.
_The Editors_
September, 1903.
Documents of 1588
Relation of the Philipinas Islands. Domingo de Salazar,
and others; 1586-88.
Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; June 26.
Letter to Felipe II. Domingo de Salazar; June 27.
_Sources_: The first of these documents is obtained from _Cartas
de Indias_, pp. 637-652; the others, from the original MSS. in the
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first document is translated by James A. Robertson;
the others, by José M. and Clara M. Asensio.
Relation of the Philipinas Islands
Most potent Sir:
I, the bishop of the Philipinas, declare that to your Highness [1]
it is evident and well-known that the greater number of the natives in
these islands are yet to be converted, and that many of those who are
converted are without instruction, because they have no one to give
it; and because, even in the districts where there are ministers,
they are so few, and the natives so numerous, that they cannot give
the latter sufficient instruction. I have, moreover, been informed
that in a letter which the cabildo of this city of Manilla wrote to
your Highness last year there was a section in which they gave your
Highness information of the districts and localities in these islands
where instruction is provided, and of those where it is not, and of
the number of ministers who are necessary to furnish instruction to
the natives therein. This letter, with all the others which went in
the said year on the ship "Sancta Ana," was lost. For the relief of
your royal conscience and my own, and for the welfare of the said
natives, it is best that an order be given that those natives who are
converted shall be supplied with ministers to instruct and maintain
them in the Christian faith; for it is well known that, as soon as
ministers fail them, they return to their rites and idolatries--in
some districts, because they have lacked ministers for many years;
and, in others quite near here, because those religious who had them
in charge have abandoned them. This is well known to your Highness,
through the information that has been given your Highness many times
from this Audiencia. I am ready to furnish you sufficient information
in this regard, if your Highness be so inclined. It is necessary
also that ministers be furnished to the natives yet unconverted,
that they may teach them and look after their conversion, since all
of these Indians are under the dominion of your Highness, and pay
tribute, as if they were Christians and received instruction. Unless
ministers come hither from España, it is impossible to make good
these deficiencies, or to supply the great lack of instruction. In
order that this matter may be manifest to your Highness, and that you
may be pleased to command that a remedy be provided, according to the
great necessity for instruction in these islands, I ask, and, in order
that the said need may be more certainly evident to your Highness,
it is fitting, that the [above-mentioned] section of the said letter
be sent to your royal hands. I beg and supplicate your Highness that
you order the notary of the cabildo of this said city to draw up from
the book of the cabildo one, two, or more copies of the said section,
publicly and duly authenticated, in order to approach therewith your
royal person--for which, etc.
_The Bishop of the Philippinas_
(In Manilla, on the third day of the month of June in the year one
thousand five hundred and eighty-eight. The honorable president and
auditors of the royal Audiencia of these Philipinas Islands being in
public session, this petition was read; and after examination by the
said members of the Audiencia, they declared that the request of the
bishop should be granted.
_Juan de la Paraya_)
(In fulfilment of the above order, I, Simon Lopez, notary of the king,
our lord, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city
of Manilla, [2] have caused to be made, from the books and papers of
the cabildo which are in my possession, a copy of the relation which
is mentioned in the present memoir. It is as follows:)
_Relation of the natives now inhabiting these Western Islands--those
who are pacified, and from whom tribute is collected, both those who
are under control of his Majesty and those allotted to encomenderos;
also of the religious, and the instruction given by them, among the
natives; of the number of Spanish inhabitants, both in this city of
Manila and in the settlements outside of it; and of the ministers of
religion who are needed here_.
_Manilla_
This city of Manilla was founded in the island of Luzon, which
is very fertile and populous. Outside of it, within the circuit
of five leagues, are settled seven thousand five hundred Indians;
four thousand of these belong to his Majesty, and the rest, three
thousand five hundred, are allotted to four encomenderos. There are
eight Augustinian friars, in four residences, and in another house
are two Franciscans, one of whom is a lay brother, all of the rest
being priests. In order that sufficient instruction be furnished the
Indians, five more religious are needed.
This city has eighty citizens. It contains the cathedral and the
bishop's house, and the ecclesiastical dignitaries--the latter
consisting of an arch-deacon, a schoolmaster, two canons, thirteen
clerics who are priests, and a few candidates for holy orders.
The monastery of St. Augustine, which usually has seven or eight
religious, four priests, and three brothers and candidates for
holy orders.
The monastery of St. Francis, which usually has four priests, and
eleven or twelve other professed members and novices.
Of the Society of Jesus, the father superior, with two other fathers
and two brothers.
A royal hospital for Spaniards, and another (in the Franciscan
monastery) for the Indians.
There are, ordinarily, two hundred soldiers in this city, quartered
among the citizens and in the houses of the Indians near them. These
soldiers are very poor, and are sustained by alms, as are likewise the
inmates of the monasteries and hospitals--although four hundred pesos
are given every year from the treasury, besides two hundred fanégas
of rice, for the support of four Augustinian religious; and the royal
hospital possesses an encomienda worth six or seven hundred pesos.
Fifty Spaniards in the city have married Spanish women; and some of
the others, native Indian women. There are fifteen Spanish widows;
also eight or ten girls who are marriageable, and some others who
are very young.
The president and three auditors, one fiscal, one alguaçil-mayor,
two secretaries--one for the Audiencia, and the other for the
government--one bailiff, one keeper of the antechamber, two reporters,
one proctor of the exchequer, four attorneys and as many interpreters,
[3] four commissioners of examination, two alguaçils of the court,
one prison warden, the officials of the royal Audiencia, an officer
to serve executions for the same, and one notary.
The governing body of the city, with two alcaldes-in-ordinary,
an alguaçil-mayor, twelve regidors, bailiffs, six notaries public,
two attorneys, a depositary-general, a chancellor, and registrar,
a superintendent of his Majesty's works, two city watchmen, and one
for vagabonds.
There are thirty captains, only four of whom have companies in
this city.
All the above is confined to the said eighty citizens of this city,
leaving out of account the churches, hospitals, and monasteries. Inside
this city is the silk-market of the Sangley merchants, [4] with shops
to the number of one hundred and fifty, in which there are usually
about six hundred Sangleys--besides a hundred others who live on
the other side of the river opposite this city; these are married,
and many of them are Christians. In addition to these there are more
than three hundred others--fishermen, gardeners, hunters, weavers,
brickmakers, lime-burners, carpenters, and iron-workers--who live
outside the silk market, and without the city, upon the shores of the
sea and river. Within the silk market are many tailors, cobblers,
bakers, carpenters, candle-makers, confectioners, apothecaries,
painters, silversmiths, and those engaged in other occupations.
Every day there is held a public market of articles of food, such as
fowls, swine, ducks, game-birds, wild hogs, buffaloes, fish, bread,
and other provisions, and garden-produce, and firewood; there are
also many commodities from China which are sold through the streets.
Twenty merchantmen generally sail hither each year from China, each
one carrying at least a hundred men, who trade from November until
May--in those vessels coming hither, living here, and departing
to their own country, during these seven months. They bring hither
two hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, only ten thousand
pesos being in food supplies--such as flour, sugar, biscuits, butter,
oranges, walnuts, chestnuts, pineapples, figs, plums, pomegranates,
pears, and other fruits, salt pork, and hams--and in such abundance
that the city and its environs are supported thereby during the whole
year, and the fleets and trading-vessels are provisioned therefrom;
they bring also many horses and cows, with which their land is well
supplied. For two years, merchantmen have come hither laden with goods
from Japon, Macaon, Cian [Siam], and other places, in order to trade
in this city. The people of those countries are consequently becoming
desirous of our friendship and trade, and many of the inhabitants of
those nations are being converted.
They carry to their own countries, from this land, gold, wax, cotton,
dye-woods, and small shells, which latter pass for money in their
country, being used besides for many things, whereby they are held
in much esteem. They bring hither silks--figured satins, black and
colored damasks, brocades and other fabrics--which are now very
commonly seen, a great quantity of white and black cotton cloth,
and the above-mentioned articles of food.
Outside of this city and the above-mentioned villages lying within
five leagues of it, there are seven well-populated provinces in
this same island of Luzon--namely, Panpanga, Pangasinan, Ylocos,
Cagayan, Camarines, La Laguna, and Bonbon y Balayan. These include
three Spanish settlements--namely, Camarines, Ylocos, and Cagayan,
and have the following number of tributarios [i.e., Indians paying
tribute] and encomiendas.
_The province of Panpanga_
The province of Panpanga has twenty-two thousand tributarios, of
whom seven thousand belong to his Majesty, and fifteen thousand
are apportioned among eleven encomiendas. There are eight houses
of the religious of St. Augustine, and one house of St. Francis, in
which are sixteen Augustinian priests and one Franciscan. In another
house is a Dominican, who is a coadjutor of the bishop. All together,
there are eighteen priests. In order that sufficient instruction be
given in this province, twenty-six more priests are needed; because,
at the very least, a thousand tributarios means four thousand people,
who require two religious--and in this ratio throughout the islands,
where, it is believed, there will be a great increase of people and
of their instruction. This province has an alcalde-mayor, and needs
two corregidors.
This province is fifteen leagues in circuit, and is situated, at the
very most, a like distance from this city. Between this province and
that of Pangasinan, which is adjacent to it, there are three thousand
Indians apportioned between two encomiendas; they are Çanbales, and
many of them are pacified. Living at a distance of twenty-five or
thirty leagues from this city are more than three thousand others of
this same race--brave mountaineers--still to be pacified; and we have
not the wherewithal to send twenty soldiers for that purpose. This
entire population is without instruction. It needs six ministers.
_The province of Pangassinan_
The province of Pangassinan has five thousand tributarios, pacified,
but without instruction. It is forty leagues' distance from this city,
by either land or sea. His Majesty possesses one thousand five hundred
of its tributarios, and the rest are held by five encomenderos. It
has one alcalde-mayor. Ten religious are necessary.
_The province of Ylocos_
Five leagues beyond Pangasinan, by either land or sea, begins the
province of Ylocos, which is inhabited for forty leagues inland. It has
twenty-seven thousand tributarios. Of these the king has six thousand,
and twenty-one thousand are in fourteen encomiendas. There are three
Augustinian religious in two houses or districts, and two ecclesiastics
in two others. Fifty others are needed. There is a considerable
population of mountaineers who recognize no master. This province
has an alcalde-mayor, and the [Spanish] population of a small town.
_The province of Cagayan_
The province of Cagayan has many rivers and bayous. On its principal
river, by name Taxo, the city of Nueva Segovia has been founded,
being situated two leagues inland. This city has forty citizens
who are encomenderos. It has one Augustinian monastery, containing
two priests; one alcalde-mayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one
alguaçil-mayor, and six regidors, who constitute the cabildo;
and a royal hospital, which has for its income the tribute-money
collected here for his Majesty. There is a fort with seven large
pieces of artillery, and an equal number of small pieces--such as
small culverins and falcons--a number of muskets and arquebuses,
pikes, and coats-of-mail, which constitute the weapons and armor
used in this land. For its maintenance this fort has assigned to it
the tribute from one village, which amounts to about one hundred
pesos. It has its own governor. The forty citizens of this city
maintain in addition forty soldiers, who help to pacify, conquer,
and collect the tribute of the encomiendas. Ten of these citizens
are married, the remainder single. Twenty-six thousand Indians, of
whom seven thousand are pacified and pay tribute, are apportioned
to thirty-three of these citizens--some along the principal river
Taxo, and the remainder in the districts near the same. Along this
river and in its neighborhood his Majesty has one thousand seven
hundred tributarios, of whom a thousand are pacified and pay their
tribute. This river Taxo is very broad and deep, and large vessels
can ascend it even to the city. It has an excellent bay. It rises
fifty leagues inland, and is inhabited along its entire course by the
above-mentioned people. Its water is excellent, and the whole land is
quite fertile and healthful, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, and
palm-wine; and there is much hunting of buffaloes, deer, wild hogs,
and birds. A great amount of wax, cotton, and gold is collected in
this district, in which articles the natives pay their tribute. Two
leagues opposite the bar of the river Taxo is the dense population of
the Babuyanes Islands. One island is an encomienda under the control
of his Majesty, and is said to contain one thousand men. The tribute
has not been collected, because the inhabitants, it is said, are not
pacified. The eight other islands are distributed among the seven
[other] citizens [of Nueva Segovia]. They number three thousand men,
more rather than less from all of whom their masters collect three
hundred tributes. All of these islands are distant three or four
leagues from one another. Sixty priests would be needed for the care
of these thirty thousand Indians, counting two priests to each thousand
tributarios. At the present time, sixteen priests are needed for those
who are pacified, as we have said. These priests are very important
for the pacification and permanent settlement of the natives, and for
[the spiritual needs of] the soldiers. This province of Cagayan lies
seventy leagues from the mainland of China and the coast cities of
that country. Seventy ministers are necessary, who, with the help and
protection of the soldiers, will gather the inhabitants together and
pacify them all, and seek out the rest of the people--who, as we are
informed, exist in great number as far as Cagayan.
_The province of La Laguna_
The province of La Laguna ["the Lake"], commences at the lake--which is
the body of water above this city of Manilla where the river of this
city rises, as well as others in the mountain hard by--six leagues
from this city. [5] It is about twenty leagues in circuit, and in
this territory, inhabited by eleven thousand Indian tributarios,
there are twelve religious houses--ten of Franciscans, with fifteen
priests and nine brothers; one of Augustinians, with three priests;
and, in the other house, one ecclesiastic. Two thousand seven hundred
of the inhabitants are his Majesty's, and two thousand four hundred
[6] are distributed among eight encomenderos. Of all the provinces
in these islands, this one has the most instruction. It needs three
more priests. It has one alcalde-mayor, and should have besides one
corregidor. Near the coast of the bay of this city is the province
of Bonbon y Balayan.
_The province of Bonbon y Balayan_
The province of Bonbon contains the people of the Lake, who amount
to four thousand men, belonging to the Mariscal. [7] It comprises
the villages of Batangas, Galbandayun, Calilaya, and the lowlands
of Balayan, which amount in all to nine thousand tributarios. His
Majesty has one thousand two hundred of them, and five encomenderos
seven thousand eight hundred. There are four religious houses--two of
Augustinians, in Bonbon and Batangas; and the other two of Franciscans,
in Balayan and Dayun. These houses contain four Augustinian priests,
and three Franciscan priests and two brothers. Ten more ministers
are necessary.
_Province of Camarines_
The province of Camarines lies fifty leagues from this city. In
it is located the city of Caçeres, with thirty citizens, who have
generally thirty soldiers quartered among them. Twenty of these
citizens are married, six of them to native women. The city has
its own cabildo and governing body; also a church with one vicar,
one Franciscan monastery with two priests and two brothers besides,
and one alcalde-mayor. It could have three more corregidorships.
This province has twenty thousand tributarios, of whom two thousand
five hundred are his Majesty's, and seventeen thousand five hundred
are distributed among twenty encomiendas.
There are ten Franciscan houses in this province, besides the convent
of the city, with eleven priests and eight brothers in all. There
are two more ecclesiastics in two districts, not counting the curate
of the city. Twenty more priests are necessary. The faith has had an
excellent opening in this province of Camarines, and the preaching
of the gospel has shed its rays far and wide therein. The natives
are especially inclined to the sacrament of Penitence; and it is a
thing to marvel at, to see the churches continually filled, especially
during Lent, with people asking confession.
The people of this province are simple and well disposed. Their
country is delightful in its location, being healthful and very
beautiful. The chase yields many wild hogs, deer, and buffaloes;
and there are many birds, such as hens, ducks of many varieties, the
smaller birds, and many others. There is a river where fish abound
in great plenty, especially swordfish, and many black shellfish,
the latter being gathered at the river. There is much fine scenery
in this province, and it contains many springs and rivers of fresh,
clear water, on account of which there is always abundance of excellent
water in this province. Near the boundaries of the province are two
volcanoes of great size and remarkable beauty--one of fire, and the
other of water. [8] According to the report of the natives who have
climbed up to the volcano of water, there are many royal eagles there,
besides much white honey and wax, and fruits of various kinds.
The entire population of this province is in encomiendas, separated
two or three leagues, or even a less distance, from one another;
and all these encomiendas are contained within thirty leagues.
Besides this island of Luzon, there are many other inhabited islands,
situated close to it, within a circuit of one hundred leagues. There
are two more Spanish colonies--one the city of Nonbre de Jesus,
in Çebu; and the other the town of Arevalo, [9] in Oton.
_Concerning Cubu_
The city of Cubu has thirty citizens, among whom are quartered twenty
soldiers. These citizens are all encomenderos, and all married to
either Spanish or Indian women. Their encomiendas are located among
the neighboring islands, there being thirty-two encomiendas with
eighteen thousand tributarios. Here his Majesty possesses some few
little hamlets, in which but little tribute is collected, and the
natives of the city--who by special privilege pay no tribute, because
from the very first they received the Spaniards in a friendly manner,
furnishing the camp with provisions, and showing themselves loyal
on many occasions. This city has a church, with one vicar; and one
Augustinian monastery, containing three or four religious. In all
those encomiendas there is no other instruction. Three more priests
are necessary.
This city has a municipal council and alcaldes; and has a fortress
provided with three or four large pieces of artillery, and some
small ones, such as falcons and small culverins; and having its own
governor. This fort is located opposite Burney, the Malucos and
Mindanaos, and other infidel islands and kingdoms. This city has
one alcalde-mayor.
_The town of Arevalo_
The town of Arevalo is situated on the island of Oton [or Panay],
and has twenty citizens; they are encomenderos, and have thirty
soldiers quartered among them. The town has a municipal council,
alcaldes-in-ordinary, and one alcalde-mayor. In the islands near this
settlement there are twenty-two thousand tributarios; three thousand
of these are his Majesty's, and nineteen thousand are distributed
among eighteen encomiendas. There is one church and one vicar, and
one monastery with two Augustinians. Outside of the town, in certain
of the encomiendas, are four more houses of the same order. The five
houses contain ten priests. Three or four more are needed.
All of these islands, as well as those of the settlement of Çubu,
abound in flesh of wild hogs and birds; and in all the above-mentioned
places many fowls and swine are raised. Tribute is paid in gold,
cloth, wax, cotton thread, rice, and fowls, at a valuation based on
the peso of Tipuzque.
In addition to these islands and settlements, there are other
islands, namely, Marinduque, Luban, Mindoro, Elen, Calamianes, with
two thousand five hundred tributarios, besides a much greater number
still unpacified. None of them has any instruction, except Mindoro,
where his Majesty has five hundred Indians who are instructed. One
ecclesiastic in the islands of Calamianes collects the tribute,
in the name of his Majesty, from two hundred more. We hear of many
more who are still unpacified. The rest are in two encomiendas. Six
ecclesiastics are necessary.
_Summary of the Above Relation_
According to what is set forth in this relation, it is therefore
evident that there are one hundred and forty-six thousand, seven
hundred pacified tributarios in this island of Luzon and the other
islands of this government. Of this number his Majesty has twenty-eight
thousand seven hundred. The religious number fifty-four Augustinian
priests, and thirty-eight descalced Franciscan friars--all these
for this city and the instruction of the natives--with an additional
number of some ten ecclesiastics, in curacies and vicariates outside
of this city, as has been related. One hundred and ninety more priests
are necessary for the instruction of the said natives, which number
will furnish sufficient instruction, counting for each thousand
tributarios two religious--priests, friars, or ecclesiastics. These
thousand tributarios amount to somewhat less than four thousand
people. It is quite certain that with adequate instruction, such
as is indicated in the foregoing, many people, not yet pacified,
will become so, and the number of tributarios in the above-named
provinces would be increased to two hundred thousand. For we have
heard that in the province of Cagayan there are many more people
besides those apportioned in encomiendas, as also in the islands of
[Ca]lamianes, Mindoro, Luban, and Elin, as well as in many other
islands included in the colonies of Oton and Çebu. In all of these
the Christian instruction and conversion would be extended through
the territories and provinces adjoining them, and the inhabitants
would be rendered obedient to his Majesty without the necessity of
arms and war; whereby God, our Lord, would be much pleased and these
kingdoms greatly extended. The fathers of the Society, comprising
but three priests and two brothers, reside in this city, where by
means of their teaching they produce the greatest results. They are
studying and learning the language of the natives and of the Chinese,
in order to work among them when more of their Society come hither--a
pressing necessity, for which your Majesty should provide.
(This relation, in its present sum and substance, was made by the
cabildo of this city, in order that it might be sent to Father
Alonso Sanchez, general agent for this city and these islands at
his Majesty's court. Made on the last of December, one thousand five
hundred and eighty-six.
This copy was made and transcribed, corrected, and collated with
another copy in my possession, among the papers of the cabildo in
Manila, on the twenty-first day of the month of June, one thousand five
hundred and eighty-eight, Francisco de Zarate and Alonso Maldonado
being witnesses. Therefore, in testimony of the above, I, Simon
Lopez, notary of the king, our master, and of the cabildo of this
distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, do affix hereunto my seal.
In testimony of the truth:
_Simon Lopez_, notary of the cabildo)
[The following matter is added by Salazar:] In addition to the towns
named in this relation, I feel in duty bound to give your Majesty some
general information concerning certain islands which are named in
it without making particular mention of them; and concerning others
which are not mentioned at all, which are very important, and have
a large population.
The town of Arevalo, of which mention is made above, was founded
in the island of Panay, which is one of the best islands of this
archipelago. This island is one hundred leagues in circuit, and is
well populated. The Augustinian friars had charge of it when the
relation was written; but they abandoned it about six months ago,
on account of having an insufficient number of friars for their houses.
Next to this island, at a league's distance, is the island of Ymaras,
which is apportioned among encomenderos. It is about twenty leagues in
circumference, and has six hundred tributarios. Instruction has never
been furnished it, although some Augustinian friars have visited it
at times.
Next this island of Ymaras, at three leagues' distance toward the
south, is situated the island called Negros. It is much larger
than Panay, but not so densely populated. It had two Augustinian
monasteries, but they were abandoned more than five years ago, and
the baptized Christians were left without instruction. The island is
without instruction now, and the baptized Christians have returned
to their idolatries.
The island of Bantayan is small and densely populated. It has more than
eight hundred tributarios, most of them Christians. The Augustinians
who had them in charge have abandoned them also, and they are now
without instruction. This island is twenty leagues from Zubu.
_The island of Leyte_
The island of Leyte is thirty leagues south of Cubu. It is one of the
most excellent islands of this bishopric, and produces much food. It
has sixteen or eighteen encomenderos, and fifteen or sixteen thousand
tributarios. It has never had, and has not now, any instruction.
_Island of Bohol_
The island of Bohol, situated near Çubu, is small and populated. It
has about six hundred tributarios.
The island of Mindanao is larger than that of Luzon, although it is
believed to be not so well populated. Much of it is apportioned among
Spaniards, and some of the natives pay tribute. For three years, the
preachers of Mahoma have come into the regions hereabout, coming from
Burney to Terrenate. We have heard that there are some Moros from Méca
among them. The law of Mahoma is preached publicly at the very river
of Mindanao, and mosques have been built and are being built. And it
is to the shame of Christianity there that it does not hasten to drive
these preachers from that region, since the inhabitants are vassals
of your Majesty, and have rendered your Majesty obedience for a long
time. The galleons sailing from India to Maluco know that island,
and obtain water and provisions there. Fifty leagues from this island
of Mindanao lies the island of Jolo, which has been given over to
encomenderos these many years. It is an island where many pearls are
found, and where elephants are reared. The inhabitants have a king of
their own, who is a relative of the monarch of Terrenate. Neither in
this island nor in that of Mindanao is there much Christian teaching;
nor can there ever be, unless the people are pacified.
The island of Ybabao, situated between this island of Luzon and that
of Cubu, is quite large, but does not contain many inhabitants. It
has a few encomenderos, is not yet entirely pacified, and has never
had any instruction. The island of Catanduanes is excellent and well
populated; it lies next to Camarines. There are four encomiendas
on it; it contains about three thousand tributarios, who up to the
present time have never had any Christian teaching. The island of
Marinduque, lying about three leagues from this island, is divided
into encomiendas. It has about eight hundred tributarios, who have
never been instructed in the faith. From this island to the strait
called Espiritu Sancto, many small islands are scatered--namely,
Masbate, Capul, Burias, Banton, Conblon, Simara, Sibuyan, the island
of Tablas, and many others--of which, because of their small size and
scanty population, no mention is made, although all are apportioned
into encomiendas and tribute is collected in them every year. They
have no Christian teaching, nor hope of any.
Eighteen or twenty leagues west of the island of Panay, is located an
exceeding fine and well-populated island, called Cuyo; it is very low
and small. Together with seven small islands near by, it contains one
thousand two hundred tributarios. Its inhabitants are rich, and the
principal men live very well. The people of Burney have intercourse
with this island, and we suspect that they preach here the law of
Mahoma, although not so publicly as in Mindanao. Many goats, pheasants,
and fowls of larger size than those of this region, are reared in
this island. Its encomendero goes thither each year in the months
of February and March for the purpose of collecting his tributes,
and, this done, returns to his home in the island of Panay. No other
communication is held with this island. It has no instruction now,
and has never had any.
Lying between the islands of Mindoro and Burney are a number of
islands called the Calamianes. They are scantily populated, and are
under his Majesty's control. Great quantities of wax are collected
therein. Their inhabitants pay tribute also to the people of Burney,
because the Spaniards do not trouble themselves about them further
than to collect the tribute, leaving them to whomsoever may come
from Burney to rob them. They have never had any Christian teaching,
nor is there hope of any speedily, because they are few in number
and widely scattered.
The island of Mindoro is situated twenty-five leagues southwest of this
city. From the nearest coast of this island [Luzón] the distance to
Mindoro is about six leagues. This island of Mindoro is sixty leagues
in circumference. It contains more than five thousand families, of whom
two thousand pay tribute and are pacified. The remainder, for lack
of men to subdue them, neglect to pay their tribute. Augustinian and
Franciscan friars have been in this district, but all have abandoned
it. There is at present one ecclesiastic there, who has the care of
about one thousand Christianized tributarios. All of the remainder
of the inhabitants are infidels, and without instruction.
Next to the island of Mindoro, and in the direction of this city, lies
the small island of Luban, with about five hundred tributarios. Its
inhabitants are well disposed, and have asked me many times for
Christian teaching; but, for lack of ministers to send to them,
they cannot have it.
This is the most trustworthy relation that your Majesty can have, in
order that your Majesty may see clearly the great need for ministers
who shall labor for the conversion of these infidels, and for the
preservation of those who have already received the faith, but are
falling back into their idolatrous practices, because they have been
abandoned by those who baptized them. Many of the islands named in
this relation I have visited personally, and concerning the others
I have been informed by those familiar with them; and, although it
is not possible to know the exact truth, I have tried to ascertain
it as nearly as I could. All of these islands are included in your
Majesty's kingdom; all pay tribute, and in sufficient quantities
to entitle them to receive instruction. Since your Majesty has in
your dominions so many and so excellent religious and ecclesiastics,
who, if your Majesty give the order, will prepare to come hither,
may your Majesty feel so strongly the ills of this land and its lack
of religious workers, that you will order to come hither as many as
are needed for the salvation of the great number of souls who are
perishing here for want of religious teaching. Your Majesty should
understand that, when we speak of such an island or town having so
many tributarios, we mean married men, or two single men who make one
whole tribute; so that when there are one thousand tributarios, it
follows that there must be two thousand persons. And it will happen
most frequently that the number will reach three or four thousand,
counting one or two children to each household. From the foregoing
your Majesty will realize clearly the countless number of souls under
your Majesty's charge, and who are waiting for your Majesty to provide
them with ministers of religion, in order that they may be drawn out
of their present darkness, and placed on the pathway of salvation. At
Manila, June twenty-fifth, 1585 [sic; should be 1588].
Letter from Vera to Felipe II
Sire:
In the past year of 87, I sent your Majesty an account of the
condition of this land, by the usual route, and also one by way of
India. As the voyage is so uncertain and dangerous, another duplicate
is sent herewith; and I beg your Majesty to have it examined, as it
is important for your service.
On the twenty-seventh of February of this year, I had news from the
Pintados Islands that, on the seventh of the said month, at one of
the islands about eighty leagues south of Luçon, an English ship had
been seen. With their small boat they had seized a Spanish sailor
who was coasting along carelessly in a small bark. He did not flee
from the enemy, as he took them to be Spaniards and friends; for it
is unusual for ships from England to come here. Next day the English
learned that a galleon of your Majesty was being built in the shipyard
of Caigoan on the island of Panay. An attempt was made to land troops
for the purpose, as is supposed, of burning it; but it was defended
by some carpenters and calkers who were working thereon. By this
it may be inferred that the enemy carried but a small force. After
this resistance, the enemy went to Mindanao, leaving on an islet in
their course the mariner whom they had taken prisoner. [10] From him
I ascertained the fresh destruction planned for this country. He
says that several Spaniards, who were his fellow-prisoners on the
English ship, told him that your Majesty's galleon "Santa Ana" had
been captured near California, a country on the mainland which is
continuous with Nueva España. The galleon left this port in June of
the past year, 87; and as no other ships but ours have ever been
sighted on this voyage, which is through so remote regions, they
have always sailed with little or no artillery, and with as little
fear from corsairs as if they were on the river of Sevilla. Thus
the English easily captured the galleon, plundered and burned it,
and hanged a canon of our church. The other persons were sent in a
small boat to land, where it is believed that some of them have died
of starvation and hardships. From this galleon there was plundered
a thousand marcos of registered gold, and there must have been as
large a sum unregistered; twenty-two and one-half arrobas of musk,
an abundance of civet, and many pearls, and the richest of silks and
brocades. At this capture, the enemy took with them [from the "Santa
Ana"] several skilful mariners and a pilot, to guide them to these
islands. The captive mariner knew these men, and in conversation with
them he learned what I have related. This ship left England with two
others, and plundered sixteen ships off the coast of Piru. One of the
three was lost; the remaining two captured the said galleon "Santa
Ana," and came to these islands. They were separated in a storm,
and only this one arrived. It brought about fifty men, most of them
pilots. This mariner noticed that this vessel carried twenty-five
pieces of bronze, and cast-iron artillery, and much ammunition. The
ship is small, of about one hundred and fifty toneladas, staunch
and well fitted. There is no doubt that they have plundered more
than a million [pesos'] worth of gold, pearls, musk, civet, and rich
merchandise, which all belonged in Nueva España. The Spaniards there
would have been diligent in pursuing this corsair; but, as I received
information so late, and the enemy only reconnoitered here, without
remaining at any place, to inform them would have done no good. I
sent word to Maluco, whither it seems the enemy directed his course,
to the captain-general and to the sea-captains who might be there
with their galleons; also to the petty kings friendly to your Majesty,
and to the fort at Ambueno--where, it is understood, this corsair is
going to spend the winter and repair his ship. Captain Francisco is
at an island of that archipelago called Jula, near either Macasar or
Japara. I advised the sending of a message to him, and the exercise
of diligence, as they have greater facility for obtaining news there
on account of the many ships which are usually near at hand. And
I advised them to follow the Englishman and ascertain where he was
going to winter; for it was impossible to return immediately to his
own country, because the weather began to be contrary. It would be
necessary to pass out through Sunda and other straits, of which the
Portuguese are warned; and there it would be easy to await him and cut
off his passage, as they hold him so closely. This account was given
by a sailor--a native of this land--who was seized in the galleon,
and carried away by the Englishman. He escaped at the mouth of the
channel of these islands, and I have kept him here with me. His
declarations accompany this letter.
The first time when this galleon "Sancta Ana" sailed from here, I sent
by her some artillery removed from your Majesty's forts, in order to
provide greater security. In Nueva España the artillery was taken out,
and the ship returned without it. I thought that if I sent more on the
ships, and it were taken out over there, the forts here would be in
need, while the ships would gain nothing. Understanding that there was
no danger from corsairs on the voyage, I sent the ships, as usual,
without artillery. Now that I have seen the need for artillery,
and the risk that they run, if it is not carried, I am sending
two ships this year, each with four heavy pieces of artillery, two
falcon guns, and arquebuses and other arms carried by the sailors and
passengers. I am collecting what metal I can find and making thereof
some pieces of ordnance with which to fill the place of those sent
from the said forts. The merchants are paying your Majesty the value
of the artillery, arms, and ammunition carried by one of the ships,
and I have loaned the price of those of the other. They will pay
this also in the coming year, and the ships will sail armed at the
account and cost of the merchants. I beseech your Majesty to command
the viceroy of Nueva España to have the artillery and arms returned
by the same ships; and that the pieces carried by the "Sancta Ana"
be returned to these forts, which greatly need them.
In another letter I have written to your Majesty about the general
fire in this city. The powder and military supplies were burned and
the artillery destroyed. Although I have had the pieces recast, using
the metal which was left, there are only twenty-five heavy pieces and
several lighter ones. This is but little artillery for the needs of
this land, for defense and the expeditions that are made. Some copper
mines have been discovered but although at first they seemed to be
very rich, on commencing to work them, it was found that the labor
was expensive and there was but little metal. Everything necessary
could be brought from Macan, if your Majesty were pleased to have
money sent from your royal treasury of Mexico for this purpose.
I have already written to your Majesty of the necessity that, for the
preservation of this land, the viceroy of Nueva España send annual
reenforcements of troops, arms, and ammunition. As this has not been
done for three years, the majority of the troops have died, and there
are now so few here, that if reenforcements are not supplied according
to the requests of the governor and officers of the royal exchequer,
great risk will be run, and what your Majesty has gained and preserved
at cost of such labors and expenses will be irretrievably lost. I
especially beg your Majesty to order such provision to be made that
so propitious a beginning be not lost, and the door closed which
has been opened by your Majesty for the conversion of so large and
powerful kingdoms with untold riches and innumerable inhabitants.
According to your Majesty's commands I had some galleys made in
these islands, and I have three at this port. They are of little use,
because of the lack of men skilled in managing and sailing with lateen
sails, and the scarcity of rowers. I have tried to keep up its crew by
hiring men; but the natives are so despicable a people that they are of
little use for this purpose, nor do they have sufficient strength for
rowing. On hearing the report of an arquebus they throw themselves on
the ground, and do not rise even at the lash. I have selected three
hundred Chinese, who are stronger, and who, if allowed liberty to
quit the work, and exemption from tribute, will bind themselves to
serve on the galleys. But although earnest endeavors have been made
to teach them, they row very badly, and have as little energy as the
natives of these islands have. They row in their own country with
a sort of oar which they call _lios lios_. By means of these the
galley moves very slowly, and therefore they may be of some benefit
among these islands. Better results would be obtained, however, if
instead of these galleys there were small ships of from sixty to a
hundred toneladas with which it is easier to navigate here. I inform
your Majesty thereof in order that provision may be made according
to the royal pleasure. As I have advised your Majesty, I have, in
anticipation of future contingencies, commenced a good stone fort
in this city, which will be entirely completed within a year. I have
levied taxes therefor upon the citizens and encomenderos; the Indian
tributarios have each paid one real, while one per cent has been
collected for two years on the coin brought from Nueva España. I am
sending to your Majesty the sketch and model of this fort; it is the
strongest which has been built in the Yndias, although it is not of
modern style. It was necessary to build it according to the condition
of the country; it is round in shape, high, and covered over so as to
be more capacious. The climate is so hot, the sun so fierce and the
rains so heavy, that if the soldiers who must defend the place were
not under cover they would perish from the heat, as would likewise
those who should undertake to erect the fort. The stone for the most of
the rampart is so suitable in quality that, wherever a ball strikes,
the wall remains unhurt, nor is any other injury inflicted. There
is no fear that an attack by a battery can do as much damage as if
the stone were hard and resisting. The balls cannot be fired so as
to strike, without great difficulty, as the fort is on the shore and
the country is perfectly level. Within there is fresh running water
in abundance; and in addition to that, wherever one digs, excellent
drinking water is found. It is impossible to undermine the fort,
because there is water around it, at a distance of one or two varas,
or even less in some places. The city is surrounded by water--the sea
on one side; on another the moat, which extends to the river; and, on
still another side, the river itself. Thus the city is on an island;
and, with the other bulwarks and the wooden fort, which I have had
repaired, this city is well defended, provided we had sufficient
troops and ammunition.
I received your Majesty's letter on the twenty-second of May of this
year; and, by a royal decree of the first of December of the year 86,
your Majesty orders me to act in accordance with my best judgment,
as your Majesty had understood that the auditors of this Audiencia
according to the present regulations, cannot visit the country out
of their turn. I will fulfil your Majesty's commands and will render
an account of all transactions.
By another royal decree of the nineteenth of August of said year,
your Majesty orders that, if it should appear necessary to me,
certain offices of notaries and magistrates in these islands should
be sold, under the condition that the persons who should be the
highest bidders should obtain confirmation of their title within
three years. These offices are of very little profit, and of none
at all in some places, as the land has been settled so recently,
and there are few inhabitants and little business therein. As it is
continually becoming more populous and well established, it would
be more advantageous to postpone the sale of these offices for some
years, until they shall be worth more. I will make the necessary
investigations, as your Majesty commands me, and will advise your
Majesty of the prices offered. If I find that for any of them I
can obtain its value in the future I will have it auctioned. In the
meantime I will make endeavors to have them sold for a price that
can be profitable to your Majesty's royal exchequer.
By another decree of the twenty-seventh of August of said year,
your Majesty orders me to give my opinion of the arms that are in
the fort of the city of Manila, and those that are needed. In three
forts which your Majesty has here, there are twenty-four heavy pieces,
two small ones, and some culverins, as will be seen below.
In the stone fort there are three swivel-guns, located in the three
casemates, of about twenty quintals' weight. On the first floor over
the rampart, there are seven heavy pieces, extra thick and strong at
the breech. Two are of about forty quintals' weight, three varas in
length and carry a ball of cast iron weighing sixteen libras. Two
others are of wrought iron, of sixty quintals' weight, three and
two-thirds varas in length, and carry a ball of cast iron weighing
fifteen libras. One cannon is of fifty-five quintals' weight, four and
one-third varas in length, and carries a ball of cast iron weighing
fourteen libras; one culverin, five and one-half varas in length,
weighs one hundred and one quintals one arroba, and carries a cast
iron ball weighing seventeen libras; another piece of thirty-five
quintals' weight, three varas in length, carries a cast iron ball
weighing twelve libras.
The fort at the point has one cannon weighing twenty-five quintals;
three small cannon [_sacres_], weighing twenty-two; and a half-sacre
weighing thirteen--the last, with its apparatus, being four varas
in length.
The cavalier of the beach has a piece, extra thick and strong at
the breech, of forty quintals' weight which carries a ball weighing
fifteen libras; and one half-sacre, of thirteen quintals' weight.
At the river there is a large swivel-gun with cross-bars, weighing
thirty quintals; one cannon weighing twenty-six quintals, one sacre
weighing twenty-two quintals, four half-sacres weighing thirteen or
fourteen quintals, and two _esmeriles_ [a small piece of ordnance]
weighing four or five quintals.
For the stone fort to be provided with artillery according to its
plan and embrasures, it is necessary to have twenty-five pieces,
three of them heavy, and twelve sacres and half-sacres.
The cavalier of the beach needs five pieces, two of them heavy,
and three sacres.
That at the point of the sea and the river needs six pieces--some
sacres, and two swivel-guns.
For the service of the ships and galleys there are needed four
cannon, six swivel-guns, six sacres, six half-sacres, and some small
culverins. Thus sixty pieces in all are necessary to provide the
city well with artillery for defense, as well as for the galleys
and ships of the fleet, and for the succor and pacification of all
these islands. There are only twenty-four needed, for there are now
thirty-six. In the shipyard there are now four sacres of twenty-two
quintals' weight, two of which have been cast, and the other two are
about to be cast. This class of arms is the best and most important for
this land these and the swivel-guns. This artillery could be provided,
and much more be made, for other of your Majesty's strongholds in these
islands and the Yndias, should your Majesty be pleased to have six or
eight thousand pesos sent annually from Mexico so that the metal could
be bought at Macao in China, as it is very plentiful and cheap there.
According to the commission of your Majesty, I have proceeded
against the royal officials in regard to their traffic and trade
in merchandise. By the convictions of guilt which have resulted
from the investigations and process of law, I have condemned the
guilty to pay fines to the exchequer. There seems to have been no
traffic with funds in the royal exchequer; or, if there were any,
no damage or injury to it has resulted. I am sending the testimony
of the sentences and proceedings to your Majesty's royal Council,
where your Majesty will order their examination, if such is your
pleasure. May God guard the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila,
June twenty-sixth, of the year 1588.
The licentiate _Santiago de Vera_
[_Endorsed_: "Examined, with the other letter."]
Letter from Domingo de Salazar to Felipe II
Sire:
In a letter which your Majesty had written to me from Madrid, on the
eleventh of January of the year 87, I see the reprimand which your
Majesty gives me, on account of information that you had received that,
on certain occasions which had arisen, I had had controversies with the
royal Audiencia here; also that this has finally resulted in scandal
and comment in the town, and that there was fault on both sides. I
receive this reprimand as from my king and lord, but, although it
comes from him, it is very serious and is sufficient to cause much
pain; nevertheless, I have not allowed myself to feel hurt, since your
Majesty judges according to the information that you have received. He
who so informed your Majesty that I was made to appear guilty will
give account to God for his good or bad intention, since for my own
satisfaction the testimony of my conscience is all-sufficient. It is
well-known in the city, and outside of it, that if I had not entered
as mediator neither the president and auditors, nor the auditors
alone, would have had peace. It would not have been possible for me
to establish peace if there had not been friendly relations between
them and me. Since they were pacified through my intercession, peace
has lasted until now; and in order that this peace be lasting, and
that there be no occasion for violating it, I humbly beseech your
Majesty to be pleased to command the president and auditors not to
interfere with me in affairs which concern my privileges--since my
life is a very open one, a fact known to all. They have no cause for
complaint because I sat down in my own church on the gospel side;
for, besides my being the father and pastor of this state, and having
in charge the souls of the auditors, it is a very usual thing for
bishops and archbishops to seat themselves in that very place in the
presence of viceroys and presidents, without that act exciting any
surprise. For the sake of peace, I have overlooked the matter, and
have not again taken my seat in that place, hoping that your Majesty
would send commands concerning this and what ought to be done, since
it is not right that I should leave to my successors the disputes
and controversies with the Audiencia whereby results so much harm to
the commonwealth. It is of no less importance that the prelates be as
much respected by the people as are the audiencias. The latter make
themselves feared by the power which they hold; but if the prelates
are not favored by those who govern, they are speedily despised by
the people. Since your Majesty sees how important this matter is, may
it be your Majesty's pleasure not to leave us in controversies, but
to order that each shall do his duty without prejudice to the other.
The hardships and calamities sent by God to this land make me greatly
fear that we who live here have seriously offended Him. For I have
been here eight years, and not one year have I seen pass without the
happening of great calamities--loss of ships; death of the animals
which maintained us; hurricanes, called here _baguios_, which tear
up the trees by the roots and overthrow the houses completely, or
leave them so that they cannot be inhabited; and the general fire
of the year 83, of which your Majesty has been informed. Both before
and since that time, this city has been burned three or four times;
and now, as the last straw, the ship "Santa Ana," which left this
city last year, the richest ship to leave these islands, fell into
the hands of the Lutherans. With that loss, and also that of the ship
"Sant Juan" the year before, which likewise was laden with goods from
this country, some of the citizens of these islands are totally ruined,
and others have suffered so heavy losses that it will be long ere,
with much difficulty, they regain their former state.
It is very evident, and can be denied by no one, that the loss of
that particular ship was ordained by God; for, three days before
it reached the coast [of California], another ship--from Macao,
bound for Mexico--passed the same place and was not sighted by the
Lutherans. When news was received in Piru of the coming of this pirate,
the viceroy sent in pursuit of them a good fleet, with many soldiers
and ammunition sufficient to engage an equal or greater number. When
they came to the port of Acapulco, supplies were needed; and they
requested these from the purveyor who had them in your Majesty's
warehouses. He was unwilling to give them; and they even say that an
order was given to detain some pack-teams which brought biscuits, so
that the captain of the fleet from Peru could not take them. Thus they
say that, as it was not desired to supply them with provisions, and
because Doctor Palacios [11] became dictatorial in regard to several
points, they returned to Piru; while the Lutheran remained free to
attack and capture, as he did. So great was our misfortune that, at the
time when the two captains were debating as to who should take command,
the pirate was near Puerto de la Navidad, which is not very far from
Acapulco, repairing his ships. Had they attacked him, it would have
been impossible for him to escape; but God chose to blind our men,
so that we might be punished by this pirate. The punishment of God
did not stop here; for, having set fire to the ship "Santa Ana," they
left it half burnt, set sail, and came to these islands. With more than
human courage, they passed through the midst of them with a ship of one
hundred toneladas, where the natives venture with trembling in very
light boats; but this infidel dared not only to come into our midst,
but to collect tributes from your Majesty's vassals. A Spaniard was
captured, and after having told him what they wished him to say to us,
they put him ashore. What they said was in boast that they had left
the coasts of Peru and Nueva España utterly ruined; and that they had
robbed and burned the ship "Santa Ana," and hanged a canon who was
on his way from this city to Mexico. In testimony of his prowess and
our misfortune he displayed the silks, brocades, and cloths of gold
which he had seized as plunder. Not content with this, he went away
threatening us that he is to return soon to drive us all hence, and
to destroy the nest that we have made here--meaning thereby the stone
fortress built here. The grief that afflicts me is not because this
barbarian infidel has robbed us of the ship "Santa Ana," and destroyed
thereby the property of almost all the citizens; but because an English
youth of about twenty-two years, with a wretched little vessel of
a hundred toneladas and forty or fifty companions, should dare to
come to my own place of residence, defy us, and boast of the damage
that he had wrought. As your Majesty has here an army of captains,
who, as I understand, are certainly as many as the companions of the
Lutheran, he went from our midst laughing, without anyone molesting
or troubling him; neither has he felt that the Spaniards are in this
land to any purpose. In this matter, I do not care to blame anyone,
because I understand that the governor did his duty--although I was
always of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued and that the
result thereof would not be so bad as some say. The belief here,
however, is that God is chastising us for our sins, and is making
us the laughing-stock of other nations, who have all hitherto stood
in such fear of us. I must explain to your Majesty two other points
bearing on this subject, although it detains me somewhat, as I consider
that I do thereby a very great service. The first is the failure of
the expedition to Maluco. We all had been certain that with fewer men
and less equipment than there actually were, the king of Terrenate
could be subdued; but, quite to the contrary, our men came back as
if fleeing from an unknown foe. The Indians of this archipelago,
who feared us, now laugh; and, together with those of Terrenate,
threaten us. The second point is that in the island of Mindanao,
which is subject to your Majesty, and for many years has paid you
tribute, the law of Mahoma has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat
more than three years, by preachers from Burney and Terrenate who
have come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from
Meca. They have erected and are now building mosques, and the boys
are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the
Alcoran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to
supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire
should not spread in these islands. I could not persuade them to go,
and thus the hatred of Christianity is there; and we are striving no
more to remedy this than if the matter did not concern us. Such are
the calamities and miseries to which we have come, and the punishments
which God inflicts upon us. The reason for it, He only knows; but,
as I infer and fear, it is because we have ill acquitted ourselves
in this land, where it is so needful that we be upright and furnish
good examples. I have written to your Majesty on this point at other
times; and I think that either my letters are not read, or what I
say is not credited. I assure your Majesty that I have never written
anything which is not true, and free from all outward influence,
or self-interest, or human considerations; but I have only done my
duty. The temporal affairs of this land are in the condition which I
have related to your Majesty; and I consider that there will never be
improvement, since cupidity is increasing so immeasurably that neither
the punishments of God nor the threats of men are effectual to produce
any moderation, nor do the manifold outrages cease to be felt.
The spiritual state, which is my concern, is in the sorriest condition,
because there is no more respect for the things of God than if we
were not Christians. I refer to the Indians and their instruction; and
because entering on this subject is like embarking on a bottomless sea,
I have determined to send to your Majesty a relation of the islands and
towns of this bishopric which are without instruction, in order that
your Majesty's conscience may be relieved by commanding that the remedy
be applied. Therefore I shall now proceed with the said relation.
The cause of ruin in these islands--which is very menacing, although
it is not declared in España--is that both the villages of your
Majesty and those of encomenderos are places where the curacy is so
ill-supplied with chalices and ornaments that it is a shame to see
them. Many of the churches are so indecent that when I visited them,
from pure shame I was obliged to command that they be torn down; they
were not fit to be entered by horses. There are two principal causes
for this: the first is that the encomenderos are penurious and allow
little for the proper ornamentation of the church; and the second,
that some or the majority of the encomiendas are so small that they do
not suffice to support their encomenderos, who thus cannot attend to
matters of divine worship. Consequently, the natives come to regard
the things of God as of little worth, and have little esteem for our
faith and the Christian religion, seeing that we who profess to be
Christians pay so little attention to them. Moreover, the natives of
these islands are so harassed and afflicted with public and private
undertakings, that they are not able to take breath; nor do they have
time to observe the instruction, and hold it of so little account that
when they lack for anything, it must be in the instruction and not in
temporal affairs. I cannot picture to your Majesty, nor declare what
I feel in my heart about this matter. Moreover, I am very sure that
all the chastisements given us by God, the hardships, misfortunes, and
calamities sent us, all are because of evil treatment of the Indians
and the little heed taken for the principal reason for our coming--that
is, their conversion and protection. The remedy therefor is not that
your Majesty send decrees and orders charging good treatment of the
Indians, as in the letters which have already been received here; but
that a number of the best religious be sent. They can deal with these
natives, and defend them from the labors imposed by the Spaniards,
and from the outrages that they inflict upon them. Again, it is of
even more importance that, if your Majesty, as is rumored here, is
to send hither a governor or president, he be a man free from all
human interests, whose head could not be turned by the great gains
in this country. He should not be married, nor should he bring with
him relatives or followers for whom to provide. For under any one of
the aforesaid conditions it is impossible to avoid the destruction of
this country, beyond the power of your Majesty to remedy it. I have
written this to your Majesty several times before, and now I repeat it,
since it is the most necessary thing for the betterment of this land,
which would be surely destroyed by its lack.
Of the viceroy of Nueva España, so many things are said in this
country, that if but one-tenth of them were true, it is impossible
for your Majesty to know them and fail to correct them. This is
another of the heavy afflictions that God has sent upon this land,
for even the severity which has been shown by him to those who
go from here is alone sufficient to make this land desolate. No
consideration is given to the fact that the citizens and soldiers
thereof serve your Majesty with the same hardships and loyalty with
which other men have served their king. Nevertheless, there is no
lack of persons to inform your Majesty thereof, since the loss of
temporal things is always felt more than the spiritual. I leave it
to be described by those who have felt the hurt, since it does not
concern me in any way, except the regret that I feel for the damage
done to my neighbors; for my enterprises and traffic are to remedy
the needs of the poor, and to defend and help the natives of these
islands, who have much need thereof. The complaint that I make of the
viceroy of Nueva España is that he has not allowed more than fifteen
Dominican friars to come here, although your Majesty sent to Mexico
forty of them. This is the greatest damage that the viceroy could do
to this country, as there is exceeding need of ministers of religion,
such as come now. If the fifteen were five hundred, the evils of the
country would be corrected, and the conscience of your Majesty quite
at ease. It is such men that your Majesty should order to come here,
and you should refuse to permit those to come who will do more harm
than good. Likewise your Majesty should order the generals of the
orders of St. Francis and St. Augustine to send hither visitors,
who are most necessary. Those of St. Augustine are to be preferred,
however, as the friars of St. Francis are more retired from the world.
I wrote to your Majesty, via Malaca, of what had happened with the
religious in regard to the observance of the royal decrees treating
of the instruction of the Indians by the religious. As the licentiate
Ayala, fiscal of the royal Audiencia here, sent the records concerning
the subject, I shall but mention and not refer to them at length.
At other times I have written to your Majesty explaining the
impossibility of a bishop being able to govern all the bishopric which
I have now. For this island of Luçon it is necessary to have two or
even three bishops--that is to say, I humbly beseech your Majesty to
be pleased to provide for the Pintados Islands a bishop with his seat
in the city of Çubu. By the relation which I am sending, your Majesty
will see that two bishops are not sufficient. I declare to your Majesty
that in that case the royal conscience would not be at ease nor would
mine; and I dare not leave it unsaid, for fear of my peace of mind.
As I have said before, I had determined to write nothing whatever in
detail concerning the damages that the viceroy of Nueva España had
done to these kingdoms. It seems to me that your Majesty will have had
advices thereof, and will have ordered a means of correction. Moreover,
as many are interested and have grievances, there will be no lack of
a person to advise your Majesty thereof. Nevertheless, I have since
thought that I neglect my duty in failing to send a testimonial to
your Majesty which was forwarded to this city from Lope de Palacios,
captain of the ship "Sant Martin," which went to China. He sent
to this city, asking that he be granted permission to leave Macao,
because he feared that they were about to kill him in order to gain
possession of his property. I am the only person who can send this
memorial to your Majesty, as Lope de Palacios sent it to this city
with much secrecy, and in the same manner was it given to me. I
discussed the matter with the president, saying that we should send
for the captain as if the idea were our own and he had not requested
it--employing so great secrecy, so that the Portuguese who were here
would not learn of it; for the same Lope de Palacios had declared that
he would be certainly put to death if they knew that he was trying
to come here. Nevertheless, the request to send for him was in vain,
and I was moved to forward this testimonial to your Majesty. It states
therein the great harm done by the viceroy in sending the ship "San
Martin" to Macao. As the same person who went to learn the damage gives
testimony thereof, no witness more worthy of credit can be entered in
the cause. I am also writing to the viceroy of Nueva España in regard
to the injuries which he wrought on these kingdoms by despatching
the ship "San Martin" to China--although God supplied the remedy,
by the loss of the same ship. I tell him that if that ship had been
sent to this city a more prosperous voyage would have been made than
the investors could have expected, for so many Chinese merchants came
this year to this city, that the merchandise was worth nothing; and
if the ship "San Martin" had come here a satisfactory and cheap cargo
could have been obtained, perhaps even in greater quantity than at
Macao. Instead of damaging this city, those persons would have been
enriched, who on account of greed were unable to see the damage done
to all of us. Thus God has punished them all, by depriving them of
that profit the desire for which had blinded them to their duty.
They also say that the ship "Sant Ana" was sold for thirty thousand
pesos and ordered to make a voyage to Macao. These proceedings also
were put to confusion by God, through means which have cost us dearly,
namely the loss, of that vessel. It can be said that if it had been
at Macao somewhat less damage would have been done to these islands
than in the burning of the ship by the Englishman. As I wrote to
your Majesty, via Malaca, for ships to go from Mexico to Macao is
to destroy both those kingdoms and these, since the Chinese raise
the prices of their merchandise to such an extent that Portuguese
and Castilians cannot live. May your Majesty be pleased to order
the viceroy to hold these lands in somewhat higher estimation,
since your Majesty considers them (and justly so) worthy of constant
attention. Ever since the viceroy came to Mexico, he has not sent to
this country any troops (except exiles or criminals), or ammunition,
or the customary supplies for this camp, as wine, flour, and other
articles; he has so reduced everything that there is great privation
here, and very little profit to your Majesty.
Your Majesty's governor and royal Audiencia in these islands look well
to the service of your Majesty and the good of this country. Will
your Majesty be pleased to order the viceroy of Nueva España,
present or future, not to disturb or change what may be decided by
them? not only in the customs duties, but in the price fixed for
each tonelada, and in the mode of registration. According to our
information, the viceroy has changed everything, greatly increasing
the taxes imposed here. The labors of the citizens in the service of
your Majesty in these islands should be sufficient without still more
severe requirements from Nueva España.
During the past year there was great confusion, which still continues,
about the goods which were brought to this city by your Majesty's
ships. The citizens claim that they ought to be preferred to the
merchants; and the merchants complain that, on account of the cargoes
of the citizens, their merchandise remained here. I understand that on
this point offenses' against God have been committed, and still more
serious damage may be done--some persons being ruined, as they have
no space in the cargoes for their property--unless it is checked by
your Majesty commanding what order must be followed in this affair. It
is of exceeding importance for the quiet and content of this city.
There are so many Chinese that come to this land that the islands
are full of them. Thereby follows much damage to the natives, as
the Chinese are a very vicious people, from intercourse with whom no
good but much harm can be gained. I have tried to have the governors
remedy the matter by commanding that all the Chinese be collected in
this city. I see no improvement, however; and it is of much importance
that this be corrected, for the temporal and spiritual good of these
lands. Will your Majesty be pleased to order that this be remedied
by severe measures. May our Lord guard your Majesty many years for
the good of us who can do but little. At Manila, June 27, 1588.
_The Bishop of the Filipinas_
Documents of 1589
Excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of India. [Manuel de
Sousa Coutinho]; April 3. Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de
Vera; July 13. Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de
Vera, and others; May-July.
Letter to Felipe II. [Gaspar] de Ayala; July 15. Decree
regarding commerce. Felipe II; August 9. Instructions to
Dasmariñas. Felipe II; August 9. Customs of the Tagalogs
(two relations). Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.: October 21.
_Sources_: All but the fifth and the last of these documents are
obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias. The decree
of August 9 is taken from the "Cedulario Indico" in the Archivo
Historico Nacional, Madrid; and Plasencia's accounts of the Tagalogs,
from Santa Inés's Crónica, ii, pp. 592-603.
_Translations_: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur
B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second and fourth are by José
M. and Clara M. Asensio; the third and fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio,
of Harvard University; the sixth, by James A. Robertson; the seventh,
by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard University.
Excerpt of a Letter from the Viceroy of India
One of the things that have seemed most surprising in Don Juan de Gama
is the following. When decrees were published by order of the viceroy;
Don Duarte, [12] in your Majesty's name, prohibiting navigation to
China and Luçoens [Luzón], which he [Juan de Gama] as captain-general
should have executed, he did the contrary. Jheronimo Pereira, captain
of the expedition to Japon, had already done likewise; thus those in
authority, who were under obligation to execute your Majesty's laws
and commands, were the first to break them, to the great scandal
of all. Therefore, as soon as possible, I ordered a remedy for such
disorders. For this purpose I appointed certain chief magistrates,
who excused themselves, either through fear of Don Juan or dread of
the sea. Things came to such a pass that, it was necessary to send by
schooner, outside the monsoon season, the licentiate Ruy Machado who
came from the kingdom this year, and who had been appointed to that
auditorship; his adjutant was Ynacio Nuñez de Mancelos, the captain of
the said vessel. The latter had a few soldiers, and is also to remain
as captain of the city, since an order for the voyage will not have
arrived from India. I think that these two vessels will suffice in
every respect for this matter, both to extend the voyage for Don Juan,
and to quiet various disturbances arising in the country, on account
of the navigation from Nueva España. I also hope that everything will
turn out well, and that your Majesty will bestow upon him great favor
and honor for this service alone. Among the despatches brought by the
auditor is a decree ordering, the embarcation for India and Luçoens of
all Castilians, both religious and secular, so that only the original
Portuguese citizens shall remain in Machao. That will do away with
any further occasion for vessels to go there from Nueva España. From
this last has resulted great injury to your Majesty's vassals in these
regions, to the royal exchequer, and religion itself. Peradventure
the Castilians were the cause of again closing the door to the
preaching of the gospel, being moved by indiscreet eagerness or too
much solicitude. They are so unrestrained in this particular, that, by
trading in China without your Majesty's permission, they are the first
who broke your decrees, under pretense of religion itself. No easier
remedy can be applied than preventing them from entering this trade,
which your Majesty should have for the advantage of your own service.
We might describe here the great inconveniences and hindrances to your
Majesty from a longer continuance of this navigation. But since this
letter will, be despatched by land, and the viceroy Don Duarte has
described these matters so fully, I refrain from doing so here. I say
only that, even if there were no other reason than not opening the
way to the English and other nations to resort to those regions (as
they did last year and this) that alone would be sufficient reason
to stop this intercourse entirely. The Englishman Don Thomas, who
came to these regions lately, has caused us much anxiety here. For
this reason the people of India are very confident that your Majesty
will order assistance in this case and apply the fitting remedy,
for the common good of these states and that of your service.
Don Thomas, the Englishman, sailed from England with three ships in
the year 87. Entering the straits of Magallanes, he sailed to the
South Seas. Having made some prizes of large and small vessels, he
loaded two of his own vessels and sent them to that kingdom [England]
by the same route. Nearing the Philipinas, he took his course to
Java, and entered the port of Balambuao in Java itself. At that
time two Portuguese were at that port, who came immediately to the
ship thinking it was from India. The Englishman received them well,
and gave them some church ornaments and other valuable articles,
together with a letter for the bishop of Malaca and another for the
captain, the substance of which was, that he had come to explore
those regions. From the questions asked these men by the auditor of
Malaca, it was ascertained that the purpose of their coming was none
other than trade, exploration, and prizes. He asked particularly about
Achen, the straits of Meca and Malaca, and their fortifications. It is
thought that this Englishman came especially to explore the channels
of Bale, whence these men said that he would sail in March of this
year to the island of Sant Lorenzo, from which place he would lay
his course to the island of Santa Helena, following the course taken
by the Portuguese vessels. Pray God he come not hither again, as an
example for the daring of others--although the interest they have in
doing so is so great, that I fear this navigation cannot be stopped
without much trouble, and the prohibition of navigation by Castilians
and Portuguese to Nueva España. A blockade will be established again,
so that foreign nations will not undertake this navigation. On this
account alone, it seems to me that this navigation should always be
rigorously prohibited.
Letter from Santiago de Vera to Felipe II
Sire:
This past year of eighty-eight I gave an account to your Majesty of
the condition of this land. As the voyage is so full of sea-perils
and danger from corsairs, and it is difficult for the despatches
to reach the hands of your Majesty, the duplicate of that letter
accompanies this. Therein is declared the extreme need of the islands
for reënforcements of troops and necessary supplies for the camp,
and other things, of which I gave an account to your Majesty. They
are most important to the royal service and the preservation of
this land. I beseech your Majesty to have provision made with all
possible expedition.
A small ship leaving this port for the city of Malaca carried two
descalced religious of the order of St. Francis. As the king of Burney
was at peace with us, they stopped at the port of Mohala which is
two leagues from Burney. They visited the king, to whom they gave
my letters, and were well received by him. He commanded houses to be
given them and everything necessary to assure their sustenance. One
night many people of that kingdom attacked them, among whom, it
is said, there were a brother and other kinsmen of the king. They
killed three Spaniards, among them one of the religious, and robbed
them of all their possessions. From those who escaped I learned that
the assaulting party were people well known in Burney, and that the
spoils were sold publicly in that city. Some articles were seen in
the possession of the king's kinsmen. I learned that some chiefs of
these islands had intrigued with that people to secure their aid;
and that they had plotted together to do this, and had agreed to bring
Burney and the kings of Jolo and of Mindanao, and many other foreigners
against this city, in order to rob and kill us. As there was a Japanese
ship here, they conferred with the captain, and with people who came
from that land, all Japanese, proposing that the latter should aid
them with what they had, and with supplies and everything necessary,
and thus deliver to them this land, in accordance with the plan and
arrangements previously agreed upon. So well did they keep this secret,
during fifteen months while they were awaiting a favorable opportunity,
that they were not even suspected by myself, or the religious, or any
other person. To accomplish their design, they despatched the chiefs
of these islands to Burney, and to the other kingdoms three chiefs of
their number. They wrote to Japon, so that, at the appointed time,
all would come; and all were given orders as to what they were to
do. I made secret investigations, and found out that all the aforesaid
was true; and in a short time I had in my hands the guilty ones who
were in these islands, and also those who had gone away after the
death of the people, so that none remained uncaptured. Without any
disturbance whatever, I beheaded seven of the authors of the rebellion,
sons, nephews, and grandsons of the lords of this land. Others not so
culpable I punished by exile to Nueva España and by other penalties,
so that it now seems that this disturbance is quelled. After that,
in the province of Cubu and in that called the Pintados, the chiefs
held a conference, and plotted to kill the Spaniards. The majority of
those who took part in this have been imprisoned, and proceedings are
being instituted against them. I think that this will cause us but
little trouble. This boldness is caused by the natives noticing the
fewness of Spanish troops in the islands and the few reënforcements
sent from Nueva España. It is necessary that your Majesty should
order that there be less negligence in this respect.
By a royal decree your Majesty commands me to sell the magistracies
of this city and four offices of notaries-public therein; also those
of the provinces of Oton, Cebu, Camarines, Ylocos, Cagayan, Panpanga,
and Bonbon. As the land is so newly settled, and the offices of so
little profit, I wrote to your Majesty that, in my opinion, it was
not time to dispose of them, and that they would bring but little if
offered at auction; but that, if anyone would buy them at a reasonable
price, I would sell them. This I did, and in order to enhance their
value at the sale, I announced that the offices could be renounced and
sold by paying to your Majesty the third part of the price they were
worth. As the offices of notary have been sold, will your Majesty
be pleased to provide that this condition be observed; or, if not,
that the price be returned to them and the offices be sold without
this condition--as the perquisites and influence of these offices are
held in such esteem in this land, that they have risen to very good
prices. The bids for the first of the magistracies that were commanded
to be sold closed at one thousand two hundred and fifty-one pesos;
and for the second, third, fourth, and fifth, at two thousand eight
hundred. The four offices of notary-public of this city brought two
thousand eight hundred and eighty pesos, at seven hundred and twenty
pesos each. That of the province of Panpanga brought one thousand;
of Oton, one thousand six hundred and twenty; that of the city and
province of Cubu, five hundred and sixty; of Ylocos, three hundred
pesos; and that of Bombon, two hundred and sixty-two pesos. The other
magistracies and offices of notary-public which were offered at auction
did not bring so high a price, as the stubbornness and competitions
which had caused the offices to rise so in value had ceased. For
this reason the remaining magistracies and offices of notary-public
have not been sold. I shall give an account to your Majesty, later,
of whatever is done with regard to them, and the sum they bring will
be placed in the royal treasury as soon as it is collected. [_Marginal
note_: "Write to the governor that, in what refers to the offices of
regidor, it is not expedient that there be the condition permitting
them to renounce the offices. The sales must be made in the usual
way. As regards the notarial offices, what has been done is approved."]
On this route to Nueva España your Majesty has four ships, and the
new one that has just been finished, and which makes the voyage this
year. Of these, the viceroy of Nueva España sold the ship "San Martin,"
to make the voyage to Macan, where it was wrecked and burned by the
Chinese. Another was taken by the English corsair, as I reported to
your Majesty; and but now when another, in the port of this city,
was ready to make the voyage, so great a hurricane burst on this and
many other Spanish and Chinese ships that only a small boat was left
unwrecked. Of the two remaining, only one is available; the other
cannot be used, as it is so old. Understanding the great need there
was of ships, I had a large galleon of six hundred toneladas, which
had been built in the Pintados Islands, placed in the shipyards of
your Majesty, for the above-named route. God willing, it may sail in
the year ninety-one. I have given orders for private persons to make
two other ships of less tonnage. One is already finished, and both
will be able to sail next year. It is most important that there be
for this navigation plenty of ships, both for the emergencies of war
which may arise, and for the preservation of these islands, which are
supported by trade. If, as I have suggested several times before, your
Majesty were pleased to have about ten thousand pesos sent annually
from Nueva España, two ships of good capacity can be launched very
easily, without harassing the natives in any way--and with this
help, at even less than a third of the cost elsewhere. Otherwise,
there is no way to bring it about. Your Majesty will signify your
royal pleasure in this. [_Marginal note_: "Write to the governor to
proceed with and carry out this plan, and to give orders for private
persons to build ships."]
For the ships sailing between these islands and Nueva España,
and to other places which may be found, sailors are much needed,
to navigate them and to remain here to look after them; also
carpenters and calkers who must reside here to repair them. They
should be paid in Nueva España as this treasury is too poor. As the
money for their wages must be sent, sometimes it is not brought,
and at other times it is lost, thereby causing the sailors to die of
starvation. Therefore the sailors serve half-heartedly, and desert;
and there is great negligence in the despatch of the fleets. The only
remedy for both these evils is from the exchequer of your Majesty. If
it is to be spent therefor, it would be best for your Majesty to have
the amount of the freight-charges on the property sent from these
islands in the said ships granted annually to this royal treasury
up to the sum of three thousand pesos. Thus the needs here will be
met without taking from the treasury of Mexico. [_Marginal note_:
"A decree in accordance herewith. Meanwhile order shall not be given
that the ships of this line shall sail at his Majesty's cost."]
I have already reported to your Majesty the removal from these forts
of a quantity of artillery, for the security of the two ships which
I despatched to Nueva España last year, eighty-eight. That carried by
one of the ships is paid for by the merchants, as well as the powder,
arms, and ammunition; and that on the other was at your Majesty's
expense. Part of the money received I sent to the kingdom of China
in order to buy what metal could be obtained. Thence they brought
me one hundred and twenty-five picos [13] (about five arrobas) of
copper, at thirteen pesos and eight rreals. With this artillery is
being cast; to take the place of the pieces carried by the ships,
I had others cast from the metal which I had here. The results are
very good. Bronze is so cheap in China, and so easy to transport
and cast in this country, that, if your Majesty will have money
sent hither from Nueva España for this purpose, artillery could
be provided in this country both for Nueva España and Piru. Will
your Majesty signify the royal pleasure in this. [_Marginal note_:
"Write to the viceroy of Nueva España that this seems expedient, and
that he may send money to the governor, in order that some artillery
may be made there, both for Nueva España and Peru. Advice as to what
is needed must be given to the viceroy of Peru."]
The trade with the Chinese is continually increasing in these
islands. About four thousand men of that land are here as a general
rule, including merchants and workmen. These become citizens and settle
in the alcaiceria [silk-market] of this city. In the surrounding
villages there are also a large number of Chinese. Their houses are
being rapidly built of stone, according to the Spanish custom. They
are very strong, large and imposing in appearance. In two or three
years, God willing, all the buildings will be erected, as also the
cathedral church, the monasteries, and other churches. They are being
built very substantially and some are already finished. The materials
are so good and the workmen, both Chinese and natives, so numerous,
that everyone is encouraged to build the houses in this manner. But
it is a melancholy fact (for it all is like an empty purse, or an
inn without a guest) that the land is unhealthful, and there are no
doctors or medicines; and so there is great lack of troops, and of
men for the usual work of guard and sentinel-duty, and for expeditions
to carry succor to the settlements and to pacify the uprisings of the
Indians. The soldiers are constantly dying and passing away, in such
number that I fear there will be no troops to defend the city from any
of the many enemies by whom we are surrounded. For the remedy thereof,
will your Majesty be pleased to have the viceroy of Nueva España send
the troops, arms, and ammunition which may be requested by the governor
of these islands, and also the medicines and supplies necessary for
the camp. It has been three years since we have had any kind of aid
whatever, and consequently we are in extreme necessity. I beseech
your Majesty, if you wish these islands to be preserved, that you will
expressly command the said viceroy to send reënforcements annually to
this camp, of two hundred men, with powder and ammunition; medicines,
and other supplies for the hospitals; and whatever the governor may
advise is necessary. I can assure your Majesty that if this succor
fail, everything else will fail also, and everything gained by your
Majesty at so great and excessive expenses, in order to start on the
way to heaven so many millions of souls who had been dominated by the
devil, will be lost. Thus will be closed the door of this new world
which has been opened by your Majesty. [_Marginal note_: "Write to
the governor that he continue the building. To Don Luis de Velasco,
that he observe this command, and aid the settlements."]
The fort which, as I had written to your Majesty, was being built, was
shaken, when about completed, in three places by great earthquakes. It
opened in one place more than a finger's breadth, although less in the
others. To assure its safety and construct it in the modern style,
although it was quite sufficiently strong before, I am constructing
cavaliers which are to serve as buttresses for it. The principal part,
that toward the sea, is finished; the other parts are commenced, and,
God helping, will soon be completed. These will make it so capacious
and strong that it can withstand any attack. I am sending the model,
report, and account herewith to your Majesty. _[Marginal note_:
"Let it be brought."]
Since coming to this country, I have insisted that the religious
should try to learn the Chinese language, in order to convert and
teach the Chinese in this land, who are ordinarily about as many as I
before stated. As it is so difficult and the religious are so busily
engaged with the natives of the islands, they have not done this. When
the Dominicans came here, I entrusted to them the instruction of
the Chinese, and supplied them with interpreters to teach them the
language. I bade them build a church and dwelling in the alcaiceria
(called the Parian); and at the point of Tondo, where the Chinese live
and carry on their trade. Two of the religious have been so apt that
one of them already understands and speaks that language well, and the
other will know it in a short time. They are preaching and teaching and
have converted many people, having now a village of Christians. This
year, on Holy Thursday they held a procession in honor of the blood
of Christ, wherein they displayed much devotion. I hope in our Lord
that, as this people so clearly and firmly understand what they learn,
and as they have no particular worship, in a short time they will all
be converted. It is certain that if their long hair were not cut off
when they are baptized (according to the bishop's commands), there
would already have been a general conversion in this land, and they
would have received baptism. I gave account thereof to your Majesty,
and await your orders. [_Marginal note_: "Write to the provincial
acknowledging this, and to the bishop "in regard to cutting off the
hair of the Chinese. This is not expedient, as their conversion is
thereby retarded. Moreover, they do not dare to return to their own
country where they could teach and convert others. This custom of the
Chinese, wearing their hair long, is more usual in other parts of
the Yndias, as he knows; and hitherto this has not been considered
unseemly. Let the bishop call together the superiors of the orders,
and other learned and zealous persons. They shall confer and give
commands for what is expedient in regard to suitable measures for the
conversion of the Chinese. He shall send advices thereof, and of the
difficulties in the way, and shall provide for both."]
The bishop of these islands, as I have at other times written to
your Majesty, does not countenance appeals made by force, and the
decrees of the Audiencia; and when he is so inclined, he refuses to
comply therewith. We have therefore been put to much annoyance and
constraint in enforcing exile and other penalties, particularly in
regard to the defense of the royal jurisdiction. This latter has
not been done because the land is new, and to avoid offending the
natives. He becomes very angry at times, with little or no occasion,
so that he often disagrees with the Audiencia, in the pulpit and out of
it, and causes others to do the same--notwithstanding what your Majesty
has commanded, and the reprimands that he has received. Although there
have been serious difficulties, I do not discuss them, in order not
to weary your Majesty with a longer account. I beseech your Majesty to
supply the remedy which you think suitable, and to order the bishop not
to publish, without reason, as he has done, causes of the Holy Office
against the Audiencia and fiscal. Although we must always do justice,
and the fiscal must act as plaintiff, there is caused much scandal and
many hindrances to the authority of your Majesty's Audiencia, by trying
to disgrace and intimidate the judges by threats of the Inquisition.
Although your Majesty has ordered this camp and the royal hospitals to
be provided with medicines and other necessities, as there is no doctor
the soldiers are only treated by unskilled surgeons who attempt to cure
them. For this reason many people die, and I beseech your Majesty,
as it so important to your service, to order the viceroy of Nueva
España to send a good physician with an adequate salary at the cost
of your royal estate. The city has no money with which to pay him,
nor do the soldiers, since even the richest of them has not enough
for his own support. _[Marginal note_: "Write to the viceroy of Nueva
España to send a doctor and a surgeon to treat these people and give
advice thereof."]
At the shipyard of these islands your Majesty's chief shipbuilder
and superintendent of work was Master Miguel de Palacio. He died and
his place was filled by Master Marco, a good builder of all kinds of
ships. He died also; and although I understand there is another now in
charge of the galleon which is being built in the Pintados, he is old
and cannot all alone attend to the work, to the repairing of the ships
of the line, and the building of others. There is great need of another
good officer. I beseech your Majesty to order that, if possible, men
be sent for this from the kingdoms of Nueva España. [_Marginal note:
"Idem."_]
In the relation written by the Audiencia are other matters, of which
I give no account here, since they are there mentioned; your Majesty
will please order that these be examined. May God preserve the Catholic
person of your Majesty. At Manila, July 13 of the year 1589.
The doctor _Santiago de Vera_
[_Endorsed_: "Provision is made for the within; let the governor
be informed."]
Conspiracy Against the Spaniards
_Testimony in certain investigations made by Doctor Santiago de Vera,
president of the Philipinas_
In the city of Manila, on the twentieth of May in the year one thousand
five hundred and eighty-nine. Doctor Santiago de Vera, of the Council
of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these
Philipinas Islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary
to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which
the Indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the vicinity of
Manila had plotted against the service of God, our Lord, and against
his Majesty, and of the inquiry and investigations made thus far in
order to ascertain and verify the facts, and the status of the case:
he therefore would order, and he did order, Estevan de Marquina,
notary-public of Manila--before whom most of the trial has been
conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to
the royal Audiencia--to draw up an attested record of the said trial
in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary,
in order to send them to the royal Council of the Indias this present
year. He also ordered him to inform his Majesty of what is occurring,
and of what has been done about the matter. This was what Doctor
Santiago de Vera declared, ordered, and signed.
By order of his Lordship:
_Thomas Perez_
In fulfilment of the command and decree of Doctor Santiago de Vera,
governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the
royal Audiencia, I, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public for the king our
sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of Manila, testify
that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still
pending before the said governor and captain-general. The parties are
the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain Indian
chiefs, natives of the villages of Tondo, Misilo, Bulacan, and other
villages in the neighborhood of Manila, of the other part. The cause
of this contention seems to be that on the twenty-sixth of October
of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Doctor
Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands,
and president of the royal Audiencia, learned that the following
persons: Don Agustin de Legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land;
Martin Panga, governor of the village of Tondo, and his first cousin;
Magat Salamat, the son of the old lord of this land; and other chiefs,
had not long ago sent a present of weapons and other articles to the
king of Burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings
and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they
discussed. He also learned that they had sold and were selling their
landed property. In order to ascertain what the condition of affairs
is, the governor made an inquiry and many witnesses were summoned. From
this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course
of the trials, it appears that the said Don Agustin de Legaspi and
Magat Salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other
weapons to Xapon and to the petty king of Burney, who has thus been
enabled to put himself on a war-footing. They warned these powers to
fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the Spaniards intended
to go there. They added that the said Don Agustin would notify them in
person of what was taking place; and that, for this purpose, he would
ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. Likewise
we learned that the people of the kingdom of Burney were thinking of
manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the Spaniards; and that
they had killed a Franciscan friar and other Spaniards while on their
way to Malaca from Manila with messages and despatches for the king,
our sovereign. It appears that on the fourth of November of the said
year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, Captain Pedro
Sarmiento arrived in this city from the Calamianes, which are islands
near Burney; and brought the news and information that he had left
behind in the said Calamianes three Indian chiefs of Tondo, namely,
Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, son of Don Phelipe Salalila, and
Don Joan Banal, brother-in-law of the said Magat. Through Don Antonio
Surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that
these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of Burney, in
order to induce him to send a fleet to attack the Spaniards, and to
join the chiefs of Jolo, and Sumaelob, chief of Cuyo, who had already
come to terms and offered to help them with two thousand men. They had
persuaded the said Don Antonio Surabao to accompany them and carry
out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised
to help them, in order not to arouse their suspicion, on the other
hand unfolded the plan to Captain Sarmiento. He added, moreover,
that Amarlangagui, chief of Baibai, who was within the jurisdiction
of Manila and held the office of master-of-artillery, had told him,
while in this city, that all the chiefs of this neighborhood had
plotted and conspired with the Borneans to rebel against the service
of the king our sovereign, and to kill the Spaniards of this city,
while they were off their guard. The plan was that when the fleet
of Burney reached the port of Cavite, and the Spaniards trustfully
called these chiefs to their aid, they would all immediately enter
the houses of the Spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in
them and thus take possession of them one by one. If the Spaniards
took refuge in the fortress, Indian soldiers would follow them; and,
being two to one, they would surely kill the Spaniards. Maluco offered
an example of this; for with but few people they had taken so large a
fortress from the Portuguese. To this end the people of Burney were
building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready
ammunition and war-material. Thus it is affirmed by the said Don
Antonio Surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship
and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded
to join the said conspiracy. Upon this, with the governor's approval,
soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to
arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as
possible. From the inquiry and secret investigations which were taken
up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven,
when Captain Don Joan Gayo and many Japanese with merchandise arrived
at this city in a ship from Xapon, Don Agustin de Legaspi became
very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at
his house which is on the other side of the river of this city. The
agreement and stipulation which he made with Don Joan Gayo through
the Japanese interpreter, Dionisio Fernandez, and in the presence of
the said Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, Don Phelipe Salalila,
his father, and Don Geronimo Bassi, Don Agustin de Legaspi's brother,
was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from
Xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in
his ship flags for the use of the Spaniards, so that the latter should
think his intentions peaceful. It was also agreed that the chiefs
of the neighborhood would help them to kill the Spaniards, and would
supply the provisions and everything necessary. The said Don Agustin
de Legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might
recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the
said captain had given him. After they had conquered the Spaniards,
they would make him [Don Agustin] king of the land, and collect the
tribute from the natives, which would be divided between Don Agustin
and the Japanese. They swore this after their fashion, by anointing
their necks with a broken egg. Don Agustin de Legaspi discussed and
arranged the whole plan with Amaghicon, an Indian chief of Navotas,
warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons which
the Japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one
another. According to the declarations of Dionisio Fernandez, the
Japanese interpreter, Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Geronimo Basi, Magat
Salamat, and other witnesses who were present at the said meetings and
compacts, and as it appears also from the trial and investigations,
it seems that when Don Martin Panga, under the charge of adultery,
Don Agustin de Legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when
he was governor of Tondo, Don Gabriel Tuambaçan, Don Francisco Acta,
his son, and Pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each
and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another
with their persons and property in all matters--be it concerning the
liberty of their slaves, or in any other difficulty.
Likewise it appears that after they left the said prison, the said
Don Martin Panga was exiled from the village of Tondo for a certain
period, and went to live in the village of Tambobo, not far from this
city. There he and Don Agustin de Legaspi invited the other leaders to
come together for a secret meeting. Under pretext of visiting said Don
Martin Panga, a meeting was held in the said village by Don Phelipe
Salalila, Don Agustin Manuguit; Magat Salamat, chief of Tondo; Don
Pedro Bolingui, chief of Pandaca; Don Geronimo Basi and Don Grabiel
Tuam Basar, Don Agustin's brothers; Don Luis Amanicalao and Calao
his son; the brothers Don Dionisio Capolo and Don Phelipe Salonga;
Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan; Don Francisco Acta and
Amaghicon; with other Indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. For
three days they met, and drank after their fashion. During this time
they resolved to act in harmony and with one mind in everything. If
their slaves demanded liberty, they were to help one another against
them; for already they were not regarded or obeyed as before. They
possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found themselves poor and
cast down, ready to go to prison any day. Their sorrow was very keen
because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to
others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. For all
these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted,
and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to
Manila to attack the Spaniards, they would unanimously and with one
mind aid the enemy against the Spaniards. Thus they would once more
become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny
over the common people--who now were much favored by the Spaniards,
being promoted to superior places by them. The said Don Agustin de
Legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with
the said Japanese Don Joan Payo [Gayo]; and the other chiefs declared
that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes.
After this, it appears that in the month of February, one thousand
five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the English pirate
who passed through these islands and plundered the ship "Santana,"
the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he would come to this city,
to carry out their plan.
A few days afterward, Don Estevan Taes, chief of Bulacan, came to
the village of Tondo where they were. He conferred with Don Martin
Panga; and they decided that since the Englishman had not come, and
the compact made at the meeting of Tambobo had not been carried out,
they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at
the former one. To this end, he offered to notify and call together
all the chiefs from his village as far as Tondo, while Don Martin
Panga was to summon the other chiefs as far as Cavite. To this end,
the said Don Martin Panga said that he would carry a letter to the
governors of Malolos and Guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the
meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate
to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast. After
Don Esteban Tael [_sic_] had told him to leave the matter in his
hands, Don Martin Panga declared, in the presence of Pitongatan,
that he and Don Agustin had planned to call together the men of La
Laguna and Comitan; and that, when the people were all gathered,
they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship
which their fathers had enjoyed before them; and, with all the people
collected at Tondo, would attack Manila, as arranged with Balaya,
chief of Vangos, and with the natives of Batan. It seems that the
said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations
which detained the said chiefs. Moreover it appears that about the
same time, when certain Indian chiefs of Panpanga came to Manila on
business connected with their province, on passing through the village
of Tondo, Don Agustin Panga summoned them; and he, together with
Don Agustin de Legaspi, Sagat Malagat, and Amanicalao, talked with
them, and inquired after the business that took them to Manila. The
chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the
cessation of the lawsuits concerning slaves in Panpanga, until they
could gather in the harvest. Don Martin said that this was very good,
and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their
slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble
and choose a leader from among them, whom they should swear to obey
in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. The
chiefs of Panpanga said that they had [no] war with the Spaniards,
to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good
king. Thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the
aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to Manila in order to transact their
business. In Manila they were again invited to go to Tondo, to take
food with the plotters; but the Panpanga chiefs refused. On the same
day a meeting was held in Tondo by Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don
Martin Panga; Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos; Agustin Lea and Alonso
Digma, his nephews; Don Phelipe Salalila and Don Agustin Manuguit, his
son; Don Luis Amanicalao, and Calao, his son; Don Grabiel Tuambacar,
Don Francisco Acta, Don Phelipe Salonga, and other natives who rendered
service. While they were thus assembled, they all resolved and agreed,
amid the usual drinking, that the abovementioned Magat should go to the
Calamianes and from that place notify the Borneans to come to Manila
to attack the Spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here,
and would take care to receive and help them. In fulfilment of this,
the said chief Magat Salamat went to the Calamianes, which are near the
kingdom of Burney, taking with him the chiefs Don Agustin Manuguit and
Don Joan Banal. Thence he went to the island of Cuyo, where it seems
that he discussed the matter with Sumaelob, chief of the said island,
and persuaded him to come with the Borneans to plunder Manila. At
that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city,
and openly confessed that what has been said actually occurred.
The said inquiries and investigations made in reference to the
trial of the aforesaid persons were examined by the governor and
captain-general; and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared
guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were
to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty
ones escape. The men were arrested and their confessions were taken
down separately. At the proper time and place they were each charged
with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the
charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. Their
cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain
period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of
clearing themselves from the charge. The time expired, and the trial
was definitely closed. The governor and captain-general reviewed the
trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each
one of them, according to their guilt. The sentence is in substance
as follows:
Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga, as leaders and chiefs, and
being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged;
their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages,
as an example and warning against the said crime. All their goods
were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury
and half for judicial expenses. The above-mentioned appealed from
the aforesaid sentence to the royal Audiencia of these islands; but
after having examined the trial, the Audiencia confirmed the aforesaid
sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captain-general
in order that justice might be done. The death-punishment was to cut
their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. The
sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. All their
property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be
set aside for the royal treasury. This sentence was executed upon
the abovementioned persons as here stated.
Dionisio Fernandez, Japanese interpreter in the negotiations with
Xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to
be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for
the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He appealed from
this sentence to the royal Audiencia; but this court, after it had
examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general,
in order that justice might be done. The sentence was executed upon
him as here stated.
Don Pedro Balinguit, chief of the village of Pandaca, was sentenced to
six years of prescribed exile in Nueva España, and was condemned to
pay six taes of orejeras gold [14] for the treasury of the king our
sovereign, and for judicial expenses. The fiscal and he appealed to
his Majesty's chamber--I mean to the royal Audiencia--and this court
returned the case to the captain-general, so that justice might be
done. This man is about to sail in these ships for his place of exile.
Pitongatan, chief of the village of Tondo, was sentenced to exile in
Nueva España for eight years. His property was to be equally divided
between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial
expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; and this
court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place
as the governor should choose, for two years--one prescribed and the
other unconditioned--and to pay costs only.
Don Phelipe Salonga, chief of the village of Polo, was sentenced to
exile in Nueva España for six years. Half of his property was to be
set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for
judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia;
but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that
justice might be done.
Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan, was sentenced to
exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. His
property was to be divided equally between the treasury of the king,
our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to
the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general,
in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be
for four years.
Daulat, chief of the village of Castilla, was sentenced to prescribed
exile from this district for four years, and condemned to pay ten taes
of orejeras gold, half for the royal treasury and half for judicial
expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but
the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice
might be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be
prescribed and two unconditioned.
Don Joan Basi, chief and former governor of the village of Tagui,
was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction [15] for
four years. Half of his property was set aside for the treasury of
his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal
appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the
captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should
consist only of two years of prescribed exile.
Dionisio Capolo, chief of Candava, was sentenced to prescribed exile
from this jurisdiction for eight years, and was condemned to pay
fifteen taes of orejeras gold, half of which was to be set aside
for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for judicial expenses. He
and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, which, after having
examined the report of the trial, remitted it to the captain-general,
in order that justice might be done--save that the whole penalty
was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of
twelve taes of orejeras gold. The sentence was executed.
Don Francisco Acta, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to four years of
prescribed exile. Half of his goods and property was to be divided
between the treasury of his Majesty and judicial expenses. He and the
fiscal appealed to the court of his Majesty; but the case was remitted
to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--save that
the whole penalty was to consist of four years' prescribed exile,
and nothing more.
Don Luis Amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this
jurisdiction for six years. His goods were to be divided between the
treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the attorney
appealed to the royal Audiencia, but the case was likewise remitted
to the captain-general in order that justice might be done--only that
the exile was to be reduced to three years. The sentence was executed.
Don Grabiel Tuambacar, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from
this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes
of orejeras gold--half for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for
the judicial expenses. He appealed to the royal Audiencia, as did the
fiscal also; but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that
he might execute justice upon him--except that the penalty was to be
only four years' exile.
Calao, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction
for four years. Half of his goods were to be applied as in other
cases. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence
the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might
execute justice--except that the only penalty was four years' exile.
Omaghicon, chief of Navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in
Nueva España for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of
orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his
Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. This money was to be paid
within a month, under pain of hanging. The fiscal of his Majesty and
the culprit appealed to the royal Audiencia; there the sentence was
revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of
his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. Thus he was
condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being
made about his goods.
Don Geronimo Bassi was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for ten
years. His property was to be divided between the treasury of his
Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal of his Majesty
appealed to the royal Audiencia--which, after an examination and a
new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to
the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal treasury. The sentence
was executed.
Don Phelipe Salalila, chief of Misilo, was exiled to Nueva España for
twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold _de orejeras_,
of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty
and half for judicial expenses. He was to pay the money within twenty
days under pain of death. He and the attorney of his Majesty appealed
to the royal Audiencia--which, after an examination and a new trial,
revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of
all his goods in favor of the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence
was executed upon him.
Don Esteban Taes, chief of Bulacan, was sentenced to prescribed
exile in Nueva España for eight years, and condemned to pay sixty
taes of orejeras gold, for the treasury of his Majesty and for
judicial expenses. The money was to be paid within thirty days
under pain of death. He and the fiscal of the king appealed to the
royal Audiencia--which, on an examination and new trial, revoked the
sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods
in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his Majesty. The
sentence was executed.
Magat Salamat was condemned to death. His goods were to be employed
for the erection of the new fortress of this city. He appealed to
the royal Audiencia; but the case was remitted to the governor, in
order that justice might be done--except that the goods were to be
set aside for the treasury. The sentence was executed.
Don Agustin Manuguit was sentenced to exile in Nueva España for six
years, and condemned to pay twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the
building of the new fortress. Failing to pay this sum, the term of
his exile would be doubled. He agreed to pay it, and the sentence
was executed.
Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos, was sentenced to exile from his
village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. He
was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building
of the fortress, to which he agreed.
Alonso Lea was acquitted on the trial.
Amarlangagui, chief of the village of Tondo, was exiled from this
jurisdiction for four years, two prescribed and two unconditioned. He
was also condemned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward the
said building of the fortress. He agreed to this, and the sentence
was executed.
Don Joan Banal, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this
jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras
gold toward the building of the said fortress. He agreed to this,
and paid the money.
In the case of Amaghicon, Indian chief of the island of Cuyo, sentence
is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither
only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city.
The said sentences, as specified, were executed upon the above-named
persons. Those who were exiled to Nueva España are about to sail in
the ships which are to be despatched this year to that country. As for
the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines; but in
case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been
ordered to make investigations about them. They are already doing so,
as appears from the said trial and process, to which I refer. And,
in order that the whole matter may be evident, I give by the said
command the present record, in Manila, on the thirteenth day of July
in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine. I affix my seal,
in testimony of the truth.
_Esteban de Marquina_, notary-public.
We, the notaries who have here signed our names, [16] certify and
attest that Esteban de Marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated
record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this
city, as is stated herein, and is now exercising his office; and
that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are
transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified
and authenticated, both within court and without. Done at Manila,
on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred
and eighty-nine.
Letter from Gaspar de Ayala to Felipe II
Sire:
Last year I gave your Majesty a detailed account of the events that
had hitherto occurred in these islands; of what has since happened I
will give account in this letter. As soon as the ships left for Nueva
España, we set about building a ship of seven hundred toneladas at
the cost of your Majesty's royal exchequer. As purveyor thereof was
appointed Captain Don Juan Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province
of Pintados. The ship is being built in that district, and paid
for out of the tributes which your Majesty has from that province;
and this city provided some articles which were lacking there. The
purveyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming year. This ship
will be the fourth of your Majesty's vessels on that route [to Nueva
España]. I understand that two of them will be of no use for this next
year, as they will have to be laid aside. Thus it will be necessary,
that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built
continually. Although the Mariscal Grabiel de Rribera and Captain Juan
Pablo de Carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to
support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of Acapulco
on the first voyage, for the Piru trade. Although they could be bought
in these islands on the account of your Majesty's royal exchequer,
it seems to me better that your Majesty should save the profits that
will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built
at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built.
The accounts of your royal exchequer have been audited this year, and
are being sent with everything clearly expressed. The entire accounts
are set forth and the data in detail, each class by itself. Because
the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of
coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. Its income
has not reached the value of last year, although your Majesty's gold
has been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had
to be distributed in various payments. If it were possible for your
Majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of
the ships, there would be considerable profit. However, as the gold is
being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet
the salaries and other necessary obligations, it is, when there is a
lack of coin, distributed at the common value--although, as I have said
before, a somewhat higher value is given to your Majesty's gold. If,
as I have written in other letters, your Majesty would be pleased to
command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from
Nueva España to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence
the value thereof in gold, it would give the greatest relief to this
treasury and profit to your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thousand
pesos in gold, at the price at which it is given in tribute by the
Indians, would amount to fifty thousand in Nueva España. This could
be done very easily, if your Majesty would assume the risk of the
transportation of the money and the return of the gold. As a result,
your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations,
and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom. [_Marginal note_:
"Abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of Nueva España."]
By virtue of your royal decree received by your governor in the past
year, concerning the sale of the magistracies and offices of notary,
by order of your said governor the following offices were sold, in the
usual manner of selling your royal property: Four public notaryships
in this city, at eight hundred pesos each; the notarial office of
Panpanga, at one thousand pesos; that of the province of Pintados,
at one thousand seven hundred pesos; that of Cebu, at six hundred;
that of Bombon, at three hundred; that of Ylocos, at three hundred;
that of Camarines is set at six hundred, and has not been adjudged
to a bidder. These offices were sold with some inducements, in order
that there should be more bidding. Of ten magistracies which were
placed at auction, five were sold--the first at one thousand four
hundred pesos, the second at nine hundred, the third at a thousand,
the fourth at one thousand two hundred, and the fifth at nine hundred
and ten. The others are left to be auctioned upon the arrival of the
ship from Nueva España. To increase the value of the offices sold,
there were also admitted some bonuses, after payment of which, I
understand, the offices will clear fifteen thousand pesos more or
less. That the magistracies might have more value to meet the present
necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the
condition that the owners thereof could renounce them by depositing
in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the
offices of clerks. Should your Majesty confirm this, it will be of
much profit to your royal exchequer.
Besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be
sold, no mention was made of those of La Laguna, of the Coast and
Tondo, of Bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of Pangasinan,
which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by
themselves. Moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of
the alcaiceria [silk-market] of the Chinese, where there is a separate
judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection
of the Chinese ships, in the form provided by your governor, and
used by Thomas Perez. If this last office were sold with the others,
we could find a person who would give therefor five thousand pesos;
and should your governor provide the office of al-ferez-mayor and
that of depositary-general, it would come to six thousand pesos. I
understand that if your Majesty should command these offices to be
sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found many purchasers.
When Alonso Veltran, your notary of the court of this Audiencia,
departed for Nueva España, he sold his office, by official permission,
to Alonso de Torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five
hundred pesos. The third thereof was placed in your royal treasury
of which he made royal exhibition in the Audiencia, and asked to be
admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. When your
governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that
cause was not for the Audiencia, but for the governor, because the
general decree providing for the sale of offices for Nueva España came
addressed to the viceroy. Consequently, the Audiencia referred to the
governor the cognizance and decision of this matter; and he declared
that the said Alonso de Torres was not entitled to admission. Although
the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order,
as he said, to avoid misfortune. For this reason, your royal treasury
lost one thousand five hundred pesos. To remedy this, and to increase
your royal exchequer, it is most important for your Majesty to command
that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of Nueva España
in the year eighty-one, [17] which treats of the sale and renunciation
of offices, be observed in these islands. Its fulfilment should be
enforced by your president and auditors; and, when a vacancy occurs
in any office, the said office should be sold, in order that your
royal treasury may have some relief. If it is not thus commanded,
the governors will exercise the privilege of providing offices.
Last year I reported to your Majesty that, because of the death of
Doña Ana de Palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned
by her in Camarines. Petition had been made to your governor that
it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your
Majesty's royal decree; and that twelve thousand pesos of income should
be paid to this royal Audiencia. But because Captain Joan Maldonado
presented another decree in which your Majesty commands that there
be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted Indians,
on account of his many services and extreme poverty, part of the
said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was
assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred Indians, more or
less. Moreover, at the end of December of the past year, eighty-eight,
the encomienda owned by Don Luis de Sagajosa at Ylocos was left vacant
by his death. I petitioned your governor to place it to the account
of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree. He
declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would
remain vacant, and the income would be assigned to your royal treasury
as royal property, until your Majesty should command otherwise. Less
than seven hundred Indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your
royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by
the hospital. Appeal from this was made to the Audiencia, and the case
was continued. The result thereof was that another decree was issued
by your Majesty to the Augustinian friars, in which your Majesty
granted them a gift and alms of ten thousand ducats, payable within
ten years in unassigned Indians. In consideration of their poverty,
I consented that from the income of this encomienda there should be
given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should
be fulfilled. Then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that
the said encomienda be allotted to your royal crown; but that from the
income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos
for eight years, and to the convent of San Agustin three hundred pesos
every year until your decree should be fulfilled. After the payment
of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for religious instruction, and
the costs of the collection, I understand that there will remain clear
for your royal treasury the sum of one thousand four hundred pesos,
besides the nine hundred of the hospital and convent after their dues
are satisfied. The Audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of
your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do
so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision,
he would not comply. He was ordered to give a writ, in order that
the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title.
Later, on account of the death of Captain Villanueva, two encomiendas
were left vacant--one called Malgandon, and the other near this
city--which were worth two thousand pesos of income. As soon as he
died, without notice thereof having been given to me, on the first
day of last May before daybreak, your governor assigned the said
encomiendas--that of Malgandon to Cristoval de Axqueta; and the
other to Don Luis Enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which
he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from
this city. At the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was
assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. On the following day
I heard the news, and I presented myself in the Audiencia in order
to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should
be taken. I appealed from whatever writ of possession might be
provided; and I ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the
parties. Cristoval de Axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice
might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal
the possession which I had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor
of Pangasinan. The other litigants did not take possession; and, the
case being concluded, a writ was issued, by which all were protected
in their possession. The decision in respect to the ownership was
submitted to your royal Council of the Indias, I having appealed
from the writ. The case has been concluded and considered, and the
decision has not been reached; of that I shall later send a report
to your Majesty.
For these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling
them that I am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various
other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself
popular with them, while disparaging me. Consequently, some of them
bear me ill-will. Your said governor, although he knows that he cannot
take Indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three
or four times; and I have had them taken away by process of law. He
satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a
means of support, but that I had taken it away. As I took exception
to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which
had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but I
am. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command your governor to
refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which I exercise
and the actions at law which I cause are for your royal service, the
increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience
and obligation. As I am hated in this country for doing my duty,
would your Majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to
depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where I may serve better and
more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. When your
Majesty receives this, I shall have served in this office of fiscal
almost seven years. Should your Majesty not be disposed to grant me
this favor I shall continue in my service here until I die.
Still later, at the death of Doña Maria de Miranda, two encomiendas
were left vacant, both worth a thousand pesos of income. They were
given to Don Fernando de Villafaña, by virtue of your royal decree,
in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an
encomienda of Indians. He has served in these islands about ten years,
and for his good service and poverty but little has been given him. On
this account, and as your Majesty had commanded that he be given an
encomienda of Indians, I took no exception, as in the other cases.
This year there came from China eleven or twelve vessels with but
little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars
and a severe plague. It has been reported that a ship from Panama
or Piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at
Macan, which is on the river of Canton. As I have stated in previous
communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between Piru
or Nueva España and China, this country will be depopulated and
ruined. The principal means of support here is the merchandise from
China, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be
sold in Nueva España. This would be completely done away with, should
ships go from that country or Piru to China; for it is evident that,
if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market
or sale for the goods brought from these islands. Neither would the
Chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least
not in so large numbers; and besides the general loss to this land,
there would be lost the customs duties of import and export.
At my petition, in view of the fact that a large part of the gold
paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was
decreed that within a fortnight after the collection of tribute, the
gold should be declared, and the registers of collection displayed,
before the officials of your royal exchequer, under penalty of
losing the third part of the tribute for that year. The aforesaid was
proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city,
and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor. Nevertheless,
there is laxity in the declarations; and it would be of great benefit
for your Majesty to order the officers of your royal exchequer to
exercise great care in this, and to see that the disobedient suffer
the penalties. [_Marginal note_: "Bring the decrees in this case."]
Last year a fragata was despatched from this city to Maluco. Therein
were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business
connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of
letters from this Audiencia and your governor. This fragata anchored
in a port of the island of Borney, called El Paso; and the natives
attacked them, after having given assurance of safety so that they
would land. They killed one of the friars, and all the men except
three or four Spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed
it. Those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order
of the king of Burney, and that a Spanish soldier who had gone
there had been persuaded to turn renegade. They pay him a stipend
for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and
powder. Your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenger to ask
for this soldier; but the reply has not yet come. Many people were
of the opinion that, if soldiers had been in these islands in any
great number, a fleet should be sent to attack the said king--both
for the reason already given, and because he was a tributario to
your Majesty, and has refused to pay tribute. But with the few
troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who
are in Manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in
this kingdom. There are many enemies and but few Spaniards, and
the latter are dying in great numbers every day. Also, for lack of
troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as
I reported to your Majesty last year, had been perpetrated by the king
of Mindanao. In the past few days the Indians of Cibu have revolted,
and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute,
and other soldiers. They seized the women, and detained them for a
long time, until the alcalde-mayor of that island, with a number of
friendly Indians and fifty or sixty Spaniards, attacked and chastised
them. Some were killed in the encounter, and those most guilty were
hanged. Thereupon the said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island was
pacified. It lies more than one hundred and fifty leagues from this
city. Later, on the seventh of last June, there came further advices
from the said alcalde-mayor, to the effect that the natives of said
islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the
city, and kill all the Spaniards who might be there; and that several
of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are
being taken to arrest the others. Your governor sent him instructions
as to what he should do.
Four or five months ago two soldiers came from the city of Segovia,
located in the province of Cagayan. They were sent by the alcalde-mayor
of that province, bringing word that the province was all in rebellion
and that the Indians had killed many Spaniards. The natives were so
bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. He
begged for reënforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province
would be depopulated. It is the most important of these islands as
it is the nearest to Japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast
of China. Reënforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, Pedro de
Chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what
supplies and ammunition they could take. We have received news of
their arrival only. The outcome of the expedition I will relate when
it is over. Captain Martin de Barrios was also slain by the Indians
while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with
other soldiers; and I am ready to certify that there are few places
in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. When there is
any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send
messengers to keep up relations. This is because the Indians know that
there is but a small force of Spaniards, and that they are separated
from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as
they formerly were, under a military régime, but by a judicial order.
The past year we were informed that the Indian chiefs of this
district had met together at different times to discuss rebellion
against your royal service, and the death of all the Spaniards in
these islands, and the mastery of this land which was enjoyed by
their forefathers. At the time when this happened there was in this
city a Japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and
carrying on commerce. The natives made arrangements with him to come
to their aid with ships and soldiers. They were to give him part of
the land, and would send messengers to the king of Borney and other
principal Indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to
their assistance. They swore very solemnly according to their custom
to keep and fulfil the agreement. They chose a king, captains, and
officers of war; and weapons were made in secret. On the discovery
of their treachery and plots, the principal chiefs were arrested;
seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property
confiscated. Many others were exiled, some from their villages, and
others to Nueva España who sail in this ship. By this punishment it
seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. May God aid us,
and free us from so many dangers to which we are exposed. This land
will be lost and ruined if your Majesty does not expressly order a
goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid
to the men for their support. It is pitiful to see them die of hunger,
and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be
in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. Your Majesty should
not permit such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and
no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the
realms of Great China. For this it is very important to learn that
language, and for some religious of the orders of St. Augustine and
St. Dominic to teach the Chinese in that tongue, since in that wise
they will become fond of our religion. May God bring this to pass,
later. It would tend greatly to the preservation of the soldiers,
should your Majesty order your viceroy of Nueva España to send a doctor
to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal
treasury of Nueva España. For lack of a physician and of someone who
knows how to cure sickness, many of the people die--especially the
soldiers and sailors, who have few comforts.
Your Majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and serve for nothing
whatever. It will be more profitable and less costly to have a couple
of small ships and another couple of armed fragatas. This can be done
if your Majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be
broken up.
The fort, which is being built of stone, has been fractured in some
places, from the great weight. They say that it is caused by the
small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and
built in a round shape. It seemed as if it could be made secure by
building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is
now being done. If the cavaliers had been built at first, much money
could have been saved; but, as there are no engineers here, they have
done the best they could--although several captains say that they had
given warning at the beginning of the work. For this there has been
collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties
which used to be paid to your Majesty on the money brought from Nueva
España. Later, collections were made from the Indians of the land,
on each being levied one real--thus raising another twelve thousand
pesos, more or less. Now another tax of one real has been levied on
the Indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is
so poor, everything must be borne.
In last year's letter I advised you that at my petition, taxes were
levied on the Indians in their suits, according to the tariff of Spain,
charging the Spaniards triple the amount. Finding that the clerks
could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying
too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done.
Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, son-in-law of the licentiate
Melchior Davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own
son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. This he
proved by some Indian women of his house, although he did not find
them in the act. I conducted the trial, and, after review thereof,
condemned him to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand
pesos for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other things.
This year a Japanese ship came to this port with many supplies and
arms. There must have been more than five hundred arquebuses and as
many of their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. As the conspiracy
of the Indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was
believed that it came for the execution of that plot. On entering the
port, this ship was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and
the crew imprisoned. It was learned that they were going to sell the
weapons in Cian, and they were released from custody, on condition
that they would sell the goods here. This they did, and this country
has consequently been supplied with weapons.
As your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money,
it happened at the beginning of February of this year that,
on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the
bishop of these islands commanded the royal officials, under pain
of excommunication, to pay them the stipends assigned them from your
royal treasury--amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually,
for four prebendaries. According to my information your said officials
owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with
them in the month of July of the year eighty-seven--namely, that from
that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that
due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury
was so over-burdened. At this notification they replied to the bishop
that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one
and they were laymen. Of necessity, they appealed to the Audiencia;
and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. This
was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a
Saturday evening. After the Audiencia saw what difficulties would
follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after
it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it
passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and
reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the
council-room. To this he gave a certain reply, and after considering
this, with the documents, another decree was made, in which it was
declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which
the Audiencia ordered to be retained under its own jurisdiction. As I
was not present at this decision it was ordered that I be notified,
and that I should appear in the suit in defense of your royal
jurisdiction. Therefore, on the Monday next following, I presented
before the said bishop a petition requesting that he absolve the
persons excommunicated, and declare himself not to have jurisdiction
over that cause. To establish the fact that the recognition thereof
did not belong to him, I stated in the first argument of my petition
that it could not pertain to him as the royal officials were mere
laymen, and not subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to
the royal. I alleged further reasons that the cause was secular and
temporal. Among other things, the bishop replied to the petition
that he was not satisfied with a proposition that I had offered,
in reference to the holy office of the Inquisition. This caused
exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was
not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to
every person who entered his house he said that I had been guilty of a
heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. Moreover,
as there is here a commissary of the Inquisition, he called together
many friars and certified this proposition, separating it from the
petition and paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the
circumstances under which I made it. I am sending a report of all the
proceedings, in order that your Majesty may provide for the future,
as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and
privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury,
which your Majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to
the prebendaries and curates. The bishop, for the sake of peace, after
he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to
obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal Audiencia, issued a decree
in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his Holiness and to
your Majesty. He protested that he would proceed with the case when he
saw fit. Although I stated in petition that the bishop had not complied
with the ordinances of the Audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred
the penalties provided--which I begged to have executed--everything was
passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. In
this wise, whenever any dispute over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop
displays like obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being
added to the principal one. If a penalty should once be imposed that
would hurt him, he would obey and comply with the ordinances of the
Audiencia. But he says publicly that nothing can be done which will
restrain him, and this is what he desires. Because of this case the
prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not
enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of
February until the twenty-second of March--when, as it was holy week,
they returned. During this time only the cura came to the church, to
say mass; and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were
caused among all the people. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to
order this case to be summarily settled. The bishop declares that he
will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees fit to do so;
and it should be decided if it is right to suffer this thing. Also,
because I as fiscal attend to the defense of your royal jurisdiction,
should the bishop have license to declare in writing that I had made
a proposition touching the Holy Inquisition? It was not only this,
but that the statement went from one pulpit to another, by his
command, that to say that the bishop was not judge of that cause
was a heresy. These and other words of which the Audiencia will
give information caused no little scandal in this city. Likewise he
refuses to obey the ordinances of the Audiencia, making light of and
disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in
temporal matters.
It is quite common for controversies to arise between your governor and
the bishop as to which of them is to assign the salary to be given to
the ecclesiastics who administer instruction, both in the encomiendas
of your royal crown and in those of private individuals. Since the
salaries in the encomiendas of the crown are paid from your royal
exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at
least that they do so jointly. In this way your royal patronage
will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is
providing. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders
given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more
and more difficulties arise.
A case has been considered in the Audiencia, between the bishop and
the order of St. Augustine, as to whether the said order and the
religious thereof are to administer instruction to the Chinese living
in the village of Tondo. Ever since the settlement of this town,
they have had a convent there, ministering to the natives in their
own language. They say that they have also instructed the Chinese,
who understand what they say. The bishop placed in this town friars
of his own order, the Dominican, so that they could minister to the
Chinese in a chapel there. The Augustinians complained, saying that
by a brief of his Holiness, and a royal decree which they presented,
two monasteries of different orders should not be situated in the same
town, or in its vicinity. The Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring
that within thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of one
order, to administer instruction to the natives and the Chinese. As
this ordinance concerned a matter already adjudicated, the bishop
asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon
declared that by that ordinance the Dominicans were not excluded
from the administration of instruction to the Chinese. An appeal was
then made on the part of the order of St. Augustine; and they said
that some of their religious would in a short time know the Chinese
language. They were commanded by ordinance to observe the past decree,
until your Majesty should have been consulted and should provide
otherwise. Afterward, when the Augustinians saw that they were not
by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to
the Chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. The bishop, as he
desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the Chinese
language to preach to the Chinese on the afternoon of St John's day,
went to the town of Tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other
side of the river. He had trouble with the Augustinian friars, and
the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. Thereby was
caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and
Chinese, and among the Spaniards. The Augustinian friars complain that
the bishop, being a Dominican, favors his own order and persecutes
them; and that before the coming of the Dominicans to these islands
they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord.
There is great need of religious to administer instruction to the
natives, since of the few who were here a large number have died,
this year and last. There are many places without instruction, and
in still others there are ecclesiastics who do not know the language,
from which it results that the natives cannot be well instructed. It is
of much importance for the welfare and pacification of this land that
religious should come here, because in those places where they are now
stationed the Indians live more peaceably and with less license. I
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to give orders for their prompt
despatch, since their coming is so necessary for the service of God
and the good of souls. They should be of the three orders already here.
In this city there are two hospitals, one for Spaniards and the
other for the natives. That of the natives is under the charge of a
Franciscan friar, [18] who cares for them and ministers to them with
much charity. It seems as if God supports them as by a miracle; for
there are usually more than a hundred patients, sick with all kinds
of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other
income. It would be very injurious if the Franciscan friars should
abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your Majesty to order
that they hold and administer it, as has been done hitherto. Moreover,
license should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas
of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every year from these
islands to Nueva España. There should be levied on them neither
duties in these islands, nor freight charges at Acapulco; for with
this privilege, which would little affect your Majesty's interests,
they can further the work, and support themselves.
Those who are serving your Majesty in this royal Audiencia are:
the doctor Santiago de Vera, your president; the licentiate Melchior
Davalos, the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, and the licentiate Don Antonio
de Rribera, your auditors. The first two suffer from many ailments
and infirmities. There are also myself, a secretary, a reporter,
three attorneys, and interpreters and other officials of the Audiencia.
The persons who have been provided with offices this year are the
following: Don Fernando de Villafaña, alcalde-mayor of La Laguna, with
a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other
alcaldes-mayor; Pedro Manrique, alcalde-mayor at Pangansinan, who has
served your Majesty nine years, in these islands; Cristoval de Leon,
chief magistrate at Calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and
with wife and children; Gaspar de Ysla, chief magistrate at Lubao,
one of the early colonists, and married; Captain Gomez de Machuca,
alcalde-mayor of Camarines, who has served ten years in this country,
and married here; Bartolome Pacheco, alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, who has
seen six years' service in this land; Captain Don Alonso Maldonado,
alcalde-mayor of the alcaicería of the Chinese, who has served here six
years; Clemente Hurtado de Monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this
city, who has seen six years' service here; Lorenço Lopez de Abiste,
alcalde-mayor of the island of Çubu, who has served here six years;
Captain Don Diego de Alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor
as warden of the old fort, at the death of Captain Juan Maldonado,
who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; Juan
de Bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the
Indians, and is now inspecting in the province of Ylocos; Don Gaspar
de Vera, son of your governor, who was appointed as general of the
sea; and Joan, Cantero, alcalde-mayor of Calompite, who has served
seventeen years in this land.
On the twenty-ninth of June returned the messenger sent by your
governor to the kingdom of Burney to ask the king to deliver to him
the soldier who had turned renegade, as I have said above. Although
the king made some excuses for his acts, he nevertheless refused to
deliver the renegade.
On the same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and
water in this city. The natives say that they never saw such a
one. The sea and the river Madre rose until they joined and reached
the fort. Much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two
ships which were here loading a cargo for Nueva España--one belonging
to your Majesty, and the other to the mariscal Grabiel de Rivera--were
driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood
that they cannot be repaired. Even should one of them be repaired,
it cannot make the voyage this year. In all the port not one ship
or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send
advices to Nueva España of the condition of this land, which is
most unpropitious. By this calamity, so injurious to the community,
the people have become greatly disheartened. Moreover, as I write
this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from Nueva España,
although this is the seventh of July. The entire support of this land
depends on the coming and going of the ships; and if they are not
here by May or the middle of June, by delaying longer they run great
risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this
land. Sailing from the port of Acapulco at the beginning of March,
they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. As
this is of so much importance, I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to
order your viceroy of Nueva España to exercise the utmost diligence
in the early despatch of the ships which are to come to this land,
in order that they may accomplish the purpose of the voyage.
On the first of July, arrived the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves,
who had gone to chastise the Indians of the province of Cagayan,
who as I have said before, were at war. Although he had gone out
with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly Indians, he
did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy
their crops. He says that the Indians themselves burned their villages
and went to the mountains. It is known, however, that he left that
province in a worse state of war than before, and when the Indians
see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage.
We Spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies
on every side. If we are not relieved in time by the despatch of
reënforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it
is wanted. As I have already said, we are but few, and the troops
die very quickly. When the Indians see an opportunity to crush us,
they are not likely to let it slip. I beseech your Majesty to be
pleased to order your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask
troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them;
and also that he should send some money, because on account of the
many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your
royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. Sometimes,
for lack of money, important things are left undone.
On Sunday, the ninth of this month, I was in the cathedral, where
were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a
solemn procession and sermon. The deacon came out to sprinkle the
holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the
bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. It is the custom
to give it first to the Audiencia. When the deacon came back from
the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop
would not cause precedence to be observed for the Audiencia, they
would go to hear service elsewhere. When the bishop learned this,
he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not
to preach; and we were left without a sermon, to the great scandal
of the people gathered there.
There is nothing else at present. Only I pray that our Lord may
preserve your Majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase
of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in His holy se
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