The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 03 of 55
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Title: The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 — Volume 03 of 55
Editor: Emma Helen Blair
Annotator: Edward Gaylord Bourne
Editor: James Alexander Robertson
Release date: October 5, 2004 [eBook #13616]
Most recently updated: October 28, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1493-1803 — VOLUME 03 OF 55 ***
The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
beginning of the nineteenth century
Volume III, 1569-1576
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
Contents of Volume III
Preface. ... 15
Documents of 1569
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Cebu, June
5. ... 29
Letter to Felipe II. Andrés de Mirandaola; Cubu,
June 8. ... 33
Letter to Marqués de Falçes. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu,
July 7. ... 44
Relation of the Filipinas islands. M.L. de Legazpi;
[Çubu, July 7]. ... 54
Confirmation of Legazpi's title as governor and
captain-general. Felipe II; Madrid, August 14. ... 62
Documents of 1570
Letter to Felipe II. Fray Diego de Herrera; Mexico,
January 16. ... 69
Relation of the voyage to Luzón. [June, 1570?]. ... 73
Act of taking possession of Luzón. Martin de Goiti
and Hernando Riquel; Manila, June 6. ... 105
Letter to Felipe II. M. L. de Legazpi; Panae, July
25. ... 108
Evidence regarding the Portuguese expedition against
Cebú. M.L. de Legazpi; Çubu, October 21. ... 113
Documents of 1571-72
Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and
Philippinas. [1571?]. ... 121
Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in
the Philippines [1571?]. ... 132
Conquest of the island of Luzon. Manila, April 20,
1572. ... 141
Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel;
Manilla, June 19, 1572. ... 173
Documents of 1573
Expenses incurred for the expedition to the Western
Islands, 1569-72. Melchior de Legazpi; Mexico, March
2. ... 177
Affairs in the Philippines after the death of
Legazpi. Guido de Lavezaris; Manila, June 29. ... 179
Relation of the Western Islands called Filipinas. Diego
de Artieda. ... 190
Letter from the viceroy of New Spain to Felipe
II. Martin Enriquez; Mexico, December 5. ... 209
Documents of 1574
Letter to Felipe II. Andrés de Mirandaola; January
8. ... 223
[1]Las nuevas quescriven de las yslas del Poniente
Hernando Riquel y otros; Mexico, January 11. ... 230
Two royal decrees regarding Manila and Luzón. Felipe
II; Madrid, June 21. ... 250
Opinion regarding tribute from the Indians. Fray
Martin de Rada; Manila, June 21. ... 253
Reply to Fray Rada's "Opinion." Guido de Lavezaris
and others; [Manila, June, 1574?]. ... 260
Two letters to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; Manila,
July 17 and 30. ... 272
Slavery among the natives. Guido de Lavezaris;
[July?]. ... 286
Documents of 1575-76
Part of a letter to the viceroy. Guido de Lavezaris;
[Manila, 1575?]. ... 291
Letter to Felipe II. Juan Pacheco Maldonado; [Manila,
1575?]. ... 295
Encomiendas forbidden to royal officials. Francisco
de Sande, and others; Manila, May 26, 1576. ... 304
Letter to Felipe II. Francisco de Sande; Manila,
June 2, 1576. ... 312
Bibliographical Data. ... 315
Illustrations
Portrait of Fray Martin de Rada, O.S.A.; photographic
reproduction of painting in possession of Colegio de Agustinos
Filipinos, Valladolid. ... _Frontispiece_
Landing of the Spaniards at Cebú, in 1565; photographic
reproduction of a painting at the Colegio de Agustinos
Filipinos, Valladolid. ... 35
Map showing the first landing-place of Legazpi in the
Philippines; photographic facsimile of original (manuscript)
map, contained in the pilots' log-book of the voyage, preserved
in the Archivo General de Indias, at Sevilla. ... 47
"Asiae nova descriptio" (original in colors), map in _Theatrum
orbis terrarum_, by Abraham Ortelius (Antverpiae, M. D. LXX),
fol. 3; reduced photographic facsimile, from copy in Boston
Public Library. ... 86, 87
Preface
The documents presented in this volume cover the last three years of
Legazpi's administration in the islands, the governorship of Guido de
Lavezaris, and the beginning of that of Francisco de Sande. In the
brief period which we thus far survey, the first decade of Spanish
occupation (1565-75), are already disclosed the main elements of
the oriental problem of today: the conflicting claims of powerful
European nations, striving for advantage and monopoly in the rich trade
of the East; the eagerness of unscrupulous Europeans to subjugate
the wealthy but comparatively defenseless Chinese people, and the
efforts of the latter to exclude foreigners from their country;
the relations between the dominant whites and the weaker colored
races; the characteristics, racial and local, of the various oriental
peoples; the Chinese migration to the islands; and the influence of
the missionaries. Interesting comparisons may be made between the
conquests by the Spaniards in the Philippines and those made at an
earlier period in New Spain.
The royal treasurer in the Philippines, Guido de Lavezaris, writes
(June 5, 1569) to Felipe II, describing the Portuguese attack on Cebú
in the preceding autumn, and briefly mentioning some other matters. A
letter from another official, Andrés de Mirandaola (dated three
days later), informs the king of the wreck of a vessel despatched to
Spain with a rich cargo of spices; and he too describes briefly the
encounter with the Portuguese. The danger of another attack leads
the Spaniards to remove their camp to Panay, as being safer than
Cebú. Mirandaola pleads for reënforcements, and asks that soldiers,
of more industrious sort than hitherto, be sent to the islands. He
also gives some interesting information about China and its people;
and asks for an increase of his salary.
A letter from Legazpi (July 1, 1569) to the viceroy of New Spain
describes the difficulties between the Portuguese and Spaniards at
Cebú, and complains of Pereira's hostile actions there. The settlement
has been removed to Panay; they send their only remaining ship to New
Spain, to entreat aid in their distress and imminent danger, for the
Portuguese threaten to drive the Spaniards out of the Philippines. All
the expense hitherto incurred will be wasted unless a permanent and
suitably-equipped settlement be made at some good port. If supplies
cannot be sent, Legazpi asks for ships with which to transport the
Spaniards home, and wishes to resign his office as governor. With
this letter he sends an account of the islands, "and of the character
and condition of their inhabitants." The natives are unreliable, and
utterly slothful. Cinnamon is the only product of the islands which can
be made profitable to the Spaniards, until they can secure control of
the gold mines, and have them worked. Legazpi offers practical advice
as to the best methods of treating the natives, conducting commerce,
etc. His title of governor in Cebú is confirmed (August 14, 1569)
by royal decree.
A letter from Fray Diego de Herrera (January 16, 1570) to Felipe
II gives a brief account of events since Legazpi arrived at the
islands. He praises the courage and loyalty of the soldiers, and
asks the king to reward them; and asserts that the hostilities of
the Portuguese must be checked before much can be done to convert
the natives. A document without signature narrates the events of
"the voyage to Luzón" in May, 1570. It is a simple but picturesque
account of the campaign which resulted in the conquest of Luzón
and the foundation of Spanish Manila--evidently written by one who
participated in those stirring events. The Moros (Mahometans) of Manila
profess a readiness to make a treaty of peace with the Spaniards;
but they treacherously begin an attack on the latter--which, however,
results in their own defeat. The Spaniards capture the city and
set it on fire, which compels the Moros to abandon it. The victors
make compacts of peace with the neighboring villages, and return to
Panay. Illustrative of this episode is the "act of taking possession
of Luzón," dated June 6, 1570.
A letter from Legazpi to the king (July 25, 1570) outlines the events
of the past year. He renews his entreaties for some light-oared
vessels, in which he could send exploring parties through the
archipelago. In pursuance of a royal order, he sends back to Mexico the
Portuguese who are among his troops; but he cannot banish the other
foreigners, as they include his best workmen. He asks royal favor
and rewards for some of his officers. On October 21 of the same year,
he despatches to the king a formal complaint that Pereira had again
appeared at the Spanish settlement (now in Panay), and demolished
its fortifications.
A writer unknown gives an outline of the controversies regarding the
Line of Demarcation, and of the Spanish discoveries in the Philippines,
and the voyages made between the archipelago and Mexico, up to
1571. Lists of supplies needed [1571?] for the struggling colony
forcibly indicate the difference between the wants of civilized
Europeans and those of the semi-barbarous tribes in the Philippines.
Another picturesque account of the reduction of Luzón is furnished
(April 20, 1572) by an unknown writer, who claims to have obtained his
information from actual participants in that campaign. He mentions
various interesting details not included in the earlier account,
and narrates occurrences after the conquest of Manila. Legazpi goes
to that place (May, 1571) to establish his official residence;
the natives at his approach set fire to the village, which they
had rebuilt after its destruction by the Spaniards in the preceding
year. The seat of government for the archipelago is founded there;
and amicable relations (involving the payment of tribute by the
natives) are established between the Spaniards and the people of some
neighboring villages. Other communities refuse to make submission,
and defy the invaders; but they are successively reduced to subjection
by the Spaniards. After narrating these transactions, the writer
gives a brief description of the people of Luzón, their mode of dress,
religious rites, and various customs; and makes commendatory mention of
the Chinese who have settled on that island, who are now converted to
the Christian faith. He then enumerates the islands thus far explored
by the Spaniards, mentioning their principal resources and products. In
June, 1572, Legazpi formally establishes the Spanish city of Manila,
and appoints municipal officers.
An official statement is made by Legazpi's son Melchior, royal
accountant in New Spain (March 2, 1573), of the expenses attending
the Philippine enterprise during the past four years. Layezaris makes
report (June 29, 1573) of Legazpi's death (August 20 preceding),
and of affairs in the islands since then. Allotments of lands which
include the natives who reside thereon (known as "repartimientos" or
"encomiendas"), are being made in the islands, as fast as they are
pacified. Most of Luzón is now subdued; its resources are great,
and will maintain numerous Spanish settlements. The Chinese trade
with its ports is extensive, and steadily increasing; and those
traders are bringing wares of better quality than formerly. Lavezaris
complains of Portuguese hostility and intrigues; a Bornean king
also has attempted an expedition against the Spaniards. The governor
sends a cargo of cinnamon to Felipe; if only he had ships in which to
transport that precious commodity, he could ruin the Portuguese trade
therein. This enterprising official has sent to New Spain plants of
ginger, tamarind, cinnamon, and pepper; the first two are already
flourishing there. He suggests that it would be well to send to the
islands Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries, to continue the conversion
of the natives, already begun by the Augustinians. He asks rewards for
his officers, as having faithfully served the king amid great dangers
and hardships--especially Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo. He
advises that municipal officers be changed annually to prevent abuses.
A Spanish captain, Diego de Artieda, writes (1573) a "Relation
of the Western Islands." He enumerates the islands thus far
discovered by the Spaniards, describing their location, appearance,
and natural resources. He adds much curious information about the
natives--concerning their religious beliefs and rites, customs, mode
of dress, weapons, food, industries, social condition, etc. Artieda
notes all that he has been able to learn concerning Japan and China,
with interesting details as to their civilization, and the skill of
the Chinese as artisans; he mentions the antiquity of printing among
them. He offers to conduct an armed expedition against the coast
of China, if the king will supply him with two vessels and eighty
soldiers. He advises that Spain abandon the attempt to establish a
footing in the Philippines, or else that she ignore the Treaty of
Zaragoza and trade with the Moluccas.
Martin Enriquez, viceroy of New Spain, writes (December 5, 1573) to
Felipe II, announcing the arrival of ships with despatches from the
Philippines. With them has come the Augustinian friar Diego de Herrera,
who is on his way to Spain to inform the king of the acts of violence
and injustice which are being committed in the islands--especially by
the soldiers, who receive no pay and therefore maintain themselves
by raids on the native villages. Several Spanish officers have been
sent thence to Mexico, by way of punishment for various misdemeanors;
from them the viceroy has obtained much information, which he records
for the king's benefit. The resources of the Philippines are great;
but "every one asserts that the chief deficiency of that land is
justice; and without justice there is no safety." A new governor
is needed there. Reënforcements and supplies have been sent thither
from New Spain every year; but many persons die, and there has been
little increase of population. The riches of China incline some of the
Spaniards to plan for its subjugation to Spanish power. Commerce with
that land would be very desirable; but the viceroy cannot persuade
Spanish merchants to embark therein, on the uncertain and vague
reports thus far received; moreover, the Chinese already possess all
the goods that the Spaniards would export to them. Enriquez asks that
some large ships be provided for the Philippine trade, for which he
has no vessels of adequate size. He sends to the king a cargo of
gold, spices, silks, wax, and other goods. He asks that artillery
and rigging be sent him, and supplies for a reënforcement which he
is planning to despatch next year to the Philippines. He requests the
king to reward the faithful services rendered by Legazpi; and to do so
by providing for his daughters, now of marriageable age, and giving
to his son Melchior some grant in New Spain. The viceroy asks for
orders in various matters, especially in regard to the Inquisition;
and enumerates the documents he sends with this letter.
Andrés de Mirandaola writes (January 8, 1574) to the king. He
enumerates the gold mines thus far discovered in the Philippines, and
the advantages possessed by the islands; and urges the establishment of
Spanish power therein. He describes, as well as he can from reports,
the extent and resources of China, and hints that Spain might find
it worth while to conquer that rich kingdom.
Of much interest is the brief narrative (sent from Mexico January 11,
1574) by Fernando Riquel, Legazpi's notary, of events in the islands
during 1570-73. The governor founds a town in Cebú, and allots to
his followers the land and the natives who reside thereon. In April,
1571 he conducts an expedition for the conquest of Luzón (the events
of which have been related in previous documents). Riquel mentions the
coming of the ships, Legazpi's death, and other events. The islands
are in a peaceful condition; the lands are allotted in such districts
as have been pacified; there is promise of an abundant income from
the tributary natives; and the gold mines are very rich. The Chinese
trade is described; and Riquel thinks that China, notwithstanding
its great population, could be subjugated "with less than sixty
good Spanish soldiers." His narrative is followed by a list of the
articles carried in the ships which bear his letters--gold, spices,
silks, cotton cloth, and porcelain.
On June 21, 1574 Felipe II bestows on Luzón the title of "New kingdom
of Castilla," and on Manila that of "Distinguished and ever loyal
city;" and permits the establishment of a new municipal office. On the
same day Fray Martin de Rada, provincial of the Augustinians in the
Philippines, gives his written opinion regarding the exaction by the
Spaniards of tributes from the Indians. He declares that he and all
his brethren regard the conquests made in these islands as unjust; and
denounces the acts of injustice, oppression, and extortion committed
against the helpless natives. Rada asserts that the rate of tribute
is three times as high as it ought to be, considering the poverty
of the Indians; and urges the governor to reduce the amount levied
to one-third of the present exaction, and to protect the natives
from oppression.
Lavezaris and other officials at Manila undertake to defend
themselves from Rada's accusations, writing (probably very soon
after his "Opinion") a letter to the king to state their side of the
contention. They deny some of Rada's statements, and excuse their
action in other matters, casting the blame for many evils on the
treachery of the natives. They claim that they are protecting the
friendly Indians, and have nearly broken up the robbery and piracy
formerly prevalent among those peoples. They assert that the natives
are well supplied with food, clothing, and gold, and that the tribute
levied is moderate, and not a burden on the people; also that it is
regulated according to the relative wealth of different classes and
regions. This is illustrated by interesting quotations of prices and
values, and enumeration of goods obtained in trade, and of the products
of native industry. The officials admit that the natives pay tribute
only under compulsion, but say, "They like to be compelled to do so;"
and they consider all poverty among the Indians as due to laziness and
drunkenness. It is also far better for them to pay tribute than to be
raided by the Spanish soldiers for the means of supporting themselves,
as was done before the encomiendas were made.
Two letters from Lavezaris (July 17 and 30, 1574) give account of the
past year's events. Juan de Salcedo has conquered the rich province of
Los Camarines in Luzón; and the governor will try to found a Spanish
settlement there. The town founded at Cebú was almost deserted by
the Spaniards; but Lavezaris obliges them to return thither and aids
them in their poverty. He hopes to establish commerce with Borneo
and eventually to found a Spanish post in that island; and has other
plans for increasing the domination of Spain in the East Indies. Juan
de Salcedo has subdued the province of Ilocos, and founded the town
of Fernandina. The Chinese trade is steadily increasing. The natives
of Luzón are being rapidly converted, and missionaries are needed to
care for their souls; Lavezaris especially recommends the Theatins
for this work. He forwards a cargo of cinnamon to the king, to which
he adds various curiosities, and specimens of oriental jewelry;
and sends to New Spain certain plants and roots of economic value,
which he desires to introduce there. He has been obliged to send
Mirandaola to New Spain under arrest; so the office of factor is
vacant, and should be filled. An attorney-general is also needful in
the islands. Lavezaris complains of the Augustinian friars for opposing
the collection of tributes from the natives. Some reënforcements have
come from New Spain. Upon receiving this letter, the royal Council
orders that arrangements be made to furnish necessary supplies for the
islands from New Spain. Another copy of the document is forwarded to
Spain, to which, as it goes on a later vessel, the governor adds some
further items of news. Salçedo has pacified not only Los Camarines,
but Albay and the island of Catanduanes. The prospect is excellent for
the establishment and prosperity of Spanish colonies in the island
of Luzón. The governor sends with his letter maps of Luzón and the
coast of China. A letter (undated) from Lavezaris enumerates the
reasons for which persons are enslaved among the native tribes. He
advises that the Spaniards adopt this institution; otherwise, "this
land cannot be preserved."
An undated letter (1575?) by the same official, to the viceroy of
New Spain, mentions the orders given by the latter that all Indians
and negroes carried from the islands must be returned. Some Chinese
junks have been seized and pillaged. As a result, the trade which
was flourishing between the Spaniards and the Moros of Luzón has been
almost destroyed for the time--a serious matter, for the Moros supply
the Spaniards with provisions. Lavezaris asks that more married men be
sent to the islands. Some remarkably fine pearls have been obtained
near Bantayán. He asks the viceroy to provide him with a cipher code
for future communications.
Captain Juan Pacheco Maldonado sends to Felipe II (probably in 1575)
a report on the condition and needs of the Spanish colony in the
Philippines. He begins by narrating briefly the conquest of Luzón;
then describes the island and its trade, which is carried on with both
China and Japan. On account of its wealth and importance, Luzón should
be thoroughly subjugated; and Maldonado enumerates the provisions
that should be made for that end. Forty or fifty ecclesiastics should
be sent; and to aid in their labors a prelate should be appointed,
for which post the writer recommends Fray Diego de Herrera. Maldonado
urges that five hundred soldiers be sent from Spain and that with these
troops conquest should be made of the Liu-Kiu and Japan Islands. He
asks also for artisans to build ships, suggesting for this purpose
the negro slaves thus employed at Havana.
The new governor, Francisco de Sande, issues a decree (May 26, 1576)
forbidding royal officials in the islands from holding encomiendas
of Indians, and appropriating to the crown those formerly granted
by Lavezaris. The affidavits annexed to this document enumerate the
payments of tribute made by the natives, and indicate the need for
Sande's action. The governor sends to the king a report (dated June 7,
1576) of his first year's work, accompanied by a letter (dated June
2). He desires to subjugate China, an undertaking which he eloquently
urges upon the king. This report will be given in the next volume.
_The Editors_
March, 1903.
Documents of 1569
Letter to Felipe II. Guido de Lavezaris; June 5.
Letter to Felipe II. Andres de Mirandaola; June 8.
Letter to Marqués de Falçes. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; July 7.
Relation of the Filipinas Islands. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi;
July 7.
Confirmation of Legazpi's title. Felipe II; August 14.
_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, at Sevilla.
_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Arthur
B. Myrick; the others, by Alfonso de Salvio.
Letter from Guido de Lavezaris to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
This letter will serve to advise your Majesty that by the _capitana_
"San Pablo," which left this port on the first of July in the past
year 1568, I wrote at length to your Majesty regarding events which
had happened up to that time; and I refer you to the letters which
will go on this despatch-boat in the general budget, which is thus
accidentally increased. Now I shall relate the history of this
ship, and what happened to us after it left, with as much brevity
as possible, both to avoid prolixity and because the governor Miguel
Lopez will give your Majesty a longer and fuller relation. This ship
was despatched with more than four hundred _quintals_ of cinnamon for
your Majesty, besides small wares and other articles as specimens,
which would give no little satisfaction in that land. There arrived at
this port of Cubu on the eighteenth of September of that year a small
vessel of Portuguese, whose captain was Antonio Rrumbo de Acosta,
a person who had already come, the year before, to this port with
letters from the Captain-general Gonzalo Pereyra. He said that the
captain-general was coming with, all his fleet to see the governor
[of the Philippines] and provide him with necessaries, and that having
been separated from his fleet, he [Acosta] came to seek shelter at this
port, as he had knowledge of it, whence he would return immediately
to seek the fleet. He did so, having first been well received by
the governor [Legazpi] and this whole colony. On the twenty-eighth
of that same month, he came back to this port with letters from the
captain-general to the governor, saying that the former was very
near the port. The governor answered his letters, and despatched
them; and on the thirtieth of the same month, the captain-general
entered the port with a heavy fleet of Portuguese. They came with
nine sail--four ships of deep draught and five galleys and _fustas_,
without counting other small vessels which the natives of Maluco use
for the service of the larger boats. They remained in this port certain
days, peacefully, during which the captain-general and the governor
saw each other twice--once on land and the other time on sea. At the
last visit, the Portuguese stated that he would serve summons upon
us, which he at once proceeded to do. On the fourteenth of October he
sent the first summons, which the governor answered. The Portuguese
made answer to this reply and after that made his third demand; and
on the same day when he did this, he came to blows with us, in which
nothing was gained. He surrounded us at the entrances of this port (of
which there are two, one to the east and the other to the west). He
always endeavored to make war on us from the outside, in order to
guarantee his own safety as much as possible. Many people were seen
from this camp, and he captured many more, without it happening that
they could take or kill any of us. He granted life to a few soldiers
and boys that fled from this camp and went to his fleet. During the
time of this blockade, the flagship was burned because it was of
no use, and so that the nails it contained might serve for a ship
that was being made. At this time came the news that the _capitana_
"San Pablo" had been lost in the Ladrones during a storm, and while
the ship was moored. All the people had escaped and came to these
Filipinas islands in a bark which they made from a small boat. It
was a marvelous thing that one hundred and thirty-two people should
come in it as they did. May God pardon whomsoever did us such harm
in losing this ship in this manner. The Portuguese had notice of
this loss, and, having kept us surrounded all the rest of the year,
went away from this port on the first of January of this year 69, with
different ideas from those which they brought hither--because they had
maintained that we must go with them to India; and the captain-general
demanded in his papers or summons that we should leave these islands,
since they were within the demarcation of the king of Portugal. Now
because, as I said, the governor will give your Majesty at greater
length the news of all this, and is sending a relation and the
copy of the demands, I shall say nothing further of it. I finish by
saying that the despatch-boat "San Lucas" is being sent away today,
in order to request that your Majesty may send us sufficient help,
suitable to our need, which is very great, as they who are going to
you in this ship will bear witness; and by referring you to all that
I have before explained to your Majesty. In the ship "San Juan,"
which left this port on the twenty-sixth of July, of the year 67,
I sent certain tamarind trees and ginger roots to be planted in the
more fertile districts of that Nueva España. Now I am sending your
Majesty by Rrodrigo Despinosa, chief pilot who came in the _capitana_,
some roots of pepper already sprouted, for the same purpose. I, as
a zealous servant of your Majesty, am always, so far as my little
strength permits, watchful of everything that concerns the royal
service. And because I personally desire to inform your Majesty of
these things, and in order that I may do it as fully as I have heard
it, I beg your Majesty to do me the favor to send me your favorable
permission, in order that I may do so in the first ship that may leave
these parts for that Nueva España; and because in all things I hope to
receive favor from your Majesty, in regard to all the rest referring
to the aforesaid letters that I wrote your Majesty which are likewise
going on this vessel. I close begging our Lord to keep your Majesty's
sacred royal Catholic person, and prosper you with increase of greater
kingdoms and seigniories, as we, your Majesty's servants and vassals,
desire. From Cebu, June 5, 1569. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's
faithful vassal and humble servant, who kisses your royal feet,
_Guido de Lavesaris_
Letter from Andres de Mirandaola to Felipe II
Sacred Catholic Majesty:
With the _capitana_ which left this port on the first of July,
five hundred and sixty-eight, I sent your Majesty a relation of
what had happened up to that day in this place, with the fidelity
and loyalty which I owe as your Majesty's servant; and so will I do
in this. It pleased God that the _capitana_, making the return trip
from Nueva Spaña [2] for the second time, should lose the way, and
be driven upon the island of Guan, which is one of those called the
Ladrones, where they were lost on account of the storm that struck
them there. Assuredly this caused great sadness and anxiety in this
camp, besides the great loss that it occasioned us, both because
that ship was very convenient and important for the expedition,
and because of its large cargo of cinnamon and other goods which
would have given great satisfaction in your Majesty's kingdoms and
seigniories. It carried, registered for your Majesty, one hundred and
fifty _quintals_ of cinnamon; and for private individuals more than two
hundred and fifty--which consignments we allowed to be carried on the
register, mindful of the misery and necessity which the people were
suffering, and considering that they had nothing else with which to
help themselves. On this account, permission was given to take these
goods, and with the idea that if it should seem best in Nueva España
to take them at a moderate [price] [3] in your Majesty's name, they
would be thus taken; and advices to that effect were sent. There were
also specimens of pieces of [gold], porcelain, and other things, as I
have said, which would give great happiness to your Majesty's vassals
and make them desirous to come to these parts to serve God and your
Majesty. As I have said, it pleased God that everything should be lost,
and that the men should be saved, although with considerable risk of
life. Moreover, after both privations and shipwreck had happened to
them in a land where they had neither refuge nor refreshment, they
had to deal with the most brutish and least civilized tribe of people
ever seen hitherto. Our men experienced great difficulty with those
people, because of their utter barbarism and their savage manner of
fighting. God, who brought them to this port, protected them, showing
them his divine clemency and pity. May He give us grace to serve Him,
and may He keep us in your Majesty's service.
There arrived at this island, where we had settled in your Majesty's
name, Gonzalo Pereira with the fleet (of which we sent your Majesty
news by the _patache_ "San Juan"). He arrived on the second of October
of the year five hundred and sixty-eight; and he came thus, with
four galleons and six small galleys, which took position near this
your Majesty's camp, after having gone through certain formalities
and requisitions, as your Majesty will see by these letters. [4]
The said blockade lasted three months, during which they made war on
us, not as on Christians, and your Majesty's vassals, but as against
infidels and tyrants. They uttered all the insults and inflicted on
us all the humiliations that they could, taking away from us the
entrances to the harbors, whence came our provisions, and burning the
houses and possessions of our neighboring friends--which certainly
gave these pagan natives a great notion of cruelty, seeing that
with such wicked ways and such cruelty the Portuguese were trying
to hurt and annoy us. And in this way, seeing that by fighting they
might lose more than they would gain, they did not care to fight,
but resolved to take, on the side toward the sea, the harbor entrances
(which are two) with their ships, as they were fully aware that we had
nothing with which to resist them. Accordingly, they kept us shut up;
and in all this time no food or anything else could be brought in for
our support, for which reason we ran a great risk of perishing and
dying in great misery. The governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, acted
with the power delegated to him by your Majesty, doing in everything
all that was possible, as was evident by the messages and requests
to which I refer, which were made in your Majesty's name.
It has pleased God that through some loss of his men, who died from
diseases, the Portuguese should raise the blockade on New Year's
Day of this year five hundred and sixty-nine. He went away with his
fleet, without leave-taking or without saying anything more than to
warn us that he would return in a short time, with forces enough to
crush and destroy us. Therefore it was decided to change the site
and situation of this camp to a province called Panae, where it is
believed that we can hold out until your Majesty provide us with
help and reënforcements, in order that your Majesty's affairs and
vassals may not be so injured by the vassals of the king of Portugal-
a place where no damage may be done, for never since these parts
were discovered have the Portuguese resorted thither, and neither the
king of Portugal nor his vassals had trade or commerce, nor can they
possess anything there. Therefore your Majesty will understand how
little respect the Portuguese have--in your Majesty's absence, and in
a place where they can act thus--for what is due to your Majesty. They
are willing to execute very correctly the conditions and clauses of the
agreement, that is to say those conditions that are in their favor,
but will not admit any excuse or exoneration however reasonable or
legitimate it may be. We are quite certain that your Majesty will
already have taken action in these matters, so that the Portuguese
cannot continue to harass us. This present enterprise is of such a
nature that, if your Majesty wishes to continue it--an enterprise so
long desired, and in which God has afforded your Majesty so fortunate
and evident a result--it offers God a great increase of his Catholic
faith, which may be cultivated in these regions, and to your Majesty
an increase of great kingdoms and seigniories. As I have said above,
the continuance of the liberty due to our government in these lands
would assure your Majesty of being served with the greatest diligence
and care, such service being especially necessary. I have to report, as
your Majesty's faithful servant and vassal, that the persons appointed
to your Majesty's royal service are of little experience, and that any
business, however light it is, gives them a fright. Accordingly, they
content themselves with doing little, and continually oppose certain
things which have been discussed touching the royal treasury--as has
occurred in the case of the fifths, for which my companions asked,
during my absence, in a certain council that was held, telling
the captains that for the present these ought not to be given. And
although I do not believe that the amount is yet so heavy that it
could swell your Majesty's royal treasury, through the good custom
and law permitted by God, which that would put an end to--the answer
that I gave when they notified me of it, was that, since they were
like myself, your Majesty's servants and vassals they were in duty
bound to increase your Majesty's crown and royal estate, to the best
of their ability, and ought to do so.
It is especially necessary that your Majesty order that the people
who are to come to these parts from Nueva España shall be sent
without regularly appointed captains, but that they shall bring
a person suitable to command them as far as these islands, to the
point where the governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, shall reside, in
order to deliver the people to him and give up the command; and that
your Majesty shall assign to this duty persons who shall seem to be
better qualified for your Majesty's royal service, because thus our
reënforcements will come more conveniently and with less expense to
the royal treasury. There will thus be an opportunity for rewarding
the persons who have served your Majesty here, as being also men
experienced and conversant in the business and affairs of this land,
and accustomed to the hardships to be encountered here. I think that
those who newly come will feel these hardships keenly, on account of
this country being, as it is, very different from other regions--as
your Majesty will see in the case of Diego de Artieda. [5] He came
on the _capitana_, in which he wished to return immediately after
having transacted his business, and having served your Majesty very
little, as your Majesty will, by this time, have full information and
account; and the cause, as far as it is known, has been his unsteady
disposition. I say this, that your Majesty may have the most important
information in this matter; and in everything your Majesty will act
as suits your pleasure.
When the Portuguese were in this harbor, it was learned that they were
trading and bargaining on the coast of China and Japan; and that it
was a business by which they were maintaining themselves, since it
was the most extensive and advantageous trade that has been hitherto
seen in any place where trade has been carried on. I am certain of
this from what I heard from them in general, and especially from
the captain-general and other persons in the fleet that came here,
mainly to learn what your Majesty is doing--a thing they strenuously
denied. I make this observation as one who transacted the business
with them and with the said captain-general, for your Majesty and in
your Majesty's royal service. Your Majesty will understand, without
doubt, their feelings at learning that your Majesty was continuing
this affair and expedition--which were quite evident in the messages
and summons served on us by them, and their procedures while here. One
or two persons were captured in an islet, when we went to discover it,
who were there with a vessel, which we chanced to encounter--in this
vessel, as I have said, being these two men. They appeared to be more
intelligent than the others whom we met. It was learned that the Moros
from Borney had robbed them; consequently they had nothing except some
gold and silver not worth more than a hundred _escudos_ [6] and some
other articles of no value. It was learned from these men that China
is a very important country and that its people are highly civilized,
engage extensively in trade, and have a well-ordered government. They
tell of thirteen cities called Chincheo, Cantun, Huechiu, Nimpou,
Onchiu, Hinan, Sisuan, Conce, Onan, Nanquin, and Paquin. [7] Paquin is
the court and residence of the king. Fuchu, Ucau, Lintam, and Cencay
are cities of especial note. There are in all fifteen in which they
say that the king has placed his governors. The king is named Nontehe,
and a son of his Taycu. This is the relation that we have been able
to get from these men--hitherto, outside of the ancients, the only
description of the greatness of China that your Majesty has. They
say that these people are so fearful of a prophecy related to them
many times by their astrologers--namely, that they are to be subdued,
and that the race to subdue them will come from the east--that they
will not allow any Portuguese to land in China; and the king orders
his governors expressly not to allow it. Throughout his land he has
enforced great watchfulness, and stored military supplies, as these
Indians give us to understand. All of us your Majesty's servants and
vassals are quite sure that, in your time, China will be subject to
your Majesty, and that in these parts, the religion of Christ will
be spread and exalted, and your Majesty's royal crown increased,
and all this in a very short time.
I humbly beg and beseech your Majesty that you will grant me the favor
of increasing my salary to three thousand ducats, in consideration of
the poorness of the country and the fact that we have to be supplied
from España and your Majesty's realms with what we need to maintain
ourselves. Consider also the position that was granted me in your
Majesty's name by Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of Nueva España (whom
may God keep in his perpetual glory); I have served until now in these
districts as your Majesty's faithful servant, enduring great hardships
and misery; and that, in order to join this expedition, I spent my
patrimony and ran into debt besides, to the extent of many gold pesos.
It was agreed to despatch this _patache_ on account of the delay there
has been in sending your Majesty's despatches from Nueva España, and
also to let your Majesty know our negotiations with the Portuguese
and our great necessity; for there does not remain to us a larger
boat in which we can give notice of what happens, nor supplies enough
to be able to make one. In consideration of this, your Majesty will
be pleased to have provided, with diligence, sufficient assistance,
so that we may find out what there is in these regions; and, that
God and your Majesty may be served therein, we are sure that your
Majesty will have this provided for. May our Lord guard your sacred
royal Catholic person and increase your kingdoms and seigniories. From
Cubu, June viii, 1569.
Your sacred Catholic Majesty's faithful servant, who humbly kisses
your Majesty's royal feet.
_Andres de Mirandaola_
Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to the Marques de Falces
On the first of July of last year, I despatched from this port
Captain Felipe de Salzedo in the flagship to that Nueva España,
to give your Excellency [8] an account and relation of what had
occurred until then, and to carry specimens of articles produced in
this land. It pleased God that the ship should be wrecked while at
anchor in one of the Ladrones Islands; for it was driven on the coast
and all that was on board was lost, except the crew. They returned to
these islands with much difficulty, in the boat, which they repaired
for that purpose, as well as they could. Felipe de Salcedo saved
the packet of letters for your excellency, which accompanies this
letter. A few days after the departure of the flagship from here,
I heard that a Portuguese fleet was coming toward us. In fact, it
came in sight of this port--seven vessels in all, sailing in a line,
four galleons and three _fustas_. The captain-general of the fleet
was a gentleman called Goncalo Pereira. At first, he declared that he
came there only to see us and to inquire whether we needed anything
that he could supply us; but after he had entered the port with fine
words, offers, and promises both general and specific, he tried to
persuade us to go with him to India, saying that he was surprised at
our remaining so long in this land, when we knew that it belonged
to the king of Portugal. I answered him that I had believed myself
to be on land of his Majesty, but that, not being a cosmographer,
and not possessing a commission from his Majesty in regard to it, I
did not wish to contradict him or quarrel with him on that subject. I
assured him that, on arriving in this land, I was obliged to go into
winter-quarters here; and that I had despatched a ship to his Majesty
with a relation of what had occurred on the voyage. I added that I
had been expecting and still expected an answer to that report; and
that for lack of ships I had postponed my departure from the country
until they should be sent from Nueva España. To this he answered that,
on the contrary, it seemed to him that we wished to take possession
of the land of his king, with the intention of passing over into
China and other regions which were likewise his, thus breaking the
compact made between the kings of Castilla and Portugal. That was
satisfactorily answered by me, in the above manner, and I assured him
that my intention was not to injure his king in anything whatever, or
to seize anything belonging to him, because such was the injunction
imposed upon me by his Majesty. All this did not prove sufficient,
and he said that he could not go away from here unless either he
took us away, or we left the country immediately. He began to issue
some written injunctions, which, together with our answer to them,
accompany the present letter, so that your Excellency may know what
occurred. My intention was always to avoid giving him occasion for
commencing hostilities; but it availed little, for without any cause
whatever he started the war, and began to demolish with his artillery
some gabions we had built on the coast for our defense. He blockaded
both entrances to this port with his ships, to prevent us from bringing
in provisions or anything else, as will be confirmed by the testimony
accompanying this letter; and declared that, if they could not capture
us by any other means, they would do so by hunger. Thus he besieged
us for nearly three months, and the harm which he could not inflict
upon the Spaniards he inflicted upon the natives of the neighborhood
who were our friends. He burned and destroyed seven or eight towns,
and gave the natives to understand that this land belonged to the king
of Portugal. He said that we were thieves on a plundering expedition,
and that the Portuguese would destroy and kill those who befriended
us. From this we clearly saw and understood the good-will with which
they had come. Many towns which had been won to us have withdrawn from
our friendship, especially those lying along the coast of Mindanao,
where cinnamon is bartered. These towns the Portuguese injured,
and captured and took away some of the people. On the New Year's
Day just passed, they raised the blockade and departed; for God,
our lord, in His infinite goodness and mercy was pleased, through
the very means by which they thought to defeat us, to force them
to depart--namely, because of lack of provisions; although at their
departure they threatened to return soon and take us away by force.
After the blockade had been raised, and we saw the great need and
distress into which they had brought us, the captains and leaders of
the camp discussed the course which was to be taken for our defense in
case the Portuguese should return hither, as they are likely to do. All
agreed that we should change our location and settlement, because it
would be impossible to defend ourselves here where they could, simply
by closing the entrances to the port, as they did at first, starve
us, on account of the lack of food on this island. In view of other
causes and arguments set forth for this change, we thought that the
river Panae, situated forty leagues from this place, would be a more
suitable site, for it abounds in rice, and no one from the sea could
prevent us from going up the river to the mountains. Accordingly we
have removed thither the artillery, although the quantity of powder
and ammunition now remaining is so small that the artillery can be
of little help in any place. We have decided to send the companies
around the river into other towns, where they can sustain themselves
until we hear from the enemy.
The flagship having been lost, I tried to repair this _patache_
"San Lucas," in order to send word to your Excellency that I have
no other ship left, nor can I send further information until its
return. Thus we are left surrounded on all sides by water and
enemies, awaiting the mercy of God, and the help and remedy which
your Excellency will be pleased to send us, for we cannot expect
it from any other source. During the blockade by the Portuguese,
we did not lack infamous men who, persuaded by words and promises,
turned traitor and passed from this camp to their fleet. These men,
whose names accompany this letter, did us no little harm. If the
enemy return, may it please God that there be no more thus inclined;
for, as we are poor and needy, and have not seen for many years any
letter or order from his Majesty, or from any other person in his
royal name, concerning what we ought to do, some of our men are much
disheartened. On the other hand, they are strongly solicited by the
Portuguese with many offers and promises--a thing which I most regret,
and which gives me more grief than the harm which the enemy can do
us. May it please God to remedy this, for he knows what we need.
Before now I have written that if his Majesty has an eye only on the
Felipina islands, they ought to be considered of little importance,
because at present the only article of profit which we can get from
this land is cinnamon; and unless order is established and a settlement
is made, his Majesty will continue to waste money--although since
then I well understand that this land possesses regions which would
more than pay for the money spent on them. If his Majesty desires
more important things hereafter, he needs to have a settlement here
with a sure harbor and port. In order that a better explanation may
be given concerning what I am saying, I send to your Excellency a
summary relation on the nature of this country and of the natives,
[9] so that your Excellency may examine it and provide what is most
necessary for the service of God and his Majesty and for the welfare of
this land. I also send with this letter the register of the flagship,
so that it may be learned what it was carrying, and what of the cargo
was lost.
What we most need and lack at present is powder, ammunition,
arquebuses, and pikes. We are so short of them that a third of our
men possess no weapons with which to fight. I humbly beseech your
Excellency kindly to favor me by sending us what I have asked for, by
this same _patache_, or by any other which might speedily be sent. This
aid, even if no men or other supplies be brought over, will, with the
news of favors to be received hereafter, give courage to the men; and
will make them stand their ground and defend themselves until the other
supplies arrive. Otherwise, I think it will be exceedingly difficult
for them to do so. If your Excellency holds a warrant from his Majesty
to provide what we need here, may your Excellency be pleased to see
that it be fulfilled with the haste which the matter demands, and for
which we beg and implore; otherwise, may your Excellency favor us by
sending vessels by which we might leave this land, and not perish here
without any profit. And I am sure that his Majesty will be pleased
with that, for he would not wish us to perish here for lack of ships,
as long as he expects nothing else from this land.
I am sending in this _patache_ five pieces of artillery as
ballast. They are medium-sized cannon, in very good condition; and,
with their ammunition cases and fittings may be utilized by the ships
which your Excellency may be pleased to despatch. They will not be
missed here, for we lack powder and ammunition even for the cannon
which are left.
I notified your Excellency, through the flagship, that I detained
Captain Diego de Artieda against his will, for he desired to depart
with the ship. He has now insisted and claimed that he should return;
and I, in order not to oppose and detain him longer against his will,
have permitted him to depart on the _patache_. On the same vessel
departs father Fray Diego de Errera, [10] who has been our prior
here, and whom we shall greatly miss. Only one religious is left us,
the father Fray Martin de Herrada, [11] and it is fortunate that he
is with us. If this work is to go on, it will be necessary to send
him companions and religious suited for so great and holy a work,
and who might help him to sustain the charge and labors of this
land, where they cannot be rewarded at present as much as in that
Nueva España. The people who come here, whether they be religious
or laymen, should be such as are willing to settle in this land as
permanent residents, and not return in the same ship on which they
came. Your Excellency will provide for this and in all other necessary
matters. I humbly beg your Excellency to have much compassion on me,
and kindly give me permission to go into retirement, entrusting the
affairs of this land to the hands of one who might take them up with
more energy. This will be a very great favor to me.
Before now I have written that it is best not to allow any Portuguese
to come over with the other people. This matter ought to have careful
attention, for the Portuguese are not to be trusted, and will profit
us little. Many of them, both soldiers and sailors, came on the
flagship, and I would be glad to see them far from here. I beseech
your Excellency to be pleased to take the necessary measures in this
respect; for it is certainly an important matter, upon which much
depends. Felipe de Salzedo is coming in this _patache_ and will give
a more complete relation of everything; I refer you to him. May our
Lord keep, etc.
From this island of Çubu, July seven, 1569.
Relation of the Filipinas Islands and of the Character and Conditions
of their Inhabitants.
This archipelago is composed of many islands. Some of them are large,
and most of them thickly populated, especially on the seacoast and
all along the rivers. The mountains are also inhabited; but there
are not as many large towns as along the coast and the rivers. The
inhabitants of these islands are not subjected to any law, king, or
lord. Although there are large towns in some regions, the people do not
act in concert or obey any ruling body; but each man does whatever he
pleases, and takes care only of himself and of his slaves. He who owns
most slaves, and the strongest, can obtain anything he pleases. No
law binds relative to relative, parents to children, or brother to
brother. No person favors another, unless it is for his own interest;
on the other hand, if a man in some time of need, shelters a relative
or a brother in his house, supports him, and provides him with food
for a few days, he will consider that relative as his slave from that
time on, and is served by him. They recognize neither lord nor rule;
and even their slaves are not under great subjection to their masters
and lords, serving them only under certain conditions, and when and
how they please. Should the master be not satisfied with his slave,
he is at liberty to sell him. When these people give or lend anything
to one another, the favor must be repaid double, even if between
parents and children, or between brothers. At times they sell their
own children, when there is little need or necessity of doing so.
These people declare war among themselves at the slightest
provocation, or with none whatever. All those who have not made a
treaty of peace with them, or drawn blood with them, are considered
as enemies. Privateering and robbery have a natural attraction for
them. Whenever the occasion presents itself, they rob one another,
even if they be neighbors or relatives; and when they see and meet
one another in the open fields at nightfall, they rob and seize one
another. Many times it happens that half of a community is at peace
with half of a neighboring community and the other halves are at war,
and they assault and seize one another; nor do they have any order
or arrangement in anything. All their skill is employed in setting
ambuscades and laying snares to seize and capture one another, and
they always try to attack with safety and advantage to themselves.
The land is fertile, and abounds in all provisions common to this
region. [12] If at times some places lack the necessaries of life,
it is because the natives are the laziest people in the world,
or because they are forced to leave their towns through war, or for
other reasons. The land is neither sowed nor cultivated. Another cause
for the lack of provisions is, that they have so little authority
over their slaves. They are satisfied with what is necessary for the
present, and are always more ready to rob their neighbors of their
possessions, than to work and cultivate their own land.
More or less gold is found in all these islands; it is obtained from
the rivers, and, in some places, from the mines, which the natives
work. However, they do not work the mines steadily, but only when
forced by necessity; for because of their sloth and the little
work done by their slaves, they do not even try to become wealthy,
nor do they care to accumulate riches. When a chief possesses one or
two pairs of earrings of very fine gold, two bracelets, and a chain,
he will not trouble himself to look for any more gold. Any native who
possesses a basketful of rice will not seek for more, or do any further
work, until it is finished. Thus does their idleness surpass their
covetousness. In spite of all this, we see that the land possesses much
gold; for all men, whether they be chiefs or not, whether freemen or
slaves, extract and sell gold, although in small quantities. Then, too,
many ships come every year to these islands, from Bornei and Luzon,
laden with cloth and Chinese goods, carrying back gold [13] with them;
yet, with all this regular withdrawal of gold, the natives have always
gold enough with which to trade. All these things permit us to infer
that, if the mines were worked steadily and carefully by Spaniards,
they would yield a great quantity of gold all the time. Nevertheless,
in some places where we know that mines exist, the natives do not
care to work them; [14] but, on the arrival of the foreign vessels
for purposes of barter, they strike a bargain with those foreigners
and allow them to work in the mines for a period agreed upon. From
this it is clearly evident how slothful these people are.
There are places in these islands where pearls can be found, although
they are not understood or valued by the natives; therefore they do
not prize them, or fish for them. Cinnamon is also to be found here,
especially in the island of Mindanao, where a large quantity of it is
gathered on the headland called Quavit, [15] and in Samboaga and other
parts of the said island. In some places we have seen pepper trees and
other drugs which the natives do not value or cultivate--from which,
with care and cultivation, they might derive and obtain profit.
At present cinnamon is the only article in the land from which we can
derive profit; for, as I have said above, the gold supply will always
be small until the mines are worked. I believe that if the land is
settled and peopled by Spaniards, we shall be able to get plenty of
gold, pearls, and other valuable articles. We shall also gain the
commerce with China, whence come silks, porcelains, benzoin, musk,
and other articles. Thus partly through commerce and partly through
the articles of commerce, the settlers will increase the wealth of the
land in a short time. In order to attain this, the first and foremost
thing to be attempted is colonization and settlement. Through war
and conquest, carried on by soldiers, who have no intention to settle
or remain in this country, little or no profit will result; for the
soldiers will rather impoverish the land than derive profit from it.
If your Majesty looks forward to this land for greater and richer
things, it is necessary to people it, and to have a port here; for
this land has many neighbors and is almost surrounded by the Japanese
islands, China, Xava [Java], Borney, the Malucos and Nueva Guinea. Any
one of these lands can be reached in a short time. This country is
salubrious and has a good climate. It is well-provisioned, and has
good ports, where can be found abundance of timber, [16] planking, and
other articles necessary for the building of ships. By sending here
workmen, sails, and certain articles which are not to be found here,
ships could be built at little cost. Moreover, there is great need of
a good port here, for it is very dangerous for large ships to sail
very far in among these islands, on account of the shoals and tides
hereabout. For this reason, it would be better to build galleys and
light boats with oars, to go to the lands above-named, whence they
would bring the cargoes for the heavy vessels. Thus the latter would
not leave any port of these islands which might be founded for this
purpose; and by this method the voyages and trading would be effected
with great rapidity in every direction. The large ships would simply
come to such ports as I have said, load their cargoes, and return.
I believe that these natives could be easily subdued by good
treatment and the display of kindness; for they have no leaders,
and are so divided among themselves and have so little dealing with
one another--never assembling to gain strength, or rendering obedience
one to another. If some of them refuse at first to make peace with us,
afterward, on seeing how well we treat those who have already accepted
our friendship, they are induced to do the same. But if we undertake to
subdue them by force of arms, and make war on them, they will perish,
and we shall lose both friends and foes; for they readily abandon their
houses and towns for other places, or precipitately disperse among the
mountains and uplands, and neglect to plant their fields. Consequently,
they die from hunger and other misfortunes. One can see a proof of this
in the length of time which it takes them to settle down again in a
town which has been plundered, even if no one of them has been killed
or captured. I believe that by peaceful and kindly means, they will
be easily won over, although it may take some time to do so--because,
in all towns where Spaniards have brought peace and not destruction,
the natives have always begged for friendship, and have offered to pay
tribute from what they gather and own in their lands. And although at
times they do not fulfil their promise, it is not to be wondered at;
for the country is not yet sufficiently settled and secure. I am sure
that, when this is so, they will be subdued and will do whatever is
justly commanded them.
These natives will be easily converted to our holy Catholic faith,
for most of them are heathens, excepting the natives of Borney and
Lucon (who are chiefly Moros), and a few converted chiefs of these
islands. [17] These Moros have little knowledge of the law which they
profess, beyond practicing circumcision and refraining from pork. The
heathens have no law at all. They have neither temples nor idols,
nor do they offer any sacrifices. They easily believe what is told
and presented forcibly to them. They hold some superstitions, such
as the casting of lots before doing anything, and other wretched
practices--all of which will be easily eradicated, if we have some
priests who know their language, and will preach to them. Certainly,
there is a great opportunity to serve God, our Lord, and to expand
and extol our holy Catholic faith, if our sins do not hinder the work.
In some of these islands, [18] the mountain regions are inhabited by
blacks, with whom as a general rule, the Indians are at war, and whom
the latter capture and sell, and also employ as slaves.
Marriage among these natives is a kind of purchase or trade, which the
men make; for they pay and give money in exchange for their women,
according to the rank of the parties. The sum thus paid is divided
among the parents and relatives of the woman. Therefore the man who
has many daughters is considered rich. After marriage, whenever the
husband wishes to leave his wife, or to separate from her, he can do
so by paying the same sum of money that he gave for her. Likewise the
woman can leave her husband, or separate from him, by returning the
double of what he gave for her. The men are permitted to have two or
three wives, if they have money enough to buy and support them. The
men treat their wives well, and love them according to their habits
and customs--although they are all barbarians and have no manners
or politeness.
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_
[_Endorsed_: "There is no date." "Relation of the Filipinas Islands
and of the character of their inhabitants."]
Confirmation of Legazpi's Title as Governor and Captain-General
Don Phelippe, etc. Inasmuch as Don Luis de Velasco, our former viceroy
of Nueva España, through my orders equipped a fleet and the necessary
men in the port of La Navidad for the discovery and finding of the
Western Islands; and inasmuch as he was pleased with you, Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, and with your merits and services rendered, and named and
appointed you captain-general of the above-mentioned fleet and its
men; and inasmuch as (so we learn from the reports and information
sent to us), having pursued your voyage and route, you discovered the
aforesaid islands and settled in one of them, called Cubu; and with
your men disembarked there, fought against several towns, and built
a fortress for the defense of the said island and its inhabitants:
therefore, in consideration of this, and of the services rendered in
this expedition, and of the private expenses that you have incurred
in making it; and because we believe that it is best for our service,
and for the prosperity and settlement of the said islands, and for
the welfare of their inhabitants--it is our will that henceforth,
as long as you live, you shall be our governor and captain-general
of the island of Cubu, and of the other settlements which you or
any other person whatsoever may hereafter make in the island. You
are also empowered to administer our civil and criminal justice, in
company with the officers of justice who may be appointed in the said
island and settlement. By this our ordinance, we command municipal
bodies, courts, magistrates, knights, squires, officials, and good
men, in all the cities, towns, and hamlets, which shall exist or be
colonized in the said island and province, and our officials and others
residing therein, each and every one of them, as soon as they shall
be required--without any delay or hesitation, and without any further
requirement or consultation on our part, and without awaiting or
expecting any other ordinance, second order, or third injunction from
us--to take and receive from you, the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
the oath and formality requisite in such case, and which you must
fulfil. After you have done this, you shall be recognized, received,
and regarded as our captain-general of the said island and settlement,
as long as you live. And they shall freely grant and consent that
you fill and exercise the said offices, and that you administer and
execute our justice among them--either personally or through your
subordinates, whom you are empowered to appoint and shall appoint
to the offices of governor, captain-general, constables, and other
offices annexed and suitable to your government. You may dismiss and
remove these subordinates, whenever you desire, or consider it best
to do so for the fulfilment of our service and the execution of our
justice, and to appoint and substitute others in their stead. And you
may hear, examine, and decide any civil or criminal suit or case that
may arise in the said island, or in its towns which you have founded
or shall found, and in those settlements which shall be made in the
future, either among our colonists or among others who are natives
of the island, now or in the future. You and your said subordinates
are also empowered to take the payments annexed and pertaining to the
said offices, and to make any investigation you think best in cases
at law, precedents, and all other matters annexed and pertaining
to the said offices. You and your said subordinates shall perform
the duties which pertain to our service and the execution of our
justice, and to the colonization and government of the said island
and towns. In order that you may enjoy and exercise the said offices
and execute our justice, all persons shall yield obedience to you
as to their persons and property; they shall offer and cause to be
offered you all the support and help that you may request and need
from them; in everything they shall respect and obey you, and shall
carry out your orders and those of your subordinates; and they shall
neither in whole nor in part place or consent to place any obstacle
or hindrance in your way. By the present decree we entrust you and
consider you entrusted with the aforesaid duties, and the enjoyment
and exercise of the same. We give you power and authority to enjoy
and exercise your office, and to administer and execute our justice
in the said island and in the settlements that have been and shall
be founded in the cities, towns, and villages of the said island,
and its boundaries, by you or your subordinates as aforesaid. And in
case that you should not be received by them, or any one of them,
by this our decree we order any person or persons who exercise or
shall exercise the authority of our justice in the towns of the said
island, to relinquish and surrender it to you, the said Miguel Lopez
de Legazpi, as soon as they shall be requested to do so; and they shall
enjoy the same no longer without our [19] permission and special order,
under the penalty which private citizens are liable to and incur who
make use of public and royal offices without possessing the due power
and authority. We hereby suspend, and already consider as suspended,
all such persons. Furthermore we order that the fines pertaining to
our exchequer and treasury imposed by you and your subordinates, be
enforced; and you must enforce them, and deliver and surrender them to
our treasurer in the said island. And further we order that if you,
the said Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, should consider it fitting to our
service and to the execution of our justice, that any one whosoever,
now or in future, in the said island, should leave it, and should not
enter or remain therein, and that he should present himself before us,
you may so order in our name; and you must banish him from the island
according to the ordinance governing this matter, giving to the
person thus banished the reason for his banishment. And if it seem
best to you that the reason should be kept secret, you shall give
it in a statement closed and sealed; and shall send the same to us
by a different person than the one banished, in order that we may be
informed of it. But you must take notice that, when you are compelled
to banish anyone, such banishment should be only for very serious
reasons. We hereby give you full power to exercise the aforesaid
offices as our governor and captain-general of the said island and
settlements, and to enact and execute our justice therein, with all
due rights, titles, and interests. It is, moreover, our pleasure and
order that you shall have and receive an annual salary of two thousand
ducats or seven hundred and fifty thousand maravedis in consideration
of the said offices. You shall enjoy this from the day when you took
possession of the said island of Cubu, in our name, and as long as
you hold the said offices. We order our officials of the said island
to pay you the above-mentioned two thousand ducats from the revenues
and profits accruing to us in any manner in the island during the
time of your rule. Should this amount not be collected during the
said time, we are under no obligation to give you any of it. The
officials shall take a receipt from you, and a copy of this decree,
signed by a notary-public. We order that the said two thousand ducats
be received and placed on the accounts every year, from the said
day and henceforth. Let no person act in any manner contrary to this
decree. Given in Madrid, August fourteen, one thousand five hundred
and sixty-nine.
_I, The King_
Countersigned by Francisco de Eraso. Signed by Luis Quixada, Vasquez
Çapata, Molina, Aguilera, Villafane.
[_Endorsed_: "Miguel Lopez de Legazpi. Title of Governor and
Captain-general of the island of Çubu."]
Documents of 1570
Letter to Felipe II. Fray Diego de Herrera; January 16.
Relation of the voyage to Luzón. [June?]
Act of taking possession of Luzón. Martin de Goiti and Hernando
Riquel; June 6.
Letter to Felipe II. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; July 25.
Evidence regarding the Portuguese expedition against
Cebú. Miguel Lopez de Legazpi; October 21.
_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
_Translations_: The second and third documents are translated by
Alfonso de Salvio; the others, by Arthur B. Myrick.
Letter from Fray Diego de Herrera to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
In the fleet that your Majesty had sent from this Nueva España to
the islands of the West, there were among the people some religious
of St. Augustine who were in your Majesty's service. By your order,
I was one of them. We had a prosperous voyage as your Majesty will
already have been fully informed. The fleet effected a landing, and
founded a colony (in accordance with the instructions brought from
this Nueva España) in the island of Çubu--as that place abounds in
food, has a very good port and is a healthful region, as has been
since found by experience; and it is very strong for defense, in
any casualty that might befall us. From that place a ship was sent
to discover the return route [to New Spain]. It succeeded well,
although it appears that some of its men died. The people who
remained there have all this time endured very great privations,
notwithstanding the richness of the region, because they could make
no settlement so peacefully that it was not against the will of the
natives. Therefore they were disquieted, and many fled, deserting
their towns; and those who remained determined not to cultivate their
fields, or to sow, believing that by this stratagem they could drive
us from their land. Consequently they and ours have endured very
great extremities, because the same thing was done in other islands
where the Spaniards went to find food--so much so that many times the
natives have taken the food more than four leagues inland, carrying
it upon their shoulders, and crossing creeks and rivers with it,
with great risk of their lives. Then too another cause of so great
distress has been the lack there of boats with oars; and the fact
that, up to the present, no one has ventured to seek richer and more
abundant lands--which are very near, as Lequios, Japan, and Jaba
[Java], therein fulfilling your Majesty's commands. After all that,
came the Portuguese fleet, arriving about the end of September of last
year (1569), under command of Gonzalo Pereira. That man, although we
made every possible effort for peace with him, would agree to nothing
except that, in any case, we must leave these islands, or else go
with him. The first could not be done, because we had no ships; nor
the second, because that was very ignominious for us. Therefore as we
came to no agreement, he determined to begin hostilities, and make
war on us, trusting to his numerous ships--although afterward it
did not turn out as happily as he thought, as your Majesty will see
by the relation which the viceroy sends from this Nueva España. [20]
The blockade being so long and rations so scant, the poor soldiers were
in such distress that they took to hunting rats, of which there are
great numbers in that land, and which are much larger than those of
España. With all this privation, and the allurements and abundance in
the Portuguese fleet, they served your Majesty with as great loyalty
and cheerfulness in this war, and in all the rest, as I believe any
men in the world have ever displayed in their king's service. There
was nothing which gave them so great pleasure as being ordered to
do things wherein they risked their lives. Therefore it seems to me
that your Majesty ought to reward their services, because until this
present assistance ordered to be sent them by your Majesty (which is
very helpful), they have had nothing but two almudes [21] of uncleaned
rice every Saturday (after cleaning which there remained but one),
without receiving any other gratification.
I came to this Nueva España to give information of the great need of
supplies there, and of some injuries done to the natives on account
of the extremities that the soldiers suffered, and of many other
things which seemed to me fitting for the service of our Lord and
of your Majesty. I have informed the viceroy of all those things;
so that, as he is nearer to those regions than is your Majesty,
he may remedy them. I believe that he will remedy them, because
he is a good Christian and conducts this business as earnestly as
your Majesty would desire. Some of these things I think it will be
necessary to submit to your Majesty's consideration, and I believe
that this has been done. They have ordered me to return immediately
to the islands, because they tell me that in so doing I shall fulfil
your Majesty's service.
In what concerns the conversion of the natives, nothing has as yet
been really done, until we know your Majesty's will, because so near
Çubu there are lands as great and as rich as this, which belong to
your Majesty--as China, Lequios, Jabas [Java], and Japan. We have
heard that you will order us to go to those places and leave these
other islands--which, although they have many mines and rivers of
gold, are very ordinary, in comparison with the former. The people
there are very barbarous, while those others are civilized. Now that
your Majesty's will is manifest to us, we will commence the work in
earnest, because hitherto, only about one hundred persons have been
baptised. It will be a very great obstacle to conversions, if the war
with the Portuguese continues. Therefore, I beg your Majesty through
love of the Lord that some means and expedient be adopted to prevent
its continuation; because, besides the great scandal given to the
natives, it is a great pity that Spanish and Portuguese, who are so
friendly in España, should come here to kill each other, as if they
were infidels. I could advise your Majesty regarding everything else
in these regions, such as the nature of the land and the nature and
conditions of the peoples and what would be most profitable to your
Majesty in it. A true relation of everything has been given to the
viceroy, so that he may send it to your Majesty. May our Lord keep
your Majesty's royal person in good health and in his service many
years, and increase you into greater kingdoms. Mexico, January 16,
1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's least and humble servant,
_Fray Diego de Herrera_
Relation of the Voyage to Luzon
On the eighth of May of this year, one thousand five hundred and
seventy, the master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, left the river of Panay
with ninety arquebusiers and twenty sailors on board the following
vessels: the junk "San Miguel," of about fifty tons' burden with three
large pieces of artillery; the frigate "La Tortuga;" and fifteen
_praus_ manned by natives of Çubu and of the island of Panay. The
officers who accompanied the master-of-camp were Captain Joan de
Salzedo [22] (grandson of the governor), Sergeant-major Juan de Moron,
Ensign-major Amador de Rriaran, the high constable Graviel de Rribera,
and the notary-in-chief Hernando Rriquel.
After sailing northwest for two days, they arrived at the
island of Zibuyan, a high and mountainous land known to possess
gold-mines. Without talking to any of the natives, they left that
island, which is situated about fourteen leagues from the river of
Panay, and went to the island of Mindoro. Among other islands passed
was that of Banton, where lived certain Spaniards, who had gone there
in vessels belonging to friendly Indians. The island of Banton is
about fifteen leagues from Cibuyan. It is a small circular island,
high and mountainous, and is thickly populated. The natives raise a
very large number of goats here, which they sell in other places. The
natives of this island of Banton, as well as those of Cibuyan, are
handsome, and paint themselves. From the island of Banton to that of
Bindoro there is a distance of about twelve leagues. The master-of-camp
reached this latter place, and anchored there with all the vessels
in his charge. Mindoro is also called "the lesser Luçon." All its
ports and maritime towns are inhabited by Moros. We hear that inland
live naked people called Chichimecos. As far as could be seen, this
island lacks provisions.
News reached the master-of-camp that, in a river five leagues from
the place where the ships had anchored, were two vessels from China,
the inhabitants of which these natives call _Sangleyes_. [23] Seeing
that the weather did not permit him to send the large ship, because the
wind was blowing south by west, he despatched Captain Juan de Salzedo,
with the _praus_ [24] and rowboats to reconnoiter the said ships, and
to request peace and friendship with them. This step had scarcely been
taken when the southwest wind began to blow so violently, that our
people were compelled to put into a harbor, and to find shelter for
that night behind a promontory. Four _praus_ and the frigate, unable
to do this, found shelter farther away; and, keeping always in sight
of the shore, these vessels looked for the ships all that night. The
next morning they were overtaken by five of the other vessels and the
frigate, which were searching for them. The master-of-camp and captain
Juan de Salzedo were still behind, with the large junk and the other
_praus_. At break of day, the _praus_ which had preceded the others
reached the river where the Chinese ships were anchored. The Chinese,
either because news of the Spaniards had reached them, or because they
had heard arquebuse-shots, were coming out side by side with foresails
up, beating on drums, playing on fifes, firing rockets and culverins,
and making a great warlike display. Many of them were seen on deck,
armed with arquebuses and unsheathed cutlasses. The Spaniards, who
are not at all slothful, did not refuse the challenge offered them by
the Chinese; on the contrary they boldly and fearlessly attacked the
Chinese ships, and, with their usual courage, grappled them. This was
certainly a rash move on their part, for the Chinese ships were large
and high, while the _praus_ were so small and low that they hardly
reached to the first pillar of the enemy's ships. But the goodly aim
of the arquebusiers was so effective that the Chinese did not leave
their shelter, and the Spaniards were thus enabled to board their
ships and take possession of them. There were about eighty Chinese
on board the two ships; about twenty were killed in the affray. The
soldiers searched the cabins in which the Chinese kept their most
valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins;
gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth,
gilded water-jugs, and other curious articles--although not in
a large quantity, considering the size of the ships. The decks of
both vessels were full of earthen jars and crockery; large porcelain
vases, plates, and bowls; and some fine porcelain jars, which they
call _sinoratas_. They also found iron, copper, steel, and a small
quantity of wax which the Chinese had bought. Captain Juan de Salzedo
arrived with the rear-guard of the _praus_, after the soldiers had
already placed in safety the goods taken from the Chinese ships. He
was not at all pleased with the havoc made among the Chinese. The
master-of-camp, Martin de Goite, who had remained behind with the
large ship, showed much more displeasure, when he heard of the
occurrence. As soon as he was able to cast anchor with the junk in
the river of Bato (the name of the place where the Chinese vessels
were found), he made all haste to make them understand that he was
sorry for their misfortune, and that they had done wrong in sallying
forth against the Spaniards. Nevertheless, he said he would give them,
besides their freedom, a ship, in which they might return to their
own country without any hindrance--besides whatever was necessary
for their voyage. This was highly appreciated by the Chinese, who,
being very humble people, knelt down with loud utterances of joy.
After this proposal had been made clear to the Chinese, and gladly
accepted by them, the master-of-camp entrusted the chief notary,
Hernando Rriquel, with the repairing of one of the ships--ordering
him to have the hatchway taken out, and to send all that the ship
contained to the port of Panay. Seeing that the sails, masts, and
rigging of the vessels were so different from ours that none of his
men had any knowledge of them, the master-of-camp thought best to ask
the Chinese to send three or four of their sailors with the junk to
Panay, in company with some friendly Moros of Luçon, who were with the
Spaniards. The Chinese very willingly agreed to that, and provided the
required men. Thus the ship was despatched with twelve Lucon Moros,
four Chinese, and four Spanish soldiers of the guard.
In this river of Bato was found some green pepper [25] growing on trees
as small as shrubs, with their clusters like agias. Here they learned
that the town of Mindoro, which is the capital of that island, was five
leagues from Bato, and that three more Chinese ships were there. They
also heard that the Moros of Mindoro had made great preparations
for its defense, and had provided themselves with a large number of
culverins, arrows, and other offensive weapons, and were intrenched
in a very strong fort. In consideration of this, and the fact that the
Spaniards in this country have always desired to come in conflict with
people who do not flee from them, they decided to proceed immediately
to that island--although the natives of the river of Bato offered
them peace, and promised to pay them two hundred gold _taels_ [26]
(the equivalent of two thousand _pesos de minas_ in Spanish reckoning),
if they would remain there a few days. The master-of-camp assured them
of peace, and, telling them to have the money ready upon his return,
set out for the port of Mindoro. Departing from the river of Baco in
the morning, the Spaniards arrived, by noon, at the town of Mindoro,
which is an excellent though poorly-sheltered seaport. The harbor has
only one entrance. Its waters beat against a hill which is the first
and the smallest of a chain of three hills overlooking the port. The
other two hills are very craggy and thus form a defense to the pass
for the natives. Many armed Moros appeared on the first hill--bowmen,
lancers, and some gunners, linstocks in hand. All along the hillside
stood a large number of culverins. The foot of the hill was fortified
by a stone wall over fourteen feet thick. The Moros were well attired
after their fashion, and wore showy head-dresses, of many colors,
turned back over their heads. Many of them were beating drums,
blowing horns made from shells, and ringing bells. The number of men
was quite large.
The master-of-camp arrived with his ship, ahead of the oared
_praus_. When the first _prau_ arrived, he embarked in it
with the chief notary, Hernando Rriquel, the interpreter, and a
recently-converted Moro, who served as guide. With only these men, and
one soldier armed with a shield, the master-of-camp advanced toward
the Moro fort. He reached the foot of the hill, without allowing any
others to follow him; and, being unable to proceed any further on
account of its steepness, he summoned from above two Moros, to treat
for peace. There seemed to be a difference of opinion among the Moros,
as was gathered from their demeanor, for some made gestures of war,
and others of peace, some of them even going so far as to throw a
few stones and level the culverins. On the whole, they were not very
anxious to fight. Meanwhile, the master-of-camp was so near them that
they could have spit on him. All the Spaniards had already disembarked,
and stood at an arquebuse-shot from the master-of-camp. The latter was
so anxious to win over those Moros and gain their confidence, because
they exhibited fear, that he wished to climb the hill on all fours
to reach them; but his companions dissuaded him from this. At this
time Captain Juan de Salzedo, the sergeant-major, the high constable,
and the ensign-major, came up; and the master-of-camp, the captain,
and the officials were assembled there, with but one soldier, for the
master-of-camp would not allow the others to advance. The Moros having
seen the peaceful attitude of our people, one of them descended the
hill, almost on all fours. Our Moro guide advanced toward him; but,
on account of the great steepness of the hill, he had to be helped
up by the other Moro. After they had seen and recognized each other,
and after the customary embrace and kiss, they descended to the
master-of-camp. The latter told the Moro who had come down, through
the interpreter, that he need not fear; for he had not come to harm
them, but to seek their friendship. The Moro carried the message to
the others upon the hill, and a chief came down; and, upon reaching
the master-of-camp, said that he and all the town wished to be his
friends, and to help the Spaniards with whatever they possessed. The
master-of-camp answered that the proposition was acceptable; whereupon
the Moro chief asked him to withdraw from that place--saying that,
after they had withdrawn, he would come to treat of friendship and
of what was to be given. The master-of-camp, in order to please him,
agreed to this; and told the chief that he was going to review his men,
and that he should not be offended when he should hear arquebuse-shots
and the noise of artillery. Accordingly, he withdrew to the place where
his men were drawn up in order, and there a fine review took place--the
company closing ranks in such perfect order that both the friendly
Indians (who came with us, to the number of five or six hundred) and
the Moros were greatly frightened. The master-of-camp ordered that the
cannon amidship on the large vessel be fired, although not to increase
their fright. The review had not yet ended when a Moro came with sixty
gold taels, which he gave to the master-of-camp--asking him not to
be offended if the gift were not brought quickly, because the people
had dispersed through fear, and therefore it could not be collected so
soon; but he promised that they would raise the amount to four hundred
taels. The master-of-camp received this gold, and had it placed in a
small box, the key of which he gave to the Moro, telling him to keep
it until the promise was fulfilled; but to consider that after treason
nothing could be more blameworthy than falsehood. The Moro salaamed
low, and said that he would not lie, and that they would fulfil their
promise, little by little. And so they did, for, on that same day,
four more messengers came with gold; and all entreated and begged the
master-of-camp not to be offended at the delay, if there should be
any. With these flatteries and promises the Moros detained us about
five days, during which time we had friendly dealings and intercourse
with them, although they mistrusted us to a certain extent. They had
already abandoned the first town on the shore and had withdrawn to
a hill about two hundred paces away. There most of them had taken
their wives, children, and part of their goods, although the best
part of their property was kept farther inland. This hill was so well
fortified by nature, that, had it not been for the two ladders, which
the Moros kept in two places, one could have ascended it only with
wings. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, our Spaniards paid
them friendly visits. On this little fortified spot the Moros had
built their huts, as high as Mexican market-tents. They resembled a
crowd of children with their holiday toys. During these five days, the
Moros had, little by little, given two hundred taels of impure gold,
for they possess great skill in mixing it with other metals. They give
it an outside appearance so natural and perfect, and so fine a ring,
that unless it is melted they can deceive all men, even the best of
silversmiths. While in this port of Mindoro the master-of-camp sought
information concerning the distance to Manilla and the towns which
would be found on the journey. Our interpreter disagreed with the
Moros of Mindoro as to the number of days it would take; but they
all agreed that it was far, and that perhaps the weather would not
permit us to sail thither. The natives of Mindoro added also that
the Spaniards were crazy to go to Manilla with so small a force,
and that they pitied us. They recounted so many wonders of Manilla
that their tales seemed fabulous; they said that there were very
large oared boats, each carrying three hundred rowers, besides the
warriors; that the people were well armed and excellent bowmen;
that the ships were well equipped with artillery, both large and
small; and that any one of those vessels could attack two _praus_,
and sink them when within range. With these accounts the Moros tried
to discourage the Spaniards; but the more they attempted to frighten
them with such things the more desirous they all became to set foot
in Manilla. In view of this, the master-of-camp did not wait for the
full payment of what the Moros had promised; but, warning them to have
the remainder ready upon his return, he left them on friendly terms,
and set out for the town of Manilla with all his men.
He left the port of Mindoro at midnight, and the next morning cast
anchor before a small island lying between Mindoro and Lucon, where
he remained two days waiting for the _praus_. Meanwhile, having
sufficient leisure, he crossed over to the shore of Lucon, which
was about two leagues distant; and discovered in that same island
a wide, spacious bay. The _praus_ went forward, in company with one
of the Moros belonging to the town of Balayan, who had offered their
friendship. These Moros pointed out to Captain Juan de Salcedo, who
went with the oared _praus_, the mouth of a river which led inland
to a lake, called Bombon. [27] All the _praus_ entered this river,
and came upon an uninhabited town. After the Moro guides from Balayan
had gathered all the house commodities that they could store in their
_prau_, they told the Spaniards that they wished to warn their own
village, so that their people should not be anxious; and so they went
away, leaving the Spaniards in that river.
The master-of-camp took a different route with his junk, and cast
anchor before the town of Balayan, two leagues from the river
of Bombon. While anchored there, and while the master-of-camp was
fretting over the non-appearance of the _praus_ that sailed with him
(since now it was already two hours after nightfall), at that very
time one of them, under command of Captain Juan de Salcedo, made its
appearance. He had been wounded in the leg by a poisoned arrow. Soon
afterward, the other _praus_ and vessels which had sailed in his
company arrived. They reported to the master-of-camp that they
had entered a narrow arm of the sea, which the land inward forms
into a medium-sized lake, around which seemed to be many people and
much cultivated land. The country seemed thickly populated and well
tilled. Captain Juan de Salcedo advanced farther up those waters, in
search of a fortified place of which information had been received on
the way thither--situated on both sides of the water, and thus very
high and rugged, and suitable for laying ambuscades. This proved to
be true; for suddenly, and without them being able to see any one,
many arrows came flying through the air, one of which wounded Captain
Juan de Salcedo in the leg; and many more would have been wounded had
not the _prau_ been supplied with canvas guards. The arquebusiers
immediately hastened to their posts with their medicine, [28] and
prevented the Moros from discharging another volley of arrows, which
ceased at their coming. The captain secured an antidotal herb for his
wound; and, seeing that the approach to the fort was too dangerous and
that it was impossible to effect a landing, he went back to collect
his _praus_, and to look for a shore where he could easily disembark. A
landing-place was found near the town; the men disembarked, and set out
on foot in search of the Moros. The latter appeared in a broad plain,
covered with grass about a hand-span high. The men were divided into
two troops, in order to attack the Moros, who were shooting arrows as
rapidly as they could, and wildly shouting. The Moros waited until
the Spaniards began to hit their flanks with arquebuse bullets; and
then, seeing the rage of their opponents, they took to flight. Our
men pursued them to the very gate of their town, where more than
forty Moros fell under the fire from the arquebuses.
The Spaniards entered the town, and set free two Chinamen, who were
kept there in chains. They learned from these men the ostensible
reason for their imprisonment, as follows. Two Chinese ships had come
to trade with the Moros in this river; but, hearing of our presence
in Mindoro, they desired to betake themselves thither. The Moros
would not allow them to go away. In the quarrel that ensued over
the question of their departure, the Chinese fired a culverin from
one of the ships and killed a Moro chief. The Moros assembled to
avenge him, and overtook the Chinese as they were about to sail out
to sea through the estuary. It seems that the vessels were wrecked
on certain shoals at the entrance to the estuary, and the Chinese
with all their possessions fell into the power of the Moros, who
inflicted on them a severe punishment--seizing them all, and putting
them to death by inches in a most cruel manner, flaying their faces,
and exposing them on reeds and mats. When the Spaniards entered the
town, they encountered not a few similar sights; and so recent was
this deed that the flayed faces of the Chinese were still bleeding.
Such was the account given by Captain Joan de Salcedo of what had
occurred that day during his absence from the master-of-camp. The
Balayan Moros who had come out peacefully detained the master-of-camp
there for three or four days, giving him, little by little, some
impure gold. The latter, to avoid any further delay, decided to
proceed to Manilla. Accordingly, he left these Moros, on peaceful
terms, telling them to collect for his return what was lacking of
the amount promised. Then he sailed along the coast toward Manilla,
which was said to be three leagues from that town. The chiefs of this
town of Balayan said that they wished to accompany the Spaniards
one day's journey from their town, in order to avenge themselves
for injuries and wrongs received at the hands of some neighboring
communities on the coast called Tulayansi. Therefore seven or eight
_praus_ of Moros went with us, and, when we reached that coast,
two _praus_ with white flags were seen, which advanced to the ship
of the master-of-camp. Upon arriving there, they declared that they
were natives of that coast, and that three towns, which could be seen
with the naked eye, wished to be our friends, and to give us tribute
as the others did. The master-of-camp received them in peace, and
assured them of friendship, notwithstanding that the Balayan Moros
who came with us opposed him--saying that those people ought not to
be admitted to friendship, because they were hostile to themselves
for making peace with us first. These arguments were of little avail,
for the master-of-camp declared to both parties, that he had come
to make friendship with all, and that his friends should have no
differences between themselves; that, in case they did, it would be
right for them to go to the Spaniards for the settlement of them;
and that the one breaking with the other would be considered as enemy
of the Spaniards. When they heard this answer, both sides promised to
abide by that decision, whereupon the master-of-camp dismissed them
all, advising those natives who had lately offered their friendship,
to have the tribute ready upon his return.
According to the men of Balayan the enmity between these towns was
because a Balayan vessel, on its return from Manilla, laden with
merchandise, was driven by stormy weather on that coast of Tulay,
and the natives showed them so excellent hospitality that, instead of
helping and receiving them kindly, as neighbors should, they stole the
goods of the Balayans and killed two of them, setting their heads on
stakes. Similar sights were noticed by the Spaniards in these towns,
which still exhibited the cruelty of the deed.
This coast is called Tulay. It has broad shoals and for this reason,
as well as for the keen desire of all our men to set foot in Manilla,
they remained there only one night. Therefore at dawn they set out
for the town called Menilla, which according to report was quite
near. They sailed along the coast, noting many bays and ports. There
were some towns along the shore, whose inhabitants and citizens had
sought other shelter, taking away the best of their possessions. The
oared vessels came to shore, to see what these towns contained; but,
finding no people, they sailed on. The large vessel was sailing about
a league from the coast. Here they met some small boats, which the
natives call _tapaques_. They were laden with provisions, rice, and
salted sardines without the heads, resembling those which are found in
España. The soldiers of the _praus_ took away a quantity of rice from
the Moros, who did not defend themselves. The latter were allowed to
depart in freedom, with their vessels. There were some who did defend
themselves, and wounded two Spaniards and killed one of the friendly
Indians who accompanied us. The master-of-camp, as he was sailing
in the large vessel, was unable to put a stop to these disorders,
for they were occurring in his absence. When he learned of this,
and that the Moro ships were coming from the bay of Menilla laden
with provisions, he cast anchor in a small port; and there, calling
together all the _praus_, censured the men for their disorderly
conduct, ordering them not to depart from his ship from that time on.
The next morning, having heard from a Moro captured in one of the
_tapaques_ that the town of Menilla was very near, all the vessels and
_praus_ set sail, taking the captured Moro as guide. In the afternoon
they came in sight of a very large bay, which formed a wide gulf. It
resembled a narrow sea with its entrance at that point; but the guides
affirmed that the land was one, and so it proved to be when we entered
the bay. We had taken with us from Panae a Moro, a native of the town
of Menilla, who has had intercourse with Spaniards for many years and
is well known among them; for, when the camp was in Zebu, he always
came to sell them provisions. Before the master-of-camp started on
this expedition from Panay, this Moro, and his wife and one son,
had become Christians. He left his wife in Panay, and accompanied
the master-of-camp as interpreter. He had taken with him his brother,
who was likewise a native of Menilla. When we entered the bay, these
men advised the master-of-camp not to cast anchor before the town of
Menilla itself, for the coast was treacherous, and to enter the river
it was necessary to wait for high tide. They advised him to anchor
in a small sheltered port, two leagues from the port of Menilla;
and thence to send word to Raxa [29] Soliman, the greatest chief of
all that country, with whom the terms of peace and friendship were
to be made, and whose opinion was to be heeded.
The master-of-camp found this advice good, and felt at ease about the
port; for he had been fretting over the possibility of finding shelter
in all that bay, which, because it was so large and spacious, seemed
almost harborless. Therefore we sailed straight to the harbor pointed
out by the guides, reaching it two hours before nightfall. The land all
around this bay, in the part where we anchored, and which the guides
declared to be the port of Menilla, was really marvelous. It appeared
to be tilled and cultivated. The slopes were smooth, and had but little
herbage. In fact, so excellent indications have not been seen in this
land, as were seen there. After the master-of-camp cast anchor in the
small port, the _praus_ and the frigate arrived there. On that day
it was decided to send to Raxá Soliman, lord of Menilla, to request
peace and friendship; and that the man appointed for this should be
the brother of Mehomete, the converted Moro. It was decided that the
captive Moro and a Cafre [30] interpreter should go to examine the port
and its position, as well as to sound the mouth of the river. These men
departed the next morning, two hours before daybreak. Before leaving
the ships, Mehomate's brother, who had been married in Menilla,
said that he would be able to bring back an answer on the same day,
as he intended to rest at his own house. The master-of-camp was so
desirous of making peaceful terms with the town of Menilla that,
although hasty by nature and disposition, he patiently waited there
for three days after the Moro's departure. The Moro returned with
another man, his uncle, who was said to be a servant of the king
of Menilla. He had been sent to act as ambassador, with certain
other Moros who accompanied him. He tried to make us understand,
with high-sounding words, that his master was a most magnificent
lord. After a great show of authority and many pauses, he finally
declared that the king of Menilla wished to be the friend of the
Spaniards, and that he would be pleased to have them settle in his
land, as they had done in Çubu and Panay. The master-of-camp answered,
through the interpreters, that he was much pleased to consider the
king of Menilla as a friend of the Spaniards, since his only aim in
coming was that of offering them peace and friendship. He also added
that to carry out these wishes it was necessary for them to see each
other. He therefore declared that he was going to set out immediately
for the said town of Menilla, and said that the Moro should precede him
to advise the chief of it. The Moro ambassador begged him not to set
sail until he had already gone a little distance, for he wished to go
first to advise his master. The master-of-camp promised him to do so,
and so managed that, until the Moro had gone a considerable distance,
he would not set out. But when it appeared that the Moro had advanced
about half a league away from us, all the vessels set out in the wake
of his _prau_. We sailed along a thickly settled coast. Moros came out
in _praus_ from some of the towns to complain of the Raxa Soliman, for
having plundered their towns and killed many of the inhabitants. The
master-of-camp was going ahead under full sail; and, receiving all
of these people very kindly, we kept on until about ten o'clock in
the morning, when we passed the bar of the river of Menila. The town
was situated on the bank of the river, and seemed to be defended by a
palisade all along its front. Within it were many warriors, and the
shore outside was crowded with people. Pieces of artillery stood at
the gates, guarded by bombardiers, linstock in hand. A culverin-shot
from us, and close to the houses of the natives, were four Chinese
ships. Immediately the Chinese came in their skiffs to visit the
master-of-camp. They brought him brandy, hens, winnowed rice, a few
pieces of silk, and knick-knacks of little value. They complained to
the master-of-camp of the Moros of Menilla, saying that the latter
had taken away by force the helms of their ships and the best of
their goods without paying for them. The master-of-camp received
them kindly; but, desiring to be at peace with all, he waived that
question. Then having dismissed the Chinese, he sent the interpreter
ashore to tell King Soliman that he wished to confer with him, and to
make arrangements therefor. The interpreters returned quickly, and said
that they would meet at the edge of the water, and that Raxa Soliman
would come thither. The master-of-camp immediately landed with the
Spaniards, to meet him. Immediately an uncle of the ruler, who also
bore the title of king, advanced with so large a following that he
was thought to be Soliman himself. He embraced the master-of-camp,
and appeared to be a man of good intentions. Soon after came the
other ruler, his nephew Soliman, who was a younger man than he who
first came. Soliman assumed an air of importance and haughtiness,
and said that he was pleased to be the friend of the Spaniards,
but the latter should understand that the Moros were not painted
Indians. He said that they would not tolerate any abuse, as had the
others; on the contrary they would repay with death the least thing
that touched their honor. This speech having been made through the
interpreter, the master-of-camp gratified the chief with kind words;
then after they had embraced each other and made a friendly compact,
the Moro entered his fort. The master-of-camp returned to his ship,
leaving all the oared boats and most of his men on shore, less than
thirty paces from the town; and gave general orders that no man
should enter the town, until the Moros, who seemed quite irritated,
had regained their calm. Then leaving ashore the sergeant-major,
Juan de Moron, in command, he returned to his ship to have it moored
and set in order.
In the afternoon of the same day, at three o'clock, the Moro Mahomate
asked permission to spend the night among his relatives, and the
master-of-camp granted his request. During the day the Moros came
to look at the soldiers ashore with their arquebuses and lighted
match-ropes. The Moros carried their weapons and showed a rather bold
attitude. They even did things which the Spaniards not often tolerate;
but in order to obey the orders of the master-of-camp, and not give
the appearance of starting hostilities on our side, they overlooked
all the unmeasured boldness displayed by the Moros. At nightfall the
men ashore withdrew to the ships, where they slept. The next morning
the Moro Mahomete returned with the same ambassador who had first
come. The latter bore a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect
that he had been informed that a tribute was to be asked of him;
and that, consequently, he would not allow the Spaniards to enter
the river. The master-of-camp--as one desirous of peace, and in view
of the orders of the governor to make peace with the said town of
Menilla--in his answer, requested the messenger to tell his lord not
to believe such reports, for hitherto he had not asked for any tribute
from him. He added that they would see each other again, and make a
friendly settlement, which would be to his taste. Thus he dismissed
the messenger; and he himself, after a little thought, went ashore
with only the Spanish and Moro interpreters, without notifying any one
of what he was going to do. He entered the palisade, whose gates were
guarded by many Moros, and was led by the Moros straightway to a small
house, where he was bidden to await King Soliman. As soon as the latter
heard that the master-of-camp was within the fort, he hastened to him;
and both went to a house where they made a friendly compact, after
the fashion of the land--namely, in this wise: the master-of-camp drew
blood with the two chiefs, uncle and nephew--both called Rraxa, which
in the Malay language signifies king. The Moros drank the blood of the
master-of-camp mixed with wine, and the master-of-camp drank that of
the Moros in a similar way. Thus the friendship was established, on the
terms that the Moros of Menilla were to support the Spaniards who came
to settle there; and, doing this, they should pay no other tribute. The
master-of-camp asked them for a list of the neighboring towns on the
bay; and they gave him the names of forty towns of those situated on
the shore, besides those inland. After this friendly agreement had
been made with the Moros, who promised to give some food for our men,
the master-of-camp left the fort, much to our pleasure. The Moros,
notwithstanding the great security given them by the master-of-camp,
persisted in their hostile and warlike attitude; and, even on account
of the peace made, would not lay aside their weapons--on the contrary,
the number of armed men seemed to be increasing continually.
In the afternoon of the same day the chief notary went to the fort
with the permission of the master-of-camp, to see whether any of
the kings wished to trade for the royal testoons which he had in
his charge. He went there accompanied by a boy only, and spoke of
the matter to one of the chiefs. The latter received him very kindly
and showed him some gold trinkets, which he wished to exchange for
gold. For each gold piece the Moro asked five of silver, but the
notary would give him only three. The Moro Mahomete, who was present
at this trading, and acted as go-between, told the chief notary to
postpone the bargain until another day; and to return to the ship,
and tell the master-of-camp that King Soliman said that, in order to
celebrate the peace made that day, he was about to pass in review his
people, both on sea and on land, and should fire all his artillery,
at which no offense should be taken, for all was in celebration of the
peace. The chief notary left the port with the message, and found the
master-of-camp receiving information in the above-mentioned vessel
of friendly Indian rowers; they were saying that, having relatives
among the Moros, they had learned that the latter were planning to
fall upon the Spaniards at the first rain, when it would be impossible
for them to make use of the arquebuses. From this news, and from the
preparations which the Moros were making on both sea and land for the
great review they said they were about to give, we saw that they were
anxious to start the affray. At this time the Moro Mahomete arrived
with a message from Rraxa Soliman, to the effect that King Soliman
had learned that the lord of Candola, a town on the other side of the
river, intended to fight the Spaniards on sea and had invited him to
join in the attack; but that he, Soliman, had refused to do so. For
this reason he would get in readiness, and, if the chief really
came to offer battle, he would aid the Spaniards with his people,
since the master-of-camp was his friend. This new message gave a full
understanding of the deceitful plan of the Moros; notwithstanding all
this, the master-of-camp sent his thanks to Soliman for the warning,
saying that he would be pleased to fight any one who desired to fight
with him. He added that if it were not so late he would immediately
go to the town of Candola to fight with that chief. Having dismissed
the envoy with this message the master-of-camp ordered all the men
to be on the watch, and for all the crews of the _praus_ to sleep
on land. That day the sunset was so blood-red that it presented a
wonderful sight. The men said that the sun was blood-stained. All
that night the men, both on land and sea, slept fully armed. The next
morning two or three soldiers were going ashore in a little canoe,
when, seven or eight paces from land, their small canoe suddenly
filled with water and the men went to the bottom. One of the soldiers,
Juan Nunez, a native of Talavera, was drowned. At ten o'clock of that
same morning, some sails were seen at sea, and the master-of-camp,
thinking them to be the ships of those who were coming to fight with
the Spaniards, despatched a _prau_ to reconnoiter them. As the _prau_
came near them, these vessels were seen to be _tapaques_, and the
master-of-camp, fearing that the _prau_ might do them harm, called
it back by firing a cannon seaward. The Moros, who were waiting
an opportunity for treason--but had not manifested it because it
had not rained as they had expected--therefore opened the war; and
without any warning, fired three cannon-shots, one after another. One
of them pierced the side of the ship, and struck the cast-room,
scattering its ashes among the bystanders; the other two shots were
high, passing over the ship half-way aft; and one would have killed
many men had the aim been a _vara_ [31] lower. The Moros had begun
their treacherous work even before this; for they had seized some of
the friendly Indians who had gone there to feast with their friends,
had wounded the Indian slave of a soldier, beaten and frightened two
or three others, and wounded another soldier with an arrow. When the
effrontery of the Moros was seen, and that they could do us some injury
with their artillery, it was decided to attack them. [32] Therefore in
the twinkling of an eye, the Spaniards attacked and took the palisade,
hurling down the bombardiers with linstock in hand, giving them no
chance to fulfil their duties. After this first artillery had fallen
into their hands, they immediately took the town, and set fire to it,
on account of its being large. The Moros abandoned the burning town,
for they were unable to resist the attack of the arquebusiers, or
rather the will of God, who had ordained it so--a self evident fact,
since for every Spaniard there were a hundred Moros. The large ship was
firing upon a Moro boat with long-bladed oars, which was far up the
river. This vessel was said to have three or four hundred fighting
men and rowers on board, with many culverins and large pieces of
artillery. The cannonball struck the water, for the vessel was some
distance away, surrounded by more than five hundred Moro _praus_
and other large ships full of armed men, bowmen, and lancers. All
these ships were scattered by the artillery of the large junk.
The town was rapidly burning. The master-of-camp hurriedly took the
artillery from the Moros--thirteen pieces, small and large. He took
care to protect the vessels of the Chinese, who had been greatly
frightened. He ordered the return of the sails and helms which the
Moros had taken away from them; and the Chinese, attaching the helms to
their ships as quickly as they could, proceeded to cast anchor near the
junk, so that the firing should do them no harm. The master-of-camp,
having captured the enemy's artillery, fired upon them with their own
pieces, while they were fleeing, thus inflicting upon them severe
losses, both on land and water. About one hundred dead were found
on land, having been burned to death, or slain by arquebus bullets;
more than eighty persons were taken captive; and many others were
killed in the _praus_, as they fled up the river. The rain expected
by the Moros came when the town was quite destroyed by fire. The loss
in the town was considerable, for it was large, and carried on an
extensive trade. In the town lived forty married Chinese and twenty
Japanese. Of these some came to see the master-of-camp on board the
ship, before the breaking out of hostilities, among whom was a Japanese
with a Theatin cap, from which we thought him to be a Christian. When
we asked him if he was one, he answered in the affirmative, saying
that his name was Pablo [Paul]. He adored an image, and asked for
some beads; but people say that he was among the Moro bombardiers.
Among the prisoners were the Chinese wives of some of the Chinese
who had married and settled in the town; and although it would
have been justifiable to make them slaves, because their husbands
had fled with the Moros, the master-of-camp was unwilling to do so,
but simply handed them over to the Chinese of the ships. One of the
Chinese women wished to come with us, and we have found since that
she was insane; now she is with the governor, who will send her
back to her own country. Those who saw Soliman's house before it
was burned, say that it was very large, and that it contained many
valuable things, such as money, copper, iron, porcelain, blankets,
wax, cotton, and wooden vats full of brandy; but everything was
burned to the ground with the house. Afterward the iron and copper
furnished gain to whomsoever wished to take it, for a great quantity
of it which this house and others contained, was found on the ground
after the fire. When the prisoners captured were asked why the Moros
had broken the treaty of peace and friendship, they answered that
the young Soliman was to blame, for he always opposed his uncle,
the other chief; that he had a malicious disposition; and that it
was he who gave the order to fire, and who even fired with his own
hand the first shot, which struck the ship. Next to Soliman's house
was another which was used as a store-room. It contained much iron
and copper, as well as culverins and cannon which had melted. Some
small and large cannon had just been begun. There were the clay and
wax moulds, the largest of which was for a cannon seventeen feet long,
resembling a culverin. The Indians said that the furniture alone lost
in Soliman's house was worth more than five thousand ducats.
After the burning of this town the master-of-camp waited two days
in the river for some message from the Moros, but seeing that no one
appeared, and that he had but few men with him to seek them inland;
and that the bay and waterway was such that, in order to sail out of
it, they needed the northeast wind (which was now blowing, although
feebly); and that the southwest gales were coming, so that, as the
interpreters affirmed, if the necessary steps were not taken the
probability was that the large ship would not leave the place; and
in order not to lose the ship and its artillery--the master-of-camp
decided to leave the bay immediately after having first asked full
information concerning the towns upon its coast. Thus we set sail
in company with only the Chinese and their four vessels; these said
that they had no articles of trade in their vessels except some large
earthen jars and porcelain. Many of the soldiers bartered trifles of
little value with them in exchange for wax, which the Chinese greatly
value and even buy with gold. From what we could see and hear of them,
the Chinese are a very humble people. It seems that they observe
among themselves a certain form of politeness and cleanliness. They
became great friends with us, and gave us letters of security, which
consisted of white cloths that they had with them, upon which were
painted the royal coat of arms. They promised to come the next year to
this river of Panay, and to establish trade with the Spaniards. All
that the Chinese asked was given them, which pleased them much,
and they were shown the best possible treatment. Then they left us,
and, according to what they said, went to Mindoro. The master-of-camp
cast anchor in the port where we halted before; and there we remained
another day, to see whether or not any of the natives would come to
us for peace. Seeing that no one came, the master-of-camp, fearing
lest the northeast wind would cease, left the harbor with his vessels,
for it would not be possible to do so when the southwest wind should
blow. He coasted past the towns which had made peace on the voyage
hither, until the town of Balayan was reached. Thence we despatched
the junk to the island of Panae with Captain Juan de Salcedo, who
had not yet recovered from his wound in the leg, and five or six
sick soldiers. The master-of-camp remained with the oared _praus_
in order to win over all the towns which were desirous of peace. Thus
leaving them behind pacified and assured of friendship, he returned
to the camp; for the governor had sent them by sea an advice-_prau_
on the arrival of the fleet from Nueva España. Such, then, are the
events of this voyage.
[_Endorsed_: "An account of the conquest and discovery of Manilla."
"May eight, 1570." "Relation of the discovery of the island of Luçon,
one of the western islands."]
Act of Taking Possession of Luzon [33]
In the island called by the natives "Luzon the greater," in a town
and river of the same called Manila, on the sixth of June in the year
one thousand five hundred and seventy, the honorable Martin de Goite,
his Majesty's master-of-camp in these Western Islands, declared before
me, Hernando Riquel, chief government notary, and in the presence
of the undersigned witnesses, that, inasmuch as--a thing well and
generally known--his Excellency being in this river of Manila, with
the men and ships accompanying him, and having made peace and drawn
his blood with two chiefs, styling themselves kings of this said town
(by name Soliman and Raxa respectively), and without giving them
cause or treating them in a manner that would make the said natives
change their attitude, the above said chiefs began war treacherously
and unexpectedly, without advising him beforehand; and wounded and
seized certain Indians accompanying us. After that they discharged
the artillery in their fort, two balls from which struck the ship "San
Miguel," on board of which was the said master-of-camp. He, in order
to guard himself from the injury which the said Moros were doing him in
starting the war, and to prevent their artillery from harming his men,
attacked the said fort of the Moros, and captured it by force of arms
and is now in possession of it. And inasmuch as the said fort and town
of Manila have been won in lawful and just war, and since, according
to the said natives, Manila is the capital of all the towns of this
said island: therefore in his Majesty's name, he was occupying and
did occupy, was taking and did take, royal ownership and possession,
actual and quasi, of this said island of Luzon and of all the other
ports, towns, and territories adjoining and belonging to this said
island. Moreover, as a sign of real occupation, he ordered his ensign
to raise the flag of his company on the fort built by the natives,
had the artillery found in the said fort taken for his Majesty, and
performed other acts and duties as a sign of real occupation. And
when he had thus taken the said possession in his Majesty's name,
he asked me, the aforesaid notary, to certify and attest it, and
to draw up a statement so that the proceeding might be clearly set
forth. In fulfilment of that demand, I, the said Hernando Riquel,
certify, as an actual witness, to whomsoever may see this present,
that the said master-of-camp took and seized in his Majesty's name
the said possession in the manner above specified. And in affirmation
of the above I draw up this statement, which the said master-of-camp
signed; witnesses to all the abovesaid being the sergeant-major Juan
de Morones, the high constable Graviel de Rrivera, the ensign-in-chief
Gaspar Ramirez, and many other soldiers in the said fort.
_Martin de Goite_
Drawn in my presence:
_Hernando Riquel_
Collated with the original, which is in my possession.
_Hernando Riquel_
[_Endorsed:_ "Possession taken of the island of Luçon in his Majesty's
name." "Possession of Luzon."]
Letter from Miguel Lopez de Legazpi to Felipe II
Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty:
With Captain Joan de la Ysla, who arrived at this river on St. John's
eve last, I received a letter from your Majesty from the Escorial
[34] dated the sixteenth of November, of the year sixty-eight, with
the despatches and the favors that your Majesty was pleased to grant
this camp. For these and for other things that we expect from your
Majesty, all these faithful vassals of your Majesty, and in their
name for all, kiss your Majesty's royal feet and hands. We pray God,
our lord, to give us time and opportunity, as loyal vassals employed in
your royal service, to merit being the instruments of the augmentation
of your royal crown, with increase of new realms and dominions; and
that in the fortunate days of your Majesty the Christian faith may
be planted, grow, and increase in these lands, where the infidelity
and rule of the Devil, our adversary, so long prevailed.
With the ships that left here last year (sixty-nine), under Captain
Felipe de Salcedo, I sent your Majesty a report of everything that
happened until then and the affair with the captain general of the
Portuguese fleet. They write me that this same Felipe de Salcedo
took this despatch to your Majesty on a despatch boat that was sent
from Mexico, for this purpose, whereby your Majesty will have seen,
learned, and understood what occurred here. We have had no word here,
since then, of the Portuguese; nor do I believe that they will return,
because they were much harassed, and also I am certain that none
of those that went from here will have any desire to return. That,
however, is no reason why I should neglect what concerns your Majesty's
royal service. I await them within three months in this archipelago,
which is the time in which they can come; and so I live with as much
foreboding as if I had them before me.
By other letters I have entreated your Majesty, informing you of the
necessity in this archipelago for boats with oars; and how important
they will be for the further discovery of other things of greater
importance, which until now has been neglected, through not having
these boats. Twice I have sent men in Indian _praus_ for explorations
to the north and northwest of us. Once they discovered certain islands,
small but well peopled with Moros; and the other time they discovered
on the coast of Luçon, which is a large island, several settlements
of Moros. The latter have artillery, which they themselves cast and
finish, and likewise powder and other ammunition. Some of the towns
received them in peace, but others would not. The possessions taken
in your Majesty's name accompany the present letter. These Moros
have much more trade, because they make voyages for that purpose,
going among the people on the Chinese mainland, and to the Japanese. I
again repeat how advantageous it would be to your Majesty's service to
have some oared vessels here, because the Spanish are not accustomed
to navigate with skill in those of the Indians, and run great risks
by going in them. And in order that this may not occur, will your
Majesty please command that what seems best to you in that case be
ascertained and provided.
The Portuguese left us so badly accredited with these natives that some
of them withdrew from our friendship; and it has been necessary to turn
to pacifying them again, and at somewhat greater cost than the first
time. In the future we shall have the greatest care in their conversion
and good treatment, as your Majesty commands. We will gladly strive
to bring them to the subjection and dominion of your royal Majesty,
and with those who refuse and do not wish it, we shall adopt more
convenient means to preach and teach to them all the evangelical law,
wherein God our lord and your Majesty will be well served.
In fulfilment of your Majesty's orders, on these two ships which
are going to Nueva España, I send ten or twelve Portuguese from this
camp. Some still remain but it seemed to me that to avoid trouble, it
was well not to send many together. I am certain that some of them are
good soldiers, and have served your Majesty very well. There has not
been heard or imagined of them anything that they ought not to have
done, but your Majesty's order was very well considered and noted,
and therefore will be executed. On the first ships that leave here
will go those who remain. The foreigners of these nations can not
be banished at present, without considerable inconvenience; because
all the workmen, carpenters, gunners, and half of the sailors are
foreigners, Some of the soldiers are Flemings, and others Italians,
Venetians, Greeks, French, and so on. Wherefore no new action has
been taken in this at present, until your Majesty is pleased to have
the matter looked into, and shall command what you think best to be
done about it.
We have had news here from Mexico that a certain fleet that sailed
from Peru in your Majesty's name, to discover Nueva Guinea and
other lands in those western regions, was instructed to settle all
the lands extending westward between ten degrees north latitude and
sixty degrees south latitude. This was incredible, because, as your
Majesty knows, the fleets that have left Nueva España in your Majesty's
name have discovered many islands and lands as far as the equator,
and in south latitude. What I have settled, subdued and discovered
in your Majesty's name commences at six degrees latitude north of the
equator, and extends from there farther north. If it were conceded to
those from Peru up to ten degrees, it would be equivalent to giving
them the greater part of all this Filipinas archipelago, and more. I
thought that I ought to inform you of it, so that your Majesty could
make what provisions seemed best to you.
Melchior de Legazpi, my son, who for a long time has resided at that
court, has charge of my affairs; and last year, Captain Felipe de
Salcedo, my grandson, went to give your Majesty a report of affairs
here. I humbly pray your Majesty to have them sent back, granting them
favor so that they may come to serve your Majesty in these regions.
Captain Joan de la Isla goes to that court, and will return on the
same ship on which he went. He has served and labored much; I pray
your Majesty to reward him as he merits. With him I send your Majesty
two bronze culverins [_versos_] made by the Moros of this land, so
that your Majesty may see what dexterity they possess in working and
casting artillery. Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty, may our Lord guard
and increase the life and person of your Royal Majesty with more
kingdoms and seigniories for many happy years, with victories over
your enemies, as your royal heart desires. From this island of Panae,
on St. James' Day, July xxv, 1570. Your Sacred Royal Catholic Majesty's
most humble and faithful servant, who kisses your royal feet and hands.
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_
Evidence Regarding the Portuguese Expedition Against Cebu--1570
In the island and town of Cubu in the Western Felipinas islands,
on the twenty-first of October, one thousand five hundred and
seventy, the very illustrious Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, governor and
captain-general for his Majesty the king, Don Felipe, our lord, and of
his troops and royal fleet for the exploration of the said islands,
in the presence of me, Fernando Riquel, chief government notary,
and of the undersigned witnesses: he declared that, whereas the day
before yesterday, the nineteenth of this present month, while he
was building some gabions on the river of Çubu, for the defense of
certain pieces of artillery, which he ordered to be mounted there,
Gonzalo Pereira, captain-general of the Portuguese fleet which is
anchored in this port, wrote to him that he must stop work on those
gabions which were being made on the said river. To please him, the
said governor, although the gabions were for the defense of the said
artillery, yesterday (the twentieth of the said month) ordered the
men to stop work. In the morning the said captain-general wrote to
him again, ordering him to demolish the said gabions, as it seemed
to him that they were being made as a menace to him and his fleet;
and that he should reply to him what he intended to do in this matter,
for, whether he answered or not, it will be held as if answered. At
the same time when the Portuguese sent the above letter, the said
governor had written to the said captain-general, and had sent to him
the factor Andres de Mirandaola, and myself, the said Fernando Riquel,
with an answer to a requisition which the said captain-general had sent
him the day before. Whereupon the captain-general again sent word that
he must order the said gabions to be destroyed; because, if they were
not destroyed between that time and the evening of that day, he would
take it for granted that war was declared. This said day, after dinner,
the aforesaid persons having returned with this message of reply to
the said governor, they told him how the galleys and small boats of
the Portuguese fleet were coming ashore. The said governor ordered the
master-of-camp, Martin de Goiti, to go to see what was wanted. The said
Portuguese--immediately, and before the expiration of the time-limit
set by the said captain-general, and without waiting for any response
to be given--those of the said galleys and _fustas_, began to batter
down the said gabions with a great number of guns; and they continued
this almost until sunset. Nevertheless, the said governor ordered that
no one should discharge any artillery at them from his camp; on the
contrary, he reproved an artilleryman who, without his permission,
discharged one gun. While the said Portuguese were demolishing the
said gabions, the said governor sent the said answer to the said
captain-general, complaining that he was commencing and making unjust
war, against all reason and without the said governor having given
any occasion for it. Not only did the Portuguese not relax at all but
sent part of his galleys and fustas to blockade the other entrance to
this harbor, which lies toward the east, so that nothing can enter or
leave this camp. The governor declared that the said Portuguese have
said and published that through famine they will seize and carry us
away prisoners, by force. In order that the manner in which the said
captain-general and his men commenced to make war--and they began it,
as is related hereafter--may be manifest both now and in the future,
he said that he asked me, the said notary, as he did, to certify
these facts to all the aforesaid in public form, in such wise that
witness may be had for the protection of the rights of his Majesty,
and of himself in the king's royal name. All those who were present
he ordered to witness it, and signed it with his name.
I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary aforesaid certify to
whomsoever shall see this present, or copies of it drawn up in public
form, that on yesterday, Wednesday in the morning, the twentieth of
this said month, I, having gone by the order of his lordship the said
governor to the flagship where the said captain-general Gonzalo de
Pereira was, to take him a certain answer to a requisition sent by the
said captain-general to the said governor, the said captain-general
sent an oral message through me, the said notary, and the factor,
Andres de Mirandaola, to the said governor, to the effect that,
if on the evening of that day the gabions on the river of Cubu were
not ordered to be demolished, he would consider war declared. With
this message we came from the said ship. Almost at high noon, and
after dinner, I, being in the said governor's room, despatching
certain messages which the said governor had to send to the said
captain-general, we heard a heavy fire of artillery. It was reported
to the said governor that the Portuguese, in _fustas_ and galleys,
were attacking and firing upon the river of Cubu, where there were
certain works and soldiers from this camp. The said governor ordered
that no artillery should be fired from this camp; on the contrary, he
reproved an artilleryman who fired a piece without his permission. Then
he sent me, the said notary, with a letter and other despatches to the
said captain-general. I went to his galleon and on my way thither,
I saw that the said galleys and _fustas_ were discharging artillery
at the said river and the gabions. Having arrived where the said
captain-general was, and having complained in the name of the said
governor, he replied that he had ordered the firing of those pieces,
and those being fired at the time, to frighten the troops who were on
the said shore with the said gabions. Also the said captain-general
said that he intended to make war without wasting so much powder
as was wasted that day; that on the following day if they did not
remove the gabions, war would begin in earnest. So on the said day
at this hour (which might be eight o'clock, more or less), I see,
and it is seen clearly, that three galleys of the said Portuguese
fleet are rounding the island of Matan with oars, against a head wind,
toward the other entrance of this harbor eastward. In affirmation of
the abovesaid, I signed here my name, jointly with the said governor,
who asked to have given him necessary copies of this testimony. There
were present, as witnesses to the said request, Captains Luis de la
Haya, Andres de Ybarra, Juan de Salcedo, Juan Maldonado de Verrocal,
and many other soldiers of this camp.
_Miguel Lopez de Legazpi_
I, the said Fernando Riquel, chief notary of the royal fleet that
came for the exploration of the Western Islands, and their government
for his Majesty, certify to the aforesaid, in the form and manner
abovesaid, wherefore I here affix my usual signature and flourish,
in witness of the truth.
_Fernando Riquel_
I, Sancho Lopez de Agurto, royal notary of the royal _Audiencia_ and
_chancelleria_ of Nueva España for his Majesty, hereby certify that
Miguel Lopez de Legazpi by whom this testimony is signed is governor
and captain in the Western Islands; and Fernando de Rriquel, by whom
this testimony is witnessed and signed, was appointed as his Majesty's
government notary--as appears by other acts that he has exercised and
exercises in the said office; and the handwriting and signature of
the said subscription appears like those that I have seen him make,
all of which are alike. In order that this may be manifest, by the
order of this royal _Audiencia_, I gave this present, which is dated
from the City of Mexico, on the eighteenth of January, one thousand
five hundred and seventy. Wherefore I sign in witness of the truth.
_Sancho Lopez de Agurto_
I, Jhoan Augustin de Contreras, his Majesty's recorder of the royal
_Audiencia_ of this Nueva España, certify that Miguel Lopez de Legazpi,
whose signature is attached to this testimony, was appointed governor
and general of the islands of the West and Fernando Riquel as his
government notary; and that I have certain information that they
discharge their offices in those provinces and this is a matter
well and generally known regarding the above-mentioned persons. And,
having seen them writing and signing their names many times, I hold and
recognize as their writing and signatures, those which are contained
in the above testimony of this other part, given by Miguel Lopez de
Legazpi and Fernando Rrequel, and followed with the subscription of the
said Fernando Requel. I saw the aforesaid despatched as such governor
and general and government notary of those islands, in the first fleet
sailing thither in the month of December of the year sixty-four,
and to which I refer. In affirmation whereof, I gave this present,
which is dated at Mexico, the twenty-eighth of January, one thousand,
five hundred and seventy.
Accordingly, in witness of the truth, I here affix this my signature,
which is as follows:
_Joan Augustin_, his Majesty's notary.
Documents of 1571-72.
Relation of the discoveries of the Malucos and
Philippinas. [1571?]
Requisitions of supplies for the Spanish forces in the
Philippines. [1571?]
Conquest of the island of Luzón. April 20, 1572.
Foundation of the city of Manila. Fernando Riquel; June
19, 1572.
_Sources_: MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla. The
third is obtained from Retana's _Archivo del Bibliófilo filipino_,
iv (Madrid, 1898).
_Translations_: The first two documents are translated by Alfonso de
Salvio; the third, by J. G. Gill; the fourth, by James A. Robertson.
Relation of the Discoveries of the Malucos and Philippinas, and
Various Negotiations Concerning Them
From what may be gathered in the said account and various agreements
concerning the navigation, discovery, and commerce of the Western
Islands, especially those of Maluco, Philippinas, and Çubu, we must
assume that the discovery of the Yndias was begun by order of the
Catholic Sovereigns, in the year ninety-two, and on the second of
May of the following year, ninety-three.
The supreme pontiff, Alexander the Sixth, granted to the Catholic
Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon, and to their successors, the
navigation of the Yndias, with all the privileges, favors, indulgences,
and prerogatives which had been granted to the kings of Portugal in
respect to the Yndias of Guinea, part of Affrica, and other Yndias
which they might conquer. This is contained more fully in the bull
of concession, an authentic copy of which is to be found in the
Archives of Simancas. On the third of the said month and year, the
same supreme pontiff made a concession to the Catholic Sovereigns of
Castilla and Leon, and their successors, of all the Yndias in general,
the islands and mainlands which had been discovered or should be
discovered in the limitless future, drawing a line from pole to pole,
one hundred leagues west of the Acores and Cabo Verde islands. All
land already discovered and to be discovered, found west and south of
this line (being not actually occupied by any Christian prince before
Christmas and the beginning of the year one thousand four hundred
and ninety-three) [35] was to be the navigation and discovery of the
kings of Castilla, and was to come under their kingdom, seigniory, and
jurisdiction. He who passed this line without permission would incur
blame and punishment, as is more fully shown in the original bull,
which is sealed with lead and deposited in the Archives of Simancas,
and dated at Rome on the fourth of May of the said year.
On the twenty-sixth of September of the said year one thousand
four hundred and ninety-three, the same supreme pontiff conceded to
the Catholic Sovereigns, and their successors, besides the general
concession of the Yndias, whatever conquest they might make in their
name in the eastern, western, and southern islands, "provided they
be not occupied by any other," etc., as is more fully shown in the
original bull given in Rome on the sixth of October of the same year,
and deposited in the Archives at Simancas.
These concessions made to the Catholic Sovereigns of Castilla and Leon
and their successors, as well as that made to the Kings of Portogal,
respecting the navigation of the East Indies, caused and still cause
dispute and controversy between the kings of Castilla and those
of Portugal, concerning the boundaries which should separate their
navigation and discovery--the limit and bound which is to be drawn
from pole to pole on this side of our hemisphere, and concerning the
other bound and meridian line which is to be drawn in the hemisphere
corresponding to the upper one.
Differences have existed and still exist between the kings concerning
the line of demarcation which was to be drawn between their
respective navigations and discoveries in this our hemisphere. The
kings of Castilla claim that it was to be drawn according to the
papal concession, one hundred leagues west of the islands of Acores
and Cabo Verde; the kings of Portugal claim that it was to be drawn
farther west, so that their side of the demarcation might include
most of the coast of Brasil, and of that Tierra Firme [36] adjoining
it. They agreed to settle this controversy, and the kings of Castilla
consented to have the line of demarcation drawn two hundred and seventy
leagues farther west than the line decreed in the bull of concession,
as is set forth in a deed of agreement.
(In the original instrument, drawn on paper, the said year, in the
presence of Fernand Alvarez of Toledo, secretary of the Catholic
Sovereigns, and in the presence of Estevan Vaes, secretary of the king
of Portogal, is found a confirmation by the Catholic Sovereigns. The
said instrument, drawn on parchment, in Arevalo, on the second of
July, 1495, is fully signed by the Sovereigns. The signature of the
prince is found below. The instrument is countersigned by the said
secretary. The seal was removed, but the cord to which it was attached
remains. The confirmation of the said instrument of Tordesillas by
King Don Joan of Portogal is attested by a contract written on five
pages of parchment, signed by the king, and countersigned by Martyn
de Veyra. The confirmation was given in Ebora on February 27, 1525)
[It] practically reads that on the seventh of June, one thousand four
hundred and ninety-four, the attorneys of the Catholic Sovereigns and
of the king of Portogal empowered by their masters met in Tordesillas,
and drew up the said instrument. The agreement reached was that a
line or meridian was to be drawn from the Arctic to the Antarctic
pole, three hundred and seventy leagues west of the islands of Cabo
Verde. Everything west of the said line or meridian was to belong
to the kings of Castilla, and that east was to be the navigation,
discovery, and conquest of the kings of Portogal. The sea of the king
of Portogal was open for navigation to the kings of Castilla, with
the understanding that the latter should follow their course without
any deviation. Whatever should be found up to the twentieth of the
said month of June in the first two hundred and fifty leagues of the
three hundred and seventy, was to belong to the kings of Portogal;
and that which should be found in the remaining hundred and twenty
leagues was to belong to the king of Castilla.
_Item_, both parties agreed to send within ten months an equal number
of ships, pilots, astrologers, and sailors to mark out the said line
of demarcation.
It is not specified that within the said ten months they did send
the said pilots, astrologers, and sailors to draw the said line of
demarcation; on the contrary, it is clear that the said line was
not drawn; for according to the copy of a decree and declaration of
the Catholic Sovereigns given in Madrid on May the seventh, 1495,
and signed by the secretary Samano, it is urged that the said line
be drawn--from which it is evident that the line had not been drawn
within the ten months. That this line had not been drawn appears
also from the conferences and records concerning the possession and
ownership of the Malucos, between the commissioners of both parties
in the year twenty-four at the bridge of Acaya, Yelves, and Badajoz,
where the determination of this line of demarcation was discussed;
and the determination thereof, discussed under three heads.
First, whether a spherical or plane surface should be considered in
drawing the line of demarcation.
Second, how should the islands of Cabo Verde be properly situated
and located.
Third, from which of the said islands should they begin to measure
the three hundred and seventy leagues for the demarcation.
The Castilians agreed with the Portuguese to employ the spherical
surface and still not to exclude the plane surface and other
measurements. The second point appears not to have been discussed. As
to the third, the Castilians disagreed with the Portuguese, saying that
the three hundred and seventy leagues were to begin from the island
of Santo Anton, the most western of the islands of Cabo Verde. The
Portuguese claimed that they ought to begin from the islands of
La Sal and Buena Vista, the most eastern of the group. It seems
(the original having been destroyed) that each party was striving to
have the islands of Maluco fall on his side of the demarcation--thus
contending for the contrary of what they claimed in the year 1494,
when each party, ignorant of the differences which would arise about
the Malucos, was striving to have the coast of Brasil fall on its
side of the demarcation.
_Item_: From the Castilian and Portuguese sea-charts it appears that
the said line of demarcation was neither drawn nor determined; because,
in the model sea-charts deposited in the India house of trade in
Sevilla, this line or meridian is found drawn from pole to pole so as
to cut our hemisphere three hundred and seventy leagues from the island
of Sancto Anton, the last of the Cabo Verde islands. It also cuts the
coast of Brasil about two degrees from the equinoctial line through
the land of Humos, the tropic of Capricorn, the Cape of Dospermitas,
and the river of Sant Salvador. According to these charts, the line of
demarcation of the king of Portogal includes three hundred and ninety
leagues through which the line of demarcation passes inland, and for
a distance of six hundred leagues down along the coast. Within the
line of demarcation of the kings of Castilla fall all of Tierra Nova
[Newfoundland], of the Bacallaos, and of Labrador. In the Portoguese
sea-charts, this line of demarcation is so drawn as to cut Brasil
farther north than the great river of Orellana or Amazonas, two
degrees from the equinoctial line, and thirty-eight degrees south,
through the low submerged districts, so that it cuts the land seven
hundred leagues inland and almost one thousand three hundred leagues
along the coast, including within the demarcation of Portogal all of
Tierra Nova, Bacallaos, and Labrador.
[Here follows some matter which we omit, as superfluous--an account of
Portuguese settlements in Brazil, decisions of the Junta of Badajoz,
and the Treaty of Zaragoza.]
After the execution of the said deed, one of the first and chief
instructions in the settlements and discoveries made, as well as on the
merchant vessels and fleets despatched, is that no one shall go beyond
the line of demarcation of the king of Portogal, and the boundaries
specified in the said contract. A similar injunction forbidding men
to go beyond the boundaries of demarcation of the king of Portogal
was made after the execution of the demarcation deed, in the year
fourteen hundred and ninety-four.
1535. In the year thirty-five, Simon de Alcaçava was despatched with
two hundred and forty men. He passed the strait of Magallanes and
one of the ships returned to Santiago de Cuba.
1536. In the year thirty-six, Cortes sent Grijalva and Alvarado with
two ships below the equinoctial line. They reached the Malucos.
1542. In the year forty-two, Don Antonio de Mendoza sent from Nueva
España Ruy Lopez de Villalobos with four ships, four hundred soldiers,
and four hundred Indians. He discovered Mindanaos, Çubu, and Nata.
1543. In the year forty-three, Villalobos despatched Bernardo de la
Torre to give an account of the expedition and its route; he discovered
and named the Philippinas islands.
1545. In the year forty-five, the said Villalobos went to the island
of Nuzo, to the city of Sanuso, to Gilolo, and to Tidori. From Tidori
he sent Yñigo Ortiz de Roda as captain, and Gaspar Rico as pilot. On
the way they discovered the coast of Nueva Guinea, which had been
discovered by Saavedra in the year twenty-seven.
1545. On November the ninth, 1545, his Majesty the Emperor wrote from
Bruxas [Brussels] to Don Antonio de Mendoça, viceroy of Nueva España,
saying that the ambassador of the king of Portogal had in behalf of
the latter complained that the fleet of Ruy Lopez de Villalobos went
to the islands of Maluco; and that, being requested by the governor
of that place to leave, had gone to another island, where it remained.
(Ruy Lopez de Villalobos died, and his companions endured so many
hardships, that finally they were obliged to return to Spaña by way
of the province of Yndia. This is verified by a letter of Fray Gonzalo
de Santistevan, an Augustinian, who was with the fleet.)
In order to please the king of Portogal, his Majesty ordered the
captain and his people to leave that place immediately. The said
viceroy and other magistrates in whose districts the captain and his
men might land were requested to arrest them, and to confiscate their
drugs and spices. His Majesty warned the viceroy that this decree was
issued to please the king of Portogal, and requested him to send news
of the outcome. Dissembling and secrecy was required, etc.
1559. On September 24, 1559, a decree of his Majesty was sent from
Valladolid to Don Luys de Velasco, ordering him to send men to discover
the Philippinas islands, and other places where spices could be found;
but in doing this they were to avoid Maluco and other places forbidden
by the compact.
1560. On May 28, 1560, Fray Andres de Urdaneta wrote from Mexico that
he had received the above-mentioned decree of September 24, and offered
himself to undertake the expedition. He sent a memorial in which he
declared that the Philipina island does not come within the agreement,
and that the expedition could be made under the pretext of going to
rescue the men who were captured from the fleet of Fray Garcia de
Loaysa in the year 1525, from the one which Cortes despatched in
the year 1527, from that which Don Antonio sent in 1542, and from
another ship despatched by Cortes, which was lost on its course from
Nueva España. Don Luys began to get ready the fleet. At his death the
_Audiencia_ of Mexico made haste to complete the preparations; and
on the first of September, one thousand five hundred and sixty-four,
instructions were given to Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, who had been
appointed governor and general of the discovery of the Western
Islands. The latter set sail with four ships on November 21, 1564. On
April 27, 1551 [_sic_], he reached the island of Çubu, where he built
a fort. He took possession in his Majesty's name of the Barbudos
Islands, the Ladrones, Çibabao, the bay of Sant Pedro and Maletie
in the island of Camiguinni, and Bohol. He despatched the flagship
under command of his grandson Phelippe de Salzedo, and Fray Andres de
Urdaneta. They set sail on June the first, sixty-five, and on September
the eighteenth they came in sight of the first land of Nueva Spañia,
the island of Sant Salvador, which is in twenty-nine and five-sixths
degrees north latitude. On the first of October, they reached the
port of La Navidad; but, without stopping there, they proceeded to
Acapulco which is a better port, forty-five leagues nearer to Mexico.
As soon as the flagship arrived, an advice-ship was despatched
from Nueva Spaña. It reached the royal settlement at Çubu on the
fifteenth of October, 1566, without the store of arms, ammunition,
and other provisions needed. The captain and ensign were missing,
for they had been killed in a mutiny.
Phelipe de Salzedo as general, Captain Artieda with a company, and
another company of Juan de Aguirre for Captain Andres de Ybarra,
set sail in April, 1567, with two ships and three hundred men, both
sailors and soldiers. They reached Çubu August 20, 1567.
The general Miguel Lopez despatched a ship commanded by Joan de la
Ysla. It reached Nueva España November 16, 1567; and España June 5, 68.
The Council hastened to get ready a ship in Santander with the
said aid, arms, and ammunition, and to entrust it to the said
Joan de la Ysla. The preparations were carried out by Joan de
Peñalosa, administrator of the marine tithes, to whom the affair was
entrusted. The ship set sail with good weather August 27, 1569. The
ship, its repairing, and the goods it carried cost four million
eight hundred and seventeen thousand eight hundred and seventy-six
and one-half _maravedis_, as is evident by the memorandum of Joan de
Peñalosa for the said day.
The ship reached Nueva Spaña on the last of October, 1569. On March
9, 70, it left the port of Acapulco with two hundred men including
sailors, soldiers, workmen, and married men. Joan de la Ysla says
that the officials of Nueva Spaña wasted one hundred and twenty-six
thousand _pesos_ on his expedition, and as much while he remained
there. He reached the islands at the end of May, and cast anchor in
the island of Marapite. Thence he sent despatches to the governor and
awaited his orders. On the arrival of the orders he set sail, June 20,
and reached Panae, where the governor was, on the twenty-third of June.
On July 27, he left Panae for Nueva Spaña, with two of the three
ships which the other had brought, and reached the port of Acapulco in
Nueva España, November 21, 1570. January 25, 1571, he left Sant Juan
de Lua, and reached Sant Lucas April 17, 1571. Through an advice-ship
sent by the viceroy, Juan de la Ysla was requested to set sail with
the two ships, not later than the month of February. The time to set
out from Nueva Spaña is from the beginning of November to the latter
part of January; the voyage will last two months. The time to set out
for Nueva España is from the end of July to the beginning of August;
the voyage will last three months.
Requisitions of Supplies for the Spanish Forces in the
Philippines--1570-71 (_circa_)
Memorandum of the articles asked for by the governor of the Felipinas
islands--with a note of what can be supplied from Nueva España, and
what must be brought from España. This memorandum was brought last
year by the advice ships. [37]
First, he asks for rigging. We must buy some of that brought by the
merchant fleet; for none was sent here from España on his Majesty's
account. A supply must be sent, for it is very expensive here.
(Six hundred and forty-five _arrobas_ and fourteen _libras_ of small
rigging were taken.)
They ask also for pitch. It will be sent from here
(A large quantity of pitch and tar was taken.)
Tow. We have very little of it in this country.
(There were taken cxxxvii _arrobas_ of tow, and cvii _arrobas_ of
old rigging for the same purpose.)
Saltpetre. We shall send what we have from here.
(Six _quintals_, nine _libras_ were taken, because they need it there
only to refine the powder; likewise xi _arrobas_ of sulphur.)
Powder. We have it here.
(There were taken cl _quintals_ [38] and three _arrobas_.)
Two shipmasters to build ships and galleys. Shipmasters are not to
be found in this land.
(Only one carpenter was taken, for we could not supply more.)
Twelve carpenters for the same purpose. We shall look for them here
although it will be difficult to find any.
Twelve calkers. They also will be supplied from the merchant ships.
(Four were taken.)
Two overseers. They will be procured here.
(Enough men were sent for that purpose.)
Galley captains who know how to make lateensails. They are not to be
found in this land, unless some come on the merchant ships.
Fifty bombardiers. There are none here, except those who are in the
port. We shall try to send some.
(Five were taken, and these are sufficient; for Robles, who went there
as artillery founder after having served all his life in these royal
houses, will instruct enough of the soldiers going from here so that
they may serve whenever it is necessary.)
Two artillery founders.
(One went, Robles by name--he who is mentioned above.)
Two military engineers to fortify a stronghold. They are not to be
found in this land.
(Some of the soldiers who went there can make valuable suggestions
in that respect.)
Five hundred pikes. We shall send the iron heads from here, for
the wood can be found in the islands. (Three hundred pikes were
sent; for we heard afterward that the wood of that land was of an
inferior quality. Therefore may your Majesty be pleased to order
that a thousand pikes be sent us, for the wood of this country is
irreparably worm-eaten.)
Corselets. Any quantity. There are very few of them in our military
stores.
(None of them will be found here, unless your Majesty orders that
they be sent from España. It is not right that the military stores
of these royal households be left without corselets.)
Large artillery, six pieces, averaging forty _quintals_; and two
swivel-guns. We do not have them here, and it is very difficult to
transport them to the wharf; so that it will be better to cast them
in the islands.
(The governor wrote that he had there a number of pieces of artillery
which he had bought; and others that had burst, from which some might
be made. Eighty _arrobas_ of tin were taken; and now they are taking
cc _quintals_ of copper, for we had no time to extract it last year.)
A good arquebuse officer. He will not be easily found here.
(He was sent.)
Thin wrought iron for forelock plate-bolts. We shall send it from
here, although Valero said that it would be less expensive if it came
from España.
(Ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_, and nine _libras_ were taken.)
Thin iron plates. We will send them also from here.
(The ninety-two _quintals_, two _arrobas_ and nine _libras_ contained
a quantity of iron plates.)
Fine steel for carpenters' axes and other tools. All of this that
comes in the merchant ships will be sent from here.
(Twenty _arrobas_ of steel were taken.)
Two pairs of bellows of the best kind. We have them here.
(Four pairs were taken.)
Two screws. We shall send them from here.
(They were taken.)
One anvil. It will be sent from here.
(One large anvil was taken.)
Two screw plates to make screws for arquebuses. We shall send them
from here.
(One was taken.)
Two grind-stones. They will be sent from here.
(Two were taken.)
Two dozen carpenters' axes. We will send them from here.
(They were taken.)
Six French saws. They shall be sent from here.
(They were sent.)
Oil. We must send some of that which comes in the merchant ships.
Lead. We have it.
(cc _quintals_ were taken. But this is the first time that we have
been asked for lead; for each time that soldiers go, they take with
them all the lead they wish; and it was never known that they needed
it there. The vessels here are leaded, but not there; for never until
now has any vessel been launched there, that has to sail on this course
[between the Philippines and New Spain].)
Tin. We must buy some of that which comes from España, for we have
none here.
(Eighty _arrobas_ were taken--those above-mentioned.)
Copper. We have it here.
(cc _quintals_ are being taken now; for it had not been extracted
when the ship sailed.)
Tallow.
(ccxix _quintals_ and three _arrobas_, less a small quantity used in
repairing the ship in the port, were taken; and more of it will be
taken this year.
Trumpeters and mechanics.
(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have any now.)
Indian workmen of all trades: tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, masons.
(At the time we had no Indians to send them, nor do we have them now.)
In addition to all the above the vessel took the founder who was
going to cast artillery.
One tulcapoté, to cover the clay mould for the artillery. Two
levels. One claw hammer. One medium sized saw. One _quintal_
of steel to make files, punches, and drills, for boring the
artillery. Twenty-nine _arrobas_ and ten _libras_ of wrought iron for
the manufacture of _animas_, sledge hammers, tongs, and hammers with
which to work the iron for the artillery. A screw-plate with seven
holes; and seven sledge-hammers. One anvil and forge. Another small
forge and three screws.
[_Endorsed_: "Without date or signature."]
[All these items apparently refer to articles subsequently added to
the list; for on the MS. each one is checked off.]
Memorandum of what we need in this camp of his Majesty which is
stationed and has its residence in the Western Islands, in addition
to the requests made in the letters and memoranda which have been
sent in the past. It is as follows:
_Bellows_: First of all we need four pairs of bellows--two pairs made
of dressed leather, and the other two of rawhide. They should be sent
wrapped in coarse frieze, and placed in their jars, so as not to be
gnawed by worms.
_Tubes_: Four pairs of bellows-tubes large enough for the forges.
_Axes_: One hundred Viscayan iron axes for the carpenters.
_Anvils_: An anvil weighing about one _quintal_ or six _arrobas_.
_Pitch_: Three hundred _quintals_ of pitch.
_Tar_: A large quantity of tar.
_Tallow_: Tallow in quantity, as may be needed, to be sent in suitable
skins or casks.
_Nails: Item_, nails one span in length, and for crosswise
timbers. _Item_, spikes and clinch nails.
_Sail-cloth:_ A quantity of sail-cloth.
_Paper_: A large bale of paper, for we have none.
_Books_: Twelve books of large paper, bound in parchment, for the
accountant.
_Twine and sail needles_: Some sailmaker's twine and long sail-needles.
_Saws_: A dozen carpenters' hand-saws.
_Steel_: Some good steel, for the kind we have here is worthless.
_Tacks and leather_: Tacks and some pieces of
tanned leather for the pump.
_Hoops, casks, and staves_: Casks and hoops suitable for this land,
because we have used a third of those brought here by the ships, in
repairs for the return, voyage. Let a large quantity of staves be sent.
_Coopers: Item_, two coopers.
_Carpenters: Item_, some ship-carpenters, provided they be good
workmen.
_Rope-maker: Item_, a rope-maker, for we are in great need of one to
make rigging here.
_Tarpauling-nails_: A quantity of tarpauling-nails.
_Grappling-irons_: Some grappling-irons, for the frigates have lost
those brought by Captain Juan de la Ysla in the year seventy. Let
some be of five _arrobas'_ weight, and the others from four to six
_arrobas_.
_Anchors_: Some anchors, of three or four _quintals_ each.
_Boilers_: Half a dozen pitch boilers, for we have none of them.
_Wine_: Wine for the sacrifice of the mass, and for the sick; also
some vinegar.
_Assayer: Item_, an assayer, for we are in much need of one.
_Negroes_: We are in great need of negroes for the labors of this
camp, so as to avoid the inconveniences that arise from [depending on]
the natives.
_Soap_: One or two _quintals_ of soap; we greatly need it for the
rigging which is being made in this land.
_Padlocks_: A dozen padlocks, for they are not to be found here.
_Mariner's compasses_: Half a dozen of mariner's compasses.
_Hour-glasses_: Twenty hour-glasses indicating one to one-and-a-half
hours.
_Screws_: Two good screws for filing arquebuses.
_Iron wire_: Six _libras_ of iron wire to repair arquebuse locks.
_Tin_: Two _libras_ of sheet-tin for the tinning of locks.
_Rigging_: All sorts of rigging.
_Sawyers_: Sawyers.
_Smiths_: A smith who knows how to make crowbars, adzes, axes, and
chisels, and how to sharpen tools.
_Gunpowder_: A large quantity of gunpowder.
_Sulphur and saltpetre_: Sulphur and saltpetre.
_Medicines_: Some medicines for the sick and wounded.
_Lead_: Lead, both in bars and in sheets.
_Gunners_: Gunners are much needed.
_Pickaxes, shovels_: Pickaxes and crow's-foot shovels.
_Kettles_: Large and small mess-kettles, for there are none.
_Balances_: Two new balances, one of them small.
_Weights and denominations_: Weights to weigh gold and silver,
graduated from two to four _libras_.
_Bells_: Small and large bells for churches.
_Measures_: Measures of one _arroba_, half-_arroba, azumbre_ and
_quartillo_.
_Half-hanega_: Two half-_hanegas_, one _celemin_, and one
half-_celemin_. [39]
_Fishing-nets and fishermen_: Two fishing-nets and a couple of
fishermen [_pescadores_], if they are to be found.
_Stamps for the tithes_: Stamps for branding the tithes, for those
which were sent are out of order; also a small anvil and hammers,
for marking the fifths. [40]
_Tow_: A large quantity of tow, for we have none.
_For the main church: Item_, we need a pair of chalices with their
silver pitchers, two missals, and some altar-cloths and linen for the
main church of this city. We need them because all that was sent us
was taken by the Augustinian religious, and we are unable to get any
of them.
_Andres Cauchela Salvador de Aldave_
Relation of the Conquest of the Island of Luzon
An account of the discovery and conquest of the islands of Luzón and
Mindoro, together with the most important events which took place
therein, being a brief and summarized relation of the conquest and
reduction of all that has been conquered and subdued in these islands
up to the present time. Likewise is contained herein a description
of the civilization of the people and their mode of living; the
weapons which they possess and use; and the forts which they build
to defend themselves against their enemies. I have ventured to
write this relation because I have been informed that many things
concerning events in this land have been written, and sent to Nueva
España, which are the merest fable and conjecture. For instance,
they say that there are in this country Moors like those of Barberia
[Barbary], and that their strength in arms is quite equal to that
of those people; and that they fight and defend themselves like the
Turks. Those who have so written are in error. Much to the contrary,
it is quite certain that the natives of this island of Luzón, whom
we Spaniards commonly call Moros, are not so; for the truth is that
they do not know or understand the law of Mahoma--only in some of
the villages on the seacoast they do not eat pork, and this for
the reason that they have had dealings with the Moros of Burney,
who have preached to them a little of the teaching of Mahoma. As I
shall farther on treat more in detail of the rites and ceremonies of
these natives, I shall in the first place describe the wars between
them and the Spaniards, without useless amplification or omission;
for thus have I been instructed to do by a certain person who has
ordered me to write, and thus whatever I may say in defense of these
natives will be read without any mistrust whatever, for whosoever
reads this will know the truth with regard to what occurs here.
The first thing which I shall attempt to relate herein will be an
expedition which was made by Captain Juan de Salzedo when he was
governor in the island of Panai. As has been already related in other
accounts, written in the year sixty-nine, the Portuguese raised the
blockade established by them on the island of Çubú against the camp
of his Majesty, because of certain difficulties which arose; and the
governor determined to cross to the island of Panay with his captains
in order to levy tribute upon the people of certain provinces. His
nephew, recently made captain of the company which his brother Felipe
de Sauzedo had brought to these islands, was sent with forty soldiers
to certain islands. This captain embarked in fourteen or fifteen small
native boats, and set out for an islet which is called Elem, [41]
and when we had reached this island we did not find any resistance
whatever, for all the natives came to us in peace. From there, led
by a guide, he crossed to the island of Mindoro, and made an attack
one night just about dawn upon a very rich native village called
Mamburau, and plundered it. Many of the natives were captured, some
of whom afterward bought their liberty, and others were allowed to
go free. Thence he took a guide for a little islet, Loban by name,
which is fifteen leagues farther. When the captain was departed,
the natives, who had fled from the village, returned and saw the
havoc and destruction caused by the Spaniards, and were unwilling
to return to rebuild it; accordingly they themselves set fire to
it, and totally destroyed it. The captain, having arrived at his
destination at midnight, with all possible secrecy leaped ashore, and
arranged his men and the Pintados [42] Indians whom he had with him in
ambuscade near the villages, in order to make the attack upon them at
daybreak. However, the natives of this island having been informed of
the hostile incursion of the Spaniards, withdrew with their children
and wives and all their belongings that they could take with them,
to three forts which they had constructed. Now since these were the
first natives whom we found with forts and means of defense, I shall
describe here the forts and weapons which they possessed. The two
principal forts were square in form, with ten or twelve culverins on
each side, some of them moderately large and others very small. Each
fort had a wall two _estados_ high, and was surrounded by a ditch two
and one-half _brazas_ in depth, filled with water. The small weapons
used by these natives are badly tempered iron lances, which become
blunt upon striking a fairly good coat of mail, a kind of broad dagger,
and arrows--which are weapons of little value. Other lances are also
used which are made of fire-hardened palm-wood and are harder than the
iron ones. There is an abundance of a certain very poisonous herb which
they apply to their arrows. Such are the weapons which the natives
of these islands possess and employ. Now as the captain approached
the villages at daybreak, and found them empty, he proceeded through
a grove to the place where the first fort was situated; and, having
come in sight, negotiated with them, asking whether they desired to be
friends of the Spaniards. The natives, confident of their strength,
refused to listen, and began to discharge their culverins and a few
arrows. The captain, seeing that they would not listen to reason,
ordered them to be fired upon. The skirmish lasted in one place or
the other about three hours, since the Spaniards could not assault
or enter the fort because of the moat of water surrounding it. But,
as fortune would have it, the natives had left on the other side,
tied to the fort, a small boat capable of holding twenty men; and
two of our soldiers threw themselves into the water and swam across,
protected by our arquebusiers from the enemy, who tried to prevent
them. This boat having been brought to the side where the Spaniards
were, fifteen soldiers entered it and approached the rampart of the
fort. As soon as these men began to mount the rampart, the Indians
began to flee on the other side, by a passage-way which they had made
for that very purpose. It is true that thirty or forty Moros fought
and resisted the entrance of the Spaniards; but when they saw that
half of our people were already on the wall, and the rest in the act
of mounting, they all turned their backs and fled. A hundred or more
of them were killed, while of our men five were wounded. In this way
was the fort taken, together with fifty or sixty prisoners, ten or
twelve culverins, and everything else in it. On the morning of the
next day, which was the second of May, in the year one thousand five
hundred and seventy, the captain set free one of the Moro prisoners,
and sent him to the second fort, which was in the middle of the island
very near the first one, and charged him to tell them that he summoned
them to surrender peacefully. The Moro having performed his mission,
and delivered the message of the captain to those in the fort, they
sent back the reply that they did not desire to be friends with the
Spaniards but were eager to fight with them; and with this reply
the Indian aforesaid returned to the captain. On the following day
we went with some four hundred friendly Indians to the fort; and the
captain, advancing within sight of it, addressed them, asking that they
should be friends with the Spaniards and not try to fight with them,
as that would result badly for them. They again declared that they
did not desire this friendship, and began to fire their culverins and
discharge arrows; and in return the soldiers discharged, on all sides,
their arquebuses. But during the whole day we were not able to enter
the fort, for we Spaniards were very few in number; and the heat was
intense, and we had not eaten, although it was near night. The captain,
seeing that he had not accomplished anything, decided to return to
the boats which he had left behind, and on the next morning again to
besiege the fort, and hem them in as closely as possible; and thus he
did. Having come in this manner and having grounded his boats upon a
beach close to the enemy, when these latter saw the determination of
the Spaniards, and that they would not depart under any circumstances
until they had conquered them, they therefore determined to make peace
and become friends. To this end the leaders came out of the fort and
made peace and friendship with the captain, becoming good friends,
which they are up to the present time. They gave him a hundred _tall
[taels]_ of gold, which he divided among his soldiers. From there the
captain went to a rock belonging to another small islet very near to
that of Loban, and lying in the sea at a very short distance from the
said islet. The natives who lived in that island had retired to this
rock to the number of about three hundred warriors. The captain,
having arrived on the same day at about ten o'clock, went around
the rock, and we captured a small boat containing thirty men. Many
volleys from the arquebuses were fired at them during this day;
and on the following morning the soldiers began to make ladders to
scale the rock--whose occupants, when they saw the determination of
the Spaniards, came to terms of peace and friendship, giving another
hundred _tall_ of gold, following the example of those of the other
fort, who had been left good friends. The captain returned with all
of us who were with him to the island of Panay, where the governor
was with the master-of-camp, who had returned from another expedition
made with his men to an island called Acuyo. Thereupon the question
was discussed of sending men jto explore the island of Luzón; and it
was agreed that the master-of-camp and captain Juan de Sauzedo should
set out upon this expedition with a hundred soldiers.
The necessary preparations having been made for this expedition,
the master-of-camp and the said captain embarked in two of our
small ships, with three large pieces of artillery, and accompanied
by fourteen or, fifteen ships of the Pintados Indians, our friends,
who in their own language are called Viseys. They sailed out of
the river of Panay in the year of seventy, above mentioned, on the
third of May, the day of Sancta Cruz. I did not take part in this
expedition but shall describe literally everything which occurred in
it. I have drawn my information from the others who participated in it,
and more especially from two of my associates, both of whom went on
this expedition, and who are men of great reliability--an advantage,
as I have before mentioned. The master-of-camp arrived at the island
of Mindoro, the village and port of which had the reputation of being
very great and very strong, but which proved to be an exaggeration,
for the village is small, containing only about three or four hundred
inhabitants. The master-of-camp having arrived, as I have said,
at that port, the Indians were drawn up on a declivity before the
village, and made signs that they intended to prevent the entrance
of the Spaniards. The master-of-camp, with all his soldiers, leaped
ashore in front of the village on a little plain, and, approaching the
village in a zigzag course, thus attacked it. The gunners who were in
the ship were ordered to discharge a cannon in the air when the attack
was made, and this was done. The Indians seeing that they intended
to enter the village by force, made peace with the master-of-camp,
and paid him tribute; and they have remained friends and vassals of
the royal Spanish administration up to the present day. This is the
port where enter all the passengers who come from the islands of the
Pintados and from España to this island of Luzón, where the governor
resides. From here the master-of-camp set sail for the island of
Luzón, or rather the port and village of Manilla, which was said
to be large and very strong. It is but just to say that it is not
more than one-tenth as large and as strong as in Nueva España and
in other places it is reported to be; and yet, in comparison with
the natives of this land, the inhabitants of Manilla were powerful,
for they had twelve pieces of small and inferior artillery and a few
culverins, with such other weapons as I have already mentioned. This
village of Manilla is situated on a tongue of land extending from
east to west between the river and the sea, and a fort had been
built on the extreme western end of this peninsula at the entrance
to the port. The sea makes a very large harbor about thirty leagues
in circumference; and bordering upon this harbor are many villages,
among which is that of Manilla. [43] Manilla is now a Spanish city,
founded in the name of his Majesty by the governor Miguel López
de Legazpi. The captain-general and Captain Juan de Sauzedo having
arrived in view of this port of Manilla, entered in peace, and under
the safe-conduct of two native chiefs of the said village. One of
these was called Laya, lately deceased, who died a Christian; the
other was called Raxa Solimán. With these two chiefs were drawn up
articles of peace, although Raxa Soliman was suspected of lack of
good-faith, while Laya was always to be trusted, even until the day of
his death. While these peaceful negotiations were in progress between
the master-of-camp and the two chiefs above-mentioned, there collected
a large number of natives of various classes; and yet there were not
so many a» was reported in Nueva España, where it was claimed that
there were in all eighty thousand Moros in this village of Manilla,
when this event took place. Indeed one should subtract seventy-eight
thousand from the eighty thousand mentioned, in order to arrive at
the two thousand which there might have been from the said village of
Manilla and those in its environs, including the women and children,
who were present in great numbers. Now, as I say, these negotiations
being in progress, some of the natives desired peace and others war;
for indeed the Indians had some pride, and it seemed to them that
the Spaniards were very few and could be easily slain, even if only
with clubs. Thus it was that, at the end of three days during which
these friendly negotiations continued (because it was impossible to
come to an agreement, or conclude them), one day at ten o'clock, on
the twenty-fourth day of the month of May of the year above mentioned,
the Indians, who were in the fort, began to discharge their artillery
at two of our ships, which were moored very near by. The master-of-camp
was ashore with eighty soldiers, close to this same fort, on a small
piece of level ground. The fort was made of palm-tree logs surmounting
a very narrow mound, and the pieces of artillery protruded from
immense gaps by which the soldiers could enter at will, as I have
said above. Now when the Moros began to violate the articles of
peace and friendship which the master-of-camp had made with them,
the latter was deeply concerned; for he had great fear, because the
enemy were in force. Yet, when he saw that the battle had broken out,
he put on his helmet, and commenced to encourage his soldiers, telling
them that they should acquit themselves as Spaniards, and as they had
always done in critical times. Thereupon he ordered them to attack
the fort through the openings made for the artillery, and it pleased
God that not one of the gunners had the courage to fire his piece;
and so great was the confusion, that they trembled upon seeing the
Spaniards enter with so great spirit, and, turning their backs,
abandoned themselves to flight, and slew one another in their mad
rush for freedom. The master-of-camp, realizing that the village was
large and rich, and that the victory was his by the grace of God,
for the soldiers were few, feared lest our soldiers should, through
greed, set to plundering the houses and become widely scattered; and
that, if the enemy should see them thus scattered, they would return
and attack them when unable to reunite. That he might avoid this
danger he ordered the village to be set on fire, and the soldiers to
collect upon the promontory, which order was obeyed. In this manner,
as related, it befell the master-of-camp, and the victory was obtained
over those of Manilla. The artillery which they possessed, and which I
have mentioned above--namely, ten or twelve medium-sized pieces and
a few culverins--was taken. On the other bank there was a village,
whose chief was named Alcandora, with whom the master-of-camp did
not wish to deal as yet, for he knew that the governor desired to
establish a settlement in this island. Therefore, as he desired that
this chief should stay where he was and do him no injury, he left him
and returned to the island of Panay, making peace and friendship,
on the way, with many villages on this same island of Luzón. Upon
reaching the island of Mindoro, and being in a river which is called
Vaco, news came to him that Juan de la Ysla had arrived from Nueva
España with three ships sent by the viceroy, Don Martín Enrríquez,
and with the letters which the said Juan de la Ysla was bringing
from España from his Majesty. News was received likewise of the
payments of money which were being made to the soldiers in the
service of his Majesty in these regions. There also came on these
ships the most reverend Father Diego de Herrera, a member of the
order of St. Augustine, who had gone hence a year before to Nueva
España, on business which pertained to the public welfare and to the
service of God and his Majesty. The master-of-camp, having received
the news as to these ships, made haste and arrived in the middle of
the month of June at the river of Panay, where the governor was. He
was well received by the governor and by all, although it grieved
the governor much that they had burned Manilla, for he had planned
to take up his residence in this village of Manilla, as he afterward
did. According to the story told by those who were present, it does
not seem that the master-of-camp was at fault in the burning of this
village; for he did it in order to make sure of the victory, and so
that the enemy might not return to attack him. This is my opinion,
for I regard him as a good Christian. Laying aside this question,
I shall relate the doings of the governor.
The ships having arrived at the said island of Panay, orders were given
for all the other captains who were scattered with their companies
through the other islands to assemble. The papers and letters of
his Majesty were opened, and it was seen that it was his will for
the lands to be settled and divided among those who conquered and
subdued them. Other and greater favors were conferred by his Majesty,
who has always striven and will always strive that our Lord should
be served. The will of his Majesty having thus been revealed to the
governor, he determined to go to found a colony on the island of
Cubu, which he did, naming it El Nombre de Jesús. He left this colony
populated by forty or fifty colonists, giving them some villages and
islands in the immediate environs. From that island he returned to the
above-named island of Panay, whence he decided to sail, with the rest
of his men and all his munitions of war, to the island of Luzón. He
was detained here, however, for five or six months, during which time
the people suffered great distress from the lack of rice in the island,
because of the swarms of locusts which had prevailed for two or three
years. Therefore the father provincial preached to us each day, and
strongly urged the governor, in all his public sermons and private
conversations, that he should depart from this island and not permit
the people to suffer so great distress. Therefore, influenced by
the prayers and warnings of the said father, and because he saw that
there was reason therefor, he decided to sail out of the said river
of Panay with all his fleet and army, to settle the island of Luzón.
Accompanied by the ships necessary for such an expedition, the governor
set sail in the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one, on
the day after Easter, taking with him the father provincial, Fray
Diego de Herrera, the master-of-camp and all the other captains, and
two hundred and thirty arquebusiers. It was on the twentieth of the
month that he set sail, and with fair weather he arrived at the island
of Mindoro with his whole fleet of twenty-six or twenty-seven ships,
large and small, including both our own and those of the natives who
came with us. He remained on that island fifteen or sixteen days,
and from thence set out for the island of Luzón, where we arrived a
week later, at the bay which I have before mentioned and on which
Manilla is situated. When the natives knew that the governor had
come with his entire force to settle upon their lands, and when they
saw him entering the bay, they set fire to their village of Manilla
(which they had rebuilt after its burning, a year before, by the
master-of-camp); and this time many of the houses were consumed and
many remained standing, while the natives crossed to the opposite
shore, to the village of Alcandora. The governor having arrived at
the port of Manylla one day in the middle of the month of May, at
two o'clock in the afternoon, Alcandora came out in a little boat to
welcome him in peace and friendship, and speak to him on behalf of Raxa
Solimán and Laya, begging that he would treat them with friendship,
and pardon them for having taken up arms the past year against the
master-of-camp. He said that on the following day they would come,
under safe conduct from him, to talk with him and make peace. The
governor received him very well, and told him through an interpreter
to retire for the night to his house and to come on the next day with
the two Raxas, saying that he would make peace with the latter, and
would treat them as sons; for he had no ill-feeling toward them, but
rather regretted that they had resisted the master-of-camp. Thus with
these assurances, Alcandora took his leave, going to his house greatly
pleased. The next day the governor disembarked in Manilla and the three
chiefs came to talk with him and declare themselves his friends. It
should not be understood in Nueva España or in España that the chiefs
in this land are absolute rulers, or that they have great authority
or power. Rather the very opposite is true, for there exist among
them the most primitive conditions to be found in any race. It often
befalls that in one village, however small it may be, there are five,
six, or ten chiefs, each of whom possesses twenty or thirty slaves,
whom he has the power to sell, or treat as he pleases. Others there
are who are called _timaguas_ (that is to say, freemen), over whom the
chiefs have no power--except that the timaguas are under obligation to
follow their own chief when war arises between the different factions;
and even this service is not compulsory and cannot be obtained by
force. As I have said, there prevails among them the utmost rudeness
and lack of harmony; so that if one says "basket," the other responds
"crossbow." He who has the most gold and riches is the greatest chief
and of the highest nobility, and is the most respected, in accordance
with the vanity and vainglory of this world. It occurs to me now that
this is borne out by the proverb current among the Spaniards, namely,
"Dost thou wish to know thy value? see what thou hast."
These three chiefs, having become our friends, offered to bring all the
surrounding country to terms of peace with us, a thing which they did
not succeed in accomplishing, for they were not sufficiently powerful,
as I have said, each village having its own chiefs. Indeed there are
but very few chiefs who have authority over as many as two or three
villages, for the reason which I have given above. The character and
customs of these people, and their clothing, ornaments, and mode of
government I shall describe further on--that is to say, of the people
of this island of Luzon and of the other islands round about. As for
those farther away in China, we are informed by those who come from
there to trade with these islands that they are a cleanly, well-clothed
race, and of higher morals. This is worthy of some belief, on account
of the Chinese who come to these islands to trade, and whom we see
walking about, well and decently clothed. Leaving this subject for
its proper time and place, I shall continue to relate the governor's
actions after disembarking in Manilla, on the sixteenth of May of
the year one thousand five hundred and seventy-one. At the end of a
week he published an edict that, in accordance with the command of his
Majesty, he would give lands and _repartimientos_ to those who desired
to settle in the city of Manilla, which he was founding in the name
of his Majesty. Accordingly, all those who came with him, captains,
soldiers, and gentlemen, settled as citizens in this city; but up to
the present, and it is now about a year since the city was founded,
there are very few who have _repartimientos_ or even homesteads. This
is, as I have said, a very unsatisfactory manner in which this city
was founded and settled. I shall now return to relate briefly the
war with the natives, which the Spaniards have carried on even to
the present day.
All that I have above related having taken place, it was decided to
make peace with the nearest villages, some of whom had come to beg
it from the governor, and others would not. Among those who would
not come was a village called Butas, situated on an inlet on the
other side of the river flowing past Manilla, and about a league
and a half away. This village, uniting with the others near by, sent
word that they did not wish peace or friendship with the governor;
and had the boldness to come as far as the village of Alcandora,
quite close to Manilla, whence they sent defiance to the governor and
the captains. Having endured this a number of times and having made
offers of peace, it finally became impossible to endure such insolence;
and the governor had to send the master-of-camp, with seventy soldiers
and several native leaders, by sea to fight with those Indians at their
village, where they were waiting with twenty or thirty of their boats,
with one or two culverins in each boat. He set out (after having heard
mass) on the day of the Feast of the Holy Ghost, which was the third
of the month of June in the year above mentioned. The master-of-camp,
having embarked with the soldiers, arrived at the place where the
enemy were assembled at twelve o'clock on that day. When they saw that
he was entering the port, they sailed out to attack him with their
boats (which were, as I said, twenty or thirty in number), and with
a great outcry began to fire their culverins and many arrows. It was
God's will that they caused no injury to our forces. Taking note of
the order used by the enemy, the command was given for the Spaniards
to fasten their boats by twos, and to row slowly toward the opposing
forces. When they were in close proximity, all the arquebusiers began
to shoot and to cause injuries among the enemy--who, not being able to
endure the firing, which killed many of them, began to turn their backs
and retreat to the land. When the Pintados Indians who accompanied
t
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