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A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II

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Title: A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II

Author: Earl of Edward Law Ellenborough

Editor: 3d Baron Reginald Charles Edward Abbot Colchester


        
Release date: January 1, 2004 [eBook #10693]
                Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A POLITICAL DIARY, 1828-1830, VOLUME II ***

LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S DIARY

1828-1830

VOL. II.


  A POLITICAL DIARY
  1828-1830
  BY EDWARD LAW
  LORD ELLENBOROUGH

  EDITED BY LORD COLCHESTER

[Illustration: fide et fiducia]

  IN TWO VOLUMES
  VOL. II.

  LONDON
  RICHARD BENTLEY & SON, NEW BURLINGTON STREET
  Publishers in Ordinary to Her Majesty the Queen
  1881




DIARY


_April 1, 1829._

The Duke of Wellington wrote to the King to ask if he had any objection to
raising the galleries. He had none. So we sent for Sir T. Tyrwhit, and had
him at the Cabinet dinner to ask him whether he could fix the galleries by
four to-morrow. He said _No_. So we must do as we can.

Forty foreigners applied for seats to-day after four o'clock.

In the House I made the second reading of the Bills an order of the day at
the desire of Lord Malmesbury and Lord Grey. It is more formal so, but the
second reading might have been equally well moved without it.

Lord Grey said a few words on presenting a petition expressing a hope to be
convinced on the subject of the Franchise Bill, but laying ground for
voting against it. Lord Malmesbury likewise expressed himself against it.
We shall be hard pushed on this Bill. The Duke says we have 122 sure votes
and no more upon it.

The Bishop of Chester read prayers, his wife having died about ten days
ago. Really some one of the other Bishops might have relieved him.

Lord Shaftesbury, in the absence of the Chancellor, sat as Speaker. I moved
the bills _pro formâ_ for him.

At the Cabinet dinner at Peel's, Peel said the Bishop of Oxford was ready
to speak at any time, and wished to follow a violent bishop. He may easily
find one.

We had much talk about our approaching debates. Peel, after the Duke was
gone, regretted his having taken the line of expressing his anxiety to
relieve himself from the obloquy cast upon him, and his having put that
desire forward as his reason for pressing the second reading of the Bill on
Thursday. The Duke having said so, we could not back him out. We might
avoid taking the same ground, but we could not alter it.

Aberdeen mentioned the case of the Candian blockade. I am sorry to see he
does not communicate beforehand now with the Duke. He never looks forward
to the ultimate consequences of his measures. Now he talks of convoying
English ships to Candia, and telling them they may go there safely, and if
stopped shall be indemnified. But if the English ship finds a Russian off
Candia, and is warned off, yet persists, under the expectation of
indemnity, we should be obliged to pay the indemnity. The Russians, having
given warning, would be justified in taking the vessel.

So if we give convoy, and the convoy ship persists, we should come to
blows. All these things should be foreseen. Aberdeen thinks Lièven is
ignorant of Heyden's having had any orders. He excuses him as having acted
in the spirit of the treaty, to _avoid the effusion_ of blood!

One thing is clear; we cannot permit Russia, as a belligerent, to defeat
the objects of the Treaty of London, and yet act with her under that
treaty.


_April 2._

Second reading Catholic Relief Bill. The Duke made a very bad speech. The
Archbishop of Canterbury drivelled. The Primate of Ireland made a strong
speech, his manner admirable. Both these against. The Bishop of Oxford had
placed himself at our disposal to be used when wanted. We put him into the
debate here, wanting him very much. The first part of his speech was very
indifferent, the latter excellent. Lord Lansdowne spoke better than he has
done for some time, indeed for two years. The Bishop of London against us;
but he made a speech more useful than ten votes, in admirable taste,
looking to the measure as one to be certainly accomplished, &c. The Duke of
Richmond spoke very shortly, but better than he has ever done, in reply. We
adjourned at 1.

229 members in the House. Room for thirty more; the House not oppressively
hot; numbers of women. The tone of the debate temperate.


_April 3._

A speech from the Bishop of Durham, full of fallacies and extravagant, but
having its effect.

The Chancellor spoke admirably, endeavouring to bring up Eldon, but the old
man would not move. He wanted more time to consider his answer, by which he
will not improve it.

A speech from Goderich, very animated in his way, and very heavy. The House
did not cheer him once. He pressed himself upon it with bad taste. He spoke
upon all the collateral and unimportant points. He swung his arm about like
a boy throwing a stone from a sling.

Lord Mansfield spoke, sleepily and ill-naturedly. I was exhausted, and
could not have answered him, had he said anything worth answering.

We adjourned at two till one to-morrow.


_April 4._

House at 1. A long absurd speech from Lord Guildford, which must have given
much pain to Lady Ch. Lindsay, who sat under the throne, and who must have
been much annoyed at seeing to what her family had fallen. We had then Lord
Lilford, who rested too much on his notes, but who has a good manner. He
drew his points well, and spoke like a man, not like a boy.

Lord Tenterden was not powerful. Lord Grey spoke better than he has done
since 1827. He made a speech too long, and indeed the last half-hour was of
no use. He beat the brains out of the Coronation Oath, as an obstacle to
Catholic Concession, and read a curious letter of Lord Yestor to Lord
Tweddale, dated April, 1689, before William III. took the Coronation Oath,
in which Lord Tester mentions that it was understood that the king had in
council declared his understanding of the sense of the Coronation Oath--
that it bound him in his executive capacity, not in his legislative. Lord
Westmoreland made an odd, entertaining from its manner, and really very
good speech. He supported the Bill.

Lord Eldon, who, after an ineffectual attempt on the part of Lord Redesdale
to speak, followed Lord Grey, made a very weak, inefficient, powerless
speech. He seemed beaten, and in some respects his memory had failed him.

Lord Plunket drew, with great power, a picture of the state of society in
Ireland as affected by the laws. The whole of his speech was powerful.

His speech and Lord Grey's were excellent.

After a few sentences from Lord Farnham we divided.

  Present for                    149
  Against                         79
                                ----
                  Majority        68
  Proxies for                     70
  Against                         33
                                ----
  Total Content                  217
  Not Content                    112
                                ----
                  Majority       105

This will quiet Windsor. The King was to have received a number of
petitions to be presented by peers to-day. The Primate of Ireland was to
have gone, and the Irish Bishops. The latter went. If they had not gone,
the King would have made some excuse for not receiving them.

The majority must put an end to all agitation in England, and tranquillise
Ireland. Indeed as regards this question Ireland is tranquil. The conduct
of the Catholics has been as excellent as that of the Protestants. Hitherto
the announcement of the measure has produced effects beyond what was
anticipated from its adoption.

The Duke of Rutland, who was not expected, and indeed every doubtful vote
was with us.

The Protestants are subdued.

Lord Grey's speech, but still more Lord Plunket's, will have a greater
effect upon the public mind, than any which have yet been delivered.

Really it seems like a dream! That I should, if I lived, live to see this I
did expect; but that I should see it so soon, and that I should happen to
be a member of the Government that carried it, I did not expect. I must say
with what delight I view the prospect of having Catholics in Parliament. I
am sure it will do more for the happiness of Ireland, and for the strength
of the Empire, than any measure that could have been adopted.


_April 5. _

Dined with Lady Sandwich and met the Arbuthnots, with whom I had a long
talk. She told me the Duke wanted to bring in Lord Chandos, by way of
conciliating the Tories. She thought Lord Rosslyn ought to have the Privy
Seal, and that, considering their late conduct, the Whigs should be
preferred to the Tories, whom we should have at any rate. That it was
enough not to punish them by depriving them of their offices.

In all this I agree. I think if the Duke should go to the Tories and turn
his back upon the Whigs after what has taken place, he will make Opposition
very acrimonious, and our debates very disagreeable.

I told her if the Privy Seal was to be a Tory, I thought the Duke of
Richmond the best. He is the most popular man in the House of Lords, and a
good debater. The Duke and Lord Bathurst say he is cunning; but as far as I
can judge he acts fairly.


_April 6._

House. Second reading Franchise Bill. Opposed by the Duke of Richmond, Lord
Malmesbury, Winchelsea, and Clanricarde. Lord Holland spoke in favour of
the Bill as connected with the Relief Bill. The Whigs voted with us. Dudley
spoke in favour, just to separate himself from the Canningites, for whom
Haddington spoke, more reluctant than the Whigs.

Lord Winchelsea was very mad, wished to expel the bishops, to prevent
translations, equalise their sees, &c. We had 139 to 19. The minority
were--Dukes: Cumberland, Gloucester, Brandon, Richmond, Newcastle;
Marquises--Salisbury, Clanrickarde; Earls--Winchelsea Malmesbury, O'Neil;
Lords--Falmouth, Penrhyn, Boston, Grantley, Glenlyon; Earl Digby, Earl
Romney.

The Duke goes to Windsor on Saturday to get the King to consent to give the
Royal assent on Thursday, the day before Good Friday. The Duke of
Cumberland has been mischievous at Windsor. The King fancies he is in the
situation of Louis XVI. That he shall run down by Liberalism. The Duke of
Cumberland swears he will turn us out, let who will be Ministers.


_April 7._

Lord Eldon and others opened afresh the question as to the principle of the
Bill on the first clause. We divided with more than 2 to 1.

The Bishops and Lord Eldon got into a theological discussion.

The Chancellor made a strong attack upon Lord Eldon, who really spoke very
childishly.

We had as many women as ever, but a new set, and some of the prettiest
girls in London--Miss Bagot, Miss Sheridan, and others.

At Windsor, last Sunday, the Duke of Cumberland spoke very warmly indeed to
Aberdeen about the Duke of Wellington. He said he had sat by us as our
friend, till the King's Ministers joined in the _hoot_ against him. (This
was particularly Lord Bathurst, who shook his head at him and cheered
offensively.) He seems in speaking of the Duke of Wellington to have used
terms hardly to be expected.

He told the Chancellor to-day that he should, before the Bill passed,
declare he never could again feel confidence in His Majesty's Ministers;
that the country was ruined; and that he should leave it and never return.

The Chancellor told him he advised him not to make the last promise. I hope
he will make it and keep it.

I observed him afterwards address the Chancellor very warmly, after he had
attacked Eldon.

A man of the name of Halcomb has advertised for a meeting on Friday, on the
road to Windsor, to carry petitions to the King.

April 8.

Committee on Relief Bill. No division. Several amendments. Those of Lord
Tenterden very silly.

I said a very few words twice.

The third reading is fixed for Friday. When the Duke of Cumberland heard
the third reading fixed he left the House like a disappointed fiend. He did
not take his hat off till he had got half-way down.

Lord Eldon seems quite beaten.


_April 9._

Lord Eldon went to Windsor to-day with petitions. Yesterday Lord Howe and
three others went. I believe these peers have been: Duke of Newcastle,
Kenyon, Rolle, Howe, O'Neil, Bexley, Winchelsea, Farnham, and six bishops.

Cabinet at 2. A meeting is advertised for to-morrow, to take place at
Apsley House. Then to proceed to Slough or Salt Hill, or to Eton, to
deliver there a petition to the Duke of Cumberland, who is then to present
it to the King, and the people are to wait for an answer.

The Duke has written to the King, acquainting him with the plan, and
advising His Majesty to refuse to receive the petition except through the
hands of Mr. Peel.

Peel is going down to Windsor himself. The Duke writes to-night to tell the
King he is going, and to repeat his advice of this morning as coming from
the Cabinet.

If the King will not take Peel's advice we go out.

The Duke thinks the King will yield, and that the meeting will be a
failure. So have I thought from the first. There is no agitation in London.
No feeling, no excitement. The King will know Peel is coming in time to be
able to inform the Duke of Cumberland, and prevent his setting out.

In the House about nine the Duke received a letter from Sir W. Knighton,
informing him that he had _no doubt_ the King would take his advice
respecting the petitions. Eldon was there, and probably saw the letter.

House. Got through the report of the Franchise Bill. Third reading fixed
for to-morrow. I had to say a few words.


_April 11, 1829._

House. A long speech from Lord Eldon, containing no argument, and both flat
and bad.

Then a speech from Lord Harrowby, long and sensible; but heavily delivered
and not wanted. A long speech from Lord Lansdowne, still less wanted, and
very dull.

The Duke was obliged to say something civil to the Whigs, but he did it
sparingly, and _contre coeur_.

We had a majority of 104. The Franchise Bill was likewise read a third
time.

The mutual congratulations were cordial. The House is in good humour again.
All are glad to get rid of the question. The Duke of Cumberland, Falmouth,
and Winchelsea, perhaps Kenyon, are lost to the Government, but no others.

Lord Middleton voted with us, having been against on the second reading.
The Duke of Rutland against, having been with us before.

The Duke of Clarence was absent, being ill. He had fourteen leeches on his
temples.

The House was full of ladies. Mrs. Fox, Lady Jersey, Lady Pitt and her
daughters, Lady A. Brudenell, Lady Harrowby, Lady G. Wortley, Lord Eldon's
daughters, Lady Glengall, Mrs. and Miss Sheridan, the old Duchess of
Richmond, Lady Manners, Lady Rolle, Lady Haddington, and many others.

The intended row failed altogether. Only four carriages went down to
Windsor. Halcomb and his two friends saw an equerry. They were told their
petition must be presented through the Secretary of State, and went away
quietly.

The Duke of Cumberland said he must withdraw his support from the
Government; but he was temperate. In fact he was beaten.

The Duke of Norfolk was in the House, as happy as man could be.


_April 11._

Dr. Clarke and H. Fane both spoke of the Chancellor's speech in attack upon
Eldon, as in bad taste and offensive. I shall endeavour to ascertain
whether this is the general opinion. Not having heard Eldon, they cannot
know how very mischievous and disingenuous he was.


_April 12._

Met the Lievens, Lyndhursts, Sir J. Murray, and others at dinner, at the
Esterhazy's. The King has not yet sent back the commission to pass the
Catholic Bill.

The Lievens are more shy of me than ever.

Lord Bathurst seemed to be much pleased with my idea of carrying on the
Government of India in the King's name. He said it should be under a
Secretary of State for India.

The Chancellor approved highly of my notion of suggesting Herries for the
Government of Bombay, if the directors will not have Courtney. He is
useless to us, and a discredit. Besides, we want his place.

Had some talk with Vernon at Lady Jersey's. He has the Canning venom about
him still, and said we should still regret having lost Huskisson, &c.

I said NEVER. He was an able man, but he would never do as a member of a
Cabinet in which he was not chief. The Government would not have lived if
he had continued in. I told him I had become satisfied from my short
experience that a coalition Government could not conduct the affairs of the
country with advantage--especially where the difference was [blank].

The Duke of Cumberland is gone to Windsor. If the commission should not
arrive to-night I dare say the Duke of Wellington will go to Windsor early
to-morrow.

Lady Jersey was very loud in her dispraise of the Duke of Richmond. Every
one who knows him says he is very cunning. There is a mixture of good and
bad taste about him. He is popular, and he would make a good man of
business.


_April 13, 1829, Monday._

Chairs at 11. Informed them of Sir Sidney Beckwith's appointment to the
command at Bombay.

Told them my general idea was that it was necessary to fix a Lieutenant-
Governor at Agra. I showed them it could be done without expense. Sir
Charles Metcalfe should be the person appointed, with precise instructions
obliging him to a system of non-interference in the internal concerns of
the Malwa and Rajpoot States. Sir J. Malcolm would have interposed.

The treaties with the Rajpoot States generally secure their internal
independence. Those with the States of Malwa give us the right, and impose
upon us the duty of supervision. It requires, therefore, a most delicate
hand to bring the whole into one system animated by one spirit.

I said incidentally to-day, 'I will not sit here to sacrifice India to
England,' a sentiment which escaped me, but which I feel to be correct, not
only socially but politically.

Ashley came and bored me about a petition of some Hindoos and Mahometans in
Calcutta, who wish to be grand jurors. I told him I could not proceed
hastily in any matter of legislation, and that this was one of much
delicacy. I should speak to Fergusson.

A Cabinet had been fixed for 3. I concluded it was on account of a delay on
the King's part in giving the Royal assent to the Relief Bill. The Cabinet
was counter-ordered, the Commission having arrived at two.

The Chancellor had sent a note to the King with the Bills, calling his
attention to them. The King, on sending them back with the Commission
signed, thanked the Chancellor for having called his attention to the
Bills, and said he gave his assent reluctantly.

The Chancellor had sent a note last night to Watson, the Equerry, desiring
him to remind the King of the Commission.

So at a few minutes before four to-day the Chancellor, Lord Bathurst, and I
sat as Commissioners to give the Royal assent to the Relief Bill, and about
thirty-nine others. So many had been kept back to force an early decision.
The Indemnity Bill was one of the Bills, and the Militia Lists Bill
another. There were thirteen peers in the House, and seven or eight more
about. Lord Savoy, his son, young Lambton, Lady Petres, and her daughters,
Mrs. Fox, and some other ladies were there--Lady Stanhope. The old Duchess
of Richmond came too late.

I observed that in passing each other very close the Duke of Wellington and
the Duke of Cumberland took no notice of each other.

Lord Durham said to me, 'Now the King will turn you all out in revenge as
soon as he can,' to which I assented. He certainly will when he dares.

The Duke of Norfolk and Mr. Petres were in the House, giving and receiving
congratulations. All parties congratulate the Duke. Falmouth alone still
looks sad and sombre. The Duke of Wellington has a bad cold. He was very
hoarse, and wrapped himself in his cloak as soon as he had done speaking.


_April 14._

Saw Mr. Fergusson respecting a petition from Hindoos and Mahometans at
Calcutta, praying to be allowed to sit on grand juries. He thinks they
should--as they are allowed to sit on petty juries. If the matter had been
well considered, the privilege they now ask should have been granted before
that they have obtained.

Mr. Fergusson is, however, rather afraid of allowing them to sit on the
trial of Christians.

By the newspapers I see that there has been a quarrel at Teheran, between
some of the Russian Ambassador's suite and the populace, which led to an
attack upon the Russian palace, and to the death of the Ambassador and all
his people except two. This is an unfortunate event, as it will give the
Russians a new claim to indemnity, which they will exercise inexorably.
Probably they will insist on the junction of Persia in the attack on
Turkey, as the only satisfaction they can accept.

It is just possible that the example once given, and the people despairing
of pardon, a rising against the Russians may take place, and something of a
national feeling arise in Persia. But I fear this will not be the case. I
suppose our Minister was at Tabriz.


_April 15._

The Duke was at Windsor to-day to ask the King's permission to restore the
resigners. The King said he thought the Duke could not do better. He just
mentioned Wetherell's name as if he thought he was to be excepted from the
restoration, but desired to be _certior-factus_.

The King was cold. The Duke had to wait twenty minutes, the Duke of
Cumberland being with the King. However, I believe this delay may only have
originated in a necessary change of dress on His Majesty's part, as he was
sitting for his picture _in a Highland dress_. The Duke saw a large plaid
bonnet in the room, and he believes the King had still on plaid stockings.
The business of the restoration was finished in ten minutes, when the
conversation flagged, and the Duke was rising to go away.

However, something more was then said, and the interview in all lasted
twenty minutes. The King said he was delighted with Lord Winchelsea. He was
so gentlemanlike, and spoke _in so low a tone of voice!_ He likewise
thought Lord Farnham very gentlemanlike, and Lord Rolle more violent than
any.

The Duke had to wait twenty minutes before he could see Lady Conyngham.
They seemed to wish him not to see her. However, he did. She said all would
have been quiet if the Duke of Cumberland had not come over, and all would
be quiet when he went away. The King seemed relieved since the Bill was
passed.

On his return the Duke sent for George Bankes and offered him his place
again. Bankes asked two or three days to consider. The Duke gave him till
to-morrow.

It seems he has now a notion that he owed his place not to the Duke but to
some other influence. I think this has been insinuated to him since his
resignation. The fact is otherwise. The King had mentioned Bankes for other
situations, but not for the one he holds. On my return home I found Bankes
had called upon me.

After dinner we considered whether the prosecution of Lawless for his
conduct at Ballybeg should be persevered in.

Goulbourn, Peel, Lord Bathurst, Sir G. Murray, and I were for dropping it.
I think the Chancellor inclined the same way. The Duke and the rest,
Aberdeen being absent, were for going on.

I thought no benefit would be derived from success. Even success would
revive feelings and recollections which are dying away, and which we wish
to be forgotten. If we decline proceeding we can say we did so from the
fear of exciting dormant passions. If we proceed, we shall have no excuse
should we revive the memory of bad times.

Reference is to be made to Ireland to ascertain the feeling about it there.

Bankes came at twelve o'clock. He told me he had been with the Duke, and
had received from him the offer of his old office. He had asked permission
to consult one person, whose name he did not mention to the Duke,--it was
the Duke of Cumberland. He had called at the Palace and found the Duke of
Cumberland was at Windsor. He wanted to write to him to ask if he had any
objection to his taking the office again.

Bankes said he had attended none of the meetings at Lord Chandos's. He had
avoided as much as he could all communication with the Duke of Cumberland.
He had fully determined not to take a part with any new Government which
might be formed, unless it should clearly appear the King had been unfairly
dealt by, or unless there should be an attempt to make peers to carry the
Bill. The Duke of Cumberland had always said that he made him his first
object, and he had reason to think that he had mentioned him to the King,
and had been instrumental in his appointment. The Duke of Cumberland had
desired him to come to him (during the Bill), and had apparently intended
to name some particular office for him, but seeing his coldness had only
sounded him, and had received the answer I have mentioned above.

The Duke of Cumberland had told him it was an understood thing that all
were to be restored, and that he saw no reason why he should not take his
office again.

_This was ten days ago._

I told him I advised, if he thought it necessary to write to the Duke of
Cumberland at all, that he should merely state his intention to take his
office back again, refer to his conversation with the Duke himself upon the
point, and add _distinctly_ that, taking office, he could no longer have
any communication on political matters with a person who had declared his
hostility to the Government.

I advised him to send off his own servant on a post-horse at six o'clock
to-morrow morning, with a letter to the effect I have stated to the Duke of
Cumberland, and whether he received an answer or not, to go to the Duke of
Wellington and accept at 12.

I advised him to tell the Duke the whole state of the case, and all he had
done.

The Duke of Wellington did not seem by any means well to-day. He was
blooded yesterday.


_April 16._

Cabinet at 3. It seems Bankes called on the Duke this morning, but he was
engaged. I told him all that passed between Bankes and me last night. If
Bankes should go out the Duke means to offer his place to Sir J. Graham.

We met upon foreign affairs. Aberdeen read his instructions to Gordon, who
goes to Constantinople. They are unobjectionable.

We then considered what was to be done in consequence of this second
violation of their word on the part of the Russians in blockading Candia.

Count Heyden has written two letters to Sir Pulteney Malcolm. In the first
he justifies the blockade of Candia on the ground of its being necessary to
protect the Morea from the Pacha of Egypt; in the second he rests it on the
necessity of blockading the two extremities of Candia for the purpose of
watching Constantinople.

We cannot permit the Russians to make fools of us in this way--to promise
one thing as parties to the Treaty of London, and to do another as
belligerents.

After the Cabinet I asked the Duke whether he still wished me to press
Courtney upon the Directors. He said, Yes, he very much wanted his place. I
said it had occurred to me that _Herries_ might take the Governorship of
Bombay. It did not seem to have occurred to him. He said he thought Herries
would not go; but he evidently thought it would be a very good thing if he
would.

The Duke said he wanted to have the places of Courtney and Sir G. Hill, and
to bring in Lord Chandos and M. Fitzgerald. We mentioned Ashley. I
suggested Ashley's going to the Treasury, and Sir J. Graham taking his
place. This would, I dare say, be done, if we could get the place at the
Treasury.

I have not as yet heard a surmise as to the new Lord Privy Seal.

Lord O'Neil has signed the Duke of Richmond's protest against the Franchise
Bill. It is very hostile to the Government, and Lord O'Neil will probably
be put out.

The Duke of Richmond has been very imprudent. Had he taken a moderate line
he probably might have been Privy Seal. His time is now gone by.


_April 17._

Went by appointment to see Lady Jersey. Found there Duncannon and Lord
Sefton. Duncannon talked big about O'Connell's power, and in the same sense
in which he talked to Fitzgerald, wishing to induce the Government to let
him take his seat. I said we could not. It depended not on us, but upon the
law.

Lady Sefton came in afterwards for a few minutes, and Lord Rosslyn. Lady
Jersey talked a great deal about the restoration, and feared the Whigs
would imagine they were never to come in, and would form a violent
opposition. She mentioned Mr. Stanley as being much annoyed, he having made
a laudatory speech in favour of Peel.

I told her it would have been very harsh to have eliminated those who had
taken office under the idea that the Government was rather against than for
the Catholics, certainly _neutral_, and that it was a little unreasonable
to expect others to be turned out to make way for new friends.


_April 18._

The Duke thinks he could not offer the Privy Seal to Lord Grey, but he
would be conciliated by having a friend--that is, Rosslyn--in. If we could
get Lord Beresford out, Lord Rosslyn would go to the Ordnance.

The Duke says the King would make it a point of honour to resist the
introduction of Lord Grey, though in reality he was in communication with
Lord Grey in 1820-21, after the Queen's trial, and then intended to bring
him in and to turn out the then Ministers for the Milan Commission, he
having been himself at the bottom of that Commission. The Duke, the only
member of the Cabinet who was not mixed up with the Milan Commission,
induced the King to give up his idea of making a change.

Bankes received a letter from the Duke of Cumberland, very long, and
against his acceptance of office; but he begged Bankes to go down to see
him and talk it over. He did so. Bankes told him he would not accept if he
on consideration objected, but he was determined not to join any other
Government. The Duke of Cumberland spoke of himself as having been ill-used
by the Duke of Wellington. This was explained. The conference ended by the
Duke of Cumberland's acquiescing entirely in Bankes's acceptance of office.
Bankes saw the Duke of Wellington and detailed the whole to him.


_April 21._

Called on Sir H. Hardinge at Richmond. He told me the Duke had at first
great reluctance to have anything to do with the Whigs. By his account he
must have principally contributed to lead the Duke to adopt that view which
he has now of admitting Rosslyn, &c.


_April 22._

The Duke of Norfolk called, and, not finding me, left a note begging me to
ascertain privately from the Duke of Wellington whether the King would be
pleased if the English Catholics presented an address to him thanking him
for the Relief Bill.

Received a letter from the Duke of Wellington expressing a decided opinion
against any address from the Roman Catholics. He says, 'Everything has been
done that is possible to efface all distinctions between the King's
subjects on the score of religion, and this with a view to the general
benefit, and not to that of a particular body. I confess I shall think that
this measure has failed in attaining its object if there should be any
general act of a particular body.

'In respect to the King himself I am certain that the most agreeable thing
to him would be that all should remain quiet.

'We must have no distinct body of Roman Catholics except in the churches
and in affairs of religion. The less we act inconsistently with the
principle the better.'

I so entirely agree in opinion with the Duke of Wellington that, having for
my own amusement written an address for the Roman Catholics in the event of
their making any to the King, the first sentence I imagined was this: 'The
Roman Catholics of England approach your Majesty for the last time as a
body distinct from the rest of your Majesty's subjects.'


_April 25._

I had a good deal of conversation as to the next Director. There are three
city men candidates, but none are good--Lyall, Ellice, and Douglas.

Of Ellice no one knows anything. He is brother to the Ellice who married
Lord Grey's sister. Lyall is, or was, Chairman of the Committee of
Shipowners. Douglas is brother to Lord Queensbury. They say his is not a
very good house.


_April 28._

Read the correspondence between the Duke and Lord Anglesey. Then read a
memorandum of the Duke's in reply to one of Hardinge's on the subject of
the discipline of the British army. Hardinge wished to introduce the
Prussian [Footnote: Which did not include capital punishment. See
_Wellington Correspondence_, vol. v. p. 932.] discipline into ours. The
Duke shows that with our discipline we have more men fit for duty in
proportion to our numbers than the Prussians in the proportion of two to
one. That in Prussia the army is everything. There is no other profession.
All are soldiers--the officer lives much with his men--they are always in
masses, always in fertile countries.

In our service the worst men in the community enter the army. The officers
are gentlemen. They cannot mix with the men. Without discipline our army
would be inferior to others. It is not even now the favourite profession.
There is much jealousy of it. It is not popular with the common people. It
is difficult to find recruits even in times of distress.

I was in an army, the Duke concludes, which cannot be governed on the
Prussian principle. You cannot treat the English soldier as a man of
honour.

The Duke had been with the King, who was in very good humour. He had not,
however, got to close quarters with him as to the changes.


_April 29._

Cabinet at 12. A letter has been received from Lord Heytesbury, from which
it is clear that Russia will very soon resume altogether the exercise of
her belligerent rights in the Mediterranean.

Nesselrode communicated to him the blockade of Candia. Lord Heytesbury only
observed that 'it was a resumption of belligerent rights.' This Count
Nesselrode did not deny, and he said they could not long remain in the
false position in which they now were in the Mediterranean.

Count Heyden at the end of January blockaded Candia on pretexts arising out
of the state of Greece. In three weeks from that time he rested his
interception of the Egyptian vessels near Candia on the necessary exercise
of his rights as a belligerent. Lièven, when first spoken to, disavowed
Heyden. He now changes his tone, and it is evident that Russia now for the
second time breaks her word. The French do not behave much better. They
have 6,000 men in the Morea, and mean to keep them there notwithstanding
their engagement to withdraw their troops as soon as the Egyptians were
embarked. To be sure, they say if we insist upon it they will withdraw
them.

I have always been for getting out of the treaty. We have been dragged
along very unwillingly--we have been subjected to much humiliation. We seem
to me to have gained nothing by all our compliances. We have been led on
from the violation of one principle to that of another. Our position has
discouraged Turkey. We have been made the tools of Russia, and have been
duped with our eyes open. I think the sooner we get out of this false
position the better, and there is no time so favourable for us to hold
strong language as this, when by the settlement of the Catholic question we
are really strengthened, and when all foreign Powers believe we are yet
more strengthened than we are. The Duke is certainly for getting out. He
has long wished it.

A paper of Peel's was read suggesting the difficulties in which we should
still be placed by our moral obligation towards the Greeks, and by our
reasonable fear that on the principles of the Greek Treaty, to which we
have unfortunately given our adhesion, Russia and France may combine and
make a partition treaty. My expectation is that Russia and France would
soon quarrel, and I think I could before now have made them jealous of each
other, but we have done nothing.

After much conversation, V. Fitzgerald agreeing with me and the others
saying nothing, it was determined to insist upon the freedom of
communication with Candia under the protocol, to insist upon the Greeks
withdrawing from their advanced position near Prevesa _under the protocol_,
and to insist likewise upon the withdrawing of the French troops from the
Morea, according to the engagement.

I am not satisfied with this. Every part of our diplomacy has been
unfortunate. We have succeeded in nothing. I predicted if we became engaged
in the war, it would be ultimately on a little point and not upon a great
one. Our diplomacy cannot be defended. It is our weak point.

House. All the Catholics there. Every good old name in England.

The Duke of Norfolk is much pleased with the Duke of Wellington's answer to
his enquiry as to the propriety of addressing the King. I am going to send
him the Duke's original letter as a _record_.

The King certainly received the Protestant peers, and particularly those
who had been at Windsor, with great favour, and so the Bishop of Durham.
The Duke of Cumberland stood at the King's left hand, and quizzed the
people as they passed. He seemed _rayonnant_.

After dinner I had some conversation with Loch, the Chairman, as to
governing India in the King's name. He does not positively object. I think
I shall be able to carry that point. I consider it to be of the most
essential importance.


_April 30._

Cabinet at 12. Determined to fund eight millions of Exchequer Bills. No
taxes to be taken off or imposed. We had some conversation as to the East
Retford question. V. Fitzgerald communicated a proposal from Littleton to
propose the adjournment of all discussion upon the subject till next year,
as it is evident nothing can be done this year. Littleton proposed this
because he wished to disappoint the mischievous designs of some people.
(Palmerston particularly.)

It was determined to adhere to the line taken by the Government last year--
namely, to that of throwing East Retford into the hundred. The Duke was
decidedly of opinion that whatever we did we should do from ourselves, and
certainly not act in concert with an enemy. The Tories look to our conduct
upon this question as the touchstone.

Drawing-room. The King, as yesterday, very civil to the Brunswickers and
taking no notice of our friends. He took particular notice of the
Brazilians. Madame de Lièven is endeavouring to form a Government with the
Duke of Cumberland, the Ultra-Tories, the Canningites, and some Whigs.

The King is very Russian. I believe all this will end in nothing. The
Chancellor thinks they may try to make a change when Parliament is up, and
so have six months before them. They may think of it; but the only object
of such a Government would be _revenge._ They cannot repeal the Relief
Bill, nor do they wish to pursue a different line of policy either at home
or abroad.

The foreigners think that having settled the Catholic question we are ready
to draw the sword, and find a field of battle wherever we can. This the
Russians are afraid of, and hence arises in some degree their wish to
overthrow the Duke's Government; but the real foundation of all the Russian
intrigues is Madame de Lièven's hatred for the Duke, and her rage at
feeling she has overreached herself.


_May 1._

Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt was with the King for two hours to-day, the Duke of
Cumberland being in the room and the King in bed. The King is very much out
of humour, and abused everything and everybody. He is very angry at ladies
being admitted to the House of Lords, and particularly at their going in
such numbers the day the Duke of Norfolk took his seat. The Duke of
Cumberland has sworn he will not leave England till he has turned out the
present Ministers. He is the only colonel of the Horse Guards who ever does
duty--Lord Cathcart being absent and Lord Harrington incapable. When he
last got the gold stick from Lord Harrington he swore he would never let it
out of his hands. As gold stick he ordered the gates of the Horse Guards to
be closed the day of the Drawing-room, and thus obliged all the Ministers
who dressed in Downing Street to go all round.

He told Clanwilliam to-day with great satisfaction that the King never
could again be on good terms with his Ministers.

No arrangement is yet made with the Master of the Rolls. Everything waits
for the legal promotions. The King will be delighted with Scarlett
[Footnote: Sir James Scarlett, afterwards Lord Abinger.] as Attorney-
General, and the Chancellor tells me Bickersteth is to be Solicitor. I
recollect hearing of him at Cambridge. He is a very clever man and a good
speaker. Tindal is of course to be Master of the Rolls. I am most anxious
to give up the Privy Seal to Rosslyn.


_May 3._

Cabinet at 2. Decided the Government was to take the same line exactly this
year as to East Retford (that is, as to giving the two members to the
Hundred) that it took last year. However, as it is impossible to get any
Bill through the Lords this year, Peel will be very willing to accede to
any proposition for postponing the whole question till next session.

On the question of Irish Education and on that of the grant to Maynooth,
the vote will be as before--it being said that the state of the session and
the circumstances of the present period make it advisable that the question
of any change should be deferred. Indeed, Ministers have not had time to
consider it.

Many of Lord Anglesey's letters to Peel and of Peel's answers were read. We
have a very strong case against him on his letter to Dr. Curtis, which by a
letter from Dr. Curtis to the Duke we know Lord Anglesey directed Dr.
Murray to publish if it could be done with Curtis's consent, and which Dr.
Murray did publish without obtaining such consent.

Curtis's letter is dated January 2.

Lord Anglesey wrote to Curtis for the Duke's letter and his answer, and had
them two days before December 23, the date of his letter to Curtis.

Peel thinks the East Indian Committee should not be refused. It is better
for the East Indian Company that it should be granted than refused. I
entirely coincide with him.


_May 4._

Coal Committee at 12. Met Lord Bathhurst, with whom I had some conversation
as to the Duke's reading letters in answer to Lord Anglesey. He begged me
to go to the Duke, and try to induce him not to do so. I found the Duke
agreeing with me entirely as to the danger of the president, and disposed
to read only what might be absolutely necessary.

Lord Anglesey brought forward his motion for 'the letter of recall.'

The Duke answered him, and so well that even Lord Holland could not say one
word. So the thing ended.

The Duke had been assured by the King, and within the last fortnight the
King had given the same assurance to Aberdeen, that Lord Anglesey had not
_permission_ to read confidential letters.

Lord Anglesey stated that he had the King's permission.

The Duke certainly seemed to contradict him.

Lord Londonderry threw a note over to me suggesting that the contradiction
was so direct there might be an awkward explanation out of doors unless the
thing were softened down.

I mentioned this to Lord Bathurst. He thought not.

However, when he replied, Lord Anglesey treated the contradiction as
absolute, and Lord Bathurst told the Duke he must give some explanation,
which the Duke did, saying he did not mean to accuse Lord Anglesey of
declaring he had the King's permission when he had not, but only that he
had reason to think he had not. In fact, the King, as we always thought,
told the Duke one thing and Lord Anglesey another; and the only result of
the debate is that the King is proved to have told a lie.

Lord Wharncliffe, who overtook me as I was riding home, considered Lord
Anglesey to be blown out of water.

At Lady Brownlow's ball I talked with Lord Farnborough, Longford, and
Beresford. All thought the reading of the letters should have been stopped,
and that the Duke did wrong to read anything. We could not stop the reading
of the letters when the King's permission to read them was stated
distinctly by Lord Anglesey. The misery is that we have a lying master.


_May 5._

I called at the Treasury and saw the Duke. On the subject of what took
place yesterday he said, that having received the King's commands to
declare Lord Anglesey had not his permission to read the letters, he could
not do otherwise than make the observations he did. The gravamen of the
charge against Lord Anglesey as arising out of those letters is that in the
last he declares his intention of using them as public documents; and this
being the ground upon which the King had acquiesced in his being relieved,
for the King to have afterwards permitted the reading of those letters
would have been a withdrawal of confidence from his Ministers.

I met Lord Ravensworth and talked to him upon the subject. He seemed to be
in a sort of alarm as to what took place yesterday. This is superfluous.
The Duke's explanation that he did not mean to say Lord Anglesey had reason
to think he was permitted to read those letters was quite sufficient. The
Duke added that he had understood the contrary.

Lord Ravensworth seemed to think his Royal master came the worst off--which
is true.

He told me the Duke of Cumberland had been abusing every one at Lady
Brownlow's last night, and had declared, as he has before, that he would
not go away till he had us out.

Lord Anglesey is reported to be very ill to-day.


_May 6._

Cabinet dinner at Sir G. Murray's. The Duke saw the King to-day. He was in
good humour, and said the Duke was quite right in declaring Lord Anglesey
had not his permission to read the letters. It seems the King said the same
thing in the Duke of Cumberland's presence on Monday at dinner, and this
made the Duke so very angry that evening.

We had a very good division last night on the Retford question. Almost all
the Brunswickers voted with us--none against us.

In fact the Government is very strong.

There are disturbances at Manchester, which look rather serious.


_May 7._

Nothing in the House.

The meeting respecting the statue to the Duke of Wellington seems to have
finished in detestable taste. Hunt proposing a vote of thanks to Lord
Anglesey and O'Connell, and _Lord Darnley!_ speaking for it. Both these
said the Catholic Bill arose out of Lord Anglesey's Government. Lord
Darnley repeated the same thing to me to-day in the House. I told him the
contrary was the fact. That Lord Anglesey had placed the carrying of the
question in peril--that without his recall it could hardly have been
carried.

There have been serious disturbances at Manchester. The bakers' shops have
been broken open and robbed, and money extorted by fear. This arises out of
real distress; but it seems, as might be expected, that notorious thieves
lead on the mobs.


_May 8._

The disturbances at Manchester have more the character of robbery than of
riot. Baker's shops have been broken open and pillaged, and money has been
extorted.

At Rochdale an attack was made on the military. They behaved with extreme
forbearance; but at last fired, and killed and wounded many.


_May 9._

Dined at the Trinity House. Hardinge, whom I met there, told me Wood had
been asked by Lord Mansfield to go to the Pitt dinner on the 28th. Wood
said he did not know whether the Ministers would go or not. Lord Mansfield
said, 'Why, you must know, it is understood that as soon as Parliament is
up the Government will be changed. At this dinner we shall make such a
display of Protestant force as will enable the King to take us as his
Ministers.'

It is surprising to me that any able man as Lord Mansfield is should be so
deluded by the lies of the Duke of Cumberland. The country is not agitated,
it is not dissatisfied. It would repudiate, as an act of the basest
treachery, such conduct towards a Government which had been permitted to
carry a great measure, and which was displaced solely on grounds of
personal pique.

Manchester and its neighbourhood more quiet.

Had some conversation with Peel about the next member for the direction. He
inclines to Marryatt. Hardinge reported a communication from E. Ellice, who
canvasses for his brother, Russell Ellice. E. Ellice offers some votes in
the House of Commons if we will support his brother.

I believe E. Ellice would be a good man, but the brother is a nonentity. I
said we must strike at the mass and not at individuals. We must gain the
city by assisting a fit man on public grounds. Peel agreed in this
sentiment. I am sure it is the only wise course for any Government to
pursue.


_Monday, May 11._

The King has got the habit of taking large doses of laudanum. He sent for
the Chancellor yesterday, as usual, at two o'clock. When he got to the
palace the King had taken a large dose of laudanum and was asleep. The
Chancellor was told he would not wake for two or three hours, and would
then be in a state of excessive irritation, so that he might just as well
not see him.


_May 12._

The East Retford question was last night deferred till next session, so we
may, I think, finish all our business by about June 10; that is really
allowing full time.

O'Connell published yesterday an argument on his right to sit in the House
of Commons in the shape of a letter to the members. At first Lord Grey
thought it unanswerable (as founded on the provisions of the Relief Bill);
but at night he told me he had looked into the Bill and found it certainly
excluded him. A large portion of the letter is quite absurd, that in which
he assumes a right to have his claim decided in a court of law. Parliament
alone is by common law the court in which the privileges of its own members
can be decided.


_May 12._

House. Lord Lansdowne put a pompously worded question as to our intentions
with respect to the course of proceeding on Indian affairs.

I answered simply that we were as sensible as he was of the extreme
importance of the question. That for my own part my mind was never absent
from it, and that I had not been many days in office before I took measures
for procuring the most extensive information, which would be laid before
the House at the proper time. That the Government was desirous of forming
its own opinion on the fullest information and with the greatest
consideration; and that we wished the House to have the same opportunities.
That I was not then prepared to inform him in what precise form we should
propose that the enquiry should be made.

The Chancellor introduced the Bill for appointing a new Equity Judge, and
separating the Equity Jurisdiction from the Court of Exchequer. The latter
object, by-the-bye, is not to be accomplished immediately, but it is part
of the plan opened. He soothed Lord Eldon by high compliments to his
judicial administration and to the correctness of his judgments. The wonder
of the day is that Lord Eldon should have lived to hear a Chancellor so
expose the errors of the Court of Chancery as they were exposed by Lord
Lyndhurst to-day.


_May 13._

Recorder's report. The King not well. He has a slight stricture, of which
he makes a great deal, and a bad cold. He seemed somnolent; but I have seen
him worse.

Before the Council there was a chapter of the Garter. The Duke of Richmond
was elected. The knights wore their ordinary dress under the robe, which
was short, and had no hats. The procession was formed by Garter. The
Chancellor and Prelate of the Order and the Dean were present. It looked
rather like a splendid funeral. The Duke of Cumberland took a great deal
upon him.

Cabinet dinner at Vesey Fitzgerald's at Somerset House.

Much talk about Indian matters. Both Peel and Fitzgerald seem to be for
Free Trade, and _unreasonable_ towards the Company.


_May 15._

In the House of Commons yesterday the motion for a Committee on East Indian
affairs was negatived without a division, but promised for _early_ next
session, and papers promised immediately.


_May 16._

Chairs at 11. We spoke of the Charter. They rather dislike the notion of
using the King's name, and I fear Mr. Elphinstone and all the Indians will
give their evidence against the change. I may be outvoted, but I shall not
be convinced. [Footnote: This change was effected in 1858.]


_May 17._

Nothing political, except a grand dinner at the Duke of Norfolk's, given to
the Duke of Wellington, which was very fine and very dull.

The Duke told me he had read the Persian papers. The Russians had brought
it on themselves.


_May 19._

In the House of Commons last night O'Connell was heard at the bar. The
debate seems to have been temperate. It was decided on a discussion, 190 to
116, that he must take the Oath of Supremacy.

At the office had some conversation with Mr. Leach as to the plan of
governing India in the King's name--the Directors being made ex officio
Commissioners for the affairs of India. He seems to have some prejudices
against the plan, but he adduced no real objections. I have begged him to
put on paper all the objections which occurred to him.

Wrote a long letter to Lord W. Bentinck on all subjects connected with the
renewal of the Charter, and the general government of India.

Dined at the Freemasons' Hall with the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. There were present 200 persons. I thought they would be very
hostile to a Minister. However, when my name was mentioned by the Bishop of
Durham, as a steward, there was much cheering. The Bishop of London, who
was in the chair, begged me to return thanks for the stewards, which I did.
I spoke of course of the wish entertained by the Ministers that a Society
might prosper the interests of which were so much connected with those of
the Established Church--of their determination in their several departments
to further its objects. It was the duty of us all as Christians, but more
peculiarly that of the Ministers, to advance objects intimately connected
with the individual happiness of the people and with the stability of the
State. I said something too of the intrinsic strength of the Protestant
Church--of its rising in proportion to the difficulties which might
surround it, to the dangers--if dangers there were (the Primate had spoken
of them)--of its security in the zeal and ability of its ministers, and in
the purity of its doctrines.

On the whole I did well. I was loudly cheered--indeed, so much interrupted
as to be enabled to think what I should say next.

Indian business in the morning--Coal Committee.


_May 20._

Dined at the London Tavern with the Directors, at what is called a family
dinner, to meet Mr. Elphinstone, the late Governor of Bombay. He has been
thirty-three years absent from England, having left it at fifteen. He is
one of the most distinguished servants the Company has ever had. He seems
to be a quiet, mild, temperate man. I had some conversation with him, and
have fixed that he should come to the Indian Board on Tuesday. I wish to
have his opinion as to the expediency of governing India in the King's
name.

The Duke told Lord Bathurst and me the King had been very angry with him
for going to the Duke of Norfolk's dinner, and now openly expressed his
wish to get rid of his Ministers. The Duke wrote to the King and told him
it really was not a subject he thought it necessary to speak to him about,
that he dined with everybody and asked everybody to dinner, that had he
known beforehand who were to dine with the Duke of Norfolk, which he did
not, he could not have objected to any one of them. That the King himself
had dined with the Duke of Norfolk. That most of the persons invited were
either in his Majesty's service, or had been.

It seems the king desired it might be intimated to the Duke that he was
much displeased at the dinner, and that he and Cumberland damned us all.

I told the Duke and Lord Bathurst what occurred at the dinner yesterday,
with which they were much gratified.


_May 21._

Went to the Cabinet room at 2. Read papers, by which it seems that the
Russian army is very little stronger than at the commencement of the last
campaign, and that its materials are not so good. It has as yet no medical
staff. The resources of the principalities are exhausted; the cattle of the
peasants have been put in requisition; the ordinary cultivation of the land
has been neglected. The river is worse than last year. There are reports of
the successes of the Turks near Varna, and of that place being in danger.

The recruiting of the Turkish army goes on well.

House of Lords. The Chancellor's Bill, which creates a new Chancery judge.
Opposition from Lord Eldon, Lord Redesdale, and Lord Holland, all saying
they wished to see the whole plan before they agree to a part. Lord
Tenterden approved of the making of the new judge, but wished his functions
had been better defined.

The Duke of Cumberland said the Non-contents had it; but he said it too
late, and his people did not wish to divide.

Lord Londonderry would have voted against us. I fear he is half mad. The
House seems to treat him so.

The Chancellor told me the King did many things personally uncivil to the
Duke. He did not ask him to dinner to meet the Duke of Orleans. He wishes
to force the Duke to offer his resignation. This he is much too prudent to
do upon a mere personal pique.

The King, our master, is the weakest man in England. He hates the Duke of
Cumberland. He wishes his death. He is relieved when he is away; but he is
afraid of him, and crouches to him.

In reality the King never was better satisfied than with his present
Ministers. He knows they will not flinch--that he is safe in their hands.


_May 22._

In the House Lord Melville presented the petition of the City of London
praying, if the House persisted in ordering the production of their
accounts of property other than of a public nature, to be heard at the bar
by counsel. He moved that this petition should be considered on Tuesday. It
being expected that on Monday these very accounts would be produced in the
committee, and thus the order of the House rendered unnecessary. In this we
were beaten too. Indeed, our management under Lord Melville as Admiral does
not answer.

We shall certainly lose the London Bridge Approaches Bill.

Dined at Lord Hill's. A party chiefly military.


_May 24._

Cabinet at Peel's at 11 P.M.

The arrangements determined upon. Lord E. Somerset to have Sir W. Clinton's
office, and Trench Mr. Singleton's. Lord Rosslyn the Privy Seal. Lord
Chandos was proposed, I should rather say suggested, but rejected
immediately, as not of sufficient calibre for the Cabinet. Besides, his
elevation for the purpose of holding the Privy Seal would offend the
peerage, and be an insult to his father. It would not gain us the
Brunswickers, and we should have the Whigs hostile. It would be saying to
them, 'You shall never come in.'

Rosslyn's appointment will be most useful. He will be of value in the
Cabinet and invaluable in the House. His accession will break the Whigs, he
is so popular with everybody.

This is to be proposed to the King to-morrow. It is thought he will take no
step without asking the Duke of Cumberland. He may refuse altogether. Then
we go out. The legal arrangements cannot proceed, because Best [Footnote:
Afterwards Lord Wynford.] communicated with the Duke of Cumberland and
refused a peerage as the _condition_ of resignation. Alexander would go if
he could have his peerage and a pension. Leach will not go unless he is to
have a peerage and a pension of 7,000£ a year, a thing impossible.


_May 25._

Cabinet at 3. Waited a long time for the Duke. He came smiling and
victorious. The King said he would manage Best. To Rosslyn he made some
objection, and suggested Lord Dudley or Melbourne. This was referred to and
rejected by such of the Cabinet as could be on a sudden collected at the
Foreign Office. I was not there. I should certainly have rejected both,
although very willing to have Dudley. The other would never have done. With
Lord E. Somerset and Trench the King was well pleased. As the Duke left the
room the King said, 'Come, you must acknowledge I have behaved well to
you.' This he said frankly and good-humouredly. The Duke said, 'I assure
your Majesty I am very sensible of it, and I feel very grateful to you.'

Having thus established ourselves as a Government we were going to break
our necks by attempting to pass the Chancellor's Bill, which the House of
Commons does not like. However, after a talk, it was resolved to give it
up.

It seems the Tories have deserted us again. We are much in want of winter
quarters.

In the House we had the City of London petition. I took a more active part
than usual in the conversation.

Lord Rosslyn, having just lost his son, is gone to Tunbridge Wells, and the
offer of the Privy Seal will be postponed till after to-morrow, when the
King is to see Best at two, and it is hoped the Duke may be able to tell
Rosslyn that Scarlett is to be Attorney-General.


_May 26._

The King sent Knighton for Chief Justice Best, and desired him not to tell
the Duke of Cumberland; Best was sent for. So Best went, and accepted the
terms offered. Thus we shall get Scarlett, and the King and the Duke be
separated a little.

Yesterday the Duke of Wellington did his business with the King while the
Duke of Cumberland was hearing a clause in the House of Lords. The
Chancellor, knowing how the Duke of Wellington was occupied, kept the Duke
of Cumberland as long as he could.


_May 27._

Committee on London Bridge. Lord Londonderry, who came from the review in
his uniform just covered by a frock coat, spoke against time on a
collateral point for an hour and a half, and disgusted the Committee.


_May 28._

London Bridge Committee. Lord Londonderry a little better than before, but
not much. He is running down his character altogether. He has now formed an
alliance with the Duke of Cumberland, and through him made his peace with
the King. The Duke of Cumberland wishes to be reconciled to the Duke of
Wellington. In the House of Commons there is a small Ultra-Tory party, not
fifty. In our House I doubt whether there are twenty.


_May 30._

Chairs. Lord W. Bentinck seems to be so ill as to make it doubtful whether
he can remain in India should he recover. The letter is dated January 27.
He was then in danger. The vessel did not leave Calcutta till the 30th. The
news then was that he was better, and had sat up for six hours. It was a
_coup de soleil_.

London Bridge Committee.

The Duke showed me a letter from Lord Rosslyn, accepting most cordially the
Privy Seal.

I suppose we shall have a Council on Monday, or on some early day next
week, for me to give it up.


_June 1._

To the Cabinet room.

There is a report that Varna [Footnote: Varna was in the hands of the
Russians, having been taken in the previous campaign.] is _cernée_ by
40,000 men, Bazardjik taken, the Russians running from Karasan, and from
6,000 to 8,000 Russians, who had been thrown over the Danube at Hirsova,
driven into it at Czernavoda by the garrison of Silistria. [Footnote: These
reports seem to have been unfounded. Soon after this date the decisive
battle of Kouleftcha opened to the Russians the road to Adrianople.]
Clanwilliam wrote me he thought the Duke attached some credit to this last
rumour.

News from Calcutta of February 1 states that Lord William Bentinck was then
out of danger. Lady William, who was going to set off to join him, had
determined to expect him at Calcutta.

Lord Rosslyn's appointment is in the newspapers to-day. The 'Times' highly
delighted.


_June 2._

London Bridge Approaches Committee. Lord Londonderry very anxious to have
an adjournment over the Derby; however, he must attend to 'the last
concern.'

House. Anatomy Bill put off till Friday. The Bishops, Lord Malmesbury, and
many others very hostile to it.

It seems certain that the Russians have recrossed the Danube. I am inclined
to think they have been beaten.


_June 3._

The Bishop of Oxford is dead; a great Grecian is to succeed him.

The King is in excellent humour. The Duke of Cumberland rather going down.

We had some talk about the Anatomy Bill. The Duke is afraid of passing it.
Indeed, it is not a Government measure. Probably it will be withdrawn for
the year. The Bishops are very hostile to it.


_June 4._

London Bridge Committee from eleven till four. We made great progress in
our evidence, and, indeed, nearly proved our case. From four to five we had
a very painful discussion in consequence of some words which passed between
Lord Durham and Lord Beresford. We succeeded at last in settling the
difference.

Lord Beresford, having no good word at his disposal, said he did not second
the _evil deeds_ or _improprieties_ of noble lords. He really meant
_irregularities_, and irregularities only as a member of the Committee.
Lord Grey was present and much distressed. The Duke of Wellington's
authority induced both to become amenable to the wish of the Committee.


_June 5._

Anatomy Bill. Some talk; but a general agreement suggested by the
Archbishop of Canterbury, that the Bill should be read a second time, and
not proceeded with this session. The Duke of Wellington expressed his
general approbation of the principle, but thought postponement desirable.
He pledged himself to _cooperate_ in bringing in a Bill on the same
principle, and having the same objects, next year; but did not pledge
himself to bring it in himself.


_June 7._

Cabinet at half-past three. First question: whether we should extend the
time for putting an end altogether to the Brazilian slave trade from March
13 to September 13, 1830, for the equivalent of obtaining for ever the
right to seize ships fitted up for the slave trade, whether they had slaves
on board or not. The Brazilians have been encouraged by their Government to
interpret the treaty as permitting the return of any vessels quitting the
Brazils on slave expeditions before March 13.

Dr. Lushington, who was consulted by Aberdeen, seemed to think it was worth
while to obtain the concession, but still seemed to think that by extending
the time, we should permit the transportation of a very large number of
slaves, of whom many might be destroyed by ill-treatment, and that it was
hardly justifiable with a view to a distant advantage, to sacrifice
immediately and certainly a great number of persons.

This prevailed--the real fact being that Peel does not like awkward
questions in the House of Commons.

So the treaty remains as it is, and both parties will interpret it as they
please. There will be many disputes, for the interpretation is very
different.


_June 8._

Received a private letter from Colonel Macdonald at Tabriz, with copies of
letters received by him from a gentleman he had sent to Teheran on hearing
of the massacre of the Russian mission; and from another gentleman,
travelling unofficially, who first heard the report between Tabriz and
Kamsin.

These accounts only confirm what we had already heard of the arrogance and
violence of the Russians. They deserved their fate.

Colonel Macdonald says that General Paskewitz cannot dispose of more than
25,000, or, at most, 30,000 men, although he has a nominal force of 110,000
men under his command.

Colonel Macdonald says there has been no serious resistance on the part of
the Turks, except at Akhalsik.

He has done what he can to dissuade them from war with the Russians; but I
think the universal feeling of the people will propel them.

The insurrection at Teheran appears to have been instigated by the Mollahs
and the women, but it was evidently national, or it must have failed.


_June 10._

Council. Lord Winford kissed hands. He walked in with great difficulty on
two crutches, which he placed behind him and so leant back upon. The King
had a chair brought for him, and had him wheeled out. The man who pushed
his chair very nearly shipwrecked him at the door.

The Attorney-General (Scarlett), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Abinger.] the
Chief Justice of the Common Pleas (Tindal), and the Solicitor-General
(Sugden), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord St. Leonards. Lord Chancellor 1862. ]
all kissed hands. The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas was sworn in as
Privy Councillor. Lord Rosslyn was sworn in as Privy Councillor and Privy
Seal. The King did not address a word to me, who gave up the seal, or to
Rosslyn, who received it.

House. Nothing of moment.

Dinner at Lord Bathurst's. Lord Rosslyn dined here.

Aberdeen read a paper lately received from the Russians, in which they
concede all we ask about blockades, &c., except as to the Gulf of Enos. The
Duke says he shall bring Lièven to the point about this, and generally
about their views. He feels the Government is stronger now than it was--
that the country is stronger, and we may insist more. He says the question
is, 'Shall we permit the ruin of the Turkish Empire?' I have long felt that
to be the case, and to that I answer 'No.'

We had some conversation as to the charter. The Duke seems rather inclined
to continue the _name_ of the Company. I am for the _name_ of the King.


_June 11._

The world has had imposed upon it a story of the Chancellor's _selling_ his
Church preferment. The 'Age' is to bring forward its charges on Sunday
next. This is an arrow from the Cumberland quiver.

I mentioned Lord Clare's wish to look forward to the Government of Bombay
or Madras to the Duke last night, and he did not by any means receive the
proposition unfavourably. I told Clare so to-day.


_June 13._

Gaisford has refused the Bishopric of Oxford--wisely, for he was only a
Grecian and had good preferment. He is a rough man too. I am glad he has
refused it. I do not think mere Grecians good bishops.

Lord Clare told me Glengall was to be the new Irish peer.


_June 15._

Committee as usual. Lord Londonderry more insane than ever. The Duke said
he had never seen anything more painful.

We made hardly any progress. The victory will belong to the _survivors_,
and I do not think Lord Durham will be one of them.

House. Lord Londonderry made a foolish speech, and the Duke an excellent
one, very severe upon him, and defending the City. If we do not get the
City by this Committee the City is impregnable.

Hardinge told me Lord Grey seemed out of humour. I do not think he is in
good humour.


_June 16._

At last some hope of a compromise respecting London Bridge.


_June 17._

The eternal Committee is, I trust, at an end. The agents have come to a
compromise, and if the Common Council should confirm the terms, as I
conclude they will, the thing will be at an end. We shall then have
Parliament up by Monday or Tuesday next.

Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's. The Duke was astonished at Lord W.
Bentinck's strong and sudden step of transferring the Supreme Government
_pro tempore_ to Meerut. He said he always expected some wild measure from
Lord W. Meerut was in too exposed a situation.

Twenty thousand Afghan horse might ride in upon the seat of government if
placed in the north-west provinces. It is astonishing how much the Duke is
prejudiced by his old Indian feelings. Whatever _is_ he thinks best. Meerut
is ill and absurdly chosen, but Calcutta is certainly the worst chosen seat
of government.

We are to have a Cabinet on Saturday for the King's speech. On Monday or
Tuesday Parliament will be up. On Wednesday we dine at the India House, and
on the Monday following, the 29th, will be the fish dinner.


_June 18._

Called to compliment the Duke on the anniversary of Waterloo. Left with him
Lord W. Bentinck's minute and despatch on transferring the Supreme
Government Departments and all _pro tempore_ to Meerut, and a proposed
letter, censuring the Governor for having done this without previous
sanction, and directing the members of Council and the Departments to
return.

The Duke objects to any removal of the seat of government to the upper
provinces. It would there be exposed to the sudden inroads of cavalry. In
India a cloud of cavalry rises like a squall in the Mediterranean. At
Calcutta the Government, protected by the rivers, is safe, and always
accessible from England.


_June 19._

Rode to town. Met Rosslyn. He told me Lord Clanrickarde [Footnote: Lord
Clanrickarde was son-in-law of Mr. Canning.] intended to make some
observations on foreign policy this evening.

Had some conversation with the Duke. He doubted whether the Supreme
Government _could_ leave Calcutta and preserve its powers. I told him of
the newspaper report of to-day that leases for sixty years were to be given
to indigo planters, and this without any authority from home. He seems to
have suspected from the first that Lord W. would do some monstrous thing,
and certainly he does seem to be emancipating himself.

House. Lord Clanrickarde made his little speech. Aberdeen his. Then Lord
Holland, and then the Duke. Afterwards Goderich. Lord Holland talked as
usual very vaguely. No notice had been given, and few people knew there was
anything to be done. So ends the House for this year.


_June 20, 1829._

Cabinet. King's speech. Some time occupied in wording it, but no material
alterations. Aberdeen's the worst part. The King is made to _auspicate_ and
to pray, but not to trust that the Franchise Bill and the Relief Bill will
be productive of good.

The Chancellor has prosecuted the 'Morning Journal' for a libel accusing
him of having taken money for Sugden's appointment as Solicitor-General. I
heard him tell Lord Bathurst, with reference to another calumny against
him, that he had fortunately preserved through his secretary the grounds on
which he had given every living he had disposed of.


_June 21._

Had a visit from Loch. He wishes the despatch to Lord William to be worded
more gently, as he thinks Lord William _meant_ well. This shall be done.


_June 22._

Wrote draft paragraphs to the effect above stated to Lord W. Bentinck, and
added a paragraph giving the Duke's reasoning against the removal of the
Government from Calcutta to the north-west provinces.

I had some conversation in the House with Lord Lauderdale on China trade,
&c. He seems friendly to the Company and to the Government.

Went to the House at 4. Found a good many peers there. By mere mistake a
Bill, slightly and necessarily amended by the Lords, was not sent down to
the Commons, although directions to that effect were given, and it by
accident was placed amongst the Bills ready for the Royal assent. So it
received the Royal assent. It became necessary to pass a Bill to make this
Bill valid in law. Lord Shaftesbury thought our House ought to inform the
Commons we had discovered the error; but the Speaker, [Footnote: C. Manners
Sutton, afterwards Lord Canterbury.] to make a flourish, insisted on
announcing it first to the House of Commons. All the steps to be taken were
settled between the Speaker, Lord Shaftesbury, and Courtenay. When I went
down I found it had not been settled that anything should be done first by
us. I suggested that Lord Shaftesbury should acquaint the House with the
circumstance, and that we should appoint a Committee to inquire before the
message from the Commons came up. This was done.

We ordered a message to be sent, but before our messengers left the House
we heard the Commons would not receive a message, so I moved that the order
we had just made should be rescinded, and we had a second conference. The
Commons were well satisfied with our reply. The last sentence had been,
'The Lords hope the Commons will be satisfied with this explanation.' As we
in the first paragraph expressed our desire to preserve a good
understanding between the two Houses, and in the second one regret that
this mistake had taken place, I thought it was going too far to express _a
hope_ only that our explanation would be satisfactory.

We inserted 'the Lords _doubt not_,' instead of 'the Lords _hope_.'

At night received a letter from the Duke of Wellington, saying he thought
we might get Courtenay to resign at once and get in Lord Chandos. I am to
see him at ten to-morrow on the subject.


_June 23, 1829._

Wrote early to the Chairs and begged them to come to me immediately. Sent
Loch the Duke's note and told him why Lord Chandos's being brought in was
of so much importance. Saw the Duke at 10. The King was very much out of
humour yesterday. He wanted to make Nash a baronet. The Duke refused. The
King then went upon his Speech, which he did not like and had altered. He
left out the specific mention of the Relief and Franchise Bill, and there
he was right, and he converted the prayer that the measure might
tranquillise Ireland, &c., into a _hope_ that it would--thus making it a
little stronger, but that he did not know.

The Duke of Cumberland, on hearing of Castlereagh's appointment, said,
'Whoever ratted he would not,' alluding to Lord Londonderry, who has been
nibbling at the Cumberland faction. However, Lord Londonderry is much
annoyed at Castlereagh's taking office. He neither likes the expense of an
election for Downshire, nor losing a vote he thought he could dispose of.

Hardinge will not sit again for Durham. Without Hardinge Lord Londonderry
will have trouble enough there.

The King was much out of humour during the Chapter of the Garter, and said
everything was done wrong.

Saw the Chairs. They had just got a letter from Sir John Malcolm, resigning
from December 1, 1830. This would have been in any case a long time for
Courtenay to wait out of office; but they said the idea of his being
proposed had got wind, and several of the Directors were very adverse.
Neither of the Chairs likes him, and if they supported him they would do it
very reluctantly. As Loch goes out of office in April, and we cannot tell
who will be deputy, and six new Directors come in, there really are not the
means of saying to Courtenay, 'You are sure of your election,' and without
this he could not be asked to resign.

I took the Chairs to the Duke. He received them very cordially, told them I
had stated the circumstances to him, and he gave up the point.

We then talked of the legality of the removal of the Supreme Government
from Calcutta. On looking into the acts it seems very doubtful whether any
act done by the Governor-General in Council away from Calcutta would be
valid unless it were one of the acts the Governor-General might do of his
own authority. For instance, 'a regulation' issued by the Governor-General
in Council at Meerut would not be valid, because the Governor-General alone
could not issue one.

The Duke said Lord William did everything with the best intentions; but he
was a _wrong-headed man_, and if he went wrong he would continue in the
wrong line. Other men might go wrong and find it out, and go back; but if
he went wrong he would either not find it out, or, if he did, he would not
go back.


_June 24._

Sat as Commissioner to prorogue Parliament. The King's alteration in the
Speech certainly made it better and stronger. He now expresses his _sincere
hope_ the measures of the session will produce tranquillity, &c. People
thought the Speech rather short and jejune.

Dined at the 'Albion' with the Directors. The dinner was given to Lord
Dalhousie. There were there the Duke, the Chancellor, Peel, Sir J. Murray,
Lord Rosslyn and Goulburn, the Speaker, the Attorney General, Courtenay,
Ashley, and Bankes; Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Camden, Lord Montagu, Lord
Hill, Sir Herbert Taylor, Sir Byam Martin, Sir A. Dickson, Colonel Houston,
Lord Dalhousie, and Sir Sidney Beckwith, and their aides-de-camp; a great
many Directors, and in all rather more than 100 people.

The Duke, in returning thanks, spoke of the cordiality and good
understanding existing between the Directors and the Government, _which was
never more necessary to the Company than now_.

I said the good understanding would always exist while such men as Loch
were in the chair, and while I was at the Board of Control. I paid a high
compliment to Loch, and then congratulated them on the appointments of the
two Generals. Their mildness of manner, their benevolence of character, and
the goodness of their natures would obtain for them the affectionate
devotion of a grateful soldiery, and, educated in a school of continued
victories, they were the fittest leaders of an army which had never met an
enemy it had not subdued. I ended by saying I was sure they would devote
themselves to the maintenance under all circumstances, not only of the
efficiency, but of an object which they would pursue with equal interest--
_of the happiness and well-being of the native army of India_. I spoke
rather well, was attentively heard, and well received. I sat by the Duke of
Buccleuch. We had a good deal of conversation. He seems a fine young man.
Lord Rosslyn complained he could never see a draft till it was a month old,
and that there had been no new despatches placed in the boxes since he came
into office. I told him no one complained more of the same thing than
Aberdeen did when Dudley was in office, and I believe all Foreign
Secretaries had a shyness about showing their drafts till they were sent
off and unalterable.


_June 25._

At the office found a letter with enclosures from Colonel Macdonald, dated
Tabriz April 20. What he has been doing in Persia I do not know.

I have written to him to call upon me on Saturday.

Called on the Duke to tell him the substance--which is, that the Turks have
already 30,000 men and sixty pieces of cannon at Erzeroum. That a
dispossessed Pacha is in arms at Akiska. That the Russians have reinforced
the garrisons of Natshiran and Abbasabad, and have withdrawn all their
troops to the left bank of the Araxes, with the exception of those who
garrison Bayazid. The plague seems rife at Erivan. The Russians about Count
Paskewitz abuse the English very much.


_June 27._

The Chairs told me Lord W. Bentinck had extended to all persons the benefit
of the regulation as to coffee planters, _omitting, however_, all the
restrictive clauses. They think very seriously of this, and very justly.
The Calcutta newspapers consider the principle of colonisation to be
conceded.

We must abrogate this 'Regulation' without loss of time. I went to the Duke
to tell him of it. He said Lord W. Bentinck was not to be trusted, and we
should be obliged to recall him. He is gone down in a steamboat to Penang.

No news of much importance at the Cabinet room, except that Lord
Heytesbury's despatches confirm the account of the sickness of the Russian
army.

The Turks seem to have given the Russians a great smash at Eski Arnaut.


_June 30._

A battle near Schumla between the Russians and Turks. The Turks were
besieging Pravadi. Diebitsch marched from Silistria and moved upon their
communications with Schumla. The Turks seem to have been surprised. They
fought gallantly, however, and seem to have caused the Russians great loss.

Saw Arbuthnot. He came to the India Board to speak about his friend,
Russell Ellice, whom he wishes to make a Director. We afterwards talked of
the House and the Government. I think all will turn out well. We have six
months before us, but certainly at present we are weak in the House of
Commons, though I believe gathering strength in the country, and already
very strong there. If we play the great game, striking at the mass, we must
succeed. It would never do to go picking up individuals. We must do our
best for the country, and we shall have it with us. The worst of it is, the
King is the most faithless of men, and Cumberland is at work.

The Duke asked Hardinge the other day what he thought of the Government. He
said he thought that by losing Canningites and Brunswickers it was fifty
weaker than Lord Liverpool's, and these fifty go the other way, making a
difference of one hundred on a division. Lord Camden thought if the
Brunswickers would not come in we must get a few Whigs--Abercromby, Sir
James Graham, the Althorpe people. Stanley would come for anything good,
and Brougham too.

Arbuthnot asked me if I thought Lord Rosslyn would be cordial with us. I
said Yes. His letter of acceptance was most cordial, and with the Lords he
was on excellent terms. The only danger would be if Peel and the Commoners
were shy.

Lord Grey, I said, I did not think in very good humour, but he would differ
on foreign politics rather than on questions of a domestic nature. The Duke
will not be coquetting with him, because he says very honestly he should be
exciting expectations in Lord Grey which, while the King lives, he does not
think he can gratify.

Saw Mr. Elphinstone by appointment. I wished to have his opinion with
regard to the new settlement of Indian Government, which may take place on
the expiration of the present Charter. He seemed to think that the
Administration of the Government in the King's name would be agreeable to
the Civil and Military Services, and to people in England. He doubted
whether, as regarded the princes of India, it would signify much, as they
now pretty well understood us. He doubted whether the orders of Government
here would be better obeyed. He thought there might be an advantage in
keeping the King's authority in reserve, to be used only on grand
occasions. He confessed, however, that 'having been educated, and having
lived under the existing system, he was not best qualified to propose to
another. He had his prejudices.' He thought the best mode of arriving at
the truth would be by taking the opinions of practical Indians as to
reforms and alterations suggested by theoretical men.

I asked him to consider the expediency of dividing the territory as now
into three unequal Presidencies, of giving to the Governor-General the
labour of superintending the Administration in detail of the Bengal
Presidency--of having Members of Council. I told him there were many minor
points of detail discoverable only by those employed at home, which
required and must receive amendment. Such, for instance, is the
interpretation given to the Act of Parliament, by which a _regulation_ must
be sanctioned or rejected _in extenso,_ there being no power to alter a
word, or to reject part and take the rest.

Mr. Elphinstone seems to dread a long peace in India. We hold everything
together by the Native Army, and we cannot retain that unless we retain the
affections of the European officers. In the present state of our finances
this is difficult.


_July 1._

At half-past five received a letter from the Chairman, and the draft
relative to the removal of the Governor from Calcutta. The Court wished to
have it back to-day. That was impossible; but they have omitted words I
inserted in the _précis,_ and must restore, declaring that had the removal
been legal, still the Members of Council would have been ordered back. I
have now been obliged to give reasons for this addition, and the reasons
will be so much worse, as matters of record, that I have suggested to the
Chairman he had better substitute a draft containing the words.

I think we must detain the _Pallas_ that it may take out both letters--this
and the one relating to the leases which is not yet prepared, or we must
have an overland dispatch.

Delay is one of the inconveniences attending the present system of Indian
Government. I told the Chairman in my private note that if we allowed Lord
W. Bentinck to emancipate himself in this manner we should really be
abandoning all real control over the Government of India. I see clearly
there is a Bentinck party in the Court.


_July 2._

Saw Hardinge. We had some conversation upon the subject of the Government.
He seems more alarmed than I am. I trust to the King's fears and the Duke's
fortune; besides, we have the country.

Hardinge told me the King was very much out of humour. The admission of
Lord Rosslyn had not answered. None followed. Lord Durham, Calthorpe, and
others left Lord Lansdowne to coalesce with Lord Grey. Hardinge wished me
to try Herries again, with the view of opening the Mint by making him
Chancellor of the Exchequer in India; but I told him Herries said his
domestic circumstances made it impossible, and the Duke did not seem to
like it at all.

Herries thinks Lord Durham would be glad to be Minister at Naples; for my
part I am sure nothing will win Lord Grey but a place for Lord Grey
himself, and _that_, in the present state of the King's mind, the Duke is
not in a condition to offer.


_July 4._

Cabinet at half-past three.

The Duke read a list of the several points to be considered before the next
Session. I cannot recollect half of them. East India Charter; Bank Charter;
Usury Laws; East Retford; Duties on Sugar; Duties on Tobacco; Canada; West
Indies; Education in Ireland; Irish and English Churches; Poor in Ireland;
Public Works; Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts; Reform of English
Courts; Reform of Welsh Judicature; Reform of Courts of Equity; Scotch Law
of Entail; Salaries of Scotch Judges--_increase_; Salaries of English
Judges--_reduction_; Grand Juries, Ireland; Militia Laws; Stamp Duties,
&c., &c.

The only talk we had was about Irish Poor, and Public Works in Ireland. The
feeling seemed against anything like Poor Laws, and against Public Works
too. This is mine. The first productive of mischief, the second useless.

Undoubtedly it is a great hardship that the English parish should have the
burden of Irish poor, but on the other hand in many cases the payers of
poor's rates in these parishes have derived advantage from Irish labour.

Fitzgerald, Peel, and Goulburn are to look into this subject, and all
connected with Ireland.

Fitzgerald, Peel, Lord Rosslyn, and, I think, either Herries or Goulburn
seemed to think the opposition to the continuance of the China monopoly
would be much greater than we expected. Fitzgerald seemed desirous the
question of commerce should be reserved, and that of Government decided. I
told him the two were inseparably connected.


_July 6._

Wrote to Lord W. Bentinck telling him I much regretted the having been
obliged to send the two letters, relative to the removal of the Government,
and the leases--told him the Duke coincided in opinion with the Court.

I then expressed my surprise that the Local Government did not obey better.
Said they seemed to forget the orders of the Directors were the King's
orders transmitted through the channel of the Court and the Board. I added
I should endeavour to introduce into every branch of Indian Government the
subordination and the improvements now established in the King's
service--depended on his co-operation, &c. I sent the letter to the Duke
to ask him if I should send it.


_July 7._

At quarter to six a messenger arrived from the Duke, to whom I sent
yesterday my letter to Lord W. asking if I should send it? The Duke desires
to see the despatches to which it refers. I have accordingly begged Jones
to send them to him. I shall however be in town early myself to-morrow.

I told the Duke in my note I should stay in town till late to-morrow to
sign the letter as to the six regiments if they passed it. I am glad to
have an excuse for not going to Windsor to the Recorder's Report.


_July 8._

Office at 2. Wilson absent, so I could not transact any military business.
Carried the letters relative to the leases and the six regiments to the
Duke. He said mine about the regiments was _very good indeed_.

The Emperor of Russia seems to have laid himself out most ably at Berlin to
captivate the King, and the army, and the people.

Seymour's despatches are useful. He mentions _small_ things, which show the
character of men.

The Emperor does not disguise his desire of peace. He wants no _garanties
matérielles_ at the Bosphorus for safe passage. He asks the principle of a
pecuniary indemnity, but does not seem disposed to contest the details.
Bernstorff observed truly, we could not get out of the Greek Treaty without
the help of Russia, and Russia wanted us to get out of the way.

The Sultan begins to affect European manners. Calls upon ladies and talks
about education! Dines with a merchant! After all, considering his
education and his _entourage_, Sultan Mahmoud is the most remarkable man in
Europe.


_July 9._

Office at 2. Met Herries. Told him I should send him a statement of our
Indian loans, and place Leach at his disposal. We could then talk them
over, and see whether we could effect any financial operation. My idea is
that by offering some little higher interest in. India we might induce the
holders of the remittable loan to give up that privilege of receiving the
interest in England if resident here.

Saw Major Cunningham. He looks more than forty, well, certainly, but I
should doubt his doing much hard work. He does not think himself a good
person to command Irregulars. His Rohillas were almost in as good order as
Regulars.

He told me Lieutenant-Colonel Skinner was a man of large landed property.
He had raised his corps very much from his own estate and neighbourhood,
and was a sort of feudal chieftain. He has been educated like a native,
though the son of a Colonel in the Company's service.

Saw Sir Murray Maxwell. [Footnote: He had commanded the 'Alceste,' which
took out Lord Amherst as Ambassador to China twelve years before.] It
seemed to me Sir Murray wanted to be sent with a frigate to try to open a
commercial communication with Pekin. He thinks even Japan might be induced
to trade. The instant the Chinese found the ship was gone and Lord Amherst
meant to return by land they would have nothing to say to him. They
probably took him for a spy.

Sir Murray thinks the Chinese might be led to give a port to the northward.

He describes the Spanish population of Manilla as being very small--the
native population large. It is but four days' sail, with a good breeze,
from Manilla to Canton. Always a favourable wind. The harbour magnificent.

I think the whole object of his visit was to get a ship, and a sort of half
embassy.


_July 10._

Received a letter from Lord Clare, who saw the Duke yesterday. He says the
Duke was very kind and told him he should get all the information he could
before the Committee of next year. I shall most willingly assist him.


_July 11._

Cabinet. Talked of Ireland. The disposition to outrage seems increasing.
The Duke said we were responsible for the success of the measure of this
year, and we must put down the armed meetings. Warburton must be ordered to
do so. The Duke said emphatically if we do not preserve the peace of
Ireland we shall not be a Government. Peel is to write immediately. He
thinks the first appearance of a determination to put down these meetings
will have the effect of crushing them. We spoke of Poor Laws, Education,
and Grand Juries. Lord F. Leveson _despairs_ as to the two first. Upon both
the Government will form its opinion. I am glad to see that the more the
question of Poor Laws is considered the more the introduction of them
appears unadvisable, _or of any approach to them_. I have ever held this
opinion.

In Cabinet we again, having done so many weeks ago, considered whether any
extension of time should be given to the Brazilians for the termination of
their traffic in slaves.

Aberdeen seemed very indulgently inclined towards the slave dealers--not so
Peel and Fitzgerald. They seemed first of all to think it would be an
awkward Parliamentary case, and Peel protested against our becoming
responsible, as we should, for the horrible consequences which might attend
the continuance of the trade for six months. The Chancellor thought a
vessel leaving the coast of Africa, that is, engaging in the slave trade,
at such a period as would afford a reasonable probability of her arriving
on March 13, should be safe. I think February 13 was, after much desultory
discussion, fixed as the day after which no vessel should leave the coast
of Africa.

The Brazilians had offered as an equivalent for six months an agreement
that in future vessels fitted for the slave trade, even if they had no
slaves on board, should be seizable. It seemed to be the opinion, a little
exaggerated, I think, that no prospect of future prevention of slave-
trading could justify us in permitting for an instant the immediate benefit
we had within our grasp.


_July 12._

The great day in Ireland; but I hope its happening on Sunday may break its
effect. The orders for vigorous interposition, determined upon on Saturday,
will have been of no use in preventing collision to-day, or even to-morrow,
should the anniversary be postponed.

The Duke of Cumberland goes to Hanover, but he returns in October, and old
Eldon meets him then in London. They had a regular Cabinet to decide
whether he should go or not.

Read the court-martial of Lieutenant Lewis, of the Bombay Artillery, who
struck an officer in the presence of his wife. The Chairs wish to restore
him. It is impossible. There is an end of all moral and gentlemanlike
feeling if it be not understood that a man's person is sacred in the
presence of his wife. We presume a wife to have feeling, and a man to
respect it. _The blow_ alone would have been a good cause of dismissal.

Had a letter from the Bishop of Calcutta, who, on offering to execute
episcopal functions at the Cape, was told by Hay, of the Colonial Office,
that the cape was not in his Patent, and he could no do so. This is a
mistake. He can exercise episcopal functions, but not episcopal
jurisdictions.

Had a letter from Mr. Joliffe, of Merstham, [Footnote: The seat of the
Joliffe family, near Reigate, in Surrey.] proposing steam-boat navigation
to India. An application from Salisbury for a letter of recommendation to
Lord W. Bentinck, in favour of Mr. Chester. Told him this was not a good
time to ask a favour of Lord William, and it would be better to send the
recommendation with the man, who does not sail till October.


_July 15, 1829._

Office. Found a letter from Loch, suggesting the irregularity of my sending
for his officers, and communicating with them on the subject of despatches
to be sent to the Indian Government, and expressing a hope that nothing
would occur to interrupt the harmony which existed between us.

I said in reply that I have expressed a wish to see Colonel Salmond, and
afterwards to see Colonel Farant, merely from my desire to expedite
business, and to do it well. That it was mentioned in conversation with
Colonel Salmond and Mr. Wilson on Monday, that there was no irregularity in
that course, and that I immediately determined to desist from it. That I
believed I had so expressed myself at the time to Colonel Salmond.

I added that I could assure him I would not willingly, by endeavouring to
extend the limits assigned by Parliament to the power of the Board, or by
my manner of exercising that power, interrupt the harmony which so happily
existed between the court and me.

Went to the Foreign Office. I fear the defeat of the Turks near Shumla was
decisive; but still we have only Russian accounts, and they do _so lie_! It
seems certain the Russians took the opportunity of opening a negotiation.
The carelessness of the Turks in not keeping a good look-out towards
Silistria seems unaccountable, and they dawdled sadly before Pravady. The
new Vizier is very inferior to old Hussein Pacha, whose caution would have
avoided this catastrophe.

Dined with the East India volunteers. The officers of the regiment are all
clerks in the Company's service. The non-commissioned officers and privates
serve in their warehouses.

There are now 600 men. During the war they had three regiments, each 800
strong--all their own servants.

When my health was drunk I spoke of the Duke of Wellington's natural
fondness for India, of the high terms in which he always mentioned the
gallantry of the Indian army, and the purity of the Civil Service. I said
the Ministers were animated by his example, &c.

The Speaker told me he thought Mr. Stanley [Footnote: A curious instance of
the failure of political prophecies, even by men of judgment and
experience. Seventeen years later he was leader of a party, and twenty-
three years afterwards Prime Minister.] would never rise higher than he was
now. It had been a curious Session--all men endeavouring to avoid
committing themselves.


_July 16._

Loch showed me two letters of Sir J. Malcolm, in which he deprecates the
sending of more writers, and says _numbers_ may be diminished, but not
_salaries_, especially in the higher ranks; and if writers are sent they
must be provided for. I believe he is right. I had already suggested the
non-appointment of writers this year, and the Chairs seemed to acquiesce--
indeed, to have thought of it themselves.

Recorder's Report. Before the report Madame de Cayla, the Duchess D'Escars,
&c., were presented to the King. I had some conversation with Rosslyn and
Herries as to the Indian Question. Herries seemed to be afraid of the House
of Commons. Rosslyn a little, too, of public opinion as to the opening of
the China trade. They both seemed rather hostile to the continuance of the
present system. I said I considered it to be a settled point that the
patronage of India should be separated from the Government. The necessity
of making that separation led to one great difficulty. The necessity of
remitting home in goods 3,200,000£ led to another difficulty, and to making
the Government of India, wherever it might be placed, _mercantile_. The
East India Company would not, and could not, without the monopoly carry on
the concern.

Neither Herries nor Rosslyn seemed to admit the necessary separation of the
patronage of India from the Government.

I said that, if it might not be separated, it would be easy to make a
better and a cheaper government. I can see that Peel, Fitzgerald, Herries,
Rosslyn--perhaps Sir G. Murray--will be against the Company.

The Duke said it was clear to him that the remittances must be made in
goods, and could not be made by bills. He is for the monopoly.

In a few days the papers will be printed. A copy will then be furnished to
each member of the Government, and I shall receive their observations.

The Recorder's Report was a very heavy one. All the cases bad, and seven
ordered for execution.

The King seemed very well.

Stratford Canning and Lord Strangford were at the Court, to be presented on
their return.

Before the report we read the last Irish papers. The Duke of Northumberland
and Lord F. Leveson seem to think rather favourably of the condition of
Ireland. The belief of Peel and Goulburn, and, I believe, of the Duke, is
that _one_ example would settle all.

Lord F. Leveson says that the Brunswickers are encouraged _from St.
James's_ to expect that the Relief Bill will be repealed. Many wish for an
explosion, the Catholics less than the Protestants.


_July 19._

Hardinge and Wood dined with me. Hardinge says the Duke of Cumberland has
determined not to leave England, but to send for the Duchess and his son.
The Duchess of Gloucester did not before, and will not now, receive the
Duchess of Cumberland. Old Eldon wants a guarantee that no more Whigs will
be admitted. I believe he would be satisfied with none but his own
admission.

Hardinge seems to think we may not have a majority when Parliament meets. I
think he is wrong. I trust to the Duke's fortune and to 'the being a
Government,' which is much, and to the others not being able to form a
Government, which is more.


_July 22._

Had a letter from Loch. He does not like the disbanding of the six
regiments, but he says he brings it before the Court again on Monday,
having promised every possible information.

Read some of Colonel Tod's 'Rajastan.' I had rather see Rajastan or
Rajpootana than any part of India. It would really be interesting. Colonel
Tod seems to be an enthusiast about the country and the people. He was
there apparently at least sixteen years. The story of the beautiful
Princess of Oudeypore [Footnote: Krishna Komari. She was poisoned by her
father to avoid the hostilities of the rival princes who demanded her hand.
The father was still living when Colonel Tod wrote. The House of Oudeypore
was the only native reigning family who disdained to intermarry even with
the Emperors of Delhi. See Tod's _Rajasthan_, i. 066.] in Tod's book and
Sir J. Malcolm's is the most romantic and the most interesting I know. That
family of Oudeypore or Mewar seems to be the most ancient in the world. It
far surpasses the Bourbons and the House of Hapsburg.


_July 23._

Chairs at eleven. Told them of the danger in which they were, from the
feeling of the mercantile districts and of the country; that we could not
look Parliament in the face without having done all in our power to effect
reductions in a deficit of 800,000£ a year; that without a commanding case
no Government, however strong, could venture to propose a renewal of the
monopoly.

They were obliged to me for my information. I advised them to turn their
attention immediately to all the great points.

On the subject of the six regiments the Court differ from the view I took.
Loch gave me a long statement of facts, which I must read attentively, and
then communicate with the Duke.

They are so enamoured of old habits that they hesitate about desiring their
Indian Governments and the subordinate correspondents of these Governments
to place upon the back of their voluminous letters a _précis_ of their
substance!

After the Chairs were gone I saw Bankes and Leach, and while they were with
me Sir Archibald Campbell called. I saw him immediately. He is a fat,
rather intelligent-looking man, well mannered, and sensible. I talked to
him of the idea of exchanging Tenasserim. [Footnote: The furthest province
of the British territory towards Siam, extending along the coast south of
Pegu, and lately conquered from the Burmese Empire.] He did not like giving
up his conquest. I gave him one secret letter, and he will make his
observations upon it.

He left Lord William at the mouth of the Hooghly. They had found out the
removal of the Government was contrary to law. They had intended to be
itinerant for a year or two.

It is only in the Bengal army that the officers are old. There they rise by
seniority. In the Madras army they are made from fitness.

The Madras army, though most gallant, was quite unequal, from deficiency of
physical strength, to face the Burmese. The Burmese soldiers brought
fourteen days' provisions. All men are liable to be called upon. They never
had more than 120,000 in the field.

The English army took 2,000 cannon, and it was believed the Burmese had
2,500 left.

Sir A. Campbell says there have been 60,000 refugees from Ava--all now
settled in Tenasserim. I had thought there had never been more than 10,000,
and that some, about half, had returned.

Upon the whole, he seems enamoured of his conquests, but he did not adduce
any good reason against exchanging it.

At the Cabinet room. Saw Lord Rosslyn there, as I used to be last year,
_désoeuvré_ and bored, as all Privy Seals will be. He seemed dissatisfied
with the state of affairs in Ireland and in England. At Manchester there is
a fear of a turn-out of some more cotton-spinners. Every thing depends upon
the harvest.

The negotiations with the Turks came to nothing. The Grand Vizier's answer
to Diebitch is excellent.

The sickness amongst the Russian troops continues, and Diebitch has not
more than 40,000 men, even with Roth's corps.

The Ambassadors have been very well received at Constantinople. All are in
good humour there, notwithstanding the losses near Shumla.

The Emperor does not go to the army.

Lord Heytesbury represents Russia as being the least formidable of the
great Powers for the purpose of offensive operations, and seems to think
she contains many elements of convulsion.

Metternich is trying to cajole the Russians by pretended fears of
revolutionary principles.

They talk of a King in Columbia, and the French are intriguing to place a
French prince on the throne, after Bolivar.


_July 25, 1829._

Cabinet room. The Ambassadors seem to have been received most cordially at
Constantinople. We know no more of the Grand Vizier's losses. That he
experienced a complete defeat there can be no doubt.

In Columbia, the French seem rather inclined to place, after Bolivar, a
Prince of the House of Orleans on the throne, and it does not seem unlikely
that the Columbians may consider it their best arrangement.

The Emperor of Russia seems to be desirous of Peru, and the King of Prussia
has, at his request, sent the Baron von Müffling as his Minister to the
Porte to mediate.

The Irish accounts are very bad. Lord F. Leveson seems now to think very
seriously of the state of things. Doherty is come back much alarmed from
Barris, where he has been with Blackie on a special commission.


_July 28._

I recommended to the attention of the Chairs the establishment of steam
communication with India by the Red Sea.


_July 29._

Read _précis_ relative to Kotah.

These _précis_ will make me thoroughly acquainted with the history and
circumstances of the Rajpoot States, which are by far more interesting than
others.

There is a looseness and a vulgarity in the East India House writing, the
literature of clerks which is quite disgusting. Our clerks write better
than theirs, but they do not write concisely and correctly.


_July 30._

Read Lord Heytesbury's letters. He is very Russian. They have certainly got
the plague at Odessa, and in all the stations of the Russian army.

Met Peel at the Cabinet room. He said Ireland was in rather a better state.
He agreed with me in thinking the Brunswickers were the cause of all the
mischief. He believed the King had begged the Duke of Cumberland to stay,
and that the Duchess was certainly coming over. They wish to attack the
Ministry through the side of Ireland--to make a civil war rather than not
turn out a Government.

He had written to the Duke suggesting that we ought to have a Cabinet
respecting Ireland, and he thought the Duke would come to town on his
letter.


_August 1._

Had from Sir G. Murray papers relative to the Canada question, upon which
he wishes to have the opinion of the Cabinet to-morrow. The immediate
question is whether a Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature for altering
the state of the representation shall be confirmed by the Crown.

The state of Canada is such that I am convinced we ought in prudence to
place the revenue collected under the 14th Geo. II. at the disposal of the
Chambers, retaining, as they are willing to retain, a fixed salary for the
Government judges, independent of the annual vote.


_Sunday, August 2._

Cabinet at 4. Irish question. Lord F. Leveson seems to be much alarmed. He
wants to use the Bill of this year for the suppression of an expected
meeting at Derry, which meeting is to be unarmed, sing songs, drink toasts,
make speeches, and petition for a change of Ministers.

It was considered that the powers entrusted to Government by the Bill for
the suppression of the Roman Catholic Association were never intended to be
exercised for the putting down of such a meeting as that intended to be
held at Derry. If the Brunswickers there come out of their houses and have
a procession _causing fear_ and threatening the peace, the common law can
put them down. Care will be taken to have troops enough at Derry.

Lord F. Leveson likewise asks whether he shall proclaim martial law! Peel
very properly asks him what martial law is. In fact it is the absence of
all law--and can only be endured when a country is on the eve of rebellion
or actually in rebellion. [Footnote: This was exactly the description given
of it by Lord Beaconsfield with reference to Jamaica in 1866.]

It seems to me that Lord Francis is unequal to his situation. I wish we had
Hardinge there. He would never go wrong.

Herries told me he thought, after reading the papers I had sent him, that
there was more of care for the Company than he expected.

Peel has written a very good letter to Lord F. Gower, telling him that the
first thing they must do is to establish an _efficient police_, to be paid
for by Ireland--and of which the officers must be appointed by Government.


_August 3._

Saw Hardinge. He has perfected a very excellent system in Ireland by which
all the 30,000 pensioners are divided into districts, in each of which is a
chief constable who pays them. If they move from one district to another
they have a ticket, so that the residence and the movements of all are
known. Of 30,000 about 10,000 are fit for duty. Blank orders are ready at
the Castle, directing the march of these men upon five central points,
where they would be incorporated with the regiments, so that in a few days
the army could be reinforced by 10,000 men. There are others who are not
very capable of doing anything but mischief if against us. These would be
ordered to the garrisons.

I wish Hardinge was in Ireland instead of Lord Francis.


_August 6._

Chairs at 11.

Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering
despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting
the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of
enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say
anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted,
and successfully.


_August 10._

The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of the
Balkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force near
Bourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enough
not to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. Old
Hussein never would have committed his fault.

R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.

Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister
of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to
English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be
able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel
Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were
going to war with us.


_August 11._

Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to
go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but an _attaché_. They
all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them
quiet.

Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople.
The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield
at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits
of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and
would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging
the independence of the Greeks.

The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march on
Adrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.

Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest
in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have
judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and
judges from first appearances.


_August 12._

A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken
prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum--that is,
three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty
miles of Erzeroum.

Wrote two letters to the Duke--one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who
has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an
unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the
substance of the despatches which I enclosed.

We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the
Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body,
_incognito,_ to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join
us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his
Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French
fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek
Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.

Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of the
Jaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.

The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.


_August 13._

When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the
state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the
Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought
there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the
innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud,
[Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal
organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan
by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the
Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and
what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lièven; the success of the
Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted.
It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do
so alone.

He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet--if we did anything,
she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people
supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour,
at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.

As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the
suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make
Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and
Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into
consideration. The former as to _limits_, the latter for delay. France had
already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was
inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.

We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was
to be submitted to? The answer was, _No_, to be opposed by war. It seemed
to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small
expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place
at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability
effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so
desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to
Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople
without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the
Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.

I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the
disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to
circumstances. It was replied _that_ would be war. If war were to be
declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt,
not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when
Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us
ridiculous.

As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the Turkish
Empire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, for
Constantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would be
of no use to distress Russia.

Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance,
we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.

It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced
by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any
Power had a large force, we should have one--not a very wise principle, it
seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful
steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed
inclined to acquiesce.

Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in
certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was
then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This
will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me,
'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of
ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return
before the Conference.'

I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go
and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was
said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think,
Polignac _might_ be brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using
proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting
in keeping Stratford Canning.

We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was
for adhering to the Morea. It was _really_ the best line. It was what we
had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.

Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he
ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet
taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to
Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and
enable him to settle that question with _éclat_. He would then be supported
by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself
by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.

However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at
principles, at the minor objects rather than at _the one great object_,
which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of
Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points
of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now
on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I
fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.

Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded
in nothing.

The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him
confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is
considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if
they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone
would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and
prudent.

It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should be _dissolved_,
Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were
only _weakened_, she would feel she suffered.

It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step
long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.

I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us--he would gradually let us down,
not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke,
occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for
Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.

Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation
respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in
Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things
are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the
reports made to them.


_August 19._

I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be
made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want
the _tanning_, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them.
He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and
I have written to him.


_August 22._

The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army
in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I
consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia is _mine_.


_August 28._

The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of
Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in
the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation
with Hardinge on Indian affairs.


_August 29._

Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the
9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all
Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till
they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have
saved Constantinople.

Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's and
Mr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.


_August 31._

Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national
enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan
is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the
Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of
Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes
his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz.
Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.

The Sultan has acceded to the Treaty of London. This accession is
qualified, but not in such a manner as to preclude negotiation. He has
consented to treat with Russia, to give freedom to the navigation of the
Black Sea, and to observe the Treaty of Akerman--but he stipulates for the
integrity of the Ottoman dominions in Europe and Asia. He has not, however,
sent Plenipotentiaries.

General Muffling, the Prussian, is arrived at Constantinople. He reports
the moderate views of the Emperor Nicholas, and states them.

The French Government, from the information it derived from its Minister at
Berlin, has instructed Count Guilleminot to declare to the Turks the terms
on which Russia will make peace. Russia requires the execution of the
Treaty of Akerman--indemnity--(but moderate) for the expenses of the war
and the losses sustained by her commerce, for which indemnity, as it seems,
she is willing to take Anapa.

She requires the free navigation of the Dardanelles for all nations. This
cession to be secured by treaty, not by territorial occupation.

The terms of the Turks are not very dissimilar; but as Count Diebitch has
orders to advance till preliminaries are signed, a catastrophe may take
place still.

Mr. Gordon managed to get a paper into the Sultan's own hands, which may
have led in some measure to this result. He naturally gave credit to the
information contained in the Despatches of Count Guilleminot, but the
French Government have no authority for their opinion as to the terms on
which Russia will make peace. No communication to that effect has been made
officially to them.

The French and Russian Ministers at the Conference said they could not act
on Mr. Gordon's letter, which is as yet uncorroborated by Count
Guilleminot. They could not yet act as if Turkey had acceded to the Treaty
of London.

The Russians would now declare the independence of Greece within the Gulfs
of Volo and Arta, and they wanted Aberdeen to take that instead of the
treaty. He thought he could get them to declare the independence of Greece
_within the Morea_--that they would be satisfied with that, and that, if
they would, we had better secure that for the Turks now, than run the risk
of the event of war and of the extension which might be given to the terms
which might be forced upon them under the Treaty of London.

However, even admitting that the Russians would be content with the
independence of Greece within the Morea (with Attica, [Footnote: Attica was
still held by the Turks, having been reconquered after its first occupation
by the Greeks.] by-the-bye), it was the opinion of the Duke and of every
one (but Aberdeen) that it would neither be generous nor honourable to
force upon the Turks in their distress terms which _they_, attaching much
value to the _suzeraineté_, might think less favourable than what they
might obtain under the Treaty of London, and that we should be drawing
ourselves into the embarrassment of what would be practically a new treaty
at the moment that we were beginning to entertain hopes of getting out of
that which had so long harassed us.

Upon the whole, I think the aspect of Eastern affairs is better than it has
been since we have been a Government.

Diebitch is said to have 35,000 men, and a reserve of 40,000. I doubt the
reserve being so strong. The 15,000 from Sebastopol have joined.

Paskewitz is made Grand Cross of St. George.

Diebitch will be so, of course.

The King, Peel said, is very blind. He has lost the sight of one eye. The
Duke said when he was at Windsor last, the King was particularly civil to
him, and Peel and the Duke were both of opinion that the King would be most
cordial with the Government if the Duke of Cumberland were away, and was
now more so than could be expected under his influence.

Aberdeen seems to have written the letter to Stuart, and Stuart to have
communicated it to Prince Polignac. Stuart's idea is that Polignac has had
too much to do in fixing himself to think much of foreign politics. He
expressed himself, however, disposed to consult with England as to the
measures which should be adopted if Russia should break her engagements.

Several representations have been made to France for the withdrawing of the
French troops from the Morea--but hitherto without effect. These troops
keep the country quiet, and enable the whole force of the Greek State to
act offensively. Thus, assisted by French and Russian money, the Greeks
have acquired possession of everything within the Gulfs of Volo and Arta,
except the Island of Negropont.


_September 1, 1829._

Read with attention a paper of Courtney's on Leach's observations. Wrote
some memoranda upon it, which I shall send with it to the Duke, when I have
got from Shepheard a statement of the benefit derived by the territory from
the fixed rate of exchange. It is a valuable paper. I have written to thank
him for it, and to ask him to give me the result of his considerations on
the mode of transferring the Government of India from the Company to the
King, without materially increasing the patronage of the Crown; and
likewise the view he takes of the alterations it would be desirable to
introduce, if the Company should continue to govern India, in the powers of
the Board of Control and in its relations with the Court.


_September 3._

The Directors are much afraid of the Russians. So am I, and the Russians
begin to threaten us. They hint that they have open to them the route to
Bagdad, and they announce the presence in Petersburg of an Afghan Chief,
and of Ambassadors from Runjeet Singh.

I feel confident we shall have to fight the Russians on the Indus, and I
have long had a presentiment that I should meet them there, and gain a
great battle. All dreams, but I have had them a long time.

I have some idea of a secret letter to Bombay, directing the Government to
take possession of the Island of Karak, [Footnote: A small island in the
Persian Gulf to the north-west of Bushire.] and of any other tenable point
to seal the Euphrates, in the event of the Russians moving down.

Loch wants to dethrone Runjeet Singh!


_September 4, 1829._

Saw Colonel Willoughby Cotton, who commanded _en second_ in Ava. He has
lately visited, as Adjutant-General of King's troops, all the stations of
the army in Bengal. He says no army can be in finer order. Lord Combermere
has weeded all the old men. The regiments manoeuvre beautifully.

Lord C. wishes to have two King's regiments cantoned under the Himalaya
Mountains, where the climate is as good as in England.

Runjeet Singh has conquered Cabul and Cashmere. He has French officers at
the head of his infantry and cavalry, and about five others. His artillery
he keeps under his own family. He has of regular troops 30,000 infantry,
and 10,000 cavalry, about eighty guns. All these easily assembled near the
capital.

He is old, and when he dies his two sons are likely to quarrel and call us
in.

The two ex-Kings of Cabul are living at Ludeana on pensions. Zemaun Shah,
the blind King, and his brother, who was King in Mr. Elphinstone's time.

Colonel Cotton speaks most highly of the Madras troops. They are more
disposable than the Bengal troops, more free from prejudice of caste.

He regrets the reduction of the bodyguard which conducted itself nobly in
Ava. I like a guard, and I would have an infantry as well as a cavalry
guard, to be formed by picked men.

Colonel Willoughby Cotton says Colonel Skinner is about 55. His son is a
merchant, and goes every year into Cashmere for shawls. Skinner has still
about 1,300 men, and is quartered not far from Delhi. His people fire the
matchlock over the arm at full gallop, and with correct aim. They strike a
tent-peg out of the ground with their lances.


_September 5._

Received an answer from the Duke. He thinks the question of the six
regiments begins to be serious, as the Court throw upon the Government the
responsibility of running the risk of a mutiny in the army--desires to see
the paper, which I have sent him, and says it must go to the Cabinet.

I feel satisfied I am right. If the Cabinet give in to the Court, they
weaken my hands so much that I shall be unable to effect any great reform.
They make the Directors the real Ministers of India, and almost emancipate
the Indian Government. So I told the Duke in my letter.


_September 7._

Office. Saw Sir A. Campbell. He came to offer himself for a command in
India. I spoke to him of his papers respecting war with the Burmese. He
says large boats carrying 100 men could go up to Aeng, the troops need not
land at Ramree. He was never an advocate for a diversion at Rangoon, and
thinks they make too much fuss about the frontier of Munnipore.

Saw a Mr. Cotton, for a long time collector of Tanjore. He is against
introducing the Ryotwaree settlement into that country, and by his account
it seems very ill adapted to it, for according to him the Murassidars are
there really proprietors, and with them the settlement is now made for the
village.

I sent for him to tell me about the iron I had understood to be in the
neighbourhood of Tanjore; but there is none, it is at Satara. He seems a
sensible man, and I must see him again.

The Turks seem to have endeavoured to back out of their accession to the
Treaty of London, or rather to clog it with insuperable objections. But Mr.
Gordon has brought them back again, and on August 12 all was right, but no
Plenipotentiaries sent. The Russians were said to be moving on Adrianople.
They had not above 35,000 men. There is a very bad account from Smyrna of
the state of the population in Asia. In fact the Duke of Wellington's
prediction is fulfilled. The Turkish Empire is breaking to pieces. By Lord
Heytesbury's account the Russians are very desirous of peace, and very
apprehensive that a popular tumult may put an end to the Sultan. It is
impossible to see the end of the calamities which would occur, complicated
as they would be, if such an event as the dissolution of the Turkish Empire
took place.

The new French Ministry is changing the municipalities. They hope to
succeed at the next elections. Lord Stuart considers M. de la Bourdonnaye
as the real head.

Polignac very prudently rests on his oars as to Greece, and properly
observes it is idle to make protocols here when the march of events may
have altogether changed the state of things before the protocols arrive.


_September 8._

Office at 11. Went to the Duke. He read to me a long letter he had written
on the question of the six regiments, in which he entered at length into
the state of the Indian army such as he knows it to be, and concludes in
favour of a revision of the line I had adopted with his approbation. He
said the Government of India was wrong--every line of the proposed letter
abstractedly right; but there was to be considered the expediency of
writing it.

I have written a letter to Lord W. Bentinck, stating confidentially the
grounds of the change of opinion as to the disbanding of the six extra
regiments. I added, 'However, such an event will not happen in your time,
nor I hope in mine,' or something to that effect.


_September 11._

Chairs at 11. Read to them the Duke's letter on the six regiments. Told
them I had written a private letter to Lord William to relieve his mind
from the censure intended for former Governments (a very small portion of
which is chargeable on him), and to caution him against similar errors.
Gave them the alteration I had intended to make in the draft respecting
pensions granted to King's soldiers enlisted into their army. They will
consider it.


_September 14._

Read the papers containing the correspondence with the local Governments
respecting the provision of stores in India. It is hardly credible, yet it
is true, that till within these few years the Medical Board indented upon
England for drugs which were produced in India! From Madras as late at 1827
they indented for file handles and blacksmiths' tongs! From Bombay in 1826
for wooden canteens and triangles! It is evident the local Governments have
never displayed any energy.


_September 16._

Received from the Duke his ideas on the subject of a campaign against Ava.
He would hold the great Dagon Temple at Rangoon, but only for the purpose
of having vessels in the river to co-operate with the army.


_September 17._

To-day has been an idle day. I have done nothing; but I have taken
exercise, and so acquired _health_, without which I cannot do business.


_September 20._

Met Mr. Conyngham of the Foreign Office. He told me the Turks were ready to
make the required concessions. Of the disposition of the Russians nothing
seems known. R. Gordon has of his own authority ordered up Sir Pulteney
Malcolm from Vourla to the Dardanelles. I suppose to carry away Englishmen
and their property in the event of an insurrection or of some terrible
catastrophe at Constantinople.

Lord Stuart, as I suspected, gives no opinion as to the probable result of
the political contest in France.

I had a letter from the Duke respecting half-Batta.


_September 24._

Cabinet room. Read all the letters from Petersburg, Paris, Berlin, and
Constantinople during the last fortnight, and the despatches sent during
the last month.

R. Gordon seems to have done very well. He and Guilleminot have acted
cordially together, and when they had induced the Porte to consent to make
peace on the terms prescribed by the Russians, Gordon managed very
prudently to get General Muffling to send his secretary to the Russian
head-quarters with the Turkish Plenipotentiaries. Muffling would have gone
with them to the Reis Effendi had he been well enough; as it was, he sent
his secretary, who afterwards went to the Russian head-quarters and was
thus enabled to state distinctly what had passed in the conference held
with the Effendi. I think it very possible that without the intervention of
the Prussian Minister, who was known to be acquainted with the feelings of
the Emperor, General Diebitch would not have agreed to an armistice. The
armistice seems to have been made on August 29. We know of it from Seymour
at Berlin.

Polignac seems excellently well disposed. He would act cordially with us if
he dared. At present he is obliged to cover all he does under the
instructions given to Guilleminot by his predecessor under a different
state of things, before the great Russian successes. He talks of a Congress
of the Powers interested, and of a joint declaration if Russia should not
adhere to her promise.

Russia may be kept to her promises by the fear of a revolutionary movement
in France. The French Opposition desire the success of the Russians, the
dissolution of the Turkish Empire, and the occupation of the Dardanelles by
the Emperor Nicholas, because they know that such events would lead to a
_sotto sopra_ in Europe, a general scramble in which they would get the
Rhine as their boundary. Generally, I have no doubt, young France wishes
for confusion.

Austria is alarmed and would do nothing. The Prussians hold that the
existence of the Ottoman Empire is not essential to the balance of power
(that is, some of them do), and they would be glad to see Austria and
Russia divide Turkey, Prussia having her compensation in Germany. However,
Muffling, going rather beyond his instructions, has been made to do good.

I think all things tend to the preservation of peace if there should be no
explosion at Constantinople or in France. The Ottoman Empire seems,
however, to be falling to pieces. The Government has been so oppressive
that the people will not fight for it. The Sultan has but 4,000 troops, and
it is said the appearance of 10,000 Russians would lead to the capture of
Constantinople.

Diebitch seems to dread the catastrophe which might ensue, and the
ambassadors have placed before him in strong terms the fatal consequences
of an explosion at Constantinople.

I must say R. Gordon has done ably and well.

The rascally Russians have been intriguing with our Ionian subjects, and
Aberdeen has written a very strong letter to Lord Heytesbury on the
subject.

Polignac, desirous as he is of withdrawing the French troops altogether
from the Morea, is at present afraid of doing so.

Aberdeen told me things were not going on well here. The King has quite
lost the sight of one eye, and the sight of the other is indistinct. It
gives him pain, too, and the fear of blindness makes him nervous. The Duke
of Cumberland is always about him, as mischievous as ever, but pretending
not to be hostile.

The Duke of Wellington gives the King up as a bad job. He sees him very
seldom. At first he liked seeing him and setting things to rights; but he
says he found what he did one day was undone the next, and he is in
despair. The King has no constancy. There is no depending upon him from one
day to another.

Aberdeen says the accession of Rosslyn has not produced the effect we
anticipated--that Lord Grey is very hostile. What we shall do for a
majority next session I know not, but I think we shall stand, [Footnote:
This might have been but for the events on the Continent in the year
following, which formed a new starting-point in the politics of a large
part of Europe.] although we shall not, I fear, be a strong Government. The
Catholic Relief Bill has destroyed our unity and the spirit of party. It
has likewise destroyed that of the Opposition, who have no longer any
rallying point. Thus the formation of a strong Government is difficult. The
Brunswickers cannot form one, and the King cannot be persuaded to make one
out of the Opposition. Indeed, that the Duke of Cumberland would never
advise. The Brunswickers will endeavour to make terms with us as a body--to
make martyrs of some of the old Protestants, particularly of the Duke and
Peel, and placing themselves at the head to go on as well as they could
with the rest of us. This will not do.


_September 26._

The Chairs, or rather the Court, somewhat impertinently object to the
addition I made to a recent draft, recommending an enquiry by practical and
scientific men as to the powers India may possess of producing many
articles of stores now sent from England. They say this is liable to
misconstruction, and then misconstrue it themselves. They suppose these
practical men, not being servants of the Company, to sit in judgment upon
the proceedings of the military Board. I have corrected their intentional
misconstruction, and have acquiesced in the substitution of a draft they
propose to send instead, which will, I hope, practically effect my object,
and therefore I have said we are willing our object should be attained in
the manner most agreeable to the Court of Directors.

It is very lucky I had just sent them my letter about stores. It will
appear to be written subsequently to theirs. They think to humbug and to
bully me. They will find both difficult.


_September 30._

Read the collection respecting the health of the King's troops. It is
incredible to me that so many things should remain to be done--nothing
seems to have been done that ought to have been done. I fear our finances
make the building of new barracks impossible at present. We could not build
proper barracks for all the European troops in India much under a million.
Still much may be done for their health.


_October 5._

Arrived in London at 3. To the Cabinet room, where I found Lord Bathurst,
come up to town for Seymour Bathurst's [Footnote: Hon. Seymour Bathurst,
fourth son of third Earl Bathurst, married October 6, 1829, Julia, daughter
of John Peter Hankey, Esq.] marriage, and afterwards Fitzgerald came in.

Fitzgerald was a fortnight in Ireland, and gives a bad account of it.

A letter from Metternich says peace was actually signed. Sir E. Gordon's
despatches give every reason to expect it soon would be. The peace cannot
last. I am inclined to think it would have been better for the Russians to
have occupied Constantinople, and for the Ottoman Empire to have been
overthrown that we might have known at once where we were, than to have had
such a peace as this. It is practically present occupation (for a year) of
_more_ than they now hold, for they are to have the fortresses ceded to
them. They exact 750,000£ for the pretended losses of their merchants, and
five millions for themselves. The indemnity to the merchants to be paid by
three instalments. On the payment of the first, Adrianople and a few places
on the coast to be given up. On the payment of the second everything to the
Balkan, and on the third Bulgaria. These payments occupy a year.

The five millions are to be paid in ten years, or sooner if the Turks can
manage it. The Principalities to be occupied till the payment. The Turks to
confirm the Government established during the ten years, and not to impose
any taxes for two years more.

All the fortresses on the left bank to be destroyed. None of the islands to
belong to Turkey. No Turk to enter the principalities. The princes to be
for life. All payments _in kind_ from the Principalities to cease, and
instead the Turks and the princes to _agree upon a compensation_! It is
unnecessary to go through the other articles relative to the
Principalities. The treaty contains a real cession of them to Russia.

The terms as to the navigation of merchantmen, their not being searched in
a Turkish port, the refusal of acquiescence in the demands of the Russian
Minister where any injury is pretended to have been done to a Russian, to
be _just ground for reprisal_, &c., are of a nature intolerable to an
independent Power, and not to be carried into execution.

On the side of Asia everything is ceded that can enable Russia to attack
either Turkey or Persia with advantage.

The terms imposed with regard to indemnities are extravagant and altogether
contrary to all the Emperor's promises. He has not deceived us; but he has
lied to us most foully. Sir R. Gordon seems to have done all that could be
done. Perhaps he has saved Constantinople from conflagration, and the
Empire from dissolution. He has managed to settle the Greek question,
Turkey consenting to everything the allies may determine under the protocol
of March 22. Sir R. Gordon has taken upon himself to order up the English
ships, and Guilleminot has ordered up the French ships, but they were still
at Smyrna when the dispatch came away. These ships, it is hoped, may be
some check on the Russians, and ostensibly they only go up to
Constantinople to save Christians. However, if the Russians advance they
will probably lead the Turks to fight. Gordon and Guilleminot have very
properly told the Sultan they will remain by him in any case.

The Turks declare the terms are, as regards payment, such as they have
really no means of complying with. The allies will make representations to
Petersburg to obtain a relaxation of these conditions.

In the meantime, while this was doing at Constantinople, Lord Heytesbury
was asking Nesselrode what the terms he intended to propose were, and
Nesselrode would not tell him. Lord Heytesbury's despatch and Gordon's are
both dated on September 10. The 12th was to be the day of signature. Lord
Stuart by Aberdeen's directions has been pressing Polignac very hard to
withdraw the French troops from the Morea, and Polignac has been obliged to
plead the weakness of his Government, and to put off Lord Stuart by
referring it to the Conference. I should say from what the papers show of
Polignac that he will not stand. I do not know what his antagonists may be,
but he is evidently not a powerful man.

A Liberal told Fitzgerald their object was now in France to make the King
of the Netherlands King of France, and give Holland to Prussia, taking
Belgium and everything to the Rhine to themselves.

I should say things looked ill everywhere, and unless we can make the
Emperor of Russia fear a convulsion in France, and determine to recede from
some of his stipulations with Turkey to satisfy the rest of Europe, we
shall have war, and war under the most unfavourable circumstances--that is,
if Austria be not as pusillanimous as she may be weak, for she ought never
to consent to the establishment of the Russians on the Danube.

The only line for the Turks to pursue is to promise everything; to
endeavour to perform everything, and to withdraw to Asia, leaving the rest
of Europe to settle who shall have Constantinople. _Now_ they could not do
that, as they are too weak; but six months hence they may.

We dine with the Duke on Wednesday--and shall then, I suppose, determine
what we are to do.


_October 7._

Cabinet at 3. All present except Lord Melville.

Aberdeen read a paper he had written before the peace was known, the object
of which was to show that the Ottoman Empire was dissolved, and that it
could not be reconstituted; that our views with regard to Greece should now
change with circumstances, and that we should endeavour to make it a
substantive state. To Turkey it could no longer signify whether Greece had
a more extended or more limited line of frontier, and our desire should be
to place a fit man upon the throne. France is willing to propose in the
Conference that to Turkey should be offered the alternative of a Greece
with extended limits under Suzeraineté, &c., according to the Protocol of
March 22, or a Greece with narrower limits, entirely independent.

The Duke said we must first have satisfaction for the insertion of the
Article in the treaty of peace which bound Turkey to the Protocol of March
22; Russia, as a party to the Treaty of London, having no right to settle
that treaty herself. Next, we should insist on an armistice between the
Greeks and Turks.

We must recollect that Turkey had bound herself to acquiesce in the
decision of the Conference upon the Greek Treaty--that is, to defer to our
mediation. Could we, as mediators, propose to Turkey to cede Attica,
Negropont, and other possessions she now holds? and would we willingly
bring the frontiers of the Greek state into contact with our Ionian
Islands?

If Greece were to have a sovereign, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg would be
the best man for us--Austria would prefer him. France admitted that the
wishes of Austria ought to be consulted.

France, however, rather wished for Prince Charles of Bavaria. Russia for a
Duke of Saxe-Weimar.

Aberdeen seemed to think there would be no great difficulty in carrying our
point, and having Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg.

Peel said he thought we could not allow a treaty such as that signed by
Turkey to pass without a remonstrance on our part. We referred to a letter
of Dudley's, and to Aberdeen's recent instruction to Lord Heytesbury, and
likewise to the various declarations of moderation put forth by the Emperor
Nicholas. Several ways were started of expressing our opinion--a sort of
circular to the Powers which signed the Treaty of the Congress--a
declaration to Parliament.

The Duke suggested a remonstrance to the Emperor Nicholas to be
communicated in the first instance only to Russia.

This seems likely to be adopted, but we are to have another Cabinet to-
morrow.

In whatever we do we must endeavour to keep Austria out of the scrape, for
there is nothing the Russians would like so much as the opportunity of
marching to Vienna.

Not only it would be romantic for us alone to go to war to maintain the
balance of power, but it would, in this case, be absurd indeed, for, if our
armies had driven the Russians out of Turkey, we could not reconstitute the
Turkish Empire. It is dissolved in its own weakness.

Great dissatisfaction was expressed, and justly, at the conduct of Lord
Heytesbury, who has been humbugged by the Russians all along.

The King has run up a bill of 4,000£ for clothes in six months. All the
offices of the Household, except the Chamberlain's, which has 1,900£ in
hand, are falling into arrear, and if there should be an arrear upon the
whole civil list, it must come before Parliament.

Fitzgerald gives a very bad account of trade generally.

The King does not like us better than he did, and the Duke of Cumberland
means to keep his son in England, and educate him here, taking the 6,000£ a
year. He wants to drive the Government to make him Viceroy of Hanover.

The Cabinet dined with the Duke.


_October 8._

Cabinet at 3. A great deal of conversation of which the result was that a
remonstrance should be made to Russia on the subject of the terms of the
peace. This remonstrance will temperately but strongly, more by statement
of facts than by observations, show that the peace is not such as the
Emperor had given us reason to expect he would require, and that it in
reality threatens the existence of the Turkish Empire; that the destruction
of that Empire would seriously affect the peace of Europe by changing the
relative position of the several States.

Aberdeen wants a guarantee of the territorial possessions of Turkey, not of
its Government. [Footnote: It is observable that this guarantee seems to
have said nothing of the internal system of government, and so far to have
been unconditional. It would therefore have gone considerably beyond the
Anglo-Turkish Convention of 1878. It would also have applied to Europe as
well as Asia. It is a commentary on the statement of Mr. Gladstone, in
later days a colleague of Lord Aberdeen, that no statesman whom he had
known in former times would ever have listened to the idea of such an
engagement.] I think no one seems much inclined to agree with him. Such a
guarantee would impose obligations without conferring rights upon us. It
would be a guarantee which would give rise to infinite complications, and
which would embarrass us very much.

Without a guarantee we may succeed in bringing the great States to an
understanding that the distribution of the Turkish territories, in the
event of the falling to pieces of that State, must be a subject for the
decision of a Congress.

Austria has expressed herself very frankly. She is ready to do anything.
She sees the danger and desires to know our view of it. The real view of
France does not seem to be very different; but there is no dependence to be
placed upon a Government trembling for its life. Prussia will be satisfied
with the peace. Her sovereign is very weak, and the Prussians think their
interest is served by the progress of Russia in a direction contrary to
them, and in which she menaces Austria.

The smuggling case is said to tell against Lord Stuart. He writes
unintelligibly, and the French will not trust him--so I shall not be sorry
if we can get rid of him.

With Lord Heytesbury we are all dissatisfied, and have been from the
beginning. There is a Council on Monday, and we have a Cabinet on Sunday at
3, when we are to hear Aberdeen's letter, and may probably have the Treaty.

There seems a determination to effect an armistice by force if the
Conference will not order it in Greece.

We have nine good ships there. The Russians seven bad ones, and the French
two.

Before the Conference can proceed the 10th Article of the Treaty of Peace
must be declared _non avenu_--that which obliges the Porte to accept the
Protocol of March 22--all negotiation upon that Protocol having been
committed by Russia to the French and English Ambassadors, and it having
been expressly reserved to the Porte by us, that her objections should be
fairly weighed.

The French have taken advantage of the peace to order their troops home
from the Morea.


_October 9._

Read many of the Protocols of the early Conferences after the Russian,
declaration of war. I shall to-morrow read these again carefully and sketch
_my_ State paper.

If I was in opposition I should describe the details relative to the
Principalities, as showing the moderation of the thief who would stipulate
that men should sleep with their doors open, till they have ransomed
themselves by paying their uttermost farthing.


_October 10._

Received a letter from Sir J. Malcolm. He seems pleased with the secret
dispatches relative to Persia and the Pacha of Bagdad. He seems upon the
whole very much gratified, and very grateful.

He strongly presses the appointment of an Indian as his successor, and
mentions Sir Ch. Metcalfe and Jenkins. He likewise mentions a Mr. Chaplin,
of whom I never heard. I take Jenkins to be a cleverer man than Sir Ch.
Metcalfe, [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Metcalfe.] who rather disappoints me.

Had three letters by Petersburg from Colonel McDonald, the last dated in
August. The Persians, thoroughly alarmed, are doing all they can to satisfy
the Emperor Nicholas by punishing the persons engaged in the massacre of
the Russian mission; but they had an insurrection to quell on banishing the
High Priest, who was at the head of all. As they conclude all the bad
characters had a hand in it they mean to take the opportunity of punishing
them. Paskewitz is said to have from 20,000 to 22,000 men--to have
sustained no loss in the late engagements, but to suffer from the plague.
At Erzeroum the Mahometans are not only satisfied, but well pleased. The
Government of a Russian general is better than that of a Turkish Pasha.

The Prince Abbas Mirza is at last doing something towards making an army.
Major Hart, alone, however, keeps it together. The troops are as yet ill-
armed, but they have their pay. McDonald thinks the King not likely to live
long. He wants a cypher.


_October 11, Sunday._

Came up from Worthing to a Cabinet. Before we met read the last letters
from Lord Heytesbury, which show a degree of infatuation respecting the
Russians, which is quite wonderful.

Before we began to talk Rothschild called out the Duke of Wellington, and
offered at once all the money to pay the Russian Indemnity. He said he only
wanted the guarantee of England!

If the Russians remained in the Principalities there would be a general
war.

Irvine, an English loan jobber, saw the Duke yesterday with the same offer.

The joke is that Rothschild is to pay the money for the Turks, and to be
made King of Jerusalem.

Aberdeen began by begging we would first settle the Greek question. He
brought a paper the Russians were willing to deliver in containing a sort
of apology for the 10th Article, and declaring that it by no means
interfered with the powers of the Conference. We took a great deal of time
in considering whether we should not suggest some alteration in this
paper--some is to be proposed--not very essential.

We had a long discussion as to the name of the new State. At last it seemed
to be thought 'Sovereign Prince of Greece' was the best. Aberdeen thinks
he shall have little difficulty about the Prince. The Russians agree to the
description given; but I dare say they imagine we mean to describe a
different man. I suspect they think we want to give them Leopold.

Aberdeen read a letter he proposed sending to Lord Stuart, the purport of
which was that we wanted to know what he meant to do towards redeeming
France from the responsibility she had incurred and made us incur by giving
instructions to Count Guilleminot, stating the terms of peace and the
moderation of the Emperor--instructions which misled our Ambassador, and
induced the two Ambassadors to give assurances to the Porte which events
proved to be unfounded.

The letter, I think, likewise desired him to enquire in what form our joint
representations as to the amount of the indemnity were to be made. To these
the Ambassadors have pledged the two Cabinets.

There was a great deal more in the letter which is to be left out. It went
into the details of the treaty, or rather of its effects.

The offer is to be made to the Turks of an independent Greece, from the
Gulf of Volo to Missolonghi, or of a Greece under Suzeraineté, with
Negropont, and the line from Volo to the Gulf of Arta.

I think we are all agreed that at the commencement of the war it was our
interest to take as little as possible from Turkey--that now it is our
interest to make Greece a substantive State, which may hereafter receive
the _débris_ of the Ottoman Empire. [Footnote: This may explain the
apparently illiberal views of many of the Cabinet as to the Greek
boundaries. They saw the difficulty of any halting place outside the
Isthmus of Corinth, short of a wider boundary even than that ultimately
adopted.]

As to the really important matter, the remonstrance to Russia, nothing was
done. Nothing is, I conclude, written, and Aberdeen does not like Cabinet
criticism, nor do I think the Cabinet at all agreed as to what should be
said. Dudley's letters used to occupy us for days, and certainly they were
the better for it--although we lost a good deal of time occasionally.

Aberdeen said he would send it to me. I think I shall write an _esquisse_
myself. We are to have no more Cabinets for some time. The Chancellor
wishes to have the remaining fortnight of his holidays uninterrupted.


_October 12._

Went to town at quarter-past one. To the Foreign Office. The treaty arrived
last night. Lord Aberdeen took it with him to Windsor. It differs
materially from the _projet_. The Articles respecting indemnity are
_relégués_ to a separate transaction. The payment of 100,000 ducats is to
lead to the evacuation of Adrianople; 400,000 form the next payment, then
500,000, and 500,000, making the sum originally demanded for individual
losses; but, as I understand Mr. Backhouse, eighteen months must elapse
before Turkey can be evacuated to the Danube. I had much conversation with
him as to other points. On looking into the Act of the Congress I find the
Powers adhering to it may be considered as binding themselves not to
_disturb_ the territorial arrangements that Act establishes; but they are
not bound to _maintain_ them. Thus if France appropriated to herself Spain,
she would violate the treaty, but no Power signing the treaty would be
obliged, by virtue of that Act, to make war upon France for doing so.

That the general treaty contains no guarantee is evident from the specific
guarantee of the cessions made by Saxony to Prussia, which would have been
unnecessary if the spirit of the treaty had been that of existent
guarantee.


_October 13._

Cabinet room. Found Lord Rosslyn there. Read the treaty.

The King was very well yesterday. The Recorder's Report was so long that
half was deferred.

The last dispatches from Persia, which arrived on Friday, were opened at
the Foreign Office, and read by everybody. Aberdeen sent them to the Duke,
who has probably taken them to Walmer in his carriage. The Chairs sent for
them, and could not get them. I must put a stop to this. I have written to
Lord Heytesbury to beg he will in future forward letters to their address.

Wrote a 'proposed draft' to Lord Heytesbury, directing him, if he should
have reason to think the Russians intend to exact further concession from
Persia, to intimate that such an attempt will be considered by his Majesty
as unfriendly to himself as an Asiatic Power. I doubt my getting the Duke
to agree to the sending of this despatch; but I shall try.


_October 14._

Carried my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury to Aberdeen, who agrees to
send it with a trifling alteration, at least one not very important. Read
to him my proposed letter to Lord Heytesbury on the Peace of Adrianople. He
seemed to approve of great part of it. He has done nothing at his yet, and
seems to think there is no hurry!

We shall stand very ill in Parliament if we have nothing to show. I think
mine is a good _cadre_ of a letter, but that specific instructions should
be given to Lord Heytesbury as to what he shall endeavour to obtain in a
separate despatch.

Read my drafts to Lord Rosslyn after dinner. He seemed to think the view I
took was the right, and that much of what I had written was very good, but
that it might be shortened. So I think.


_October 15._

Henry copied the draft to Lord Heytesbury, for the Duke, to whom I sent it
with a letter.

Showed the Chairs the draft to Lord Heytesbury on Persia. They were much
pleased with it. So was old Jones. Sent it to the Duke. In little doubt his
approving it.

Received from the Duke the Persian despatches which I gave to the Chairs.
The Duke had not read them.

Received from him a letter on the subject of half-Batta. He says as an
officer he should have thought there was a compromise in 1801. That it
should be looked into as a question of economy. That above all things in
dealing with an army you must _be just_.

The Duke thinks the publication of the letter of Lord Combermere's
secretary indiscreet and _wicked_, and is very angry with Lord Combermere.

A letter will be written to the Government on the subject, directing
enquiry.


_October 19, Sunday._

Read McDonald's despatches from Persia, and sent them to the Duke, with a
letter suggesting the heads of a letter to the Envoy.

The Russians have given up one of the two crores due, and allow five years
for paying the other. They mean, therefore, to rule Persia _by influence_.
However, there is a good Mahometan and Anti-Russian feeling beyond the
Euphrates, and if mischief happens, it is our fault.

Received a letter from Hardinge respecting half-Batta. He is for standing
firm and giving some general boon, as an addition to marching money, to the
whole army. That is my idea. I am sure it is the safest course.

Wrote to Loch, suggesting it, and at the same time advised him to answer
the paragraphs respecting half-Batta, and not give misrepresentations too
much head.


_October 20._

Two letters from the Duke, written very hastily. It is evident he did not
like my making a sketch of a letter to Lord Heytesbury, and that he does
not like any difference of opinion as to the Batta question.

On the first point I still think I was right. He mentions some ideas of
Russia ordering Diebitch across the Balkan, and even the Danube, of her
giving up the Principalities, &c. In short he says all we know is that
there is a peace--we do not know what it is--and it would be ridiculous to
remonstrate against we know not what.

My draft was written before these reports were spread; and I only, from
anxiety to have the despatch well written and soon, sketched what I thought
would do.

As to the reports, I have told Aberdeen I cannot believe Russia has on a
sudden ceased to be ambitious, or to use perfidy as a mode of accomplishing
ambitious ends. She may give out she will make these changes--she may make
some--but her object is to prevent all combination on the part of Austria,
France, and England. If we do not remonstrate against what is signed, we
shall lose all credit, if that which is executed should be comparatively
favourable, and we shall incur great blame if no relaxation takes place. A
remonstrance might be so worded as to do no harm to Turkey or to Europe,
and to do good to us.

The Duke's other letter was on the Batta question, upon which he does not
like contradiction, yet I think his course would lead to continued demands
on the part of all the armies. I have told him I shall be in town to see
the Chairs on Saturday, and will try to see him on Friday, and, if he
wishes, bring the Chairs to him on Saturday.


_October 21._

Received a long confused letter from Fitzgerald upon my project of a draft
to Lord Heytesbury. He was at Sudborn, [Footnote: Seat of Lord Hertford, in
Suffolk] where the Duke was. The Duke was not so much inclined to think the
Russians would make any considerable concessions as Aberdeen, but he
thought, and had made Fitzgerald think, it would be premature to
remonstrate. I have written to Fitzgerald and told him my opinion more at
length than I told Aberdeen yesterday.


_October 23._

Cabinet room. Read the despatches from Petersburg and Paris. All the hints
of the Emperor of Russia's intention of not retaining his army in Turkey
come through Paris, Nesselrode having on September 29 spoken thus
specifically to the Duke de Mortemart, and merely talked about taking less
money and making some change in the guarantees to Lord Heytesbury. I did
not see Aberdeen, who was engaged with the Spanish Minister.

I do not depart from my original idea that Russia does all this to gain
time, and with as much perfidy as she has shown throughout.

Polignac would take a loyal view if he durst.

I cannot see the Duke till Monday, as he does not return to London till
Sunday evening.

I saw Hardinge and had a long talk with him about Batta, &c.


_October 24._

Chairs at 11.

The Chairs say the Court have the matter entirely in their hands as to
Batta. They wish to have the opinion of the Cabinet, and to be governed by
that. I have written to the Duke to tell him so.

I am glad there is to be a Cabinet, because I think a Cabinet will take a
more popular view of the question than the Duke, and, as I think, a juster
view. I am for standing firm.

The Duke's letter on Persian affairs arrived while I was with the Chairs. I
read it to them. The Duke suggests that McDonald should raise his escort in
Persia--an excellent idea. He objects to Major Hart having an assignment of
land. He thinks Willock may be recalled. The officers not; but if the
prince will pay them, so much the better. I think the Duke may be right as
to the assignments of land. Upon all the other points I entirely agree with
him. Read last night a letter of Lushington's, or rather a minute, which
shows he is determined to remain.

Cabinet room. Cunningham came in and showed me a draft of Aberdeen's to our
Minister in Spain on the recognition by Spain of Don Miguel--finding
excuses for Spain, and saying we cannot do it. What I saw was the
_brouillon_ which had been sent to the Duke. It had his observations in
pencil, and it seems Aberdeen sends all his proposed despatches to him and
alters them at his suggestion. Certainly Aberdeen, left to himself, would
be a very incautious writer.


_October 26._

Office early. Saw Captain Hanchett on the subject of the navigation of the
Red Sea. He was there two years and a half. He says in going in you should
make Aden and wait there for a wind. Water can be had there. Avoid Mocha,
where the anchorage is dangerous and the water bad, and go to the Island of
Cameran, then straight up in mid channel. All the dangers are visible, and
in the mid channel there are none. Cosseir a good little harbour, the
danger is going up to Suez; but that easy for a steamer. He worked with
topgallant sails against the north-west monsoon. There is a breeze along
shore at all times. The danger has been occasioned by the timid sailing of
the Arabs, who always hug the shore, and anchor at night.


_October 27._

I omitted yesterday to mention that at the Foreign Office I saw some
despatches just received from Sir R. Gordon. I think the date of the first
was October 2. He had the day before at last got the Turks to ratify the
treaty, but it seems there was a hitch, and until the ratification the
officers did not set off to stop hostilities in Asia. A Pasha had advanced
on Philippopoli and General Geismar on Sophia. Diebitch threatened to
advance on Constantinople. However, the day after he wrote his threatening
letter he must have received the ratifications. The Sultan is very anxious
to get the Egyptian fleet to Constantinople, probably as a pledge for the
allegiance of the Pasha, and to show his greatest vassal obeys him. The
Turks say it is the moral effect of the presence of the fleet on their own
subjects that they want, that they have no idea of not acting faithfully.
Sir R. Gordon assures me they mean to preserve the peace and must.

He has written the representation the Turkish ambassador is to present to
the Emperor. It would be a good remonstrance for us, but it is not a good
one for the Turks. It is very well written, but it is quite European in its
style, and the Russians will at once know, as I did, the author.

The Turks intended to send a splendid embassy to Petersburg, and Halil
Pasha, once the slave of the Seraskier, now the Sultan's son-in-law, was to
have been the ambassador. He is their least officer. However, Diebitch
tells them they must not send it till they have the Emperor's consent. The
Turks have ready the first 100,000 ducats, to get the Russians out of
Adrianople.

I should say from these despatches that things do not look peaceful.


_October 28._

Had a letter yesterday from Mr. Elphinstone on Nazarre. It appears to be a
fine on descents, &c., of Jaghire lands. I think his opinion will be
different from Sir J. Malcolm's--the latter wishing to make the Jaghires
hereditary, or rather to give a fee simple interest to the actual
proprietor. Mr. Elphinstone, on the contrary, thinking they should be
resumed on death without heirs.


_October 29._

Read a work just published by Colonel de Lacy Evans, on the practicability
of a Russian invasion of India. The route would be first to China, across a
desert from the shores of the Caspian--from China by water up the Oxus, to
within 550 miles of Attock. The great difficulty is between the end of the
river, and the southern side of the Hindoo Koosh. This difficulty, however,
has been often surmounted, and the road is constantly travelled by
caravans.

I think it is clear that the invasion of India could not be attempted till
the third year; but when should we begin to take precautions? A Government
wholly Asiatic would not be still if the Russians took possession of China;
but ours, chained by European politics, would hardly move if they entered
Cabul.

We ought to have full information as to Cabul, Bokhara, and China.

My letter of last year directed the attaining of information; but I dare
say nothing has been done.


_October 30._

Received a Memorial from Mr. Fullerton, asking some remuneration beyond his
salary for past services. He has a claim _if we were rich_. I think he
should have 10,000 dollars. I dare say he thinks 20,000. Thoughtless
extravagance is the destruction of generosity and even of justice.

Upon the subject of the invasion of India my idea is that the thing is not
only practicable, but easy, unless we determine to act as an Asiatic Power.
On the acquisition of Khiva by the Russians we should occupy Lahore and
Cabul.[Footnote: It may be remembered that Lord Ellenborough strongly
disapproved of any occupation of Afghanistan, or interference with its
internal affairs, in 1840-42. At that time Russia had not advanced to
Khiva. It is clear that he would not have held the same opinion as to our
policy towards Afghanistan after the events of 1873-74.] It is not on the
Indus that an enemy is to be met. If we do not meet him in Cabul, at the
foot of the Hindoo Koosh, or in its passes, we had better remain in the
Sutlege. If the Russians once occupy Cabul they may remain there with the
Indus in their front, till they have organised insurrection in our rear,
and completely equipped their army. I fear there are passes from Balkh upon
Peshawur. If these could be closed and the enemy poured upon Cabul we
should know where to meet him. Now we, being at Cabul, might be cut off
from its resources by the descent of the enemy upon Peshawur.

There is some road from Roondorg through Cashmere, but I do not fear that.
The road an enemy would choose would be that by the Valley of the Cachgu.

We know nothing of these passes, nothing of the country beyond them,
nothing of the course of the Indus--but we should have full information so
as to be able to crush an advancing enemy, by making the whole country
hostile, which money would do.

To meet an invasion we must raise every regiment to 1,000 men.

    168 Regiments
    360   "
  -----
  1,008
  504
  ------
  60,480 Men, besides Artillery.
   4,000 King's Inf. raised to 1,000 each Reg.
   1,000 Do. four Regiments of Cavalry.
   4,000 Four new Regiments.
   2,000 Two new Cavalry.
         Besides King's Artillery.
  ------
  71,480

Besides the increase which would take place in the Irregular Corps,
particularly in Skinner's.

A smaller increase than this would not be sufficient; for we should require
20,000 men at Delhi, 20,000 in Lahore, and 60,000 in Cabul. I speak of
enrolled, not effectives--but with these augmentations the Regular Army
would only be

  148,000 N.I.
   24,000 King's.
  -------
  172,000
   20,000 Native Cavalry.
    6,000 King's.
  -------
  198,000

The out provisional battalions, local corps, &c., of 198,000, I do not
think above 100,000 could possibly be disposable, and there would not be
70,000 effectives. The Artillery must be very numerous. I omitted the
Company's English Regiments, about 3,000 men.

Of all nations the Russians are the least adapted for an enterprise of this
nature. They have neither medical staff nor commissariat, and the men are
without resource. A French army would be the best. I doubt the possibility
of Russia bringing more than 20,000 men to Cabul, and these could not
descend the mountains till the third year, if Cabul was occupied. What I
fear is an occupation of Khiva unknown to us. No preparation on our part--
no marching forward--so that in three or four months from leaving Khiva the
enemy might be at Cabul. I am sure we can defeat the enterprise. We ought
to defeat it before the enemy reaches the Indus. If 20,000 Russians should
reach the Indus, it will be a sharp fight.


_November 1, 1829._

A letter from the Duke. He returned the papers I sent him. He has doubts as
to the expediency of making the Commissary-General of Stores I proposed;
but he seems to have supposed I wished to do away with the Military Board.
I have explained what I meant.

He approves of my suggestions as to correspondence, but thinks every paper
must be sent home, and the collections formed here. I have explained that I
always intended every paper should be sent home, and I have told him that I
had the opinion of the clerks I consulted that the collections might be
framed in India, with a saving of time, and without diminishing the check
on the local Governments.


_November 4._

Received from Aberdeen his draft of a remonstrance to Russia, which, it
seems, must be sent at last. He has already shown it to the Duke and Peel.

There is no great substantive objection to it; but it is not very carefully
written. I shall send it to him tomorrow with many proposed alterations. In
the second box came Gaily [Footnote: H. Gaily Knight. Best known for his
works on the Normans in Sicily, and Ecclesiastical Architecture in Italy.]
Knight's letter to Aberdeen; which is a poor, flimsy production. A
peacock's feather in the hilt of a Drawcansir's sword.


_November 5._

Altered, not only verbally, but substantially, Aberdeen's paper, and sent
it to him.

Cabinet room. Read a Memorandum by Lord Heytesbury, of a conversation he
has had with the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor expects the early downfall
of the Porte--and a Revolution in France. Asks if another march to Paris
would be possible? Lord Heytesbury saw Nesselrode afterwards and told him
what the Emperor had said. Nesselrode said the Emperor always saw things
_en noir_. He had a different opinion. He did not think the Porte in
immediate danger, nor did he expect a French Revolution.

The other guarantees they talk of are further cessions in Asia,
specifically Batoum, or the occupation of Varna, or Silistria, instead of
the Principalities. The latter is worse, and the Turks will probably
consent to neither. They do not value the Principalities, and they know
Europe does.[Footnote: The Principalities, as commanding the lower course
of the Danube, were all important to Austria especially. Thus, occupation
by Russia, while it would have been felt as a menace to Central Europe,
would have left Turkey a compact state beyond the Danube.]


_November 6._

Saw Aberdeen. He is always gloomy about _divisions_. He is afraid of an
attack on Foreign Policy. He thinks the two parties will unite in that. He
hears there has been some approximation between Lord Grey [Footnote: Lord
Grey had been separated from the bulk of the Whig party since their
junction with Canning in 1827.] and Lord Holland. At the same time it is
said there is a notion of bringing in Lord Grey. I suspect this report to
have been fabricated by the Ultra-Tories to annoy the King.

He thinks the Duke is annoyed, more particularly at the King's not treating
him well, and at his Government not being well supported.

In fact, however, it is a Government which will not fall, for the King
hates the Whigs; the people do not regard them. He may like the Tories, but
he knows they cannot make a Government, and the Duke's Administration has
four-fifths of the country.

Received a letter from the Duke, telling me he had settled Colonel
McDonald's knighthood, and asking me if I should be ready to talk about
India on the 13th. I said about Batta certainly; about India I had rather
talk first to Lord Melville and him.

Wrote to the Duchess of Kent telling her a Bengal cavalry cadetship was at
her disposal for the son of Colonel Harvey.

There is a very interesting letter from an English officer at Adrianople
with respect to the state of the Russian army. It has suffered and suffers
most dreadfully.

I told Aberdeen if I had seen the account of the conversation between Lord
Heytesbury and the Emperor Nicholas before I read his proposed letter, I
should have suggested that much stress should have been laid upon the
effect the downfall of Turkey would have upon affairs in France.

Polignac seems confident he can stand. He thinks he has the Chambers. The
French behave ill in the settlement of the Greek business, and object
altogether to our man, Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg. They equally object
to Prince Frederick of Orange, and to Prince Leopold, whom Russia would
have had willingly. I wonder Aberdeen did not laugh when he was proposed.
They want to settle the thing without a Prince. I suppose they want a
Frenchman.

Aberdeen is for settling Greece as a Power into whose lap the broken parts
of Turkey may fall. He gives up Euboea. That is, the surrender of Euboea is
to be proposed to the Porte, with a frontier limited in other respects,
instead of the protocol of March 22.

The Turks who have left the Morea have no indemnity. The Turks who are in
the other parts of the new Greece remain. It is altogether a wonderful
business. These anti-revolutionary States combining to revolutionise a
rebellious province of an unoffending ally!


_November 11._

It seems the French do not like the idea of giving to the Turks the option
of an independent State with smaller limits, or of a State under
Suzeraineté with extended limits, contrary to the treaty, and sending at
the same time secret instructions to the Ambassadors to insist upon the
_entire_ independence of the new Greek State. The French seem likewise to
have been offended at the protocol having been settled between Russia and
us, before they were called in to give their opinion. No wonder. Certainly
our diplomacy has not succeeded. We have failed in all our objects.


_November 13._

Cabinet. I was first called upon to say my say upon the general Indian
question. I observed that the present prospective deficiency was one
million a year. That until we could ascertain whether that deficiency could
be diminished or done away with we were really not ourselves prepared to
come to a decision upon the future government of India; nor would
Parliament endure that the China trade should be closed upon the country
for twenty years more without first inquiring whether it was necessary. The
first question was, 'Can we make such a reduction of expenditure, or effect
such an increase in income as to enable the Government of India to go on
without any assistance direct or indirect from England?' If it can, then we
have the China trade in our hands. If it cannot, we have to decide whether
the necessary assistance shall be found by means of a continuance of the
monopoly or in some other manner.

I stated the increase of two millions in six years in the civil charges of
Bengal; that the Court had issued the strongest instructions, and the local
Government seemed to have a real intention to curtail expenditure. That I
had done something, and should do all I could, investigating every item.
Peel suggested a commission. I said that had occurred to me last year. The
Duke, however, objected to a commission as really superseding the Governor-
General and being the Government. Another objection certainly is the delay.
Difficulties would be thrown in its way, and we should at last be obliged
to decide without its final report, having thrown away our time here in
waiting for it.

I mentioned that the character of the local Government was 'disrespect and
disobedience.' That nothing but a long continuance of strict rule could
bring India into real subjection. It was this disobedience which was the
chief source of increased expenditure. It arose in a great measure from the
unequal hand which had been held over them--the indulgence of the Court of
Directors--and the great delays in the communication with India arising out
of the system of correspondence. I had endeavoured to remedy that, and
hoped to get an answer to letters within the year. It was now two years and
a half. I had likewise endeavoured to make arrangements for steam
communication by the Red Sea. I hoped to be able to send a letter to Bombay
in sixty days.

The Cabinet seemed generally to acquiesce in the expediency of only having
a Committee this year.

At first they all seemed to think the continuance of the government in the
Company a matter of course. I told them that even with the China trade the
Government could not now go on without great reductions of expenditure, and
that I hoped the Cabinet would not come to a hasty decision upon a question
involving so many important political and financial considerations. The
present system was not one of great expense, but it was one involving great
delay--and delay was expense, and not only expense but abandonment of
authority. It was in this point of view that I hoped the Cabinet would look
at the question when it came before them.

I mean to go quietly to work; but I mean, if I can, to substitute the
King's government for that of the Company. [Footnote: This was not carried
out till 1858, after the great mutiny.] I am sure that in doing so I shall
confer a great benefit upon India and effect the measure which is most
likely to retain for England the possession of India.

We afterwards spoke of the Batta question. I read Lord Wellesley's letter,
and stated the opinions of Sir J. Malcolm, Sir Archibald Campbell, and Sir
J. Nicholls.

I stated that it seemed the feeling in the army was excited more by the
apprehension of further reductions than by the establishment of the half-
Batta stations; that if concessions were made to the Bengal army, the other
armies would be discontented and further demands would be made.

The Duke said, as a soldier, and having been in India at the time, he must
say he thought the orders of 1828 [Footnote: Orders issued by Lord William
Bentinck, abolishing full batta or the larger scale of allowances to the
military at stations where half-batta only had been recognised, before the
Act of the Bengal Government allowing full batta in consideration of
officers providing themselves with quarters.--See Thornton's _British
India_, pp. 221-25.] a breach of faith--but these having been issued, he
thought we must stand to them. The general opinion was that as nothing
could be said or done till the arrival of despatches, there could be no
necessity for deciding.

I mentioned my Supreme Court Bill, which will be ready immediately.

I hope to save--ultimately 60,000 pounds a year in the Supreme Courts.

                                 £
     £1,000 on each Judge..... 9,000
     1 Judge at Calcutta...... 5,000
     1 Judge at M. and B...... 8,000
     Recorder's Court......... 8,000
     Fees at Calcutta........ 30,000
                              ------
                             £60,000

Ireland is put off till Monday, that we may all read the papers. We dine
with the Duke to-morrow.

The French oppose all the people we name for the Greek coronet. They have
named Prince Charles of Bavaria, and the second son of the King of Bavaria
with a regency till he is of age! However, this folly they did not press.

We first named Prince Philip of Hesse Homburg, whom the French would not
hear of. Then Leopold! They did not like him. Prince Emilius of Hesse
Darmstadt was thought of. The French have suggested Prince John of Saxony,
second son of the King, a fine young man, about 28, but unknown. His elder
brother too may soon succeed to the throne, and he has no children.
Otherwise there is no objection to this Prince.

It seems to me they are running after trifles. Russia adheres to us as to
the Prince, or rather remains neutral, thinking I have no doubt that France
and England will quarrel about the feather.

The secret instruction which it was proposed to give to the Ambassadors is
now abandoned, France having objected. They were to have been ordered to
_insist_ upon Turkey taking one of two things of which she was to have
ostensibly the pure option. Now they are only clearly to intimate their
_wish_. However, it seems Russia will take a million of ducats less if
Turkey will make Greece independent. That is, she will give up a claim to
what she cannot get in order to effect that she has no right to ask.

The French Government have, by giving new rates of pension, got 1,600 old
officers out of the army, and filled important stations with friends of
their own. They think they shall stand.

I forgot to mention the Archduke Maximilian of Modena as one of the persons
talked of for Greece. It seems uncertain whether any one of these Princes
would take the coronet.


_November 14, Saturday._

Cabinet room. Rosslyn and afterwards Lord Bathurst there. Read the Irish
papers, that is, Lord Francis Leveson's private letters to Peel and Peel's
to him, with a letter from Peel to Leslie Foster, asking his opinion as to
education and Maynooth, and Foster's reply. The latter is important. He
thinks the political and religious hostility of the two parties is
subsiding. The chiefs alone keep it up. The adherents are gradually falling
off. To open the questions of education, &c., now, would be to open closing
wounds, nor would anything be accomplished. The priests would resist
everything proposed, and the Protestants would not be satisfied. The
Kildare Street Society, however defective, does a great deal of good, more
than could be expected from any new system we could carry at this moment.

As to Maynooth, to withdraw the grant would not diminish the funds, while
it would increase the bad feeling.

The increased prevalence of outrage, arising more from a disorganised state
of society than from politics or religion, and the _assassination_ plan,
must be met by an extensive police, directed by stipendiary magistrates;
and the expense of this police, and the indemnity to sufferers must be paid
by the barony in which the outrage takes place.

All Peel's letters are very sensible. Lord Francis Leveson's are in an odd
style, rather affected occasionally, and his ideas are almost always such
as require to be overruled. He is a forward boy; but I see nothing of the
statesman in him. We ought to have had Hardinge there.

Dined at the Duke's. A man of the name of Ashe is writing letters to the
Duke of Cumberland threatening his life if he does not give up a book in
MS.

This book of Ashe's is a romance detailing all sorts of scandals of the
Royal Family, and of horrors of the Duke of Cumberland. The book is
actually in the possession of the Duke of Wellington.

The King's violence, when there was an idea of Denman's [Footnote: The King
always resented an offensive quotation of Denman's as counsel during the
Queen's trial.] appearing for the Recorder, was greater, the Duke says,
than what he showed during the Catholic question.

Lady Conyngham has been and is very ill. There is no idea of the Court
going to Brighton.


_November 16._

Cabinet. France, Austria, and England to ask Don Pedro distinctly what he
means to do. We certainly cannot go on as we are with Portugal for ever.
Aberdeen fears France may acknowledge Miguel first, and thus take our place
with Portugal.

The Duke says if we can keep Spain on good terms with Portugal, and with
ourselves, the connection of France and Portugal does not signify, and we
are much better off than with Portugal against Spain and France. This is
true.

A long talk about Ashe, who has written a libel on the Duke of Cumberland,
which the Duke gave to the Duke of Wellington. Ashe wants it back, and
threatens if he has it not returned to him; but in a letter, and in such
terms that the Attorney-General does not think him liable to prosecution.
He might be held to bail, perhaps, but that would bring out the case. It
was decided to do nothing, but to take precautions against his doing
mischief. The Duke of Cumberland has been cautioned.

The Insurrection Act seems to be popular with Fitzgerald. Peel says it is
bad in principle, and has the effect of placing the higher classes in
hostility against the lower. The decision seemed to be to have a powerful
police--stipendiary magistrates--frequent trials--constables appointed by
Government--counties paying for additional police.

Peel suggests the division of Ireland into smaller districts, and the
acquiring a personal knowledge of individuals, and making the districts
responsible.

I believe the country is too populous, and the population too wicked, for
this plan to succeed.

The murderers will be brought in from a distance.

The state of demoralisation in which the country is is dreadful. Murders
are held to be of no account.


_November 17._

Read, as I came down to Worthing, Colonel McDonald's last despatches, and
his private letter, which I received last night. Sent them to the Duke, and
asked whether under the circumstances we should let Abbas Murza have some
thousand stand of arms, Colonel McDonald doing his best to secure ultimate
repayment.

The Persian cavalry raised by the Russians in their newly conquered
territories seem to have fought as well as any troops in their service.
Colonel McDonald says it is from a disciplined Persian army alone,
commanded by Russian officers, that he dreads the invasion of India. A
European force would be wasted by the climate. The Pasha of Suleimania had
too European a taste, and wanted to make regular soldiers without pay or
clothing. So his soldiers turned him out, and made his brother Pacha.

Colonel McDonald describes all that side of Turkey as going _au devant du
conquérant_. Such has been the wretchedness of their government.


_Worthing, November 18, 1829._

At 11 P.M. received a letter from the Duke of Wellington by a messenger,
telling me he regretted I had not met Lord Melville and him before the
Cabinet, and proposing, as he and Lord Melville both wished to go out of
town on Friday, that I should meet them either to-morrow, after 2, or on
Friday morning.

I wrote to say I would be with him at 3 to-morrow.


_November 19._


Met the Duke and Lord Melville.

After conversation on topics connected with the subject we came to the
point, which was that the Duke wished both to preserve the monopoly and the
Company as administrators of Indian affairs.

The Duke is much swayed by early recollections. He is besides very desirous
of having the City of London in his hands.

I admitted that the great and solid objection to placing the government of
India directly in the hands of the Crown was the consequent increase of
Parliamentary business, already too extensive to be well performed.

As to the China trade, if the Government of India can be conducted without
the assistance derived from it, I saw no reason for its continuance; but I
had rather continue the monopoly than lose the Company as a trading Company
to China, for I thought the trade might be greatly endangered were their
commerce to cease. I said that the continuance of the system of carrying on
the government through the instrumentality of the Company was not
inconsistent with giving to it the efficiency, the vigour, and the celerity
of the King's Government.

Lord Melville admitted the cumbrousness of the present system.

The Duke seemed to have no objection to alterations in details, provided
the principle were adhered to.

Both to-day and in the Cabinet on Friday last I was surprised by Lord
Melville's inertness.

The Duke wishes Leach's paper to be 'the case to be proved.' This may be
done, and yet the necessary improvements introduced.

Met Seymour, who had been with the Duke. He is just come from Berlin. He
seemed to say that the great success of the war was wholly unexpected by
the Emperor.


_November 20._

Wrote to Hylton Jolliffe to beg he would turn his attention to the subject
of steam navigation to India by the Red Sea, as a private speculation.


_November 21._

Read a letter from Sir G. Murray. It seems the Duke, Lord Melville, and Sir
George are to meet soon to consider whether some alteration should not be
made in the rules of the Order of the Bath. I suggested that it might be an
improvement to make civilians eligible to the lower grades of the Order. It
might occasionally be very convenient to make a man a K.C.B. for civil
service.


_Sunday, November 22._

Told Bankes what the Duke wished respecting the Charter; but I likewise
told him it had not yet been so determined in Cabinet, and that there was
no objection to our making the Government more rapid and vigorous, and less
like the Tullietudlem coach. I desired him to consider this _confidential_
to himself and the Commissioners.


_November 25._

Received a note from Bankes announcing that the Duke had accepted his
retirement from the office of secretary, and had consented to make him an
extra commissioner.

This has long been an idea of Bankes's, of which I never could see rational
ground. Indeed, he seems to acknowledge it is not his own idea, but that of
others, that on his return to the Government he should not have returned to
the same office. In fact it is the influence of the Duke of Cumberland, and
it is evident from the endeavour to detach Bankes from the Government now
that the Brunswickers still have hopes. It is like giving notice to Lot and
his family before the fall of fire and brimstone.

Bankes's letter 

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