The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation — Volume 11
by Richard Hakluyt · English · Gutenberg #12693 · 944,198 chars · public domain (US)
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Title: The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation — Volume 11
Author: Richard Hakluyt
Release date: June 1, 2004 [eBook #12693]
Most recently updated: October 28, 2024
Language: English
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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION — VOLUME 11 ***
** Transcriber's Notes **
The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the
spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this
version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript
abbreviations have been silently expanded:
- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm'
- q; = -que (in the Latin)
- y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with
This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes
are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling
conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always
systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's
own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the
sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are
labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in
poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on
corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH'
** End Transcriber's Notes **
THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES
OF THE ENGLISH NATION, VOLUME XI
AFRICA
Collected by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER.
AND
Edited by
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.
Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries
OF THE
ENGLISH NATION IN AFRICA.
* * * * *
The voyage of Henrie Eatle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly
Henry the fourth King of England, to Tunis in Barbarie, with an army of
Englishmen mitten by Polidore Virgill. pag. 1389.
Franci interim per inducias nacti ocium, ac simul Genuensium precibus
defatigati, bellum in Afros, qui omnem oram insulásque Italiae latiocinijs
infestas reddebant, suscipiunt. Richardus quoque rex Angliæ rogatus
auxilium, mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicæ pubis manu
ad id bellum faciendum. Igitur Franci Anglíque viribus et animis
consociatis in Africam traijciunt, qui vbi littus attigere, eatenus à
Barbaris descensione prohibiti sunt, quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute
factum est, vt aditus pateret: in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam
petunt, ac obsident. Barbari timore affecti de pace ad eos legates mittunt,
quam nostris dare placuit, vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps
Italiae, Galliaeque ora mamis abstinerent. Ita peractis rebus post paucos
menses, quàm eo itum erat, domum repediatum est.
The same in English.
The French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of
their truce, and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the
Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores, who robbed and spoyled
all the coasts of Italy, and of the Ilandes adiacent. Likewise Richard the
second, king of England, being sued vnto for ayde, sent Henry the Earle of
Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare.
Wherefore the English and French, with forces and mindes vnited, sayled
ouer into Africa, who when they approached vnto the shore were repelled by
the Barbarians from landing, vntill such time as they had passage made them
by the valour of the English archers. Thus hauing landed their forces, they
foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis, and besieged it. Whereat
the Barbarians being dismayed, sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian
Chieftaines to treat of peace, which our men graunted vnto them, vpon
condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money, and that they
should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of
Italy and France. And so hauing dispatched their businesse, within a fewe
moneths after their departure they returned home.
This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in
manner following, pag 473.
In the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of King Richard the second, the
Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through
sute of the Genouois, so that there went a great number of Lords, Knights,
and Gentlemen of France and England, the Duke of Burbon being their
Generall. Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the
Duke of Lancaster (as Froysard hath noted) also Sir Iohn Russell, Sir Iohn
Butler, Sir Iohn Harecourt and others. They set forwarde in the latter ende
of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne, and came to Genoa, where they
remayned not verie long, but that the gallies and other vessels of the
Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie. And so about midsomer
in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army
being embarked, sailed forth to the coast of Barbary, where neere to the
city of Africa they landed: [Sidenote: The Chronicles of Genoa] at which
instant the English archers (as the Chronicles of Genoa write) stood all
the company in good stead with their long bowes, beating backe the enemies
from the shore, which came downe to resist their landing. After they had
got to land, they inuironed the city of Africa (called by the Moores
Mahdia) with a strong siege: but at length, constrained with the
intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey, breeding in the
army sundry diseases, they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to
be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens: and so 61 dayes after their
arriuall there they tooke the seas againe, and returned home, as in the
histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed. Where, by Polidore
Virgil it may seeme, that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derbie
should be generall of the English men, that (as before you heard) went into
Barbary with the French men and Genouois.
* * * * *
The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English
man in the reigne of Richard the second, briefly recorded by M. Camden.
Ad alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham, locus
natalis, vt accepi, Ioannis Hawkwoodi (Itali Aucuthum corruptè vocant) quem
illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt, vt Senatus Florentinus
propter insignia merita equestri statua et tumuli honore in eximiæ
fortitudinis, fideíque testimonium ornauit. Res eius gestas Itali pleno ore
prædicant; Et Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat: sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi
tetrastichon adijcere.
Hawkoode Angloram decus, et decus addite genti
Italicæ, Italico presidiúmque solo,
Vt tumuli quondam Florentia, sic simulachri
Virtutem Ionius donat honore tuam.
William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy, maketh
honorable mention of him twise, to wit, in the commonwealth of Florentia
and Ferrara.
* * * * *
The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south Ile of Saint
Peters Church in the citie of Norwich, which was knighted by Charles the
fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538.
Here vnder lieth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire, who hath worthily
serued, not onely his Prince and Countrey, but also the Emperour Charles
the fift, both at his conquest of Barbarie, and at his siege at Tunis, and
also in other places. Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his
valiant deedes the order of Barbary. Who dyed the 29 day of December, in
the yeere of our Lord God 1566.
* * * * *
The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541,
drawen out of his booke De Republica instauranda.
Thomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis, studio Cantabrigensis, educatione
aulicus, religione pius, veréque Christianus fuit. Itaque cum iuuenilem
ætatem, mentémque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset, Domino Henrico
Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum
imperatorem transmisso legato, vnà cum illo profectus est, tanquam
familiaris amicus, vel eidem, à consilijs. Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto
nauali certamine à Genua et Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas
classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente, ornatissimo illo Kneuetto
legato regis, Thoma Chalonero, Henrico Knolleo, et Henrico Isamo,
illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus,
paritérque militantibus, mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est. Nam
triremi illa, in qua fuerat, vel scopulis allisa, vel grauissimis pro
cellis conquassata, naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset, deficientibus
viribus, brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis, prehensa
dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti, quæ ex altera triremi iam
propinqua tum fuerat eiecta, non sine dentium aliquorum iactura sese tandem
recuperauit, ac domum integer relapsus est.
The same in English.
Thomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner, by studie a Cantabrigian, by
education a Courtier, by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therefore
after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning,
when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the
8. to the Emperour Charles the fift, he went with him as his familiar
friend, or as one of his Councell. At which time the said Charles the 5.
passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort,
with a mighty army by sea, that honourable Kneuet the kings ambassadour,
Thomas Chaloner, Henry Knolles, and Henry Isham, right worthy persons, of
their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition, and serued him in
that warre, wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life.
For the galley wherein he was, being either dashed against the rockes, or
shaken with mighty stormes, and so cast away, after he had saued himselfe a
long while by swimming, when his strength failed him, his armes and hands
being faint and weary, with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on
a cable, which was cast out of the next gally, not without breaking and
losse of certaine of his teeth, at length recouered himselfe, and returned
home into his countrey in safety.
* * * * *
The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an Englishman in deliuering 266.
Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria, the 3 of
Ianuarie 1577.
Among our Merchants here in England, it is a common voiage to traffike into
Spaine: whereunto a ship, being called The three halfe Moones, manned with
38. men, and well fensed with munitions, the better to encounter their
enemies withall, and hauing wind and tide, set from Portsmouth, 1563. and
bended her iourney toward Siuill a citie in Spaine, intending there to
traffique with them. [Sidenote: Iohn Foxe taken 1563.] And felling neere
the Streights, they perceiued themselues to be beset round with eight
gallies of the Turkes, in such wise, that there was no way for them to flie
or escape away, but that either they must yeeld or els be sunke. Which the
owner perceiuing, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly
to shew their manhood, shewing them that God was their God, and not their
enemies, requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heape of their
enemies ready to deuour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were
Gods pleasure to giue them into their enemies hands, it was not they that
ought to shew one displeasant looke or countenance there against; but to
take it patiently, and not to prescribe a day and time for their
deliuerance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put themselues vnder
his mercy. And againe, if it were his mind and good will to shew his mighty
power by them, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able
to stand in their hands; putting them likewise in mind of the old and
ancient woorthinesse of their countreymen, who in the hardest extremities
haue alwayes most preuailed and gone away conquerors, yea, and where it
hath bene almost impossible. Such (quoth he) hath bene the valiantnesse of
our countreymen, and such hath bene the mightie power of our God.
With other like incouragements, exhorting them to behaue themselues
manfully, they fell all on their knees making their prayers briefly vnto
God: who being all risen vp againe perceiued their enemies by their signes
and defiances bent to the spoyle, whose mercy was nothing els but crueltie,
whereupon euery man tooke him to his weapon.
Then stood vp one Groue the master, being a comely man, with his sword and
target, holding them vp in defiance agaynst his enemies. So likewise stood
vp the Owner, the Masters mate, Boateswaine, Purser, and euery man well
appointed. Nowe likewise sounded vp the drums, trumpets and flutes, which
would haue encouraged any man, had he neuer so litle heart or courage in
him.
Then taketh him to his charge Iohn Foxe the gunner in the disposing of his
pieces in order to the best effect, and sending his bullets towards the
Turkes, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrise as fast toward the
Christians. But shortly they drew neere, so that the bowmen fel to their
charge in sending forth their arrowes so thicke amongst the Gallies, and
also in doubling their shot so sore vpon the gallies, that there was twise
so many of the Turkes slaine, as the number of the Christians were in all.
But the Turks discharged twise as fast against the Christians, and so long,
that the ship was very sore stricken and bruised vnder water. Which the
Turkes perceiuing, made the more haste to come aboord the Shippe: which ere
they could doe, many a Turke bought it deerely with the losse of their
liues. Yet was all in vaine, and boorded they were, where they found so
hote a skirmish, that it had bene better they had not medled with the
feast. For the Englishmen shewed themselues men in deed, in working
manfully with their browne bils and halbardes: where the owner, master,
boateswaine, and their company stoode to it so lustily, that the Turkes
were halfe dismaied. [Sidenote: The valour and death of their Boatswaine.]
But chiefly the boateswaine shewed himself valiant aboue the rest: for he
fared amongst the Turkes like a wood Lion: for there was none of them that
either could or durst stand in his face, till at the last there came a shot
from the Turkes, which brake his whistle asunder, and smote him on the
brest, so that he fell downe, bidding them farewell, and to be of good
comfort, encouraging them likewise to winne praise by death, rather then to
liue captiues in misery and shame. Which they hearing, in deed intended to
haue done, as it appeared by their skirmish: but the prease and store of
the Turkes was so great, that they were not able long to endure, but were
so ouerpressed, that they could not wield their weapons: by reason whereof,
they must needs be taken, which none of them intended to haue bene, but
rather to haue died: except onely the masters mate, who shrunke from the
skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the valure of his name,
nor accounting of the present example of his fellowes, nor hauing respect
to the miseries, whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that
the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to reioyce, or
triumph. Then would it haue grieued any hard heart to see these Infidels so
violently intreating the Christians, not hauing any respect of their
manhood which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their owne state, how
they might haue met with such a bootie, as might haue giuen them the
ouerthrow; but no remorse hereof, or any thing els doth bridle their fierce
and tirannous dealing, but that the Christians must needs to the gallies,
to serue in new offices: and they were no sooner in them, but their
garments were pulled ouer their eares, and torne from their backes, and
they set to the oares.
I will make no mention of their miseries, being now vnder their enemies
raging stripes. I thinke there is no man wil iudge their fare good, or
their bodies vnloden of stripes, and not pestered with too much heate, and
also with too much cold: but I will goe to my purpose, which is, to shew
the ende of those, being in meere miserie, which continually doe call on
God with a steadfast hope that he will deliuer them, and with a sure faith
that he can doe it.
Nigh to the citie of Alexandria, being a hauen towne, and vnder the
dominion of the Turkes, there is a roade, being made very fensible with
strong wals, whereinto the Turkes doe customably bring their gallies on
shoare euery yeere, in the winter season, and there doe trimme them, and
lay them vp against the spring time. In which road there is a prison,
wherein the captiues and such prisoners as serue in the gallies, are put
for all that time, vntill the seas be calme and passable for the gallies,
euery prisoner being most grieuously laden with irons on their legges, to
their great paine, and sore disabling of them to any labour taking.
[Sidenote: The Englishmen carried prisoners vnto an Hauen nere Alexandria.]
Into which prison were these Christians put, and fast warded all the Winter
season. But ere it was long, the Master and the Owner, by meanes of
friends, were redeemed: the rest abiding still by the miserie, while that
they were all (through reason of their ill vsage and worse fare, miserably
starued) sauing one Iohn Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more
miserie, then other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and
worke more deuises to helpe their state and liuing, then other some can
doe) being somewhat skilfull in the craft of a Barbour, by reason thereof
made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meale.
Insomuch, til at the last, God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper
of the prison, so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road, at his
pleasure, paying a certaine stipend vnto the keeper, and wearing a locke
about his leg: which libertie likewise, sixe more had vpon like sufferance:
who by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to
start aside, or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe, had
libertie to go in and out at the sayd road, in such maner, as this Iohn Fox
did, with irons on their legs, and to returne againe at night.
In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season, the gallies happily
comming to their accustomed harborow, and being discharged of all their
mastes, sailes, and other such furnitures, as vnto gallies doe appertaine,
and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne
homes: there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore
and eight Christian prisoners, who had bene taken by the Turks force, and
were of sixteen sundry nations. Among which there were three Englishmen,
whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Woodbridge in Suffolke, the other
William Wickney of Portsmouth, in the Countie of Southampton, and the third
Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex. Which Iohn Fox hauing bene
thirteene or fourteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance, and being too
too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed with himselfe by what meanes
it might be brought to passe: and continually pondering with himself
thereof, tooke a good heart vnto him, in hope that God would not be alwayes
scourging his children, and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his
pretended enterprise, if that it should redound to his glory.
Not farre from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the
Citie, there was a certaine victualling house, which one Peter Vnticaro had
hired, paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road. This Peter
Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne, and a Christian, and had bene prisoner about
thirtie yeeres, and neuer practised any meanes to escape, but kept himselfe
quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie: vntill that nowe this
John Foxe vsing much thither, they brake one to another their mindes,
concerning the restraint of their libertie and imprisonment. So that this
Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would
faine put in practise, made priuie one more to this their intent. Which
three debated of this matter at such times as they could compasse to meete
together: insomuch, that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently
concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to farther them
thereto: who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise, whom they
thought they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to
accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same Iohn Fox, and Peter
Vnticaro, and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the prison
the next day, being the last day of December: where this Iohn Fox certified
the rest of the prisoners, what their intent and deuise was, and how and
when they minded to bring their purpose to passe: who thereunto perswaded
them without much a doe to further their deuise. Which the same Iohn Fox
seeing, deliuered vnto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together
for this purpose, by the meanes of Peter Vnticaro, charging them that euery
man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the
the next day at night.
[Sidenote: Januarie.] On the next day at night, this said Iohn Fox, and his
sixe other companions, being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro,
passing the time away in mirth for feare of suspect, till the night came
on, so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise, sent
Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade, in the name of one of the
Masters of the citie, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose
request he also would come at the first: who desired him to take the paines
to meete him there, promising him, that he would bring him backe againe.
The keeper agreed to goe with him, willing the warders not to barre the
gate, saying, that he would not stay long, but would come againe with all
speede.
In the meane season, the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons, as
they could get in that house: and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie
sword blade, without either hilt or pomell, which he made to serue his
turne, in bending the hand ende of the sword, in steed of a pomell, and the
other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house.
The keeper now being come vnto the house, and perceiuing no light, nor
hearing any noyse, straight way suspected the matter: and returning
backward, Iohn Fox standing behind the corner of the house, stepped foorth
vnto him: who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox, saide, O Fox, what haue I
deserued of thee, that thou shouldest seeke my death? Thou villaine (quoth
Fox) hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood, and now thou shalt
know what thou hast deserued at my handes: wherewith he lift vp his bright
shining sword of tenne yeeres rust, and stroke him so maine a blowe, as
therewithall his head claue a sunder, so that he fell starke dead to the
ground. Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in, and certified the rest how the
case stood with the keeper: who came presently foorth, and some with their
spits ranne him through, and the other with their glaiues hewed him in
sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so, that no man should discerne
what he was.
Then marched they toward the roade, whereinto they entered softly, where
were six warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? quoth Fox
and his company, all friendes. Which when they were all within, proued
contrary: for, quoth Fox, my masters, here is not to euery man a man,
wherefore looke you play your parts. Who so behaued themselues in deede,
that they had dispatched these sixe quickly. Then Iohn Fox intending not to
be barred of his enterprise, and minding to worke surely in that which he
went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a Canon against it.
Then entred they into the Gailers lodge, where they found the keyes of the
fortresse and prison by his bed side, and there had they all better
weapons. In this chamber was a chest, wherein was a rich treasure, and all
in duckats, which this Peter Vnticaro, and two more, opening, staffed
themselues so full as they could, betweene their shirts and their skinne:
which Iohn Fox would not once touch, and sayde, that it was his and their
libertie which he sought for, to the honour of his God, and not to make a
marte of the wicked treasure of the Infidels. Yet did these words sinke
nothing into their stomakes, they did it for a good intent: so did Saul
saue the fattest Oxen, to offer vnto the Lord, and they to serue their owne
turnes. But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore, neither had
these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is Gods
iustice. He that they put their trust in, to deliuer them from the
tyrannous hands of their enemies, he (I say) could supply their want of
necessaries.
Nowe these eight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of,
thinking themselues sufficient champions to encounter a stronger enemie,
and coming vnto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doores thereof, and
called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming vp the gate,
some to the dressing vp of a certaine gallie, which was the best in all the
roade, and was called the captaine of Alexandria, whereinto some caried
mastes, sailes, oares, and other such furniture as doth belong vnto a
gallie.
At the prison were certaine warders, whom Iohn Fox and his companie slewe:
in the killing of whom, there were eight more of the Turkes, which
perceiued them, and got them to the toppe of the prison: vnto whom Iohn
Fox, and his company, were faine to come by ladders, where they found a hot
skirmish. For some of them were there slaine, some wounded, and some but
scarred, and not hurt. As Iohn Fox was thrise shot through his apparell,
and not hurt. Peter Vnticaro, and the other two, that had armed them with
the duckats, were slaine, as not able to weild themselues, being so
pestered with the weight and vneasie carying of the wicked and prophane
treasure: and also diuerse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish,
as Turkes slaine.
Amongst the Turkes was one thrust thorowe, who (let vs not say that it was
ill fortune) fell off from the toppe of the prison wall, and made such a
lowing, that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there scattering
stoode a house or two) came and dawed [Footnote: To awaken: here to bring
back to his senses. I know of no other instance where it bears just this
meaning. "The other side from whence the morning daws." (_Polyolbion
X._)] him, so that they vnderstood the case, how that the prisoners were
paying their ransomes: wherewith they raised both Alexandria which lay on
the west side of the roade, and a Castle which was at the Cities end, next
to the roade, and also an other Fortresse which lay on the Northside of the
roade: so that nowe they had no way to escape, but one, which by mans
reason (the two holdes lying so vpon the mouth of the roade) might seeme
impossible to be a way for them. So was the red sea impossible for the
Israelites to passe through, the hils and rockes lay so on the one side,
and their enemies compassed on the other. So was it impossible, that the
wals of Iericho should fall downe, being neither vndermined, nor yet rammed
at with engines, nor yet any mans wisedome, pollicie, or helpe set or put
thereunto. Such impossibilities can our God make possible. He that helde
the Lyons iawes from renting Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching
him to his hurt: can not he hold the roring cannons of this hellish force?
He that kept the fiers rage in the hot burning Ouen, from the three
children, that praised his name, can not he keepe the fiers flaming blastes
from among his elect?
Now is the road fraught with lustie souldiers, laborers, and mariners, who
are faine to stand to their tackling, in setting to euery man his hand,
some to the carying in of victuals, some munitions, some oares, and some
one thing, some another, but most are keeping their enemie from the wall of
the road. But to be short, there was no time mispent, no man idle, nor any
mans labour ill bestowed, or in vaine. So that in short time, this gally
was ready trimmed vp. Whereinto euery man leaped in all haste, hoyssing vp
the sayles lustily, yeelding themselues to his mercie and grace, in whose
hands are both winde and weather.
Now is this gally on flote, and out of the safetie of the roade: now haue
the two Castles full power vpon the gally, now is there no remedy but to
sinke: how can it be auoided? The canons let flie from both sides, and the
gally is euen in the middest, and betweene them both. What man can deuise
to saue it? there is no man, but would thinke it must needes be sunke.
There was not one of them that feared the shotte, which went thundring
round about their eares, nor yet were once scarred or touched, with fiue
and forty shot, which came from the Castles. Here did God hold foorth his
buckler, he shieldeth now this gally, and hath tried their faith to the
vttermost. Now commeth his speciall helpe: yea, euen when man thinks them
past all helpe then commeth he himselfe downe from heauen with his mightie
power, then is his present remedie most readie prest. For they saile away,
being not once touched with the glaunce of a shot, and are quickly out of
the Turkish canons reach. Then might they see them comming downe by heapes
to the water side, in companies like vnto swarmes of bees, making shew to
come after them with gallies, in bustling themselues to dresse vp the
gallies, which would be a swift peece of worke for them to doe, for that
they had neither oares, mastes, sailes, gables, nor any thing else ready in
any gally. But yet they are carrying them into them, some into one gally,
and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them,
without any certaine guide, it were a thing impossible to ouertake them:
beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a gally, the
weather was so rough, and there was such an amasednes amongst them. And
verely I thinke their God was amased thereat: it could not be but he must
blush for shame, he can speake neuer a word for dulnes, much lease can he
helpe them in such an extremitie. Well, howsoeuer it is, he is very much to
blame, to suffer them to receiue such a gibe. But howsoeuer their God
behaued himselfe, our God shewed himselfe a God indeede, and that he was
the onely liuing God: for the seas were swift vnder his faithfull, which
made the enemies agast to behold them, a skilfuller Pilot leades them, and
their mariners bestirre them lustily: but the Turkes had neither mariners,
Pilot, nor any skilfull Master, that was in a readinesse at this pinch.
When the Christians were safe out of the enemies coast, Iohn Fox called to
them all, willing them to be thankfull vnto almighty God for their
deliuerie, and most humbly to fall downe vpon their knees, beseeching him
to aide them vnto their friends land, and not to bring them into an other
daunger, sith hee had most mightily deliuered them from so great a
thraldome and bondage.
Thus when euery man had made his petition, they fell straight way to their
labour with the oares, in helping one another, when they were wearied, and
with great labour striuing to come to some Christian land, as neere as they
could gesse by the starres. But the windes were so diuers, one while
driuing them this way, that they were now in a newe maze, thinking that God
had forsaken them, and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as
there were no victuals now left in the gally, it might haue beene a cause
to them (if they had beene the Israelites) to haue murmured against their
God: but they knew how that their God, who had deliuered them out of Ægypt,
was such a louing and mercifull God, as that hee would not suffer them to
be confounded, in whom he had wrought so great a wonder: but what calamitie
soeuer they sustained, they knew it was but for their further triall, and
also (in putting them in mind of their farther miserie) to cause them not
to triumph and glory in themselues therefore. [Sidenote: Extremity of
famine.] Hauing (I say) no victuals in the galley, it might seeme that one
miserie continually fel vpon an others neck: but to be briefe, the famine
grew to be so great, that in 28 dayes, wherein they were on the sea, there
died eight persons, to the astonishment of all the rest.
So it fell out, that vpon the 29 day, after they set from Alexandria, they
fell on the Isle of Candie, and landed at Gallipoli, where they were made
much of by the Abbot and Monks there, who caused them to stay there, while
they were well refreshed and eased. [Sidenote: John Fox his sword kept as a
monument in Gallipoli.] They kept there the sworde, wherewith Iohn Fox had
killed the keeper, esteeming it as a most precious iewell, and hung it vp
for a monument.
When they thought good, hauing leaue to depart from thence, they sayled
along the coast, till they arriued at Tarento, where they solde their
gallie, and deuided it, euery man hauing a part thereof. The Turkes
receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand, pursued the Christians, and
scoured the seas, where they could imagine that they had bent their course.
And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning,
and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night, as it was
certified by those who followed Fox, and his companie, fearing least they
should haue bene met with. And then they came a foote to Naples, where they
departed a sunder, euery man taking him to his next way home. From whence
Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome, where he was well entertayned of an
Englishman, who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope, who rewarded him
liberally, and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine, where he was
very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise
gaue him in fee twenty pence a day. From whence, being desirous to come
into his owne countrie, he came thither at such time as he conueniently
could, which was in the yeere of our Lorde God, 1579. Who being come into
England, went vnto the Court, and shewed all his trauell vnto the Councell:
who considering of the state of this man, in that hee had spent and lost a
great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage, extended to him their
liberalitie, to helpe to maintaine him now in age, to their right honour,
and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians.
* * * * *
The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox, and his companie, made by the
Prior, and the brethren of Gallipoli, where they first landed.
We the Prior, and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates, of the city of
Gallipoli, of the order of Preachers doe testifie, that vpon the 29 of
Ianuary last past, 1577, there came into the said citie a certaine gally
from Alexandria, taken from the Turkes, with two hundreth fiftie and eight
Christians, whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox, an Englishman, a gunner,
and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke, whereby so
many Christians haue recouered their liberties. In token and remembrance
whereof, vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox, he hath left here
an olde sworde, wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison: which sword we
doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede, hang vp in the chiefe
place of our Couent house. And for because all things aforesaid, are such
as we will testifie to be true, as they are orderly passed, and haue
therefore good credite, that so much as is aboue expressed is true, and for
the more faith thereof, we the Prior, and Fathers aforesaide, haue ratified
and subscribed these presents. Geuen in Gallipoly, the third of Februarie
1577.
I Frier Vincent Barba, Prior of the same place, confirme the premisses,
as they are aboue written.
I Frier Albert Damaro, of Gallipoly, Subprior, confirme as much.
I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly, confirme as aforesaid.
I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly, confirme as aboue said.
I Frier Francis of Gallipoly, confirme as much.
* * * * *
The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox.
Be it knowen vnto all men, to whom this writing shall come, that the
bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman, a Gunner, after he had serued captiue
in the Turkes gallies, by the space of foureteene yeeres, at length,
thorough God his helpe, taking good opportunitie, the third of Ianuarie
last past, slew the keeper of the prison, (whom he first stroke on the
face) together with four and twentie other Turkes, by the assistance of his
fellow prisoners: and with 266. Christians (of whose libertie he was the
author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence arriued first at
Gallipoly in Candie, and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia: the written
testimony and credite of which things, as also of others, the same Iohn Fox
hath in publike tables from Naples.
Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome, and is now determined to take his iourney
to the Spanish Court, hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his
liuing: wherefore the poore distressed man humbly beseecheth, and we in his
behalfe do in the bowels of Christ, desire you, that taking compassion of
his former captiuitie, and present penurie, you doe not onely suffer him
freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes, but also succour him
with your charitable almes, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most
assuredly receiue, which we hope you will afford to him, whom with tender
affection of pitie wee commende vnto you. At Rome, the 20 of Aprill 1577.
Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen.
Richard Silleum Prior Angliæ.
Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope, which for
the greater credit of the premises, haue set my seale to these
presents. At Rome, the day and yeere aboue written.
Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in
the citie.
* * * * *
The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant, for the placing of Iohn
Fox in the office of a Gunner.
To the illustrious Prince, Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna, our Lieutenant and
Captaine Generall of our Realme of Valentia. Hauing consideration, that
Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs, and was one of the most principall,
which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie, which they haue brought
to Tarento, wherein were two hundred, fiftie, and eight Christian captiues:
we licence him to practise, and giue him the office of a Gunner, and haue
ordained, that he goe to our said Realme, there to serue in the said office
in the Gallies, which by our commandement are lately made. And we doe
commaund, that you cause to be payed to him eight ducats pay a moneth, for
the time that he shall serue in the saide Gallies as a Gunner, or till we
can otherwise prouide for him, the saide eight duckats monethly of the
money which is already of our prouision, present and to come, and to haue
regarde of those which come with him. From Escuriall the tenth of August,
1577.
I the King,
Iuan del Gado.
And vnder that a confirmation of the Councell.
* * * * *
The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie, in the yeere 1583. with a ship
called the Iesus, wherein the aduentures and distresses of some
Englishmen are truely reported, and other necessary circumstances
obserued. Written by Thomas Sanders.
This voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne
knight, chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company, and one master Richard
Staper, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes, called the
Iesus, she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth. The owners were
master Thomas Thomson, Nicholas Carnaby, and Iohn Gilman. The master was
one Aches Hellier of Black-wall, and his Mate was one Richard Morris of
that place: their Pilot was one Anthonie Ierado a Frenchman, of the
prouince of Marseils: the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne:
the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman, and Richard Skegs
seruant vnto the said master Staper. The owners were bound vnto the
marchants by charter partie therevpon, in one thousand markes, that the
said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie, that is
to say, first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie, from thence to S.
Lucar, otherwise called Saint Lucas, in Andeluzia, and from thence to
Tripolie, which is in the East part of Africa, and so to returne vnto
London. [Sidenote: Man doth purpose, and God doth dispose.] But here ought
euery man to note and consider the workes of our God, that many times what
man doth determine God doth disappoint. The said master hauing some
occasion to goe to Farmne, tooke with him the Pilot and the Purser, and
returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde, the boat wherein they
were, was drowned, with the said master, the purser, and all the company:
onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe: these were
the beginnings of our sorrowes. [Sidenote: A new master chosen.] After
which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage, and the owner
hearing of this misfortune, and the unwillingnesse of the masters mate, did
send downe one Richard Deimond, and shipped him for master, who did chuse
for his Mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship departed on her voiage
accordingly: that is to say, about the 16. of October, in An. 1583. she
made saile from Portsmouth, [Sidenote: The new master died.] and the 18 day
then next following she arriued at Newhauen, where our saide last master
Deimond by a surfeit died. The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier,
being then masters mate, to be their master for that voiage, who did chuse
to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship, to wit, Peter
Austine, and Shillabey, and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges.
Afterward about the 8. day of Nouember we made saile forthward, and by
force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth, where we
renued our victuals and other necessaries, and then the winde came faire.
About the 29. day then next following we departed thence, and the first day
of December by meanes of a contrarie winde, we were driuen to Plimmouth.
The 18. day then next following, we made foorthward againe, and by force of
weather we were driuen to Falmouth, where we remained vntill the first day
of Ianuary: at which time the winde comming faire, we departed thence, and
about the 20. day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar.
[Sidenote: The Iesus arriued in Tripolis.] And about the 9. day of March
next following, we made saile from thence, and about the 18. day of the
same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie, where we were verie well
intertained by the king of that countrey, and also of the commons. The
commodities of that place are sweete oiles: the king there is a merchant,
and the rather (willing to preferre himselfe before his commons) requested
our said factors to traffique with him, and promised them that if they
would take his oiles at his owne price, they should pay no maner of
custome, and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile: and afterwarde
perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape notwithstanding the
custome free, they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at
the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceede theirs:
whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contended to abate his
price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome
free, and so laded the same aboord.
[Sidenote: Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis.] In the meane time
there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow, who
together with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there. Our
French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the market, and
wanting money, desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred
Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging, which he did, and afterward the
same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete, and deliuered him
money bound vp in a napkin: saying, master Dickenson there is the money I
borrowed of you, and so thanked him for the same: hee doubted nothing lesse
then falshoode, which is seldome knowne among marchants, and specially
being together in one house, and is the more detestable betweene
Christians, they being in Turkie among the heathen. The said Dickenson did
not tell the money presently, vntill he came to his lodging, and then
finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred, which was about three
pounds, for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money,
he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe,
and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him! Sonnings answered,
an hundred: Dickenson, said no: and so they protested and swore on both
parts. But in the ende the said Romane Sonnings did sweare deepely with
detestable othes and curses, and prayed God that he might shewe his workes
on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged
like a dogge, and neuer come into England againe, if he did not deliuer
vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes. And here beholde a notable
example of all blasphemers, curses and swearers, how God rewarded him
accordingly: for many times it cometh to passe, that God sheweth his
miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers, to the ensample of others, as
nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings.
There was a man in the said towne a pledge, whose name was Patrone Norado,
who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there. The
foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto a Turke of that towne in the
summe of foure hundred and fiftie crownes, for certain goods sent by him
into Christendome in a ship of his owne, and by his owne brother, and
himselfe remained in Tripolis as pledge vntill his said brothers returne:
and, as the report went there, after his brothers arriual into
Christendome, he came among lewde companie, and lost his brothers said ship
and goods at dice, and neuer returned vnto him againe.
[Sidenote: A conspiracie practiced by the French Factor, to deceiue a
Turkish marchant of 450 crowns.] The said Patrone Norado being voyde of all
hope, and finding now opportunitie, consulted with the said Sonnings for to
swimme a seaboorde the Islands, and the ship being then out of danger,
should take him in (as after was confessed) and so to goe to Tolan in the
prouince of Marseilis with this Patrone Norado, and there to take in his
lading.
The shippe being readie the first day of May, and hauing her sayles all
aboorde, our sayde Factors did take their leaue of the king, who very
courteously bidde them farwell, and when they came aboorde, they commanded
the Master and the companie hastily to get out the ship: the Master
answered that it was vnpossible, for that the winde was contrary and
ouer-blowed. And he required vs vpon forfeiture of our bandes, that we
should doe our endeuour to get her foorth. Then went wee to warpe out the
shippe, and presently the king sent a boate aboord of vs, with three men in
her, commaunding the saide Sonnings to come a shoare: at whose coming, the
king demaunded of him custome for the oyles: Sonnings answered him that his
highnesse had promised to deliuer them custome free. But notwithstanding
the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidell that hath not the
feare of God before his eyes, nor regarde of his worde, albeit he was a
king, hee caused the sayde Sonnings to pay the custome to the vttermost
penie. And afterwarde willed him to make haste away, saying, that the
Ianizaries would haue the oyle ashoare againe.
These Ianizaries are souldiers there vnder the great Turke, and their power
is aboue the Kings. And so the saide Factor departed from the king, and
came to the waterside, and called for a boate to come aboorde, and he
brought with him the foresaid Patrone Norado. [Sidenote: The beginning of
their troubles, and occasion of all their miserie.] The companie
inquisitiue to know what man that was, Sonnings answered, that he was his
countrymen, a passenger: I pray God said the companie, that we come not
into trouble by this man. Then said Sonnings angerly, what haue you to do
with any matters of mine? if any thing chance otherwise then well, I must
answer for all.
Now the Turke vnto whom this Patrone Norado was indebted, missing him
(supposed him to be aboorde of our shippe) presently went vnto the King,
and tolde him that hee thought that his pledge Patrone Norado was aboord of
the English ship, whereupon the King presently sent a boat aboord of vs,
with three men in her commanding the said Sonnings to come a shoare, and
not speaking any thing as touching the man, he saide that he would come
presently in his owne boate, but as soone as they were gone, he willed vs
to warp foorth the ship, and saide that he would see the knaues hanged
before he would goe a shoare. And when the king sawe that he came not a
shoare, but still continued warping away the shippe, he straight commaunded
the gunner of the bulwarke next vnto vs, to shoote three shootes without
ball. Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked of him what the
matter was that we were shot at, he said that it was the Ianizaries who
would haue the oyle a shoare againe, and willed vs to make haste away, and
after that he had discharged three shots without ball, he commaunded all
the gunners in the towne to doe their indeuour to sinke vs, but the Turkish
gunners could not once strike vs, wherefore the king sent presently to the
Banio: (this Banio is the prison whereas all the captiues lay at night) and
promised if that there were any that could either sinke vs, or else cause
vs to come in againe, he should haue a hundred crownes, and his libertie.
With that came foorth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had bene an olde
seruitor in Flanders, and he said, that vpon the performance of that
promise, hee would vndertake either to sinke vs, or to cause vs to come in
againe, and therto he would gage his life, and at the first shotte he split
our rudders head in pieces, and the second shotte he shotte vs vnder the
water, and the third shotte he shotte vs through our foremast with a
Coluering shot, and thus he hauing rent both our rudder and maste, and shot
vs vnder water, we were inforced to goe in againe.
This Sebastian for all his diligence herein, had neither his liberty, nor
an hundred crownes, so promised by the said king, but after his seruice
done was committed againe to prison, whereby may appeare the regard that
the Turke or infidell hath of his worde, although he be able to performe
it, yea more, though he be a king.
Then, our merchants seeing no remedie, they together with fiue of our
companie went a shoare, and then they ceased shooting: they shot vnto vs in
the whole, nine and thirtie shootes, without the hurt of any man.
And when our marchants came a shoare, the King commaunded presently that
they with the rest of our companie that were with them, should be cheined
foure and foure, to a hundred waight of yron, and when we came in with the
ship, there came presently aboue an hundred Turks aboord of vs, and they
searched vs, and stript our very clothes from our backes, and brake open
our chests, and made a spoyle of all that we had: and the Christian
caitifes likewise, that came a boord of vs made spoyle of our goods, and
vsed vs as ill as the Turkes did. And our masters mate hauing a Geneua
Bible in his hand, there came the kings chiefe gunner, and tooke it out
from him, who shewed me of it, and I hauing the language, went presently to
the kings treasurer, and tolde him of it, saying, that sith it was the will
of God that we should fall into their handes, yet that they should grant us
to vse our consciences to our owne discretion, as they suffered the
Spaniards and other nations to vse theirs, and he graunted vs: then I told
him that the maister gunner had taken away a Bible from one of our men: the
Treasurer went presently and commaunded him to deliuer vp the Bible againe,
which he did: and within a litle after he tooke it from the man againe, and
I shewed the Treasurer of it, and presently he commaunded him to deliuer it
againe: saying, thou villaine, wilt thou turne to Christianitie againe? for
he was a Renegado, which is one that first was a Christian, and afterwards
becommeth a Turke, and so he deliuered me the Bible the second time. And
then I hauing it in my hand, the gunner came to me, and spake these wordes,
saying, thou dogge, I wil haue the booke in despight of thee, and tooke it
from me, saying: If thou tell the kings treasurer of it any more, by
Mahomet I will be reuenged of thee. Notwithstanding I went the third time
vnto the kings Treasurer, and tolde him of it, and he came with me, saying
thus unto the gunner: by the head of the great Turke, if thou take it from
him againe, thou shalt haue an hundred bastonadoes. And foorthwith he
deliuered me the booke, saying, he had not the value of a pin of the spoyle
of the ship, which was the better for him, as hereafter you shall heare:
for there was none, neither Christian nor Turke that tooke the value of a
peniworth of our goods from vs, but perished both bodie and goods within
seuenteene moneths following, as hereafter shall plainely appeare.
Then came the Guardian Basha, which is the keeper of the kings captiues, to
fetch vs all a shoare, and then I remembring the miserable estate of poore
distressed captiues, in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went
to mine owne chest, and tooke out thereof a iarre of oyle, and filled a
basket full of white Ruske to carie a shoare with me, but before I came to
the Banio, the Turkish boyes had taken away almost all my bread, and the
keeper saide, deliuer me the iarre of oyle, and when thou commest to the
Banio thou shalt haue it againe, but I neuer had it of him any more.
But when I came to the Banio, and sawe our Marchants and all the rest of
our company in chaines, and we all ready to receiue the same reward, what
heart in the world is there so hard, but would haue pitied our cause,
hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt vs: all this
happened the first of May 1584.
[Sidenote: The Englishmen arraigned.] And the second day of the same
moneth, the King with all his counsell sate in Judgment vpon vs. The first
that were had forth to be arraigned, were the Factors, and the Masters, and
the King asked them wherefore they came not a shoare when he sent for them.
And Romaine Sonnings answered, that though he were king on shoare, and
might commaunde there, so was hee as touching those that were vnder him:
and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholly in my selfe, and
in no other. Then foorthwith the king gaue iudgement, that the saide
Romaine Sonnings should be hanged ouer the Northeast bulwarke: from whence
he conueyed the forenamed Patrone Norado, and then he called for our Master
Andrew Dier, and vsed fewe wordes to him, and so condemned him to be hanged
ouer the walles of the Westermost bulwarke.
Then fell our other Factor (named Richard Skegs) vpon his knees before the
king, and said, I beseech your highnesse either to pardon our Master, or
else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause. And then
the people of that countrey fauouring the said Richard Skegs besought the
king to pardon them both. So then the king spake these wordes: Beholde for
thy sake, I pardon the Master. Then presently the Turkes shouted, and
cried, saying: Away with the Master from the presence of the king. And then
he came into the Banio whereas we were, and tolde vs what had happened, and
we all reioyced at the good hap of master Skegs, that hee was saued, and
our Master for his sake.
[Sidenote: Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bulwarke.] But
afterward our ioy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meane time the
kings minde was altered: for that one of his counsell had aduised him, that
vnlesse the Master died also, by the lawe they could not confiscate the
ship nor goods, neither captive any of the men: whereupon the king sent for
our Master againe, and gaue him another iudgement after his pardon for one
cause, which was that hee should be hanged. Here all true Christians may
see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidels promise, who being a
King pardoned a man nowe, as you haue heard, and within an houre after
hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude: and also promised
our Factors their oyles custome free, and at their going away made them pay
the vttermost penie for the custome thereof.
[Sidenote: A Frenshman turned Turke, in hope of his life, and afterwards
was hanged.] And when that Romaine Sonnings saw no remedy but that he
should die, he protested to turne Turke, hoping thereby to haue saued his
life. Then said the Turke, if thou wilt turne Turke, speake the words that
thereunto belong: and he did so. Then saide they vnto him, Now thou shalt
die in the faithe of a Turke, and so hee did, as the Turkes reported that
were at his execution. And the forenamed Patrone Norado, whereas before he
had libertie and did nothing he then was condemned slaue perpetuall, except
there were paiment made of the foresaid summe of money.
Then the king condemned all vs, who were in number sixe and twentie, of the
which, two were hanged (as you haue heard) and one died the first day wee
came on shoare, by the visitation of Almightie God: and the other three and
twentie he condemned slaues perpetually vnto the great Turke, and the ship
and goods were confiscated to the vse of the great Turke: and then we all
fell downe vpon our knees, giuing God thankes for this sorrowfull
visitation, and giuing our selues wholy to the Almightie power of God, vnto
whom all secrets are knowen, that he of his goodnesse would vouchsafe to
looke vpon vs.
Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderfull workes of God shewed
vpon such infidels, blasphemers, whoremasters, and renegate Christians, and
so you shall reade in the ende of this booke, of the like vpon the
vnfaithfull king and all his children, and of as many as tooke any portion
of the said goods.
[Sidenote: Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day.] But first
to shewe our miserable bondage and slauerie, and vnto what small pittance
and allowance wee were tied, for euery fiue men had allowance but fiue
aspers of bread in a day, which is but two pence English: and our lodging
was to lye on the bare boards, with a very simple cape to couer vs, wee
were also forceably and most violently shauen, head and beard, and within
three dayes after, I and six more of my fellowes, together with fourescore
Italians and Spaniards were sent foorth in a Galeot to take a Greekish
Carmosell, which came into Africa to steale Negroes, and went out of
Tripolis vnto that place, which was two hundred and fourtie leagues thence,
but wee were chained three and three to an oare, and wee rowed naked aboue
the girdle, and the Boteswaine of the Galley walked abaft the maste, and
his Mate afore the maste, and eche of them a bulls pissell dried in their
handes, and when their diuelish choller rose, they would strike the
Christians for no cause: and they allowed vs but halfe a pound of bread a
man in a day without any other kinde of sustenance, water excepted. And
when we came to the place whereas wee saw the Carmosell, we were not
suffered to haue neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other weapon about
vs, nor at any other time in the night, vpon paine of one hundred
bastonadoes: wee were then also cruelly manackled in such sort, that we
could not put our handes the length of one foote asunder the one from the
other, and euery night they searched our chaines three times, to see if
they were fast riueted: Wee continued fight with the Carmosell three
houres, and then wee tooke it, and lost but two of our men in that fight,
but there were slaine of the Greekes fiue, and foureteene were cruelly
hurt, and they that were sound, were presently made slaues and chained to
the oares: and within fifteene dayes after we returned againe into
Tripolis, and then wee were put to all maner of slauerie. [Sidenote: The
Turkes builded a church.] I was put to hewe stones, and other to cary
stones, and some to draw the Cart with earth, and some to make morter, and
some to draw stones, (for at that time the Turkes builded a church:) And
thus we were put to all kinde of slauerie that was to be done. And in the
time of our being there, the Moores that are the husbandmen of the countrey
rebelled against the king, because he would haue constrained them to pay
greater tribute then heretofore they had done, so that the Souldiours of
Tripolis marched foorth of the towne to haue ioyned battell against the
Moores for their rebellion, and the King sent with them foure pieces of
Ordinance, which were drawen by the captiues twenty miles into the Country
after them, and at the sight thereof the Moores fled and then the Captaines
returned backe againe. Then I and certaine Christians more were sent twelue
miles into the countrey with a Cart to lode timber, and we returned againe
the same day.
[Sidenote: The Christians sent 3. times a weeke 30 miles to fetch wood.]
Nowe the king had 18. captiues, which three times a weeke went to fetch
wood thirtie miles from the towne: and on a time he appointed me for one of
the 18. and wee departed at eight of the clocke in the night, and vpon the
way as wee rode vpon the camels, I demaunded of one of our company, who did
direct vs the way? he sayd, that there was a Moore in our company which was
our guide: and I demavnded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one of
the other? and hee said, East Northeast and West Southwest. And at midnight
or neere thereabouts, as I was riding vpon my camel, I fell asleepe, and
the guide and all the rest rode away from me, not thinking but I had bene
among them. When I awoke, and finding my selfe alone durst not call nor
hallow for feare least the wilde Moores should heare me, because they holde
this opinion, that in killing a Christian they do God good seruice: and
musing with my selfe what were best for me to do, if I should goe foorth,
and the wilde Moores should hap to meete with mee, they would kill mee: and
on the other side, if I should returne backe to Tripolis without any wood
or company, I should be most miserably vsed: therefore of two euils, rather
I had to goe foorth to the loosing of my life, then to turne backe and
trust to their mercie, fearing to bee vsed as before I had seene others:
for vnderstanding by some of my company before, howe Tripolis and the saide
wood did lie one off another, by the North starre I went forth at
aduenture, and as God would haue it, I came right to the place where they
were, euen about an houre before day: there altogether wee rested and gaue
our camels prouender, and assoone as the day appeared, we rode all into the
wood: and I seeing no wood there, but a sticke here and a sticke there,
about the bignesse of a mans arme growing in the sand, it caused mee to
maruile how so many camels should be loden in that place. The wood was
Iuniper, we needed no axe nor edge toole to cut it, but pluckt it vp by
strength of hands rootes and all, which a man might easily do, and so
gathered it together, a little at one place and so at another, and laded
our camels, and came home about seuen of the clocke that night following:
because I fell lame, and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way.
[Sidenote: Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis.] There was in
Tripolis that time a Venetian, whose name was Benedetto Venetiano, and
seuenteene captiues more of his company, which ranne away from Tripolis in
a boate, and came in sight of an Island called Malta, which lieth fourtie
leagues from Tripolis right North, and being within a mile of the shoare,
and very faire weather, one of their company said, In dispetto de Dio
adesso venio a pilliar terra, which is as much to say: In the despite of
God I shall now fetch the shoare, [Sidenote: The iudgement of God vpon
blasphemers.] and presently there arose a mighty storme, with thunder and
raine and the wind at North, their boate being very small, so that they
were inforced to beare vp roome, and to sheare right afore the winde ouer
against the coast of Barbarie from whence they came, and rowing vp and
downe the coast, their victuals being spent, the 21. day after their
departure they were inforced through the want of food to come ashoare,
thinking to haue stolne some sheepe: but the Moores of the country very
craftily perceiuing their intent, gathered together a threescore horsemen,
and hid themselues behinde a sandie hill, and when the Christians were come
all a shoare, and past vp halfe a mile into the countrey, the Moores rode
betwixt them and their boate, and some of them pursued the Christians, and
so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis, from whence they had before
escaped: and presently the king commaunded that the foresaide Benedetto
with one more of his company should lose their eares, and the rest should
be most cruelly beaten, which was presenly done. [Sidenote: The Greene
Dragon.] This king had a sonne which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi,
whereunto arriued an English shippe called the Greene Dragon, of the which
was Master one M. Blonket, who hauing a very vnhappy boy in that shippe,
and vnderstanding that whosoeuer would turne Turke should be well
enterteined of the kings sonne, this boy did runne a shoare, and
voluntarily turned Turke. Shortly after the kings sonne came to Tripolis to
visite his father, and seeing our company, hee greatly fancied Richard
Burges our Purser, and Iames Smith: they were both yong men, therefore he
was very desirous to haue them to turne Turkes, but they would not yeeld to
his desire, saying: We are your fathers slaues, and as slaues wee will
serue him. Then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they
would turne Turkes? And they saide: If it please your highnesse, Christians
we were borne, and so we will remaine, beseeched the king that they might
not bee inforced thereunto. [Sidenote: The Kings sonne had a captiue that
was sonne to one of the Queenes Maiesties guard, that was forced to turne
Turke.] The king had there before in his hosue a sonne of a yeoman of our
Queenes guard, whom the kings sonne had inforced to turne Turke, his name
was Iohn Nelson: him the king caused to be brought to these yong men, and
thea said vnto them: Wil not you beare this your countreymen company, and
be Turke as hee is? And they saide, that they would not yeeld thereunto
during life. But it fell out, that within a moneth after, the kings sonne
went home to Gerbi againe, being sixe score miles from Tripolis, and
carried our two foresaid yong men with him, which were Richard Burges, and
Iames Smith: and after their departure from vs, they sent vs a letter,
signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet, but within
three dayes after they were violently vsed, for that the kings sonne
demaunded of them againe, if that they would turne Turke? Then answered
Richard Burges, a Christian I am, and so I will remaine. Then the kings
sonne very angerly said vnto him: By Mahomet thou shall presently be made
Turke. Then called he for his men, and commaunded them to make him Turke,
and they did so, and circumcised him, and would haue had him speake the
wordes that thereunto belonged, but he answered them stoutly that he would
not: and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke, yet sayd he, A
Christian I was borne, and so I will remaine, though you force me to doe
otherwise.
And then he called for the other, and commaunded him to be made Turke
perforce also: but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the
kings sonnes men could doe to holde him, so in the ende they circumcised
him, and made him Turke. Now to passe ouer a little, and so to shewe the
maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie.
[Sidenote: The first motion for those Engmens deliuerie.] In May aforesaid,
shortly after our apprehension, I wrote a letter into England vnto my
father dwelling in Tauistoke in Deuonshire, signifying vnto him the whole
estate of our calamities: and I wrote also to Constantinople, to the
English Embassadour, both which letters were faithfully deliuered. But when
my father had receiued my letter, and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap,
and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he
certified the right honourable the earle of Bedford thereof, who in short
space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof, and her
Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects, presently
tooke order for our deliuerance. Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward
Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English
Embassadour in Constantinople, to procure our deliuery: and he obtained the
great Turkes Commission, and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis, by one Master
Edward Barton, together with a Iustice of the great Turkes, and one
souldiour, and another Turke, and a Greeke which was his interpretour,
which could speake besides Greeke, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English.
And when they came to Tripolis, they, were well interteined. And the first
night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne: all our company that
were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other
Commissioners to see them. Then master Barton said vnto vs, welcome my good
countreymen, and louingly interteined vs, and at our departure from him, he
gaue vs two shillings, and said, Serue God, for to morrow I hope you shall
be as free as euer you were; We all gaue him thankes and so departed.
The next day in the morning very early, the King hauing intelligence of
their comming, sent word to the keeper, that none of the Englishmen
(meaning our company) should goe to worke. Then he sent for Master Barton
and the other Commissioners, and demaunded of the saide Master Barton his
message: the Iustice answered, that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent
them vnto him, signifying that he was informed that a certaine English
shippe, called the Iesus, was by him the saide king confiscated, about
twelue months since, and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his
especiall commission by vs vnto you, for the deliuerance of the saide
shippe and goods, and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the
Englishmen of the same shippe, whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie.
[Sidenote: The Englishmen released.] And further the same Iustice saide, I
am authorized by my said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done: And
therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission, presently to make
restitution of the premisses or the value thereof: and so did the Justices
deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide,
which commission the king with all obedience receiued: and after the
perusing of the same, he foorthwith commanded all the English captiues to
be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our
yrons, which done, the king said, You Englishmen, for that you did offend
the lawes of this place, by the same lawes therefore some of your company
were condemned to die as you knowe, and you to bee perpetuall captiues
during your liues: notwithstanding; seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne
lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences, and to giue you your
freedome and libertie, beholde, here I make deliuery of you to this English
Gentleman: so hee deliuered vs all that were there, being thirteene in
number, to Master Barton, who required also those two yong men which the
Kings sonne had taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against
their lawe to deliuer them, for that they were turned Turkes: and touching
the ship and goods, the king said, that he had solde her, but would make
restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands,
and so the king arose and went to dinner, and commaunded a Iew to goe with
Master Barton and the other commissioners, to shew them their lodging,
which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king. And because
I had the Italian and Spanish tongues, by which their most trafique in that
countrey is, Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him
and his company, and deliuered me money needfull for the same. Thus were
wee set at libertie the 28. day of April, 1585.
[Sidenote: The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his
people.] Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments, which
Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the
world, and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others
aforesaide. First when we were made bondmen, being the second day of May
1584. the king had 300. captiues, and before the moneth was expired, there
died of them of the plague 150. [Sidenote: The king lost 150. camels taken
by the wilde Moores.] And whereas they were 26. men of our company, of whom
two were hanged, and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues:
that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague, and
other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is rehearsed: and on the
fourth day of June next following the king lost 150 camels, which were
taken from him by the wilde Moores: and on the 28. day of the saide moneth
of Iune, one Geffrey Maltese, a renegado of Malta, ranne away to his
countrey, and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the
Christians withall, and carried with him twelue Christians more which were
the kings captiues. Afterward about the tenth day of Iuly next following,
the king road foorth vpon the greatest and fairest mare that might be
seene, as white as any swanne: hee had not ridden fourtie paces from his
house, but on a sudden the same mare fell downe vnder him starke dead, and
I with sixe more were commaunded to burie her, skinne, shoes and all, which
we did. And about three moneths after our deliuerie, Master Barton, with
all his residue of his company departed from Tripoli to Zante, in a
vessell, called a Settea, of one Marcus Segoorus, who dwelt in Zante, and
after our arriuall at Zante we remained fifteene dayes there aboorde our
vessell, before wee could haue Platego, (that is, leaue to come a shoare)
because the plague was in that place, from whence wee came: and about three
dayes after we came a shoare, thither came another Settea of Marseils bound
for Constantinople. [Sidenote: Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople
with M. Barton.] Then did Master Barton, and his company, with two more of
our company, shippe themselues as passengers in the same Settea, and went
to Constantinople. But the other nine of vs, that remained in Zante, about
three moneths after, shipt our selues in a ship of the said Marcus
Segoorus, which came to Zante, and was bound for England. [The souldiers of
Tripolis kil the king.] In which three moneths, the souldiers of Tripolie
killed the said king. And then the kings sonne, according to the custome
there, went to Constantinople, to surrender vp all his fathers treasure,
goods, captiues, and concubines, vnto the great Turke, and tooke with him
our saide Purser Richard Burges, and Iames Smith, and also the other two
Englishmen, which he the said kings sonne had inforced to become Turkes, as
is aforesayd. And they the said Englishmen finding now some opportunitie,
concluded with the Christian captiues which were going with them vnto
Constantinople, being in number about one hundred and fiftie, to kill the
kings sonne, and all the Turkes which were aboorde of the Galley, and
priuily the saide Englishmen conueyed vnto the saide Christian captiues,
weapons for that purposes. And when they came into the maine Sea, towards
Constantinople (vpon the faithfull promise of the sayde Christian captiues)
these foure Englishmen lept suddenly into the Crossia, that is, in the
middest of the Galley, where the canon lieth, and with their swordes
drawne, did fight against all the foresaid Turkes, and for want of helpe of
the saide Christian captiues, who falsly brake their promises, the said
Master Blonkets boy was killed, and the sayde Iames Smith, and our Pursser
Richard Surges, and the other Englishman, were taken and bound into
chaines, to be hanged at their arriual in Constantinople: and as the Lordes
will was, about two dayes after, passing through the gulfe of Venice, at an
Island called Cephalonia, they met with two of the duke of Venice his
Gallies, [Marginal Note: Two Gallies of Venice tooke the King of Tripolie
his galley, and killed the kings sonne, and all the Turkes in it, and
released all the Christians being in number 150.] which tooke that Galley,
and killed the kings sonne, and his mother, and all the Turkes that were
there, in number 150. and they saued the Christian captiues, and would haue
killed the two Englishmen because they were circumcised, and become Turkes,
had not the other Christian captiues excused them, saying, that they were
inforced to be Turkes, by the kings sonne, and shewed the Venetians also,
how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks, and that
their two fellowes were slaine in that fight. Then the Venetians saued
them, and they, with all the residue of the said captiues, had their
libertie, which were in number 150. or thereabouts, and the said Gallie,
and all the Turkes treasure was confiscated to the vse of the state of
Venice. And from thence our two Englishmen traueiled homeward by land, and
in this meane time we had one more of our company, which died in Zante, and
afterward the other eight shipped themselues at Zante, in a shippe of the
said Marcus Segorus, which was bound for England: and before we departed
thence, there arriued the Assension, and the George Bonauenture of London
in Cephalonia, in a harbour there, called Arrogostoria, whose Marchants
agreed with the Marchants of our shippe, and so laded all the marchandise
of our shippe into the said ships of London, who tooke vs eight in as
passengers, and so we came home, and within two moneths after our arriuall
at London, our said Purser Richard Surges, and his fellow came home also:
for the which we are bound to praise Almightie God, during our liues, and
as duetie bindeth vs, to pray for the preseruation of our most gracious
Queene, for the great care her Maiestie had ouer vs, her poore Subjects, in
seeking and procuring of our deliuerance aforesaide: and also for her
honourable priuie Counsell, and I especiall for the prosperitie and good
estate of the house of the late deceased, the right honourable the Earle of
Bedford, whose honour I must confesse, most diligently at the suite of my
father now departed, traueiled herein: for the which I rest continually
bounden to him, whose soule I doubt not, but is already in the heauens in
ioy, with the Almightie, vnto which place he vouchsafe to bring vs all,
that for our sinnes suffered most vile and shameful death vpon the Crosse,
there to liue perpetually world without ende, Amen.
* * * * *
The Queenes letters to the Turke 1584. for the restitution of the shippe
called the Iesus, and the English captiues detained in Tripolie in
Barbarie, and for certaine other prisoners in Argier.
ELIZABETHA, Dei ter maxhni et vnici coeli terræque conditoris gratia,
Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Regina, fidei Christianæ contra omnes omnium
inter Christianos degentium, Christíque nomen falsò profitentium
idololatrias, inuistissima et potentissima defensatrix: augustissimo,
inuictissimôque principi, Zultan Murad Can, Musulmanici regni dominatori
potentissimo, imperijque Orientis Monarchæ, supra omnes soli et supremo
salutem, et multos cum summa rerum optimarum affluentia foelices et
fortunatos annos.
Augustissime et potentissime Imperator, biennio iam peracto, ad Cæsaream
vestram Maiestatem scripsimus, vt dilectus noster famulus Guilielmus
Harebornus, vir ornatissimus pro legato nostro Constantinopoli, alijsque
Musulmanici imperij ditionibus, sublimi vestra authoritate reciperetur:
simul etiam Angli subditi nostri commercium et mercaturam, in omnibus illis
prouincijs exerceant, non minùs liberè quàm Galli, Poloni, Veneti, Germani,
cæteríque vestri confoederati, qui varias Orientis partes peragrant, operam
nauantes, vt mutuis commercijs coniungatur Oriens, cum Occidente.
Quæ priuilegia, cum nostris subditis Anglis inuictissima vestra Maiestas
literis et diplomate suo liberalissimè indulserit, facere non potuimus,
quin quas maximas animus noster capere potest gratias, eo nomine ageremus:
sperantes fore, vt hæc instituta commerciorum ratio maximas vtilitates, et
commoda vtrinque, tam in imperij vestri ditiones, quàm regni nostri
prouincias secum adferat.
Id vt planè fiat, cûm nuper subditi nostri nonnulli Tripoli in Barbaria et
Argellæ ab eius loci incolis voluntatem vestram fortè nescientibus malè
habiti fuerint, et immaniter diuexati, Cæsaream vestram Maiestatem beneuolè
rogamus, vt per Legatum nostrum eorum causam cognoscas, et postremò earum
prouinciarum proregibus ac præfectis imperes, vt nostri liberè in illis
locis, sine vi aut iniuria deinceps versari, et negotia gerere possint.
Et nos omni opera vicissim studebimus ea omnia præstare, quæ Imperatoriæ
vestræ Maiestati vllo pacto grata fore intelligemus: quam Deus vnicus mundi
conditor optimus maximus diutissimè incolumem et florentem seruet. Datæ in
palatio nostro Londini, quinto die Mensis Septembris: anno IESV CHRISTI
Seruatoris nostri, 1584. Regni verò nostri vicessimo sexto.
The same in English.
Elizabeth, by the grace of the most high God, and onely maker of heauen and
earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, and of the Christian faith,
against all the Idolaters and false professors of the Name of CHRIST
dwelling among the Christians, most inuincible and puissant defender: to
the most valiant and invincible Prince, Zultan Murad Can, the most mightie
ruler of the kingdome of Musulman, and of the East Empire the onely and
highest Monarch aboue all, health and many happy and fortunate yeres, with
great aboundance of the best things.
Most noble and puissant Emperour, about two yeeres nowe passed, wee wrote
vnto your Imperiall Maiestie, that our welbeloued seruant, William
Hareborne, a man of great reputation and honour, might be receiued vnder
your high authoritie, for our Ambassadour in Constantinople, and other
places, vnder the obedience of your Empire of Musulman: And also that the
Englishmen, being our Subiects, might exercise entercourse and marchandize
in all those Prouinces, no lesse freely then the French, Polonians,
Venetians, Germanes, and other your confederats, which traueile through
diuers of the East parts: endeuouring that by mutuall trafique, the East
may be ioyned and knit to the West.
Which priuileges, when as your most puissant Maiestie, by your letters and
vnder your dispensation most liberally and fauourably granted to our
Subiects of England, wee could no lesse doe, but in that respect giue you
as great thankes, as our heart could conceiue, trusting that it wil come to
passe, that this order of trafique, so well ordeined, will bring with it
selfe most great profits and commodities to both sides, as well to the
parties subiect to your Empire, as to the Prouinces of our kingdome. Which
thing that it may be done in plaine and effectuall maner, whereas some of
our Subiects of late at Tripolis in Barbarie, and at Argier, were by the
inhabitants of those places (being perhaps ignorant of your pleasure) euill
intreated and grieuously vexed, wee doe friendly and louingly desire your
Imperial Maiestie, that you will vnderstand their causes by our
Ambassadour, and afterward giue commaundement to the Lieutenants and
Presidents of those Prouinces, that our people may henceforth freely,
without any violence, or iniurie, traueile, and do their businesse in those
places.
And we againe with all endeuour, shall studie to performe all those things,
which we shall in any wise vnderstand to be acceptable to your Imperiall
Maiestie, which God, the onely maker of the world, most best and most
great, long keepe in health, and flourishing. Given in our pallaice at
London, the fift day of the moneth of September, in the yeere of IESVS
CHRIST our Saviour, 1534. And of our raigne, the 26.
* * * * *
The Turkes letter to the King of Tripolis in Barbarie, commanding the
restitution of an English ship, called the Iesus, with the men, and
goods, sent from Constantinople, by Mahomet Beg, a Iustice of the Great
Turkes, and an English Gentleman, called Master Edward Barton. Anno 1584.
Honourable, and worthy Bassa Romadan Beglerbeg, most wise and prudent Iudge
of the West Tripolis, wee wish the ende of all thy enterprises happie, and
prosperous. By these our highnesse letters, wee certifie thee, that the
right honourable, William Hareborne, Ambassadour in our most famous Porch,
for the most excellent Queenes Maiestie of England, in person, and by
letters hath certified our highnesse, that a certaine shippe, with all her
furniture, and artillerie, worth two thousand duckets, arriuing in the port
of Tripolis, and discharged of her lading and marchandize, paide our
custome according to order, and againe, the marchants laded their shippe
with oyle, which by constraint they were inforced to buy of you and hauing
answered in like maner the custome for the same, determined to depart: a
Frenchman assistant to the Marchant, vnknowen to the Englishmen, caried
away with him another Frenchman indebted to a certaine Moore in foure
hundred duckets, and by force caused the Englishmen, and shippe to depart:
who neither suspecting fraude, nor deceite, hoised sailes. In the meane
time, this man, whose debter the Frenchman had stollen away, went to the
Bassa with the supplication, by whose meanes, and force of the Castle, the
Englishmen were constrained to returne into the port, where the Frenchman,
author of the euill, with the Master of the ship an Englishman, innocent of
the crime were hanged, and sixe and twentie Englishmen, cast into prison,
of whom through famine, thirst, and stinke of the prison, eleuen died, and
the rest like to die. Further, it was signified to our Maiestie also, that
the marchandise and other goods, with the shippe, were worth 7600. duckets:
which things if they be so, this is our commandemeht, which was granted and
giuen by our Maiestie, that the English shippe, and all the marchandize,
and whatsoeuer else taken away bee wholy restored, and that the Englishmen
be let goe free, and suffered to returne into their countrey. Wherefore
when this our commaundement shall come vnto thee, wee straightly commaund,
that the foresaid businesse be diligently looked vnto, and discharged. And
if it be so, that a Frenchman, and no Englishman hath done this craft, and
wickednesse vnknowen to the Englishmen, and as authour of the wickednesse
is punished, and that the Englishmen committed nothing against the peace
and league, or their articles: also if they payd custome according to
order, it is against law, custome of Countreys, and their priuilege, to
hinder or hurt them. Neither is it meete, their shippe, marchandise, and
all their goods taken, should be withholden. We will therefore, that the
English shippe, marchandize, and all other their goods, without exception,
be restored to the Englishmen: also that the men bee let goe free, and if
they will, let none hinder them, to returne peaceably into their Countrey:
do not commit, that they another time complaine of this matter, and how
this businesse is dispatched, certifie vs at our most famous porche.
Dated in the Citie of Constantinople, in the 992. yeere of Mahomet, and in
the ende of the moneth of October; and in the yeere of IESVS 1584.
* * * * *
A letter of Master William Hareborne, the English Ambassadour, Ligier in
Constantinople, to the Bassa Romadan, the Beglerbeg of Tripolis in
Barbarie, for the restoring of an English shippe called the Iesus, with
the goods, and men, detained as slaues, Anno 1585.
Molto magnifico Signor,
Noi ha stato significato per diuerse lettere di quanto ha passato circa
diuina naue nostra chiamata Iesus, sopra il quale in agiuto di Ricciardo
Skegs, vno de gli nostri mercanti di essa gia morto, veniua vn certo
Francese per sopra cargo, chiamato Romano Sonings, il quale per non esser
ben portato secondo che doueua, volendo importer seco vn altro Francese
debitore a certi vostri sensa pagarcene, per giusticia era appiccato col
patron Inglese Andre Dier, che come simplice credendo al detto Francese,
senza auedercene de la sua ria malitia non retornaua, quando da vostra
magnifica Signoria gli era mandato. La morte del detto tristo Francese
approuiamo como cosa benfatta. [Sidenote: Edoardo Barton et Mahumed Beg.]
Ma al contrario, doue lei ha confiscato la detta naue e mercantia en essa,
et fatto sciaui li marinari, como cosa molto contraria a li priuilegij dal
Gran Signor quattro anni passati concessi, et da noi confirmati di parte de
la Serenissima Magesta d'Ingilterra nostra patrona, e molto contraria a la
liga del detto Gran Signor, il quale essendo dal sopra detto apieno
informato, noi ha conceduto il suo regale mandamento di restitutione, la
qual mandiamo a vostra magnifica Signoria col presente portator Edoardo
Barton, nostro Secretario, et Mahumed Beg, droguemano di sua porta excelsa,
con altre lettere del excellentissimo Vizir, et inuictissimo capitan di
mar: chiedendo, tanto di parte del Gran Signor, quanto di sua Serenissima
Magesta di V. S. M. che gli huomini, oglij, naue col fornimento, danare, et
tutti altri beni qualconque, da lei et per vestro ordine da gli nostri
tolti siano resi à questo mio Secretario liberamente senza empacho alcuno,
como il Gran Signor da sua gratia noi ha conceduto, specialmente per esser
detti oglij comprati per ordine di sua Serenissima Magestà, per prouisione
della Corte sua. Il qual non facendo, protestiamo per questa nostra al
incontra di esso tutti futuri danni che puono succedere per questa cagione,
como authore di quelli, contrario à la Santa liga giurata de li duoi Rei,
patroni nostri, como per li priuilegij, che lei mostrerà il nostra, consta:
per obseruatione de gli quali noi stiamo di fermo en questa excelsa Porta.
Et cosi responderete nel alro mondo al solo Iddio, et quà al Gran Signor
questo massimo peccato commesso da lei al incontra di tanti poueracchi, che
per questa crudeltà sono in parte morti, in parti retenuti da esso en duro
cattiuerio. Al contrario, piacendo lei euitar questo incommodo et
restarcene en gratia del Signor Iddio, et li nostri patroni,
amicheuolmente, (como conuien à par vostro di mostrarsi prudente
gouernatore, et fidel seruitor al patrono) ad impirete questa nostra
guistissima domanda, per poter resultarui à grand honore et commodò per la
tratta di marchantia, che faronno a laduenire li nostri in quella vostra
prouincia. Li quali generalmente, tanto quelli, como tutti altri che nel
mar riscontrarete, siano, secondo che manda il Grand Signor, de vostra
Signoria magnifica amicheuolmente recolti et receunti: Et noi non
mancharemo al debito di ottimo amico en qualconche occurenza vostra,
piacendo lei amicitia nostra como desideramo. Il Signor Iddio lei conceda
(adimpiendo questa nostra giusta rechiesta, per cauar noi di piu futura
fatica in questo negocio, et lei di disgratia) ogni vera felicità, et
supremo honore. Data in Palazzo nostro che fu da Rapamat appresso Pera di
15. di Genero 1585.
Il Ambassiatore de la Majesta Serenissima d'Ingilterra, amico de vostra
Signoria magnifica, piacendo lei.
The same in English.
Right honourable Lord, it hath bene signified vnto vs by diuers letters,
what hath fallen out, concerning a certaine shippe of ours, called the
Iesus, into which, fore the helpe of Richard Skegs, one of our Marchants in
the same, nowe deceased, there was admitted a certaine Frenchman called
Romaine Sonnings, which for his ill behauiour, according to his deserts,
seeking to cary away with him another Frenchman, which was indebted to
certaine of your people, without paying his creditours, was hanged by
sentence of iustice, together with Andrew Dier, the master of the said
ship, who simply and without fraude, giuing credite to the said Frenchman,
without any knowledge of his euil fact, did not returne when hee was
commaunded, by your honourable Lordship. The death of the said lewde
Frenchman we approue as a thing well done, but contrarywise, whereas your
Lordship hath confiscated the said ship with the goods therein, and hath
made slaues of the Mariners, as a thing altogether contrary to the
priuileges of the Grand Signior, granted foure yeeres since, and confirmed
by vs on the behalfe of the most excellent the Queenes Maiestie of England
our Mystresse, and altogether contrary to the league of the saide Grand
Signior, who being fully informed of the aforesaid cause, hath granted vnto
vs his royall commandement of restitution, which we send vnto your
honourable Lordship, by the present bearer Edward Barton our Secretaire,
and Mahomet Beg, one of the Iustices of his stately Court, with other
letters of the most excellent Admirall, and most valiant Captaine of the
Sea, requiring your honourable Lordship, as well on the behalfe of the
Grand Signior, as of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, my Mystresse,
that the men, oyles, shippe, furniture, money, and all other goods
whatsoeuer, by your Lordship, and your order taken from our men, be
restored vnto this my Secretary freely, without delay, as the Grand Signior
of his goodnesse hath graunted vnto vs, especially in regard that the same
oyles were bought by the commaundement of our Queenes most excellent
Maiestie, for the prouision of her Court. Which if you performe not, wee
protest by these our leters against you, that you are the cause of all the
inconueniences which may ensue vpon this occasion, as the authour thereof,
contrary to the holy league sworne by both our Princes, as by the
priuileges, which this our seruant will shewe you, may appeare. For the
seeing of which league performed, wee remaine here as Ligier in this
stately Court. And by this meanes you shall answere in another world vnto
God alone, and in this world vnto the Grand Signior, for this hainous sinne
committed by you against so many poore soules, which by this your cruelty
are in part dead, and in part detained by you in most miserable captiuitie.
Contrarywise, if it shall please you to auoyd this mischiefe, and to
remaine in the fauour of Almighty God, and of our Princes, you shall
friendly fulfill this our iust demaund (as it behooueth you to shew your
selfe a prudent Gouernour, and faithfull seruant vnto your Lord) and the
same may turne to your great honour, and profite, by the trade of
marchandize, which our men in time to come, may vse in that gouernment of
yours: which generally, as well those poore men, as all others, which you
shall meete at the sea, ought to be according to the commandement of the
Grand Signior, friendly entertained and receiued of your honourable
Lordship, and we will not faile in the dueties of a speciall friend,
whensoeuer you shall haue occasion to vse vs, as we desire. Almighty God
grant vnto your Lordship (in the fulfilling of this our iust request,
whereby wee may be deliuered from further trouble in this matter, and your
selfe from further displeasure) all true felicitie, and increase of honour.
Giuen in our Pallace from Rapamat in Pera, the 15 of Ianuarie 1585.
* * * * *
The voyage passed by sea into Aegypt, by Iohn Euesham Gentleman. Anno 1586.
The 5 of December 1586 we departed from Grauesend in the Tiger of London,
wherein was Master vnder God for the voyage Robert Rickman, and the 21. day
at night we came to the Isle of Wight: departing from thence in the morning
following we had a faire winde, so that on the 27 day wee came in sight of
the rocke of Lisbone, and so sayling along we came in sight of the South
Cape, the 29 of the same, and on the morrowe with a Westerly winde we
entered the straights: and the second of Ianuary being as high as Cape de
Gate, we departed from our fleete towards Argier. And the 4 day we arriued
at the port of Argier aforesaid, where we staied till the first of March.
[Sidenote: Tunis.] At which time we set saile towardes a place called
Tunis, to the Eastward of Argier 100 leagues, where we arriued the 8 of the
same. This Tunis is a small citie vp 12 miles from the sea, and at the port
or rode where shipping doe ride, is a castle or fort called Goletta,
sometimes in the handes of the Christians, but now of the Turkes; at which
place we remained till the third of Aprill: at which time wee set saile
towardes Alexandria, and hauing sometime faire windes, sometime contrary,
we passed on the 12 day betweene Sicilia and Malta (where neere adioyning
hath beene the fort and holde of the knights of the Rhodes) and so the 19
day we fell with the Isle of Candy, and from thence to Alexandria, where we
arriued the 27 of April, and there continued till the 5 of October.
[Sidenote: The description of Alexandria.] The said citie of Alexandria is
an old thing decayed or ruinated, hauing bene a faire and great citie neere
two miles in length, being all vauted vnderneath for prouision of fresh
water, which water commeth thither but once euery yeere, out of one of the
foure riuers of paradise (as it is termed) called Nilus, which in September
floweth neere eighteene foote vpright higher then his accustomed manner,
and so the banke being cut, as it were a sluce, about thirty miles from
Alexandria, at a towne called Rossetto, it doth so come to the saide Citie,
with such aboundance, that barkes of twelue tunne doe come vpon the said
water, which water doth fill all the vaults, cesternes, and wels in the
said Citie, with very good water, and doth so continue good, till the next
yeere following: for they haue there very litle raine or none at all, yet
have they exceeding great dewes. Also they haue very good corne, and very
plentifull; all the Countrey is very hot, especially in the moneths of
August, September, and October. Also within the saide Citie there is a
pillar of Marble, called by the Turkes, King Pharaoes needle, and it is
foure square, euery square is twelue foote, and it is in height 90 foote.
Also there is without the wals of the said Citie, about twentie score
paces, another marble pillar, being round, called Pompey his pillar: this
pillar standeth vpon a great square stone, euery square is fifteene foote,
and the same stone is fifteene foote high, and the compasse of the pillar
is 37 foote, and the height of it is 101 feete, which is a wonder to thinke
how euer it was possible to set the said pillar vpon the said square stone.
The port of the said Citie is strongly fortified with two strong Castles,
and one other Castle within the citie, being all very well planted with
munition: [Sidenote: Cayro.] and there is to the Eastward of this Citie,
about three dayes iourney the citie of Grand Cayro, otherwise called
Memphis: it hath in it by report of the registers bookes which we did see,
to the number of 2400 Churches, and is wonderfully populous, and is one
dayes iourney about the wals, which was iourneyed by one of our Mariners
for triall thereof. Also neere to the saide citie there is a place called
the Pyramides, being as I may well terme it, one of the nine wonders of the
world: that is, seuen seuerall places of flint and marble stone, foure
square, the wals thereof are seuen yards thicke in those places that we did
see: the squarenes is in length about twentie score euery square, being
built as it were a pointed diamond, broad at the foote, and small or narrow
at the toppe: the heigth of them, to our judgement, doth surmount twise the
heighth of Paules steeple: within the said Pyramides, no man doth know what
there is, for that they haue no entrance but in the one of them, there is a
hole where the wall is broken, and so we went in there, hauing torch light
with vs, for that it hath no light to it, and within the same, is as it
were a great hall, in the which there is a costly tombe, which tombe they
say, was made for kinq Pharao in his life time, but he was not buried
there, being drowned in the red sea: also there are certaine vauts or
dungeons, which goe downe verie deepe vnder those Pyramides with faire
staires, but no man dare venter to goe downe into them, by reason that they
can cary no light with them, for the dampe of the earth doth put out the
light: the red sea is but three dayes iourney from this place, and
Ierusalem about seuen dayes iourney from thence: but to returne to Cayro.
There is a Castle wherein is the house that Pharaoes wiues were kept in,
and in the Pallace or Court thereof stande 55 marble pillars, in such
order, as our Exchange standeth in London: the said pillars are in beigth
60 foote: and in compasse 14 foote: also in the said Citie is the castle
were Joseph was in prison, where to this day they put in rich men, when the
king would haue any summe of money of them: there are seuen gates to the
sayd prison, and it goeth neere fiftie yardes downe right: also, the water
that serueth this castle, commeth out of the foresaide riuer of Nilus, vpon
a wall made with arches, fiue miles long, and it is twelue foote thicke.
Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries, the one called S. Georges, the
other S. Maries: and in the Courts where the Churches be, was the house of
king Pharao. In this Citie is great store of marchandize, especially
pepper, and nutmegs, which come thither by land, out of the East India: and
it is very plentifull of all maner of victuals, especially of bread,
rootes, and hearbes: to the Eastwards of Cayro, there is a Well, fiue miles
off called Matria, and as they say, when the Virgin Marie fled from
Bethleem, and came into Ægypt, and being there, had neither water, nor any
other thing to sustaine them, by the prouidence of God, an Angell came from
heauen, and strake the ground with his wings, where presently issued out a
fountaine of water: and the wall did open where the Israelites did hide
themselues, which fountains or well is walled foure square till this day.
[Sidenote: Carthage.] Also we were at an old Citie, all ruinated and
destroyed, called in olde time, the great Citie of Carthage where Hannibal
and Queene Dido dwelt: this Citie was but narrow, but was very long: for
there was, and is yet to bee seene, one streete three mile long, to which
Citie fresh water was brought vpon arches (as afore) aboue 25 miles, of
which arches some are standing to this day. [Sidenote: Argier.] Also we
were at diuers other places on the coast, as we came from Cayro, but of
other antiquities we saw but few. The towne of Argier which was our first
and last part, within the streights standeth vpon the side of an hill,
close vpon the sea shore: it is very strong both by sea and land, and it is
very well victualed with all manner of fruites bread and fish good store,
and very cheape. It is inhabited with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes, and so are
Alexandria and Cayro. In this towne are a great number of Christian
captiues, whereof there are of Englishmen onely fifteene, from which port
we set sayle towardes England, the seuenth of Ianuarie, Anno 1587, and the
30 day of the sayd moneth, we arriued at Dartmouth on the coast of England.
* * * * *
The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey, to the Cities of Alexandria, and
Cayro in Aegypt. Anno 1586.
I Embarked my selfe at Bristoll, in the Hercules, a good ship of London,
and set saile the 21 day of Februarie, about ten of the clocke in the
morning, hauing a merry winde: but the 23 day, there arose a very great
storme, and in the mids of it we descried a small boate of the burden of
ten tunnes, with foure men in her, in very great danger, who called a maine
for our helpe. Whereupon our Master made towards them, and tooke them into
our ship, and let the boate, which was laden with timber, and appertained
to Chepstow, to runne a drift. The same night about midnight arose another
great storme, but the winde was large with vs, vntill the 27 of the same
moneth, which grew then somewhat contrary: yet notwithstanding we held on
our course, and the tenth day of March, we described a saile about Cape
Sprat, which is a little on this side the streight of Gibraltare, but we
spake not with her. The next day we described twelue saile more, with whom
we thought to haue spoken, to haue learned what they were, but they made
very fast away, and we gaue them ouer.
Thursday the 16 of March, we had sight of the streights, and of the coast
of Barbary. The 18 day we passed them, and sailed towards Patras. Vpon the
23 of March, we met with the Centurion of London which came from Genoa, by
whom we sent letters to England, and the foure men also which we tooke in,
vpon the coast of England, before-mentioned.
The 29th of March we came to Goleta a small Iland, and had sight of two
shippes, which we iudged to be of England.
Tuesday the fourth of April, we were before Malta, and being there
becalmed, our Maister caused the two ship boates to be had out, and they
towed the ship, till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta. The 9 day
of April we came to Zante, and being before the towne, William Aldridge,
seruant to Master Thomas Cordall of London, came aboord us, with whom our
Master and twelue more of our company, thought to haue gone on shoare: but
they could not be permitted: so we all came aboard againe, and went to
Patras, where we arriued vpon good Friday, and lay there with good
enterteinement at the English house, where was the Consull Master Grimes,
Ralph Ashley, and Iohn Doddington, who very kindly went with vs, and shewed
vs the pleasures of the towne.
They brought vs to the house of the Cady, who was made then to vnderstand
of the 20 Turks that wee had aboard, which were to goe to Constantinople,
being redeemed out of captiuitie, by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies,
and brought with him into England, and by order of the Queenes Maiestie
sent now into their Countrey. Whereupon the Cady commanded them to be
brought before him, that he might see them: and when, he had talked with
them, and vnderstood howe strangely they were deliuered, he marueiled much,
and admired the Queenes Maistie of England, who being but a woman, is
notwithstanding of such power and renowne amongst all the princes of
Christendome, with many other honourable wordes of commending her Maiestie.
So he tooke the names of those 20 Turkes, and recorded them in their great
bookes, to remaine in perpetuall memory. After this, our foresaid
countreyman brought mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew where his tombe or
sepulchre is, and the boord vpon which he was beheaded, which boord is now
so rotten, that if any man offer to cut it, it falleth to powder, yet I
brought some of it away with me.
Vpon Tuesday in Easter weeke, wee set out towards Zante againe, and the 24.
of April with much adoe, wee were all permitted to come on shoare, and I
was caried to the English house in Zante, where I was very well
entertained. The commodities of Zante are Currants and oyle: the situation
of the Towne is vnder a very great hill, vpon which standeth a very strong
Castle, which commaundeth the Towne. At Zante wee tooke in a Captaine and
16. souldiers, with other passengers. Wee departed from Zante vpon Tuesday
the 15. of April, and the next day we ankered at a small Iland, called
Striualia, which is desolate of people, sauing a fewe religious men, who
entertained vs well, without taking any money: but of courtesie we bestowed
somewhat vpon them for their maintenance, and then they gaue vs a couple of
leane sheepe, which we caried aboord. The last day of Aprill, wee arriued
at Candie, at a Castle, called Sowday, where wee set the Captaine,
Souldiers, and Mariners ashoare, which wee tooke in at Zante, with all
their carriage.
[Sidenote: The Islands of Milo, in olde time called Sporades.] The second
day of May wee set saile againe, and the fourth day came to the Islands of
Milo, where we ankered, and found the people there very courteous, and
tooke in such necessaries as we wanted. The Islands are in my iudgement a
hundred in number, and all within the compasse of a hundred miles.
The 11. day, the Chaus, which is the greatest man there in authoritie, for
certaine offences done in a little Chappell by the water side, which they
saide one of our shippe had done, and imputed it to mee, because I was
seene goe into it three dayes before, came to vs, and made much a doe, so
that we were faine to come out of our shippe armed: but by three pieces of
golde the brabling was ended, and we came to our shippe. This day wee also
set saile, and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto, which is an
old ruinated thing, and standeth vnder a hils side.
The 13. day we passed by the Island of Paris, and the Island of the bankes
of Helicon, and the Island called Ditter, where are many boares, and the
women bee witches. The same day also wee passed by the Castle of Timo,
standing vpon a very high mountaine, and neere vnto it is the Island of
Diana.
The 15. of May, wee came to Sio, where I stayed thirtie and three dayes. In
it is a very proper Towne, after the building of that Countrey, and the
people are civil: and while we were here there came in sixe Gallies, which
had bene at Alexandria, and one of them which was the Admiral, had a Prince
of the Moores prisoner, whom they tooke about Alexandria, and they meant to
present him to the Turke. The towne standeth in a valley, and a long the
water side pleasantly. There are about 26. winde-mils about it, and the
commodities of it are cotton wooll, cotton yarne, mastike, and some other
drugs.
As we remained at Sio, there grew a great controuersie betweene the
mariners of the Hercules, and the Greekes of the towne of Sio, about the
bringing home of the Turkes, which the Greekes took in ill part, and the
boyes cried out, Viue el Re Philippe: whereupon our men beate the boyes,
and threwe stones, and so a broile beganne, and some of our men were hurt:
but the Greekes were fetcht out of their houses, and manacled together with
yrons, and threatned to the Gallies: about fortie of them were sent to the
prison, and what became of them when we were gone, we know not, for we went
thence within two dayes after, which was the 19. of Iune.
The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina, an Island risen by the
casting of stones in that place: the substance of the ground there is
brimstone, and burneth sometimes so much that it bloweth vp the rockes.
The 24. of Iune wee came to Cyprus, and had sight in the way of the
aforesaide sixe Gallies, that came from Alexandria, one whereof came vnto
vs, and required a present for himselfe, and for two of the other Gallies,
which we for quietnesse sake gaue them.
The 27. of Iune, wee came to Tripolie, where I stayed till the fift of
Iuly, and then tooke passage in a smal barke called a Caramusalin, which
was a passage boat, and was bound for Bichieri, thirteene miles on this
side Alexandria, which boate was fraighted with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes.
The 20. day of Iuly, this barke which I passed in ranne vpon a rocke, and
was in very great danger, so that we all began some to be ready to swimme,
some to leape into the shippe boate, but it pleased God to set vs quickly
off the rocke, and without much harme.
[Sidenote: The English house in Alexandria.] The 28. of Iuly I came to
Bichieri, where I was well entertained of a Iewe which was the Customer
there, giuing me Muskadine, and drinking water himselfe: hauing broken my
fast with him, he prouided mee a Camell for my carriage, and a Mule for mee
to ride vpon, and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria, who had
charge to see mee safe in the English house, whether I came, but found no
Englishmen there: but then my guide brought me aboord a ship of Alderman
Martins, called the Tyger of London, where I was well receiued of the
Master of the said ship, whose name was Thomas Rickman, and of all the
company.
The said Master hauing made me good cheere, and made me also to drinke of
the water of Nilus, hauing the keyes of the English house, went thither
with me himselfe, and appointed mee a faire chamber, and left a man with me
to prouide me all things that I needed, and euery day came himselfe to me,
and caried me into the City, and shewed me the monuments thereof, which be
these.
[Sidenote: The monuments of Alexandria.] Hee brought mee first to Pompey
his pillar, which is a mighty thing of gray marble, and all of one stone,
in height by estimation about 52. yards, and the compasse about sixe
fadome.
The City hath three gates, one called the gate of Barbaria, the other of
Merina, and the thirde of Rossetto.
He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie, whereupon S. Marke
was beheaded: to the place where S. Katerine died, hauing there hid
herselfe, because she would not marry: also to the Bath of S. Katerine.
I sawe there also Pharaos needle, which is a thing in height almost equall
with Pompeys pillar, and is in compasse fiue fadome, and a halfe, and all
of one stone.
I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath, where we washed our
selues: the Bath being of marble, and of very curious workemanship.
The Citie standeth vpon great arches, or vawtes, like vnto Churches, with
mightie pillars of marble, to holde vp the foundation: which arches are
built to receiue the water of the riuer of Nilus, which is for the vse of
the Citie. It hath three Castles, and an hundred Churches: but the part
that is destroyed of it, is sixe time more then that part which standeth.
The last day of Iuly, I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage
boate, wherein first I went to Rossetto, standing by the riuer side, hauing
13. or 14. great churches in it, their building there is of stone and
bricke, but as for lodging, there is little, except we bring it with vs.
From Rosetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus, which is so famous in the
world, twise as broad as the Thames at London: on both sides grow date
trees in great abundance. The people be rude, insomuch that a man cannot
traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him.
[Sidenote: The Turkes Lent.] The time that I stayed in Ægypt, was the
Turkes and Moores Lent, in all which time they burne lamps in their
churches, as many as may hang in them: their Lent endureth 40. dayes, and
they haue three Lents in the yere: during which time they neither eate nor
drinke in the day time, but all the night they do nothing else.
Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred
cities and townes, and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred
miles.
To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August, where I found
M. William Alday, and William Cæsar, who intertained me in very good sort.
M. Cæsar brought mee to see the Pyramides which are three in number, one
whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe, the tombe it selfe is almost
in the top of it: the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square, and euery
of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe, and as high
as a Church, I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those
Pyramides.
The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro, which is a sumptuous thing,
hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars, all gilt with gold, but I
saw it not, being then lame.
The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro, to let in the water of
the riuer of Nilus, which was done with great ioy and triumph.
The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe, and came
thither the 14. of August The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the
Turkes and Moores, which lasted two dayes, and for a day they neuer ceased
shooting off of great Ordinance.
[Sidenote: The English Consul at Argier.] From Alexandria I sailed to
Argier, where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation, who vsed
me most kindly, and at his owne charge. Hee brought mee to the kings Court,
and into the presence of the King, to see him, and the maners of the Court:
the King doeth onely beare the name of a king, but the greatest gouernment
is in the hands of the souldiers.
The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier, who comming to Constantinople,
to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke, was betrayed by his owne nephew,
who wrote to the Turke, that he went onely as a spy, by that meanes to get
his kingdome. I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time
cast away at a towne called Formentera: three of them were of Argier, the
other foure were the Christians.
We found here 13. Englishmen, which were by force of weather put into the
bay of Tunis, where they were very ill vsed by the Moores, who forced them
to leaue their barke: whereupon they went to the Councell of Argier, to
require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie. They were all belonging to
the shippe called the Golden Noble of London, whereof Master Birde is
owner. The Master was Stephen Haselwood, and the Captaine Edmond Bence.
The thirde day of December, the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London,
came to Argier with a prize, which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine,
laden with sugar, hides, and ginger: the pinnesse also belonging to the
Golden Noble: and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods, where
wee left them at our comming away, which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie,
and the first day of February, I landed at Dartmouth, and the seuenth day
came to London, with humble thankes to Almightie God, for my safe arriuall.
* * * * *
A letter of the English Ambassadour to M. Haruie Millers, appointing him
Consull for the English nation in Alexandria, Cairo, and other places of
Egypt.
Hauing to appoint our Consull in Cayro, Alexandria, Egypt, and other parts
adiacent, for the safe protection of body and goods of her Maiesties
subiects; being well perswaded of your sufficient abilitie; in her
Maiesties name I doe elect and make choise of you, good friend Haruie
Millers, to execute the same worshipfull office, as shall be required for
her Maiesties better seruice, the commodity of her subiects, and my
contentation: hauing and enioying for merit of your trauell in the premises
the like remuneration incident to the rest of ours in such office in other
parts of this Empire. Requiring you (all other affaires set aside) to
repaire thither with expedition, and attend vpon this your charge, which
the Almighty grant you well to accomplish. For the due execution whereof,
wee heerewith send you the Grand Signiors Patent of priuilege with ours,
and what els is needfull therefore, in so ample maner, as any other Consull
whosoeuer doeth or may enioy the same. In ayd whereof, according to my
bounden duety to her Maiesty our most gracious Mistresse, I will be ready
alwayes to employ my selfe to the generall benefit of her Maiesties
subiects, for your maintenance in all iust causes incident to the same. And
thus eftsoones requiring and commanding you as aboue sayd, to performe my
request, I bid you most heartily well to fare, and desire God to blesse
you. From my mansion Rapamat night Pera this 25 of April 1583.
* * * * *
A letter to the right honourable William Hareborne her Majesties
Ambassadour with the Grand Signior from Alger.
Right honorable, we haue receiued your honors letters dated in
Constantinople the 5. of Nouember, and accordingly deliuered that inclosed
to the king of this place, requiring of him, according as you did command
vs in her Maiesties name, that he would vouchsafe to giue order to all his
Captaines and Raies that none of them should meddle with our English
shippes comming or going to or from these parts, for that they haue order
not to passe by the Christian coast, but vpon the coast of Barbary, and
shewing him of the charter giuen by the Grand Signior, requiring him in
like case that for the better fulfilling of the amity, friendship and holy
league betweene the Grand Signior and her Maiesty, he would giue us fiue or
six safe-conducts for our ships, that meeting with any of his gallies or
galliots, they might not meddle with them neither shoot at them: who made
me answere he would neither giue me any safe conduct nor commission to his
men of war not to meddle with them, for that he trusted to take some of
them this yere, and made good account thereof. In like maner I spake to the
chiefe of the Ianisers and the Leuents, who made me answere, the best hope
they had this yere was to take some of them, and although they haue the
Grand Signiors commandement we care not therefore: for we will by policy,
or one meanes or other prouoke them to shoot some ordinance, which if they
do but one piece, the peace is broken, and they be good prizes. And some of
them say further, we care not for his safe-conduct, for if they shew it vs,
we will conuey it away, we are sure the dogs cannot be beleeued against vs.
The premisses considered, your honour is with all speed to procure the
Grand Signior his fauorable letters directed to Hazan, the Cady, Captaines,
Ianisers, and Leuents, and another like to Romadan Bassa, king of Tripolis,
commanding them in no maner whatsoeuer to deale with our English ships
bound into those parts or returning thence with their commodities, although
they should shoot one at another: for when our ships shall meet them, for
that, as your honor is aduertised, the gallies of Carthagena, Florence,
Sicilia and Malta haue made a league to take all our ships comming in or
going out of the Grand Signiors dominions, therefore if they meet with any
of these gallies of Alger or Tripolis, thinking they be of them, and not
knowing them a far off, they may shoot at them, which if therefore they
should make them prizes, were against Gods lawes, the Grand Signior his
league, all reason and conscience, considering that all the world doth know
that Marchants ships laden with marchandise do not seeke to fight with men
of warre, but contrariwise to defend themselues from them, when they would
do them harme. Wherefore if your honour do not get out two letters of the
Grand Signior as aforesayd, and send them hither with all speed by some one
of your gentlemen accompanied with a chaus of the Court, or some other of
the Grand Signiors servants, it is impossible that our English ships can
escape freely from these or the Christians: for either they must of force
go on the Christian coast, and so fall into their hands, or els on this
coast, and fall into the kings of this towne, or Tripolis, their hands
which if they should, will neuer be recouered. And if your honor cannot
obtaine this thing, I beseech your honour in the behalfe of all the English
marchants (who sent me hither to follow such order as your honour should
giue me) to certifie her Maiesty, to the end that they may be commanded to
leaue off traffique, and not to lose their goods, and her poore subiects
the Mariners. And thus humbly taking my leaue, I desist from troubling your
honor. From Algier the tenth of February 1583.
* * * * *
A letter of M. Harborne to Mustapha, challenging him for his dishonest
dealing in translating of three of the Grand Signior his commandements.
Domine Mustapha, nescimus quid sibi velit, cum nobis mandata ad finem
vtilem concessa perperàm reddas, quæ male scripta, plus damni, quàm
vtilitatis adferant: quemadmodum constat ex tribus receptis mandatis, in
quibus summum aut principale deest aut aufertur. In posterum noli ita
nobiscum agere. Ita enim ludibrio erimus omnibus in nostrum et tuum
dedecus. Cum nos multarum actionum spem Turcicè scriptarum in tua prudentia
reponimus, ita prouidere debes, vt non eueniant huiusmodi mala. Quocirca
deinceps cum mandatum aut scriptum aliquod accipias, verbum ad verbum
conuertatur in Latinum sermonem, ne damnum insequatur. Nosti multos habere
nos inimicos conatibus nostris inuidentes, quorum malitiæ vestræ est
prudentiæ aduersari. Hi nostri, Secretarius et minimus interpres ex nostra
parte dicent in tribus illis receptis mandatis errata. Vt deinceps similes
errores non eueniant precamur. Ista emendes, et cætera Serenissimæ regiæ
Maiestatis negocia, vti decet vestræ conditionis hominem, meliùs cures. Nam
vnicuique suo officio strenuè est laborandum vt debito tramite omnia
succedant: quod spero te facturum. Bene vale.
* * * * *
The Pasport in Italian granted to Thomas Shingleton Englishman, by the king
of Algier. 1583.
Noi Assan Basha Vicere et lochotenente e capitan della iurisditione de
Algier doniamo e concediamo libero saluo condutto a Thomas Shingleton
mercadante, che possi con suo vassello e marinare de che natione se siano,
e mercadantia di qual si voglia natione, andare et venire, e negotiari, e
contrattare liberamente in questa citta de Algier et altri locha de la
nostra iurisditione cosi di ponente comi di Leuante: et cosi anchora
commandiamo al capitan di maare di Algier et d'altri lochi de nostra
iurisditione, Rais de Vasselli et Capitani de Leuante, et altri capitani di
vasselli tanto grossi como picholi, si comnanda a qual si voglia, che
truando il sopradetto Thomas Shingleton Inglese nelli mari di Genua,
Francia Napoli, Calabria, e Sardigna con suo vassello e mercantia, et
homini de che nationi si siano, non gli debba molestare, ne piggliare, ne
toccare cosa de nessuna manero tanto di denare, como di qual si voglia
altra robba, sotto la pena e disgratia di perdir la vita et la robba: Et
per quanto hauete a caro la gratia del Gran Signor nostro patrone Soltan
Murates Ottomano, lo lasciarete andare per suo camino senza dargli nessuno
impedimento. Dato in Algieri in nostro regio Palazzo, sigillato del nostro
reggio sigillo, e fermato della gran ferma, et scritto del nostro reggio
Secretario, il di 23 de Ienaro, 1583.
The same in English.
We Assan Bassha Viceroy and lieutenant, and captaine of the iurisdiction of
Algier, giue and grant free safeconduct to Thomas Singleton marchant, that
with his ship and mariners, of what nation soeuer they be, and with his
marchandize of what countrey soeuer, he may go and come, and trade and
traffique freely in this city of Algier, and other places of our
iurisdiction, as well of the West as of the East. And in like sort we
further command the captaine of the sea of Algier, and other places of our
iurisdiction, the Reiz of vessels and captaines of the Leuant, and other
captaines of vessels aswell great as small, whosoeuer they be, we do
command them, that finding the forsayd Thomas Shingleton Englishman in the
seas of Genua, France, Naples, Calabria, and Sardinia, with his ship and
merchandize, and men of what nation soeuer they be, that they molest them
not, neither take nor touch any kind of thing of theirs, neither money nor
any other kind of goods, vnder paine and peril of loosing of their liues
and goods: and as you make account of the fauour of the Grand Signor our
lord Sultan Murates Hottoman, so see you let him passe on his way without
any maner of impediment. Dated at Alger in our kingly palace, signed with
our princely Signet, and sealed with our great seale, and writen by our
Secretarie of estate, the 23. of Ianuarie, 1583.
* * * * *
A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne, to the king of Alger,
the 20. of Iuly, 1584 in the behalfe of certeine English captiues there
detained.
Muy alto y poderoso Rey,
Sea seruida vostra alteza. Como la muy alta y potentissima magestad del
Gran Sennor tiene hecho articulos de priuilegios con la Serenissima
Magestad de nuestra Reyna d'Inglatierra, para los vassalos della poder
libremente yr y boluer, y tratar por mar y tierra en los dominios de su
potentissima Magestad, Como a la clara paresce por los dichos articulos, de
che embiamos el tractado al Senor Iuan Tipton nuestro commissario, para le
muestrar a vostra Alteza. Contra el tenor de los quales articulos por dos
galeras de su ciudad de Alger ha sido hechado al fondo en la mar vn des
nuestros nauios que venia de Patras, que es en la Morea, cargado de
corintes y otras mercaderias, que alla se compraron, y las mas de la gente
del la matados y ahogados en la mar, y el resto est an detenidos por
esclauos: cosa muy contraria a los dichos articulas y priuilegios. Que es
occasion, que por esto supplicamos a vostra Alteza muy humilmente, que,
pues que la potentissimo magestad del grand Sennor es seruida nos
fauorescer por los dichos articulos, tambien sea seruida vostra Alteza
assistimos en ellos, otorgandonos por vostra autoridad su auida y fauor,
segun que esperamos, para que puedan estar libres, y boluer para aca
aquellos pobres hombres ansi hechos esclauos, como dicho es. Y ansi mismo,
que mande vostra Alteza dar orden a los capitanes, maestres y gente de las
galeras, que nos dexen de aqui adelante hazer nuestro trafico con seys naos
cada anno para Turquia a los dominios del Gran Sennor a paz y a saluo, por
no cotrariar a los dichos nuestros priuilegios, Lleuando cada vna de
nuestras dichas naos pot se conoscer vn saluo condutto de su alta et
potentissima magestad. Y con esta vostra tan senallada merced y fauor que
en esso reciberemos, quedaremos nosotros con grandissima obligation a
vostra Alteza de seruir la por ello, segun que el dicho Sennor Iuan Tipton,
a quien nos reportamos de todo lo demas, mejor informira vostra Alteza:
Cuya serenissima persona y estado supplicamos y pidimos a Dios omnipotente
prosperu y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra. Del la ciuidad de
Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ocbenta y quatro
annos.
Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en hombre de todos los tratantes en
Tutquia, lo el Mayor de Londres,
Edward Osborne.
The same in English.
Right high and mightie king,
May it please your highnesse to vnderstand, that the most high and most
mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of
priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England, that
her subjects may freely go and come, and traffique by sea and land in the
dominions of his most mighty maiesty, as appeareth more at large by the
said articles, whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Iohn Tipton our
Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes. [Sidenote: An English ship
sunke by two gallies of Alger.] Against the tenor of which articles, one of
our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea, laden with corants and
other merchandizes which were bought in those parts, was sunke by 2.
gallies of your citie of Alger, and the greatest number of the men thereof
were slain and drowned in the sea, the residue being detained as slaues: An
acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges:
which is the occasion that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very
humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand
Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges, it would please your
Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same, graunting vs by your
authoritie, your ayde and fauour, according as our hope is that these poore
men so detained in captiuitie, as is aforesaid, may be set at libertie, and
returne into their countrey. And likewise that your highnesse would send to
giue order to the captaines, masters and people of your gallies, that from
hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships
yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and
safetie, that they do not withstand those our said priuileges, euery one of
our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most
mightie maiestie to be knowen by. And for that your so singular fauour and
curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue, we on our part with all
bounden duetie vnto your highnesse, will seeke to honour you in that
behalfe, according as the sayd Master Iohn Tipton (to whom wee referre our
selues touching all other circumstances) shall more at large informe your
highnesse, whose most excellent person and estate, we pray and beseech
Almighty God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour. From
the Citie of London, the 20. of Iuly, 1584.
At the seruice of your highnesse, for and in the name of our whole company
trading into Turkie, I Maior of London. Edward Osburne.
* * * * *
Notes concerning the trade of Alger.
The money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano, and
Doublaes, and two Doublaes make an Asiano, but the Doubla is most vsed, for
all things be sold by Doublaes, which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers
there.
The Asper there is not so good by halfe and more, as that in
Constantinople; for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople
is at Alger worth an 150 Aspers, and at Constantinople, it is but 66.
Aspers.
The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there.
The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there: and the piece of 4 roials
goeth for 40 Aspers, but oftentimes is sold for more, as men need them to
carie vp into Turkie.
Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold, worth here but 40. s.
the ounce, so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom
of Alger, neither the Aspers, for that they be lesse then others be, for
they coine them in Alger.
The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum, to the Turke, to be paid
of the commoditie it selfe, or as it shall be rated.
There is another custome to the Ermine, of one and an halfe per centum,
which is to the Iustice of the Christians: the goods for this custome are
rated as they are for the kings custome.
Hauing paid custome inwards, you pay none outwards for any commoditie that
you doe lade, more then a reward to the gate keepers.
The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares, as mettals refined,
and spices &c. which is here 120. li. subtil.
Mettall not refined, as lead, iron, and such grosse wares, are sold by a
great Cartare, which is halfe as big againe: so it is 180. li. subtil of
ours here.
The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia, which is about 4.
bushels of our measure, and corne is plentiful there and good cheape,
except when there hapneth a very dry yeere.
The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house: for if he
haue any hurt, the Iew and his goods shall make it good, so the Iew taketh
great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house, for
feare of punishment.
An Englishman called Thomas Williams, which is M. Iohn Tiptons man, lieth
about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes.
* * * * *
Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria.
Alexandria in Egypt is a free port, and when a man commeth within the
castles, presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with
him to know what goods are aboord: and then hee will set guards aboord the
ship to see all the goods discharged. And then from the Ermin you goe to
the Bye, [Marginal note: This is another officer.] onely for that he will
inquire newes of you, and so from thence to the Consuls house where you
lie. The Venetians haue a Consul themselues. But all other nations goe to
the French nations Consul, who will giue you a chamber for your selues
apart, if you will so haue it.
The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred, and the
custome is paid in wares also that you buy: for the same wares in barter
you pay also ten in the hundred, at the lading of the wares. [Marginal
note: Other smal customs you pay besides, which may be at two in the
hundred: and for Consulage you pay two in the hundred.] But if you sell for
mony, you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid, and one and a halfe in
the hundred, which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd
mony, for more custome you pay not. But for all the money you bring thither
you pay nothing for the custome of the same. And if you sell your wares for
mony, and with the same money buy wares, you pay but two in the hundred for
the custome thereof. And if you steale any custome, if it be taken, you pay
double custome for that you steale.
The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine, which is a kintal in
that place, which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight, at 15
ounces the pound, which is 103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is
another waight called Pois Gerrin, which is 150. li. of Marseils waight, by
which are sold all things to eate: but spice is sold by the former waight.
From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies journey, but you must take a
Ianissarie with you: and to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes journey.
Roials of Spaine are currant mony there, and are the best money you can
cary. And 4. roials are worth 13. Medins, and 2. Medins, are 3. Aspers.
Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollers will goe, but of all Roials are
best.
Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land, but is kept for a victuall.
But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe.
All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made, and they be
Moores which you deale withall, which be good people and not ill disposed.
And after you be searched and haue leaue to passe, you must presently
depart out of the port, and if you doe not, they will search you againe.
And you must depart in the day, for in the night the castles will not
suffer you to depart. The duetie to the Consul is 2 in the hundred, for his
aide, and meate, and drinke and all. And the port of Alexandria is good
when one is within it with good ankers and cables. Silver is better currant
then gold in Alexandria, but both are good.
Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo, and from
thence to Alexandria, where the merchants be that buy the spices, and
therefore the spices are brought most to Alexandria, where each Christian
nation remaineth at the Consuls houses. Yet oftentimes the Christians go vp
to Cairo to buy drugs and other commodities there, as they see cause. And
the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies, but the most part
blewes, and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks.
Pepper is usually sold for 24. ducats the quintal, Ginger for 14. ducats.
You most take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from
Alexandria, for there is none. There is also fine flaxe, and good store of
Buffe hides.
* * * * *
A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton.
Master Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish, with a copy thereof
in English, to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of
league, if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier, Tunis, and
Tripolis in the West: which after you haue shewed the Bassas, receiue
againe into your hands, and see them registred, and then deliuer one of
them to our friend M. Tipton, and the like you are to do with the priuilege
which you cary with you, and see them iointly registered in the Cadies
booke, deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi, also
to the sayd our friend M. Tipton, taking a note of his hand for the receipt
thereof, and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes. And require
them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name, that they will haue our
ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in
friendly maner. Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan, as I
haue not receiued any aduise thereof, since your departure, so must I leaue
you to God and my former direction. The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes,
which you wrote to be ours, prooued to be a Catalonian. As for ours, by
report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship, it was affirmed to be
sold to the Malteses, which with the rest you are to receiue there. And
hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege, and these three
commandements, in Tripolis, Tunis, and Alger, I pray you make speedy
returne, and for that which may be recouered, make ouer the same either to
Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea, or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in
the surest maner you may, if the registring of that your priuilege and
these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same.
From my mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584.
* * * * *
The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador
M. Wil. Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subiects to and from his
dominions, sent in An. 1584 to the Viceroyes of Algier, Tunis, and
Tripolis in Barbary.
To our Beglerbeg of Algier.
We certifie thee by this our commandement, that the right honorable Will.
Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto
vs, that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and
from our Empire, on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards,
Florentines, Sicilians, and Malteses, on the other part our countreis
committed to your charge: which abouesaid Christians will not quietly
suffer their egresse and regresse, into, and out of our dominions, but doe
take and make the men captiues, and forfeit the shippes and goods, as the
last yeere the Maltese did one, which they tooke at Gerbi, and to that end
do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they
are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might
meet with them. Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon
their guard, when they shall see any gallie afarre off, whereby if meeting
with any of your gallies and not knowing them, in their defence they do
shoot at them, and yet after when they doe certainly know them, do not
shoote any more, but require to passe peaceably on their voiage, which you
would deny, saying, the peace is broken because you haue shot at vs, and so
make prize of them contrary to our priuileges, and against reason: for the
preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassadour hath required this
our commaundement. We therefore command thee, that vpon sight hereof thou
doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer, but suffer the sayd
Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement
giuen, without any disturbance or let by any meanes vpon the way, although
that meeting with thy gallies, and not knowing them afarre off, they taking
them for enemies should shoote at them, yet shall you not suffer them to
hurt them therefore, but quietly to passe. Wherefore looke thou that they
may haue right, according to our priuilege giuen them, and finding any that
absenteth himself, and wil not obey this our commandement, presently
certify vs to our porch, that we may giue order for his punishment, and
with reverence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement, which
hauing read, thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it. From
our palace in Constantinople, the 1. of Iune 1584.
* * * * *
A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass. with the
grand Signior to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English in
Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis of Barbarie.
Master Tipton, I haue receiued among others, yours of the 10. of Nouember
1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of Iune
1584. with the 3. commandements, which not being registred, let it now be
done. Where you write the force of the priuilege to be broken by our ships
in shooting, and therefore be lawfully taken, you are deceiued, for of
those taken in then, hath the grand Signior now deliuered vs free, Wil.
Moore, and Rob. Rawlings, and further promised the rest in like case,
wheresoeuer they be, and that hereafter no violence shalbe shewed,
considering ours be merchants ships which go peaceably in their voiage, and
were ignorant of the orders of Algier, neither knew afar off, whether they
were friends or the Christians gallies in league with vs, of whom they most
doubted, who not suffring our ships to come into these parts, wil make
prize of the goods and captiue the men, so as they are not to let them come
nigh them: and since ours haue not done contrary to the articles of the
same priuilege, wherein is no order for Algier prescribed vs, as both by
the originall now sent vs, and also by the copy now sent you from London
you may perceiue, they according to right are as abouesaid to be set free,
and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the
grand Signior hath now commanded, and most faithfully promised, neither yet
in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our injuries
redressed, we are to demand our Congie, and command our merchants her
maiesties subiects, to end their traffike here, which in our countrey
commodities is prooued and found by the great Signior to be so beneficial
to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honor
which his ancestors neuer had of friendship with so mighty a prince as is
her maiesty, he wil not but maintaine the faith promised her, and the
intercourse in due force. And where you say that the grand Signor his
letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of
a mean man, nor tooke no place, that is not material to vs, our letters are
after another sort much more effectuall. For our case and theirs be found
far different, in that they be not onely now out of fauour with him, but
also the commodities which they bring hither, as sugar, paper, bracelets,
ropes of bast, almonds, &c., all which may be here wel spared, and we
contrarily so wel esteemed, as he neuer denied vs any thing since our
comming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could
haue here, and therefore we rest perswaded, knowing the wisdom of the
Beglebeg, who is aduised by his friends from hence, of this our credite
with his master, he wil so respect his commandements, as to accomplish the
tenor thereof according to our desire. And where you say that the Ianizers
rule all there, I know right wel that if things be not done as the grand
Signior commandeth, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully
perswaded if he doe what he may they dare not resist him, for if they
should, those rebels should not be vnpunished of the grand Signior. And
though they speake their pleasures among themselues there, yet they be not
so brutish, but they wel consider that their master the grand Signior may
not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For vpon his word dependeth the life or
death euen of the chiefest, as I have seene since my comming hither. So
whatsoever these Ianizaries say, they will be better aduised in their
deedes then to withstand their Viceroy, if he himselfe wil vse his lawfull
power, which if hee doe not, hee cannot purge himselfe here of their euill
proceedings against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule
the bodie, but contrarywise, the head, the feete, and all the rest of the
members. And for that neither for feare, affection or otherwise you omit as
a faithfull true subiect to her maiestie to do your dutie, I do by my
warrant going herewith charge you, and in her maiesties name, to the
vttermost to vse your good and faithfull endeuour, as becommeth a true
subiect, and in all things that may concerne her maiesties good seuice,
assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, trauel, and
what els shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your duetie.
And to the end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion
sir Edward Osborne and the company haue of you, and I no lesse perswaded of
youre wisedome, vpright dealing, and good experience in those parts, do
send you herewith the grand Signiors and our patents for exercising the
office of Consul there, in Tripolis and Tunis: by virtue of which
authoritie you may without feare proceed as the office doeth chalenge in
defence of our priuilege, to redresse all iniuries offred our nation. Which
if you cannot get reformed there of the Beglerbies vpon your complaint, I
thereof aduertised, shal doe it here, and to the vttermost maintaine you in
al rightful causes whatsoeuer, doubt you not. And hereafter according to
your aduise, I wil and doe giue our ships order not to fight with any
gallies of Alger, but to hoise out their skiffe and go aboord to shew them
their safeconduct, and to present the captain with a garment, and you there
in such like case are to take order that they do not forceably take any
thing from them. [Sidenote: The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and
taken by the gallies of Alger.] Nothing doubting but the Viceroy (whose
friendship in her maiesties behalfe I desire) will not onely performe the
same your iust request, and according to right, restore to libertie our men
since the priuilege taken, but also cause those that tooke and sunke our
ships to answere the value, which I haue set down truly, and rather with
the least in the Inuentorie translated into Turkish, whereof the inclosed
is the copy in English, which I send to the end you may be the better
informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things
you are to conferre of matters expedient, for the honor of her maiesties
countrey, and the commoditie, and libertie of poore captiues, which if the
Viceroy do wel consider, according to his wisdome, as the grand Signior
doeth thereof, he shal wel perceiue it not onely a great honour to his
master as aforesaid, to continue this amitie with her maiestie, but chiefly
to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this
means shall be abundantly serued with the chiefest commodities they want,
with many other things of more importance to the grand Signior his
contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Viceroies
experienced wisdom can wel consider thereof, in such sort as he wil not
deny to accomplish his masters commandement, and our earnest request in so
small a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusall: for
thereby he shall increase his honor with the grand Signior, be in credite
with her maiestie, be void of trouble which hereafter by future suite
against him may happen, and his gallies free of such doubtful issue as
doeth chance, fighting with our ships. Which, as it is well knowen to all
the world, haue so great hearts as neuer cowardly to yeeld to their
enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the prouerbe, like
esteeme of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is
their Viceroy and his couragious souldiers to be in all friendship
cherished and better esteemed. If the captaine Bassa had bene returned from
Capha, I would in like maner haue procured his letters, which for that he
is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Signiors will suffise. Thus
commending your selfe and these proceedings to the almighty his merciful
direction, I bid you most heartily wel to fare. From my mansion Rapamat
nigh Pera, this 30. of March, 1585.
* * * * *
Series vel registrum valoris nauium, bonorum, et hominum per triremes
Argerienses ereptorum, vna cum captiuorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego
Argeriensi Hassano.
1 Salomon de Plimmouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere
trecentorum doliorum, valore Florenorum 5600.
2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus,
valore Florenorum 2000.
3 Maria Martin de London onere centum et triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma
More cum triginta quinque hominibus, reuertens de Patrasso cum mandato
Cæsareo, valore Florenorum 1400.
4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore Dauid Fillie de London, Patrassum
veniens cum mandato Cæsareo: huius præcipuus valor erat in talleris
numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gibben, qui adduxit etiam Serenissimæ
Reginæ: maiestatis literas Cæsari et oratori. Valor reliquus in mercibus
vna cum superiori in talleris, effecit Florenorum 21500.
5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siccis,
valore Florenorum 4800.
In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argiræ spoliatæ et ereptæ naues, merces, et
homines.
1 Iudith de London, rectore Iacobo Beare, cum hominibus 24. valore
Florenorum 3100.
2 Iesus de London, rectore Andræa Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem huius et
14. homines, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus
Secretario legati, Edwardo Barten, valore Florenorum 9000.
Nomina hominum mancipatorum et viuentium tunc temporis, quando Cæsar
illustrissimus, et dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram.
1 Ante foedus initum in naue Peter de Bristow. Iohn Winter, Robert Barton.
2 In naue Swallow de London. Rich. Crawford, Anthony Eluers, Wil. Rainolds.
Post foedus initum in naue Britona. Iames Yoong.
1 In naue Rabnet de Hampton. Thomas Lisney.
1 In naue Salomon. Iohn Tracie, Wil. Griffith, Wil. Cocke.
1 In naue Elizabeth. Iohn Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard Iames, Oliuer
Dallimore, and Richard Maunsell.
2 In naue Maria Martin. Thomas Moore, Wil. White, Wil. Palmer, Nich. Long,
Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil. Dewly, Wil. Cowel, Iohn Franke, Henry
Parker, Iohn Cauendish, Moises Robinson, Iames Sotherich, Henry Howel,
Nich. Smith, Henry Ragster, Rich. Dauison, Rich. Palmer.
3 In naue Elizabeth Stokes. Dauid Fillie, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins,
Morgan Dauis, Iohn Quinte, Ambrose Harison, Iohn Peterson, Tristram Vois,
Roger Ribbe.
4 In naue Nicholas, Thomas Forster rector nauis et eius nautæ.
* * * * *
To Assan Aga, Eunuch and Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which
Assan Aga was the sonne of Fran. Rowlie of Bristow merchant, taken in the
Swalow.
I receiued your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my seruant very
thankfully, aswel for the feruant faith that by his report I heare you haue
in our lord Iesus Christ, by whose onely merits and bloodshedding, you
together with vs and all other good Christians so truly beleeuing, shalbe
saued, as also for your faithfull obedience like a true subiect to her
Maiestie, naturally louing your countrey and countreymen, declared in your
fauourable furtherance of the said Wil. Hamore, procuring their redemption.
Of which your good and vertuous actions, as I reioice to vnderstand, so wil
I impart the same to your singuler commendation, both to our mistresse her
Maiestie, and her most honorable counsellors the nobilitie of England, to
whom assure your selfe the report shalbe very welcome. And now this second
time I am inforced by duetie to God and her maiesty, as also by the smal
regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandements, to
complaine vnto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most
vnworthy answer. But I hope, and the rather by your means, he will not
contrary this second commandement, threatning him, not obseruing the same,
losse of office and life. The due execution whereof by your vertuous and
careful industry procured, wil manifest to all the world, especially to her
maiesty, and me her ambassador, your true Christian mind and English heart,
intentiuely bent to Gods honor, and the libertie of the poore men, for
which I trust you be ordained another Ioseph, to folow his example in true
pietie, in such sort that notwithstanding your body be subiect to Turkish
thraldom, yet your vertuous mind free from those vices, next vnder God
addict to the good seruice of your liege Lady and soueraigne princes, her
most excellent maiesty, wil continually seeke by all good meanes to
manifest the same in this and the like faithful seruice to your singuler
commendation, wherby both my selfe and others in that place hauing found
you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case performe
the like towards you, when and where you may haue occasion to vse me: which
as I for my part do assuredly promise, and wil no lesse faithfully
performe: so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you,
whom most heartily saluted I commend to the diuine tuition and holy
direction. From my house Rapamar, this 28. of June 1586.
Your louing and good friend her Maiesties Ambassador with the Grand Signor,
Wil. Hareborne.
* * * * *
The originall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco
in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of
London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by
this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie, to the worshipfull master
Michael Locke, which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first
inuentor of this trade.
Worshipful Sir, hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute
the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai, if therein with my knowledge,
trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice, I am readie to doe it and
therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point. Trueth it is, that I
haue bene by some men (not my friends) euill spoken of at London, saying
that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and
Cosmographie, and that I haue bene the inuentor of some voyages that be now
growen to great effect; yet say they maliciously and without iust cause,
that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that
I haue taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was
when I was master in the great Barke Aucher of the Leuant, in which voyage
I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor
of the other. But first the very trueth is, that I was from the same voyage
letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had
obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as touching the second
voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie, the liuing God knoweth
that I say most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon the chiefe
of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir Iohn
Lutterell, Iohn Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also
taken with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether with euill diet
in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreame feuer, as I
was neither able to ride nor goe: and the shippe being at Portesmouth,
Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand vpon my
legges, by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was
appointed by them that died (if they had liued) to haue had the whole
gouernment both of shippe and goods, because I was to them the sole
inuenter of that trade.
In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores, being noblemen,
whereof one was of the Kings blood, conuayed by the said Master Thomas
Windham into their Countrey out of England,
Yours humble at your commandement,
Iames Alday.
* * * * *
The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right
worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master
Frances Lambert, Master Cole and others; Written by the relation of
Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of
this voyage.
The shippes that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the
Riuer of Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of London, whereof Master Thomas
Windham was Captaine and part owner, of about an hundred and fiftie tonnes:
The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes, and a Portugall Carauel
bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales, and fraightened for this
voyage, of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the Fleete were an
hundred and twentie. The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in
Somersetshire, his Mate was Dauid Landman. The chiefe Captaine of this
small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentlemen borne, but
dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete departed out of
King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday
in the morning: and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came
to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia, or Asafi on the
coast of Barbarie, standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on
land part of our Marchandise to be conueied by land to the citie of
Marocco: which being done, and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals
and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz, where we
discharged the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen and
woollen cloth, corall, amber, Iet, and diuers other things well accepted of
the Moores. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether
it were warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her selfe as
neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible, crauing aide of the towne
for her defence, if need were, which in deed seeing vs draw neere, shot at
vs a piece from the wals, which came ouer the Lion our Admirall, between
the maine mast and her foremast. [Sidenote: The English were at Santa Cruz
the yere before being 1551.] Whereupon we comming to an anker, presently
came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were, who vnderstanding that we had
bene there the yere before, and came with the good leaue of their king in
marchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gaue vs good leaue to bring our
goods peaceably on shore, where the Viceroy, whose name was Sibill Manache,
within short time after came to visite vs, and vsed vs with all curtesie.
But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we
could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or
sugar Syrrope. And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer, yet
none of our company perished by sicknesse. Our ships being laden, we drew
into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England. But being at sea, a great
leake fell vpon the Lion, so that we were driuen to Lancerota, and
Forteuentura, where, betweene the two Ilands, we came to a road, whence wee
put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chests of Sugar vpon Lancerota, with
some dozen or sixteene of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we
had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell, suddenly came with force vpon
our people, among whom I my selfe was one, tooke vs prisoners, and spoiled
the sugars: which thing being perceiued from our ships, they manned out
three boates, thinking to rescue vs, and draue the Spaniards to flight,
whereof they slew eighteene, and tooke their gouernour of the Iland
prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70 yeeres of age. But chasing
the enemies so farre, for our recouerie, as pouder and arrowes wanted, the
Spaniardes perceiuing this, returned, and in our mens retire they slew sixe
of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the
prisoners should be by them restored, and they receiue their olde
gouernour, giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands, what damages
wee had there receiued, the which damages were here restored, and made good
by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England. After
wee had searched and mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came vnder
saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland, the
Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the
other, and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly
departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing. And here by
the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with
this our new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the yeere before,
as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants, that if they
tooke vs in those partes, they would vse vs as their mortall enemies, with
great threates and menaces. But by God and good prouidence wee escaped
their hands. From this Iland shaping our coast for England, we were seuen
or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England. The first port
wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth, from whence within short time
wee came into the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London, about the
ende of the moneth of October, 1552.
* * * * *
A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the
charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London, in the
yeere of our Lord 1553.
I was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this
Voiage, that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie, if
either iniquitie of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by
barbarousness and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuion
so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee esteemed, as before
neuer enterprised by Englishmen, or at the least so frequented, as at this
present they are, and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants, if
the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of
fortie or fiftie miles here and there, and erecting of certaine fortresses,
thinke to be Lordes of half the world, enuying that other should enioy the
commodities, which they themselues cannot wholly possesse. And although
such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such
landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges, preheminences, and
tributes for the same, yet (to speake vnder correction) it may seeme
somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good reason and conscience, or rather
agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men, that such as
inuade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the
trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome frequented of them,
whereby their trade is not hindered in such places, where they themselues
haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike. But
forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend,
approoue or improoue, I will cease to speake any further hereof, and
proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully
as I was aduertised of the same, by the information of such credible
persons, as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof, as much
as shall be requisite, omitting to speake of many particular things, not
greatly necessarie to be knowen: which neuerthelesse, with also the exact
course of the navigation, shall be more fully declared in the second
voiage. And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to
thinke that some haue bene sharply touched, let them lay apart fauour and
friendship, and giue place to trueth, that honest men may receiue prayse
for well doing, and lewd persons reproch, as the iust stipend of their
euill desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like, and vertuous
men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts.
But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men, I haue
thought good for this purpose, before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe
description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West
side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelue degrees in
latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall line, and two degrees in longitude
from the measuring line, so running from the North to the South, and by
East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the
Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner directly East and by North, for the
space of 36 degrees or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East,
as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage.
A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden.
In Africa the lesse are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and
Constantina, which is at this day under Tunis, and also the region of
Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of
the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principall
ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia,
Bona, and Stora. The chiefe cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with
diuers other. Vnder this kingdom are many Ilands, as Zerbi, Lampadola,
Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the
great master of the Rhodes. Vnder the South of this kingdom are the great
deserts of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect
of Mahomet, and a rusticall people, liuing scattred in villages. The best
of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea
Mediterraneum.
Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is diuided into two parts, as Mauritania
Tingitana, and Cæsariensis. Mauritania Tingitania is now called the kingdom
of Fes, and the kingdom of Marocco. The principall citie of Fes is called
Fessa: and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco.
Mauritania Cæsariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with
also the citie called Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts,
and reacheth to the Sea Mediterraneum, to the citie of Oram, with the port
of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea, from the
West to the citie of Argilla: and the port of the sayd kingdom is called
Sala.
The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea, vnto the citie
of Azamor and Azafi, which are vpon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the
sayd kingdom. Nere Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two
kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea, the Ilands of Canarie, called
in old time, The fortunate Ilands. Toward the south of this region is the
kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Ialofo, Gambra, and many other regions of
the Blacke Moores, called Aethiopians or Negros all which are watered with
the riuer Negro, called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no
cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees,
plastered with chalke, and couered with strawe. In these regions are also
very great deserts.
The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms: Hea, Sus,
Guzula, the territorie of Marrocca, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The
kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet,
and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions: Tremisen, Tenez,
and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are
pure Gentiles, and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other
knowledge of God, then by the law of nature.
Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, knowen in old
time, and seuered from Asia, on the East by the riuer Nilus, on the West
from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called
Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is called Lybia and
Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded: On the West it hath
Numidia; On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum.
In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage.
In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea, dwelleth the great and
mighty Emperour and Christian king Prester Iohn, well knowen to the
Portugales in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very farre on
euery side: and hath vnder him many other Kings both christian and heathen
that pay him tribute. This mightie prince is called Dauid the Emperour of
Aethiopia. Some write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight
ships laden with marchandize. His kingdom confineth with the red Sea, and
reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie. Southward it confineth
with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza: and on the other side with
the sea of sand, called Mare de Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between
the great citie of Alcair, or Cairo in Aegypt, and the country of
Aethiopia: In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts, continuing for
the space of fiue dayes iourney. And they affirme, that if the sayd
Christian Emperour were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is
great lacke of victuals, and especially of water) he would or now haue
inuaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the citie of Alcair. The chiefe city of
Ethiopia, where this great emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz, being a
faire citie, whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue. There are
also many other cities, as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus, where
the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season. There is
likewise a great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence it is said
that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon.
This citie is but litle, yet very faire, and one of the chiefe cities in
Ethiope. In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains, vpon the which
is said to be the earthly paradise: and some say that there are the trees
of the Sunne and Moone, whereof the antiquitie maketh mention: yet that
none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies
iourney. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza. And to
haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice.
The first voiage to Guinea and Benin.
In the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August, sailed from
Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primerose and the Lion, with a pinnas
called the Moone, being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest
sort, to the number of seuen score, as also with ordinance and victuals
requisite to such a voiage: hauing also two captaines, the one a stranger
called Anthonie Anes Pinteado, a Portugall, borne in a towne named The Port
of Portugall, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for his cunning in
sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine, was sometime
in great fauour with the king of Portugall, and to whom the coasts of
Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen, to whom he
was a terrour on the Sea in those parts, and was furthermore a gentleman of
the king his masters house. But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but
flattereth, neuer promiseth but deceiueth, neuer raiseth but casteth downe
againe: and as great wealth and fauour haue alwaies companions, emulation
and enuie, he was after many aduersities and quarels made against him,
inforced to come into England: where in this golden voyage he was euil
matched with an vnequal companion, and vnlike match of most sundry
qualities and conditions, with vertues few or none adorned. Thus departed
these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage: But first captaine Windam
putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head
marchants, and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had
conceiued in his braine, and with such small beginnings nourished so
monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed was that yong man being
left behind, then if he had bene taken with them, as some do wish he had
done the like by theirs. Thus sailed they on their voyage, vntill they came
to the Iland of Madera, where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of
their ships, and paid for them as they agreed of the price. At these Ilands
they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall, full of men and
ordinance: yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to
withstand or resist our ships, for the which cause it was set foorth, not
onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage, but
al other that should attempt the like: yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage.
For the king of Portugall was sinisterly informed, that our ships were
armed to his castle of Mina in those parties, whereas nothing lesse was
ment.
After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their
voiage, began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow, as a man tormented with
the company of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattred with him, and made
him a faire countenance and shew of loue. Then did he take vpon him to
command all alone, setting nought both by captain Pinteado, and the rest of
the marchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious words, and sometimes with
threatnings most shamfully abusing them, taking from Pinteado the seruice
of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and
direction of the worshipful merchants, and leauing him as a common mariner,
which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or
Spaniard, to be diminished of their honor, which they esteem aboue all
riches. Thus sailing forward on their voiage, they came to the Ilands of
Canarie, continuing their course from thence vntil they arriued at the
Iland of S. Nicholas, where they victualled themselues with fresh meat, of
the flesh of wild goats, whereof is great plenty in that Iland, and in
maner of nothing els. From hence following on their course and tarying here
and there at the desert Ilands in the way, because they would not come too
timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat, and tarying somewhat too
long (for what can be well ministred in a common wealth, where inequalitie
with tyrannie wil rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of
the country of Guinea, where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto, where
they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines
of that countrey, which is a very hote fruit, and much like vnto a fig as
it groweth on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is the
said fruit full of graines, which are loose within the cod, hauing in the
mids thereof a hole on euery side. This kind of spice is much vsed in cold
countries, and may there be sold for great aduantage, for exchange of other
wares. But our men, by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this
tragicall captaine, not regarding and setting light by that commoditie, in
comparison of the fine gold they thirsted, sailed an hundred leagues
further, vntil they came to the golden land: where not attempting to come
neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall, which was within the
riuer of Mina, they made sale of their ware only on this side and beyond
it, for the gold of that country, to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie
pounds weight, there being in case that they might haue dispatched all
their ware for gold, if the vntame braine of Windam had, or could haue
given eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam
not satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might haue had if he had
taried about the Mina, commanding the said Pinteado (for so he tooke vpon
him) to lead the ships to Benin, being vnder the Equinoctial line, and an
hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he looked to haue their
ships laden with pepper: and being counselled of the said Pinteado,
considering the late time of the yeere, for that time to go no further, but
to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold, wherby they might
haue bene great gainers: Windam not assenting hereunto, fell into a sudden
rage, reuiling the sayd Pinteado, calling him Iew, with other opprobrious
words, saying, This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places
as are not, or as he cannot bring vs vnto: but if he do not, I will cut off
his eares and naile them to the maste. Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell
to go no further for the safegard of the men and their liues, which they
should put in danger if they came too late, for the Rossia which is their
Winter, not for cold, but for smothering heate, with close and cloudie aire
and storming weather, of such putrifying qualitie, that it rotted the
coates of their backs: or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat
of the sunne, which caused them to linger in the way. [Sidenote: The king
of Benin his court.] But of force and not of will brought he the ships
before the riuer of Benin, where riding at an Anker, they sent their pinnas
vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues, from whence certaine of the marchants
with captaine Pinteado, Francisco, a Portugale, Nicholas Lambert gentleman,
and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained,
ten leagues from the riuer side, whither when they came, they were brought
with a great company to the presence of the king, who being a blacke Moore
(although not so blacke as the rest) sate in a great huge hall, long and
wide, the wals made of earth without windowes, the roofe of thin boords,
open in sundry places, like vnto louers to let in the aire.
And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king, it is
such, that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ, we should remooue
from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and
impietie.
So it is therefore, that when his noble men are in his presence, they neuer
looke him in the face, but sit cowring, as we vpon our knees, so they vpon
their buttocks, with their elbowes vpon their knees, and their hands before
their faces, not looking vp vntil the king command them. And when they are
comming toward the king, as far as they do see him, they do shew such
reuerence, sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before.
Likewise when they depart from him, they turn not their backs toward him,
but goe creeping backward with like reuerence.
[Sidenote: The communication between the king of Benin and our men.] And
now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and
our men, you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the
Portugall tongue, which he had learned of a child. Therefore after he had
commanded our men to stand vp, and demanded of them the cause of their
comming into that countrey, they answered by Pinteado, that they were
marchants trauelling into those parties for the commodities of his
countrey, for exchange of wares which they had brought from their
countries, being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his
people. The king then hauing of old lying in a certaine store house 30 or
40 kintals of Pepper (euery kintall being an hundred weight) willed them to
looke vpon the same, and againe to bring him a sight of such marchandizes
as they had brought with them. [Sidenote: The kings gentlenes towards our
men. ] And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of
his men to conduct them to the waters side, with other to bring the ware
from the pinnas to the court. Who when they were returned and the wares
seen, the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes
the lading of al their ships with pepper. And in case their merchandizes
would not extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised to credite
them to their next returne, and thereupon sent the country round about to
gather pepper, causing the same to be brought to the court: So that within
the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper.
In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues, but eating
without measure of the fruits of the countrey, and drinking the wine of the
Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the
same, and in such extreme heate running continually into the water, and
vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations (then the which nothing
is more dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and agues: insomuch
that the later time of the yeere comming on, caused them to die sometimes
three and sometimes 4 or 5 in a day. Then Windam perceiuing the time of the
30 daies to be expired, and his men dying so fast, sent to the court in
post to Captaine Pinteado, and the rest to come away and to tary no longer.
But Pinteado with the rest, wrote backe to him againe, certifying him of
the great quantity of pepper they had alreadie gathered, and looked daily
for much more: desiring him furthermore to remember the great praise and
name they should win, if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the
contrary. With which answere Windam not satisfied, and many of their men
dying dayly, willed and commaunded them againe either to come away
forthwith, or els threatened to leaue them behinde. When Pinteado heard
this answere, thinking to perswade him with reason, hee tooke his way from
the court toward the ships, being conducted thither with men by the kings
commandement.
[Sidenote: The Death of Windham.] In the meane season Windam all raging,
brake vp Pinteados Cabin, brake open his chestes, spoiled such prouision of
cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health, and left
him nothing, neither of his instruments to saile by, nor yet of his
apparell: and in the meane time falling sicke, himselfe died also. Whose
death Pinteado comming aboord, lamented as much as if he had bene the
deerest friend he had in the world. [Sidenote: Pinteado euill vsed of the
mariners.] But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his
face, some calling him Iewe, saying that he had brought them thither to
kill them: and some drawing their swords at him, making a shew to slay him.
Then he perceiuing that they would needs away, desired them to tarry that
he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court, but
they would not grant this request. Then desired he them to giue him the
ship-boate, with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same,
promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into
England, but all was in vaine. [Sidenote: This Lambert was a Londiner
borne, whose father had bin Lord Maior of London.] Then wrote he a letter
to the court to the marchants, informing them of all the matter, and
promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to
fetch them. And thus was Pinteado kept ashipboord against his will, thrust
among the boyes of the ship, not vsed like a man, nor yet like an honest
boy, but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand. Then departed they,
leauing one of their ships behind them, which they sunke for lacke of men
to cary her. [Sidenote: The death of Pinteado.] After this, within 6 or 7
dayes sayling, dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse and thought that
stroke him to the heart. A man worthy to serue any prince, and most vilely
vsed. And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forty, and of
them many died. [Sidenote: Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage
of Guinea.] And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide
in commendation of Pinteado, to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then
trueth, I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which
the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to
reconcile him, at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure (and
not for any other crime or offence, as may appeare by the said letters) he
was only for pouertie inforced to come into England, where he first
perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea. But as the
king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado,
vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune: euen
so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may
either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the helpe of the poore
mise, according vnto the fable of Esope.
* * * * *
The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents, whereby the king
of Portugall made him knight of his house, after all his troubles and
imprisonment, which, by wrong information made to the king, he had
susteined of long time, being at the last deliuered, his cause knowen and
manifested to the king by a gray Friar the kings Confessor.
[Sidenote: Seven hundred reis are ten shillings. Alcayre is halfe a
bushell.] I the king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso, one
of my counsell and ouerseer of my house, that in consideration of the good
seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado, the sonne of Iohn Anes, dwelling in
the towne called the Port, hath done vnto me, my will and pleasure is, to
make him knight of my house, allowing to him in Pension seuen hundred reis
monethly, and euery day one alcayre of barly, as long as he keepeth a
horse, and to be paid according to the ordinance of my house. Prouiding
alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift. And this also in such
condition, that the time which is accepted in our ordinance, forbidding
such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this
allowance, which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent, shalbe first
expired before he do marry. I therfore command you to cause this to be
entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold, vnder the title
of knights. And when it is so entred, let the clarke of the Matricula, for
the certeintie therof, write on the backside of this Aluala, or patent, the
number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred. Which done, let him
returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant.
I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of
September, in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king
gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado, the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this
present yeere.
Rey.
The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant.
Your Maiestie hath vouchsafed, in respect and consideration of the good
seruice of Anthonie Anes Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and sonne of Iohn
Anes, to make him knight of your house, with ordinarie allowance, of seuen
hundred reis pension by the moneth, and one alcaire of barley by the day,
as long as he keepeth a horse: and to be paide according to the ordinance
of your house, with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift:
and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these
letters Patents. The Secretaries note. Entred in the booke of the
Matricula. Fol. 683.
Francisco de Siquera.
The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant, and brother to the king of
Portugall, sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado.
Anthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the king, haue me heartily
commended vnto you. Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you, desiring to bring
you home againe into your countrey. And for that purpose he hath with him a
safe conduct for you, granted by the king, that therby you may freely and
without all feare come home. And although the weather be foule and stormie,
yet faile not to come: for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you,
you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king,
whereof I would be right glad: and to bring the same to passe, I will do
all that lieth in me for your profite. But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues
will make further declaration hereof vnto you, I say no more at this
present. Written in Lisbone, the eight day of December. Anno 1552.
The infant Don Lewes.
All these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale, in the house of my friend
Nicholas Liese, with whom Pinteado left them, at his vnfortunate departing
to Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire
promises, Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home, neither to keepe companie
with the Portugals his countrey men, without the presence of other:
forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him, if
time and place might haue serued their wicked intent.
* * * * *
The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne, Sir Iohn Yorke,
Thomas Lok, Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin, in the yere 1554. The
Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok.
As in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history,
then the course of the nauigation, whereof at that time I could haue no
perfect information: so in the description of this second voyage, my chiefe
intent hath beene to shew the course of the same, according to the
obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners, and as I receiued it at
the handes of an expert Pilot, being one of the chiefe in this voyage, who
also with his owne handes wrote a briefe declaration of the same, as he
found and tried all things, not by coniecture, but by the art of sayling,
and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie. Not therefore assuming
to my selfe the commendations due vnto other, neither so bold as in any
part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so well
obserued by art and experience, I haue thought good to set forth the same,
in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly vsed among them, and as I
receiued it of the said Pilot, as I haue said. Take it therefore as
followeth.
[Sidenote: Robert Gainsh was master of the Iohn Euangelist.] In the yeere
of our Lord 1554 the eleuenth day of October, we departed the riuer of
Thames with three goodly ships, the one called the Trinitie, a ship of the
burden of seuenscore tunne, the other called the Bartholomew, a ship of the
burden of ninetie, the third was the Iohn Euangelist, a ship of seuen score
tunne. With the sayd ships and two pinnesses (wherof the one was drowned on
the coast of England) we went forward on our voyage, and stayed at Douer
fourteene dayes. We staied also at Rie three or foure dayes. Moreouer last
of all we touched at Dartmouth.
The first day of Nouember at nine of the clocke at night, departing from
the coast of England, we set off the Start, bearing Southwest all that
night in the sea, and the next day all day, and the next night after,
vntill the third day of the said moneth about noone, making our way good,
did runne threescore leagues.
The 17. day in the morning we had sight of the Ile of Madera, which doth
rise to him that commeth in the Northnortheast part vpright land in the
west part of it, and very high: and to the Southsoutheast a low long land,
and a long point, with a saddle thorow the middest of it, standing in two
and thirtie degrees: and in the West part, many springs of water running
downe from the mountaine, and many white fieldes like vnto corne fields,
and some white houses to the Southeast part of it: and the toppe of the
mountaine sheweth very ragged, if you may see it, and in the Northeast part
there is a bight or bay as though it were a harborow: Also in the said
part, there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare, and ouer the sayd
bight you shall see a great gappe in the mountaine.
The 19 day at twelue of the clocke we had sight of the isle of Palmes and
Teneriffa and the Canaries. The Ile of Palme riseth round, and lieth
Southeast and Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the South is
a round hill ouer the head land, and another round hill aboue that in the
land. There are between the Southeast part of the Ile of Madera and the
Northwest part of the Ile of Palme seuen and fifty leagues. This Isle of
Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And our course from Madera to the
Ile of Palme was South and South and by West, so that we had sight of
Teneriffa and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the Ile of the Palme,
and the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest, and
betweene them are 20 leagues. Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran
Canaria, and the West part of Forteuentura stande in seuen and twenty
degrees and a halfe. Gomera is a faire Island but very ragged, and lieth
Westsouthwest off Teneriffa. And whosouer wil come betweene them two Ilands
must come South and by East, and in the South part of Gomera is a towne and
a good rode in the said part of the Iland: and it standeth in seuen and
twentie degrees and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land, with a great
high pike like a sugar loafe, and vpon the said pike is snow throughout all
the whole yeere. And by reason of that pike it may be knowen aboue all
other Ilands, and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of Nouember,
from sixe of the clocke in the morning, vntill foure of the clocke at
afternoone.
The two and twentieth day of Nouember, vnder the Tropike of Cancer the
Sunne goeth downe West and by South. Vpon the coast of Barbarie fiue and
twentie leagues by North Cape blanke, at three leagues off the maine, there
are fifteene fadomes and good shelly ground, and sande among and no
streames, and two small Ilands standing in two and twentie degrees and a
terce.
From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues, and our course was
South and by East. The said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe:
and all that coast is flatte, sixteene or seuenteene fadome deepe. Seuen or
eight leagues off from the riuer del Oro or Cape de las Barbas, there vse
many Spaniardes and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the moneth of
Nouember: and all that coast is very low lands. Also we went from Cape de
las Barbas Southsouthwest, and Southwest and by South, till we brought our
selues in twentie degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selues seuen leagues
off: and there were the least sholes of Cape Blanke.
Then we went South vntil we brought our selues in 13 degrees, reckoning our
selues fiue and twentie leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did reare the
Crossiers, and we might haue reared them sooner if we had looked for them.
They are not right a crosse in the moneth of Nouember, by reason that the
nights are short there. Neuertheless we had the sight of them the 29 day of
the said moneth at night.
The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by
East, vntill the fourth day of December at 12 of the clocke the same day.
Then we were in nine degrees and a terce, rekoning our selues 30 leagues of
the sholes of the riuer called Rio Grande, being Westsouthwest off them,
the which sholes be 30 leagues long.
The fourth of December we beganne to set our course Southeast, we being in
sixe degrees and a halfe.
The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast: the fourteenth
day of the sayde moneth we set our course East, we being in fiue degrees
and a halfe, reckoning our selues thirty and sixe leagues from the coast of
Guinea.
The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course East and by North,
reckoning our selues seuenteene leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, the
said Cape being Eastnortheast of vs, and the riuer of Sesto being East.
The one and twentieth day of the said moneth, we fell with Cape Mensurado
to the Southeast, about two leagues off. This Cape may be easily knowen, by
reason yet the rising of it is like a Porpose-head. Also toward the
Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost tree is the
highest, and the middlemost is like a hie stacke, and the Southermost like
vnto a gibet: and vpon the maine are fou
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