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Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe

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Title: Biographical Memorials of James Oglethorpe

Author: Thaddeus Mason Harris


        
Release date: January 1, 2004 [eBook #10677]
                Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BIOGRAPHICAL MEMORIALS OF JAMES OGLETHORPE ***

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMORIALS OF JAMES OGLETHORPE,

FOUNDER OF THE COLONY OF GEORGIA, IN NORTH AMERICA.

by THADDEUS MASON HARRIS, D.D.

MEMBER OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES; OF THE
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY AT ATHENS, GREECE; OF THE MASSACHUSETTS
HISTORICAL SOCIETY; THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY; THE AMERICAN
ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY; AND CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE GEORGIA
HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

MDCCCXLI.






TO THE PRESIDENT, THE VICE PRESIDENTS, THE OFFICERS AND MEMBERS

OF THE

GEORGIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY,

THIS WORK IS

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.





TO I.K. TEFFT, ESQ., WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D., AND A.A. SMETS, ESQ.,
_OF SAVANNAH_;

WITH A LIVELY SENSE OF THE INTEREST WHICH THEY HAVE TAKEN IN THE
PUBLICATION OF THIS WORK, THIS PAGE IS INSCRIBED BY THEIR OBLIGED AND
GRATEFUL FRIEND,

THADDEUS MASON HARRIS.






  "Thy great example will in glory shine,
  A favorite theme with Poet and Divine;
  Posterity thy merits shall proclaim,
  And add new honor to thy deathless fame."

_On his return from Georgia_, 1735.


[Illustration: GEN. JAMES OGLETHORPE. _This sketch was taken in
February preceding his decease when he was reading without spectacles
at the sale of the library of Dr. S. Johnson.





PREFACE


Having visited the South for the benefit of my health, I arrived at
Savannah, in Georgia, on the 10th of February, 1834; and, indulging
the common inquisitiveness of a stranger about the place, was informed
that just one hundred and one years had elapsed since the first
settlers were landed there, and the city laid out. Replies to other
inquiries, and especially a perusal of McCall's History of the State,
excited a lively interest in the character of General OGLETHORPE, who
was the founder of the Colony, and in the measures which he pursued
for its advancement, defence, and prosperity. I was, however,
surprised to learn that no biography had been published of the man who
projected an undertaking of such magnitude and importance; engaged in
it on principles the most benevolent and disinterested; persevered
till its accomplishment, under circumstances exceedingly arduous, and
often discouraging; and lived to see "a few become a thousand," and a
weak one "the flourishing part of a strong nation."

So extraordinary did Dr. Johnson consider the adventures, enterprise,
and exploits of this remarkable man, that "he urged him to give the
world his life." He said, "I know of no man whose life would be more
interesting. If I were furnished with materials, I would be very glad
to write it." This was a flattering offer. The very suggestion implied
that the great and worthy deeds, which Oglethorpe had performed, ought
to be recorded for the instruction, the grateful acknowledgment, and
just commendation of contemporaries; and their memorial transmitted
with honor to posterity. "The General seemed unwilling to enter upon
it then;" but, upon a subsequent occasion, communicated to Boswell
a number of particulars, which were committed to writing; but that
gentleman "not having been sufficiently diligent in obtaining more
from him," death closed the opportunity of procuring all the requisite
information.

There was a memoir drawn up soon after his decease, which has been
attributed to Capel Lofft, Esq., and published in the European
Magazine. This was afterwards adopted by Major McCall; and, in an
abridged form, appended to the first volume of his History of Georgia.
It is preserved, also, as a note, in the second volume of Nichols's
Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century, with some references and
additional information. But it is too brief and meagre to do justice
to the memory of one of whom it has been said, "His life was full of
variety, adventure, and achievement. His ruling passions were, the
love of glory, of his country, and of mankind; and these were so
blended together in his mind that they formed but one principle of
action. He was a hero, a statesman, an orator; the patron of letters,
the chosen friend of men of genius, and the theme of praise for great
poets."[1] The writer of this elegant encomium, adds this remark: "AN
AUTHENTIC AND TOLERABLY MINUTE LIFE OF OGLETHORPE IS A DESIDERATUM."
Such a desideratum I have endeavored to supply. This, however, has
been a very difficult undertaking; the materials for composing it,
excepting what relates to the settlement of Georgia, were to be sought
after in the periodicals of the day, or discovered by references to
him in the writings or memoirs of his contemporaries. I have searched
all the sources of information to which I could have access, with the
aim to collect what had been scattered; to point out what had been
overlooked; and, from the oblivion into which they had fallen, to
rescue the notices of some striking incidents and occurrences in the
life of Oglethorpe, in order to give consistency and completeness to
a narrative of the little that had been preserved and was generally
known.

[Footnote 1: Gulian Veerplanck, Esq. _Anniversary Discourse before the
New York Historical Society_, December 7, 1818, page 33.]

To use the words of one who had experience in a similar undertaking:
"The biographer of our day is too often perplexed in the toil of his
researches after adequate information for composing the history of men
who were an honor to their age, and of whom posterity is anxious to
know whatever may be added to increase the need of that veneration,
which, from deficient knowledge, they can but imperfectly bestow."

My collected notices I have arranged so as to form a continuous
narrative, though with some wide interruptions. The statements of the
most important transactions have generally been made in the terms of
original documents, or the publications of the day; as I deemed it
more just and proper so to do, than to give them my own coloring.
And I must apprize the reader, that instead of aiming to express
the recital in the fluency of rhetorical diction, or of aspiring to
decorate my style of composition with studied embellishments, MY
PURPOSE HAS SIMPLY AND UNIFORMLY BEEN TO RELATE FACTS IN THE MOST
PLAIN AND ARTLESS MANNER; and I trust that my description of _scenes_
and _occurrences_ will be admitted to be natural and free from
affectation; and my inferences, to be pertinent, impartial, and
illustrative. I hope, too, that it will not be thought that the detail
of _circumstances_ is needlessly particular, and the relation of
_incidents_ too minute. For, these, though seemingly inconsiderable,
are not unimportant; and, though among the minor operations of active
life, serve to indicate the state of existing opinions and prevailing
motives, and to exhibit the real aspect of the times. They also have,
more or less, relation to forth-coming events. They are foot-prints in
the onward march to "enterprises of great pith and moment;" and hence
should be carefully traced and inspected. Though my authorities are
duly noted, I have not been so particular as to distinguish every
passage which I had transcribed by marks of quotation; and, therefore,
being willing that this work should be considered as mainly a
compilation, with unassuming pretensions, entitle it BIOGRAPHICAL
MEMORIALS.

After the lapse of more than a century since Oglethorpe entered on the
stage of action, it cannot be expected that the varied incidents of so
busy, eventful, and long protracted a life as was his, can be brought
out and fully described; or that the prominent personal qualities of
so singular a character can be delineated, for the first time, with
vivid exactness and just expression. Not having presumed to do this, I
have attempted nothing more than a general outline or profile.

Such as I have been able to make the work, I present it to the public.
Whatever may be the reception which it may meet, I shall never think
the moments misspent, which were devoted to the purpose of reviving
the memory of Oglethorpe, and of perpetuating his fame by a more full
recital of his deeds than had been heretofore made.

BOSTON, _July 7th_, 1838.

       *       *       *       *       *

Since the preceding preface was written, the Reverend Charles Wallace
Howard, who had been commissioned by the Legislature of Georgia to
procure from the public offices in London, a copy of the records of
the Trustees for the settlement of the Province, and of other colonial
documents, has returned, having successfully accomplished the object
of his mission. It may be thought that these are of such importance
that all which I have done must be defective indeed, unless I avail
myself of them; and so, perhaps, it may prove. But my advanced old
age, my feeble state of health, and other circumstances, prevent my
doing so. I console myself, however, with the consideration that as
they consist of particulars relative to the settlement and early
support of Georgia, to which Oglethorpe devoted not quite eleven years
of a life extended to nearly a hundred, they would only contribute
to render more distinct the bright and glorious meridian of his
protracted day,--while I aimed to exhibit its morning promise and its
evening lustre;--endeavoring to give some account of what he was and
did forty-four years before he commenced "the great emprise,"
and where he was and how occupied forty-two years after its
accomplishment.

Moreover, the official records contain, principally, a detail of the
plans and measures which were adopted and pursued by the Trustees
in London, or comprise the statement of public grants of money, and
military stores and forces;--and these belong to History, and not to
Biography.

The Letters of Oglethorpe, besure, would be exceedingly interesting;
but I presume that much of what they refer to may be collected from
pamphlets and periodicals of the day, where he is spoken of as
he would not feel free to speak of himself. As from these I have
collected the most material particulars, I cannot think that my actual
deficiencies in the history of that eventful period can be very
considerable or important.

From a correspondence with I.K. TEFFT, Esq. and WILLIAM B. STEVENS,
M.D., of Savannah, I have obtained the clearer statement of some
important facts and occurrences, which is respectfully noticed where
introduced, and for which I render my grateful acknowledgments. The
latter gentleman has also obligingly favored me with an article on the
culture of silk in Georgia, which graces my appendix.

  I have done the best I could with scanty store;
  Let abler man, with ample means, do more;
  Yet not deficiencies of mine decry,
  Nor make my gatherings his own lack supply.

May _1st_, 1841.

The date, at the close of the first preface, indicates that the
publication of this work had been suspended.--A subsequent epistolary
correspondence, in reference to it, with friends at Savannah, excited
promptings, which were succeeded by a list of nearly two hundred
subscribers for the volume in print;--a list that included the names
of the most respectable gentlemen of the city, among whom were those
that held distinguished stations and filled important offices in
public life.

For this flattering encouragement and honorary patronage, the most
grateful acknowledgments are rendered.

       *       *       *       *       *

The name of the capital of South Carolina was originally written
Charles-Town and Charles' Town. At the time of the early settlement of
Georgia it had become blended in the compound word Charlestown, which,
being found in the documents referred to or quoted in this work, is
retained here, though of later years it is spelt Charleston.

In the following pages variations occur in the names of persons and
places, principally in the extracts from German publications. This
lack of uniformity in some instances, as also a few verbal errors in
others, was not detected till the sheets had passed the press.

  "Acres circumfert centum licet Argus ocellos,
  Non tamen errantes cernat ubique typos."




CONTENTS


The chapters, into which this work is divided, are with reference to
somewhat distinct portions of the history; and may be likened to a
suit of apartments in a capacious house; some large and some small,
variously furnished, and with different prospects abroad; but yet
adjoining each other, and, if but fitly framed together, adapted to a
duly constructed edifice.


CHAPTER I.

Parentage of Oglethorpe--Birth--Christian Name--Education--Military
Profession and Promotion--In the Suite of the Earl of
Peterborough--Service under Prince Eugene of Savoy--Elected Member
of Parliament--Visits a Gentleman in Prison--Moves in the House of
Commons for a redress of the rigors of Prison Discipline--Appointed on
the Committee--Extracts from his Speeches in Parliament,


CHAPTER II.

Oglethorpe appointed first a Director, and then Deputy Governor of the
Royal African Company--Takes a compassionate interest in the situation
of an African kidnapped, sold as a slave, and carried to Annapolis,
in Maryland, a Province in North America, who proves to have been an
Iman, or assistant Priest, of Futa, and was named Job Solomon--Causes
him to be redeemed, and sent to England, where he becomes serviceable
to Sir Hans Sloane for his knowledge of Arabic; attracts also the
notice of persons of rank and distinction, and is sent back to Africa,


CHAPTER III.

Project for settling the south-eastern frontier of Carolina--A Charter
granted for it, by the name of Georgia--Trustees appointed, who
arrange a plan of Settlement--They receive a grant of Money from
Parliament, and from Subscriptions and Contributions--Oglethorpe takes
a lively interest in it--States the Object, and suggests Motives for
Emigration--A Vessel hired to convey the Emigrants--Oglethorpe offers
to accompany the intended Colonists--His disinterested devotedness to
the benevolent and patriotic Enterprise,


CHAPTER IV.

The emigrants embark--Arrive at Charlestown, South
Carolina--Oglethorpe visits Governor Johnson--Proceeds up the
Savannah river--Place of settlement fixed upon--Town laid out--Labors
superintended, and assisted by Colonel Bull--Treaty with Tomo
Chichi--Progress of settlement--Oglethorpe makes a visit to Governor
Johnson, presents himself before the House of Assembly, and makes an
Address of grateful acknowledgment of favors received--Returns to
Savannah--Holds a treaty with the Lower Creeks--Goes to horse-quarter
on the Ogechee--Fort Argyle built--Savannah laid out in wards, and
Court of Records instituted,


CHAPTER V.

Oglethorpe intended to visited Boston, in New England--Governor
Belcher's Letter to him--Provincial Assembly appoint a Committee to
receive him--Sets out on an exploratory Excursion--Names an Island,
Jekyl--Visits Fort Argyle--Returns to Savannah--Saltzburgh emigrants,
conducted by Baron Von Reck, come to settle in Georgia--Oglethorpe
assists them in selecting a place--They call it Ebenezer--He then goes
up the river to Palachicolas--Returns--Goes to Charlestown, with Torno
Chichi and other Indians, in order to take passage to England,


CHAPTER VI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England with his Indian Escort--Is welcomed
by the Trustees--Apartments are provided for the Indians--They are
introduced to the King and Royal Family--One of their number dies
of the small pox--Visit the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eton
College--Shown the public buildings and institutions in London--Embark
for Georgia--Their arrival,


CHAPTER VII.

Oglethorpe remains in England--Trustees make Regulations--Oglethorpe,
desirous of providing for the conversion of the Indians, applies
to Bishop Wilson to prepare a Book of Religious Instruction for
them--Trustees seek for Missionaries--Engage John and Charles Wesley,


CHAPTER VIII.

Trustees make a new selection of Settlers--Their Proposals successful
in Scotland--Embarkation of Highlanders for Georgia--Indian
hieroglyphic letter sent to the Trustees--Further emigration of
Saltzburgers--Great embarkation of Colonists, attended by Oglethorpe
and the Missionaries--Employment and religious exercises on board
during the voyage--Arrival--Beacon on the Island of Tybee--The people
go on shore at Peeper's Island--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah with
the Missionaries--Sends provisions and refreshments to the
Emigrants--Moore's account of the Public Garden--Tomo Chichi welcomes
his friend--Saltzburgers make application for a removal from
Ebenezer--Oglethorpe sends pioneers to lay out a road to Darien,


CHAPTER IX.

Special destination of the last Emigrants--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St.
Simons--Follows with Charles Wesley--Arrives and lays out a Town to
be called Frederica--Visits the Highlanders at Darien--Returns and
superintends the building of a Fort--All the people arrive--Barracks
for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected--Visited by Tomo
Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands--Reconnoitres
the Islands and gives names to them--Commissioners from St.
Augustine--Apparently amicable overtures--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah
to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting
trade with the Indians--Insolent demand of the Spaniards--Oglethorpe
embarks for England,


CHAPTER X.

Delegation of the Missionaries--JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah--Has
a conference with Tomo Chichi--His Preaching deemed personal in its
applications--He becomes unpopular--Meets with persecution--Leaves the
Province and returns to England--CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe
to Frederica--Finds himself unpleasantly situated--Furnished with
despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence
takes passage for England--By stress of weather the Vessel driven off
its course--Puts in at Boston, New England--His reception there--Sails
thence for England--After a perilous voyage, arrives--BENJAMIN INGHAM
also at Frederica--Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the
sickness of his brother--Resides among the Creeks in order to
learn their language--Returns to England--CHARLES DELAMOTTE at
Savannah--Keeps a School--Is much respected--GEORGE WHITEFIELD
comes to Savannah--His reception--Visits Tomo Chichi, who was
sick--Ministerial labors--Visits the Saltzburgers--Pleased with their
provision for Orphan Children--Visits Frederica and the adjacent
Settlements--Returns to England--Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and
takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House,


CHAPTER XI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England--Trustees petition the King for military
aid to the new Colony--A regiment granted--Oglethorpe appointed
Commander in Chief of South Carolina and Georgia--Part of the regiment
sent out--Oglethorpe embarks for Georgia the third time--Remainder of
the regiment arrive--And two companies from Gibraltar--Prospect of war
with Spain--Military preparations at St. Augustine--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for defence--Treason in the Camp--Mutiny, and personal
assault on the General,


CHAPTER XII.

Oglethorpe visits Savannah--Troubles there--Causton, the store-keeper,
displaced--Oglethorpe holds a conference with a deputation
of Indians--Town-meeting called, and endeavors used to quiet
discontents--Goes back to Frederica, but obliged to renew his visit to
Savannah,


CHAPTER XIII.

Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his
Commission--Comes back to Savannah--Gives encouragement to the
Planters--Returns to Frederica--Excursion to Coweta--Forms a Treaty
with the Upper Creeks--Receives at Augusta a delegation of the
Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the
Traders--On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions,
and is authorized to make reprisals,


CHAPTER XIV.

Oglethorpe addresses a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, suggesting
an expedition against St. Augustine--Follows this, by application
in person--Promised assistance, and cooperation--Returns to
Frederica--Collects his forces--Passes over to Florida--Takes several
Spanish forts--Is joined by the Carolinian troops--The enemy receive
supplies--Oglethorpe changes the siege into a blockade--Takes
possession of Anastasia Island--Colonel Palmer and his men surprised
and cut to pieces--Spanish cruelties--English fleet quit the
station--Siege raised, and Oglethorpe returns to Frederica,


CHAPTER XV.

Oglethorpe pays particular attention to internal Improvements--Meets
with many annoyances--The Creeks, under Toonahowi, make an incursion
into Florida--The Spanish form a design upon Georgia--Some of their
fleet appear on the coast--Oglethorpe prepares for defence--Applies
to South Carolina for assistance--Spaniards attack Fort
William--Dangerous situation of Oglethorpe--Spanish fleet enter the
harbor and land on St. Simons--In three successive engagements they
are defeated--A successful stratagem--Enemy defeated at Bloody
Marsh--Retire and attack Fort William, which is bravely defended
by Ensign Stewart--Spanish forces, repulsed in all their assaults,
abandon the invasion in dismay, and return to St. Augustine and to
Cuba,


CHAPTER XVI.

Oglethorpe, informed that the Spaniards were making preparations for
a renewal of hostilities, takes measures to repel them--Meets with an
alarming accident--Lands on the Florida side of St. John's--Proceeds
towards St. Augustine--The Spanish do not venture out to attack
him--Returns to the Islands--sees that the Forts are repaired--Takes
passage to England to attend a Court Martial on an insidious charge
against him by Lieutenant Cook--Is honorably acquitted, and Cook is
dismissed from the service,


CHAPTER XVII.

Oglethorpe's residence in England--Marriage--Military appointments--A
Major General under the Duke of Cumberland for the suppression of
the rebellion in 1745--Arraigned at a Court Martial and
acquitted--Domestic and social life, and character--Death,

Obituary notice of Mrs. ELIZABETH OGLETHORPE, with extracts from her
Will,

Account of Carolina and Georgia by OGLETHORPE,


APPENDIX.

     I. Family of Oglethorpe,

    II. Discussion respecting the birth-day of the subject of these
        memorials,

   III. Notices of the Earl of Peterborough, and of Dean Berkeley,

    IV. Reference to the debates in Parliament in which Oglethorpe took a
        part,

     V. Prison-visiting Committee,

    VI. Release of insolvent debtors,

   VII. Sir Thomas Lombe's mill for winding silk,

  VIII. Case of Captain Porteous,

    IX. Trustees for settling Georgia,

     X. Oglethorpe's disinterestedness in the undertaking,

    XI. Advertisement of Governor Johnson of South Carolina, and letter of
        the Governor and Council to Oglethorpe,

   XII. Account of the Creeks,

  XIII. Account of the Indians in Georgia by Oglethorpe,

   XIV. Memoir of the Duke of Argyle,

    XV. Saltzburgers,

   XVI. Arrival of these persecuted German Protestants in Georgia,

  XVII. Settlement of Moravians,

 XVIII. Scout-boat and Channels,

   XIX. Uchee Indians,

    XX. A mutiny in the Camp, and attempt at assassination,

   XXI. Memoir of Tomo-Chichi,

  XXII. General Oglethorpe's manifesto,

 XXIII. Fate of Colonel Palmer,

  XXIV. Account of the siege of St. Augustine,

   XXV. Spanish invasion,

  XXVI. Order for a Thanksgiving,

 XXVII. List of Spanish forces employed in the invasion of Georgia, and
        of Oglethorpe's to resist them,

XXVIII. History of the silk culture in Georgia, written by W.B.
        Stevens, M.D., of Savannah,


INDEX,




CHAPTER I.

Parentage of Oglethorpe--Birth--Education--Christian
Name--Education--Military Profession and Promotion--In the Suite
of the Earl of Peterborough--Service under Prince Eugene of
Savoy--Elected Member of Parliament--Visits a Gentleman in
Prison--Moves in the House of Commons for a redress of the rigors
of Prison Discipline--Appointed on the Committee--Extracts from his
Speeches in Parliament.


James Oglethorpe, founder of the Colony of Georgia in North
America,--a distinguished philanthropist, general, and statesman,--was
the son of Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, of Godalming, in the County of
Surrey, Great Britain, by Eleanor, his wife, daughter of Richard
Wall, Esq. of Rogane, in Ireland.[1] There has been, hitherto, great
uncertainty with respect to the year, the month, and the day of his
nativity; I have, however, what I deem good authority for deciding
it to have been the twenty-first day of December, one thousand six
hundred and eighty-eight.[2]

[Footnote 1: For some account of the Family, see Appendix I.]

[Footnote 2: Appendix II.]

It is asserted in Thoresby's History of Leeds, page 255, that "he had
two Christian names, James-Edward, supposed to have been bestowed
upon him in compliment to the Pretender;" and he is so named on
his sepulchral monument. But, as he always used but one; as he was
enregistered on entering College at Oxford, simply James; and, as the
double name is not inserted in any public act, commission, document,
printed history, or mention of him in his life time, that I have ever
met with, I have not thought proper to adopt it.

When sixteen years of age, on the 9th of July, 1704, he was admitted a
member of Corpus Christi College, Oxford,[1] where his brother Lewis
received his education. It seems, however, that, after the example of
that brother, as also of his brother Theophilus, he early relinquished
a literary, for a military profession; and aspired to make his way in
the world, "tam Marte quam Minerva."

[Footnote 1: The record of his _admittatur_, in the University
Register, is,--"1704, Jul. 9, term. S. Trin. Jacobus Oglethorpe, e
C.C.C. 16. Theoph. f. Sti. Jacobi, Lond. Equ. Aur. filius natu minor."
That is, "_In Trinity Term, July 9, 1704_, James Oglethorpe, _aged_
16, _youngest son of_ Theophilus Oglethorpe, _of St. James's, London,
was admitted into Corpus Christi College_."]

His first commission was that of Ensign; and it is dated in 1710; and
he bore that rank in the army when peace was proclaimed in 1713[1].
In the same year he is known to have been in the suite of the Earl of
Peterborough[2], ambassador from the Court of Great Britain to the
King of Sicily and to the other Italian States; whither he was
fellow traveller with the Rev. Dr. George Berkeley, his Lordship's
Chaplain[3]. Highly honorable was such a mark of favor from his
Lordship; and peculiarly pleasant and instructive, also, must have
been such companionship with the amiable and excellent clergyman;
and it afforded opportunity of concerting plans of usefulness, of
beneficence, and of philanthropy, the object and tendency of which
were apparent in the after life of each[4].

[Footnote 1: Biographical Memoir in the European Magazine, Vol. VIII.
p. 13.]

[Footnote 2: NICHOLS, in the _Literary Anecdotes of the XVIIIth
Century_, Vol. II. p. 19, says, "he was aid-de-camp;" but as that
was the title of a _military_ rank, rather than of an attendant on
a _diplomatic_ ambassador, I have substituted another term, which
however may embrace it, if it be really proper.]

[Footnote 3: Dr. Berkeley, in a letter to Thomas Prior, Esq., dated
Turin, January 6, 1714, n.s. says that he travelled from Lyons "in
company with Col. Du Hamel and Mr. Oglethorpe, Adjutant General of the
Queen's forces; who were sent with a letter from my Lord to the King's
mother, at Turin." _Works of GEORGE BERKELEY, D.D., with an Account of
his Life_. Dublin. 1704. 2 vols. 4to. Vol. I--p. xxx]

[Footnote 4: Appendix III.]

In 1714 he was Captain Lieutenant in the first troop of the Queen's
guards. By his fine figure, his soldierly deportment and personal
bravery, he attracted the notice of the Duke of Marlborough; whose
confidence and patronage he seems long to have enjoyed, and by whom,
and through the influence of the Duke of Argyle, he was so recommended
to Prince Eugene, that he received him into his service, first as his
secretary, and afterwards aid-de-camp. Thus near the person of this
celebrated general, full of ardor, and animated with heroic courage,
an opportunity was offered him in the warlike expedition against the
Turks in which the Prince was engaged, to gather those laurels in what
the world calls "the field of glory," to which he aspired; and,
in several successive campaigns, he exhibited applauded proofs of
chivalric gallantry and personal bravery. By his attentive observation
of the discipline, manner of battle array, onset of the forces, and
the instruction given him in military tactics, he acquired that
knowledge of the art of war, for which he afterwards became so
distinguished.

At the battle of Peterwaradin, one of the strongest frontier places
that Austria had against the Turks, Oglethorpe, though present, was
not perhaps actively engaged. It was fought on the 5th of August,
1716. The army of the Turks consisted of 150,000 men, of which 40,000
were Janisaries, and 30,000 Saphis, or troopers, the rest were
Tartars, Walachians, and the troops of Asia and Egypt. The army of the
Imperialists, under his Serene Highness, Prince Eugene, consisted of
but little more than half that number. The onset began at seven in the
morning, and by twelve Eugene was writing to the Emperor an account of
the victory in the tent of the Grand Vizier[1].

[Footnote 1: _Military History of Prince Eugene, of Savoy_, (a superb
work in two folio volumes, with elegant plates; compiled by CAMPBELL.)
Lond. 1737. Vol. II. p. 215. From this, and from "_The Life and
Military Actions of Eugene_," Lond. 1737, 12mo, the account of the
battles is taken.]

After a sharp contest of about four hours, the Grand Vizier Hali,
seeing the battle go against him, put himself at the head of his guard
of horse, pushed through a defile, and made a very brisk charge; but
his men could not sustain the contest; and he, having received two
wounds, was carried off the field to Carlowitz, where he died the next
day. The Aga of the Janisaries and Mahomet Bassa were also slain. The
whole loss of the Turks in this action amounted to about 22,000; and
of the Imperialists, 3,695 common soldiers, and 469 officers. There
was found in the camp 164 pieces of cannon, and a prodigious quantity
of powder, bullets, bombs, grenades, and various military equipments
and stores; and the booty in other articles was great and rich beyond
computation.

The Imperial army passed the Danube on the 6th of August, "in order to
avoid the infection of the dead bodies." The same day a council of war
was held, in which the siege of Temeswaer was proposed and resolved
on. This is a town of Hungary, upon the river Temes, whence it has
its name. It lies five miles from Lippa, towards the borders of
Transylvania, and about ten from Belgrade. The Turks took it from the
Transylvanians in 1552, and fortified it to a degree that they deemed
it impregnable. After several severe conflicts, and a most desperate
resistance, it capitulated on the 14th of October, 1716, and the Turks
entirely evacuated the place on the 17th. Thus the capital of a region
of the same name, was restored to its lawful prince after having been
in the hands of the Turks 164 years. "The success of this victorious
campaign filled not only Germany, but all Europe with joy." On this
occasion, Oglethorpe acted as aid-de-camp; and his active service in
attendance upon Prince Eugene; his prompt attention to the orders
dictated to him, or transmitted by him; his alertness and fidelity in
communicating them; and his fearless exposure to imminent peril
in passing from one division of the army to another, gained him
commendatory acknowledgments and the increased favor of his Serene
Highness.

Notwithstanding these signal victories gained over them, the Turks
were determined to continue the contest; and the next year the Grand
Signior held a great Divan at Constantinople to take measures for its
most vigorous prosecution. These purposes being put in train, Prince
Eugene undertook the siege of Belgrade, their chief strong hold. "The
Turks advanced to its relief, and besieged him in his camp. His danger
was imminent; but military skill and disciplined valor triumphed over
numbers and savage ferocity. He sallied out of his intrenchments, and,
falling suddenly upon the enemy, routed them with great slaughter, and
took their cannon, baggage, and everything belonging to their camp.
Belgrade surrendered immediately after."[1] On the 16th of August,
(1717) the capitulation was signed; and immediately afterwards the
Imperialists took possession of a gate, and the out-works; on the 19th
Te Deum was solemnly performed in the tent of the Grand Vizier, which
had become occupied by Eugene, and on the 22d the place was evacuated.
The Imperialists found prodigious riches in the camp of which they had
become possessed; "for the Sultan had emptied his coffers to supply
this army, which was by far the most numerous of any set on foot since
the famous siege of Vienna."[2]

[Footnote 1: Russell's _Modern Europe_, Vol. V. p. 3.]

[Footnote 2: CAMPBELL'S _Military History of Eugene_, Vol. II. p.
233.]

"Such was the conclusion of the siege of Belgrade; a place of the last
importance to the Imperialists and to the Turks; the bridle of all the
adjoining country; the glorious trophy of the valor and conduct of his
Serene Highness, Prince Eugene; and the bulwark, not of Germany only,
but of all Christendom on this side."

"Oglethorpe was in active command at the siege and battle of Belgrade,
on the south shore of the Danube, in 1717; where he acquired a high
and deserved reputation."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_ for 1785, p. 573.]

In the postscript of a letter from Alexander Pope, dated September
8th, 1717, to Edward Blount, Esq., is this remark: "I hope you will
take part in the rejoicing for the victory of Prince Eugene over the
Turks, &c." to which Dr. Warton subjoins this note; "at which General
Oglethorpe was present, and of which I have heard him give a lively
description."

The peace which took place in the following year between the Emperor
and the Sultan, left Oglethorpe without any active employment; and
he quitted, doubtless with reluctance, the staff of his friend and
patron, prince Eugene, with whom he had so honorably served; and
returned to England.

He was offered preferment in the German service; but it was, probably,
a sufficient reason with him for declining the proffer, that "the
profession of a soldier in time of peace affords but few opportunities
of promotion, and none of distinction."

In the year 1722, succeeding his brother Lewis in the inheritance of
the estate at Godalming, his weight of character and family influence
secured to him a seat in Parliament, as Burgess, for Haslemere; and
he continued to represent that borough, by successive elections, and
through various changes of administration, for thirty-two years; and,
"during this long period, he distinguished himself by several able
speeches; and, in the laws for the benefit of trade, &c. many
regulations were proposed and promoted by him."

In this august assembly, he was neither a dumb show, nor an automaton;
nor the tool of party; but independent, intelligent, and energetic,
delivered his opinions freely, spoke often, and always to the
purpose.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix IV.]


His first recorded speech was on the 6th of April, 1723, against the
banishment of Dr. Francis Atterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, which he
deemed injudicious and needlessly rigorous.[1]

[Footnote 1: History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, Lond.
1742, Vol. VI. p. 308.]

A few years after, his feelings of humanity were powerfully touched on
finding a gentleman, whom he went to visit in the Fleet prison, loaded
with irons, and otherwise cruelly used.[1] Shocked by the scenes he
witnessed, he determined to expose such injustice; and, if possible,
to prevent such abuse of power. With this view, he brought forward a
motion in the House of Commons, "_that an inquiry should be instituted
into the state of the gaols in the metropolis_." This met with such
attention, that in February, 1728, the House of Commons assigned
the subject to a Committee, of which he was chosen Chairman.[2] The
investigation led to the discovery of many corrupt practices, and
much oppressive treatment of the prisoners; and was followed by
the enactment of measures for the correction of such shameful
mismanagement and inhuman neglect in some cases, and for the
prevention of severity of infliction in others.[3]

[Footnote 1: Sir William Rich, Baronet.]

[Footnote 2: Appendix IV.]

[Footnote 3: Appendix V.]

A writer, whose opinion was founded on the best means of knowledge,
has declared that "the effects of this interposition have been felt
ever since by the unhappy prisoners."[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine for 1785, page 572.]

Oglethorpe thus became the precursor of HOWARD, the philanthropist,
in the cause of humanity, as it regards the amelioration of prison
discipline in general, especially the rigors of close confinement
for debt or petty offences, and that among felons and convicts. The
impression then made on his mind and heart, led him, afterwards, to
other and more extensive and efficacious measures for the relief of
poor debtors from the extortions and oppressions to which they were
subjected by gaolers, and from the humiliation and distress in which
they were often involved without any fault of their own, or by some
conduct which deserved pity rather than punishment.

At the opening of the session of Parliament on the 12th of January,
1731, the King's speech was the subject of debate in the House of
Commons. A motion was made for an address of thanks, in which they
should declare their entire approbation of his Majesty's conduct,
express their confidence in the wisdom of his counsels, and announce
their readiness to grant the necessary supplies. There were some who
opposed the motion. They did not argue against a general vote of
thanks, but intimated the impropriety, and, indeed, ill tendency of
expressions which implied an unquestioning approbation of the
measures of the ministry. In referring to this, Smollet[1] says, "Mr.
Oglethorpe, a gentleman of unblemished character, brave, generous, and
humane, affirmed that many other things related more immediately to
the honor and interest of the nation, than did the guarantee of the
Pragmatic sanction. He said that he wished to have heard that the
new works at Dunkirk had been entirely razed and destroyed; that the
nation had received full and complete satisfaction for the depradation
committed by the natives of Spain; that more care was taken in the
disciplining of the militia, on whose valor the nation must chiefly
depend in case of an invasion; and that some regard had been shown to
the oppressed Protestants in Germany. He expressed his satisfaction,
however, to find that the English were not so closely united to France
as formerly, for he had generally observed that when two dogs were in
a leash together, the stronger generally ran away with the weaker; and
this, he feared, had been the case between France and Great Britain."

[Footnote 1: History of England, Book II. chap. iv. Section xxx.]

The motion, however, was carried, and the address presented.

Possessing a vein of wit, Oglethorpe was apt to introduce piquant
illustrations and comparisons into his narratives, and sometimes with
the view of their giving force to his statements; but, though they
might serve to enliven conversation, they were not dignified enough
for a speech in so august an assembly as that he was now addressing.
They are, however, atoned for, on this occasion, by the grave tenor
of his preceding remarks, which were the dictates of good sense, the
suggestions of sound policy, and, especially, by the reference to the
distressed situation of the persecuted German Protestants which was
evincive of a compassionate consideration, truly honorable to him as a
man and a Christian. And we shall find, that, in behalf of these, he
afterwards exerted a personal and availing influence.

In 1732 he made a spirited and patriotic effort in Parliament to
restore a constitutional militia; and to abolish arbitrary impressment
for the sea-service; and, on this subject, he published a pamphlet
entitled "The Sailor's Advocate," for which Mr. Sharpe obliged him
with a sarcastic preface.

In the debate on the bill for encouraging the trade of the British
sugar colonies, Oglethorpe took an active part, and manifested
those liberal and patriotic views, and that regard for the colonial
settlements in North America, which, afterwards, became with him a
decided principle.

"In all cases," said he, "that come before this House, where there
seems a clashing of interests, we ought to have no exclusive regard to
the particular interest of any one country or set of people, but to
the good of the whole. Our colonies are a part of our dominions. The
people in them are our own people; and we ought to show an equal
respect to all. If it should appear that our Plantations upon the
continent of America are against that which is desired by the sugar
colonies, we are to presume that the granting thereof will be a
prejudice to the trade or particular interests of our continental
settlements. And, surely, the danger of hurting so considerable a part
of our dominions,--a part which reaches from the 34th to the 46th
degree of north latitude,--will, at least, incline us to be extremely
cautious in what we are going about. If, therefore, it shall appear
that the relieving our sugar colonies will do more harm to the _other_
parts of our dominions, than it can do good to _them_, we must refuse
it, and think of some other method of putting them upon an equal
footing with their rivals in any part of trade.

"Our sugar colonies are of great consequence to us; but our other
colonies in that part of the world ought also to be considered. From
them we have, likewise, yearly, large quantities of goods. We ought
not to raise one colony upon the destruction of another. Much less
ought we to grant a favor to any particular set of people which may
prove to be against the public good of the nation in general."

To these, and other matters of general moment, Oglethorpe devoted his
time, his talents, and his influence while in Parliament. He earnestly
supported the cause of silk manufacture, which had then begun to
spread in England by means of the improvement introduced by Sir Thomas
Lombe, in the invention of his large engines, which are described as
being of "a most curious and intricate structure,"[1] but which in
our own day, when mechanical ingenuity has reached a high degree
of excellence, and machinery seems itself almost an intelligent
principle, would, probably, be regarded as merely "curious and
intricate," without possessing any practical value.[2]

[Footnote 1: The 6th of the excellent _Essays_ by the Rev. Jared
Eliot, _on Field Husbandry, &_ c., 1761, is devoted principally to
recommendations of the culture of mulberry trees for the raising of
silk-worms. In page 161, is a reference to Sir Thomas Lombe, "that
eminent throwster, who erected the great engine in Derbyshire; a
wonderful structure, consisting of twenty-nine thousand five hundred
and eighty-six wheels, all set a going and continued in motion by one
single water-wheel, for working silk with expedition and success." See
also Appendix VII.]

[Footnote 2: Manuscript lecture of J. Willard, Esq.]

A Corporation was formed in London, in 1707, with the professed
intention of lending money to the poor on small pledges, and to
persons of better rank, upon an answerable security, for setting them
up, or assisting them in business. Its capital was then limited to
£30,000, but in 1730 increased to £600,000, and a charter granted to
the Corporation, by act of Parliament. But in October 1731, two of the
chief officers, George Robinson, Esq., member for Marlow, the Cashier,
and John Thompson, the Warehouse keeper, disappeared on the same day.
This gave the Proprietors great alarm; and an inspection of affairs
led to the discovery that for a capital of about £500,000, no
equivalent was found to the value of £30,000; the remainder having
been disposed of by ways and means of which no one could give an
account. In consequence of this defalcation, a petition of the
Proprietors was presented to the Parliament alleging that some who had
been guilty of these frauds had transported themselves to parts beyond
the seas, and carried with them some of the books and effects of the
Corporation; and that there was great reason to believe that such
an immense sum of money could not have been embezzled without the
connivance and participation of others who remained in the kingdom;
but that the petitioners were unable to come at the knowledge of their
combinations or to bring them to justice, unless aided by the power
and authority of that House; and therefore prayed that it might be
afforded.

On the reading of the petition, Mr. Oglethorpe rose and spoke as
follows:

"Sir, I am persuaded that this petition will be received in a manner
befitting the unhappy case of the sufferers and the justice of this
House. I can hardly suspect that any gentleman that has the honor of
being a member of this House will hesitate in giving all the relief
which we can to the number of unfortunate persons, who have been so
much injured. Yet, because I have heard it whispered out of doors,
that we ought not to receive this petition upon account, as is
pretended, that the common seal is not affixed to it, I deem it
necessary to take some notice of that objection, in case it should be
started here. Sir, I must say that if there be any irregularity as to
the affixing the seal of the Company to this petition, it is, in my
opinion, so far from being an objection to our receiving the petition,
that it is a very strong reason for it. If there be any fault in form,
it is the fault of those who had the keeping of the common seal; and,
as they may, perhaps, be of those against whom the complaints are
made, and who may, upon inquiry, be found more or less amenable for
the wrong, we are, therefore, to suspect that the withholding the seal
may be with a view of preventing the truth's being brought to light;
at any rate, we ought to discountenance and defeat such indirect
practices with regard to the use of a common seal.

"For my own part, sir, I have been always for encouraging the design
upon which this corporation was at first established; and looked upon
it as a provident act of charity to let necessitous persons have the
opportunity of borrowing money upon easier terms than they could have
it elsewhere. Money, like other things, is but a commodity, and in the
way of dealing, the use of it is looked upon to be worth as much as
people can get for it. If this corporation let persons in limited
circumstances have the use of money at a cheaper rate than
individuals, brokers, or money lenders, would be willing to do, it
was certainly a beneficent act. If they had demanded more than was
elsewhere given, they would not have had applicants, and the design
would not have proved good and useful; but the utility of it was
most evident; and the better the design, and the more excellent the
benefit, the more those persons deserve to be punished, who by their
frauds have curtailed, if not now wholly cut off, these sources
of furnishing assistance to the industrious and enterprising, and
disappointed the public of reaping the benefit which might
have accrued by an honest and faithful execution of so good an
undertaking."[1]

[Footnote 1: History and Proceedings of the House of Commons, Vol.
VII. p. 154.]

Another subject in the parliamentary discussions of Oglethorpe which I
shall mention, is his defence of the magistracy and town-guard of the
city of Edinburgh against an arraignment in the House of Lords, for
what was deemed the neglect of prompt and energetic measures for
suppressing the riotous seizure and murder of Captain Porteous by an
exasperated mob. The circumstances were these.

After the execution in the Grass-market, on the 14th of April, 1736,
of one Andrew Wilson, a robber, the town-guard, which had been ordered
out on the occasion, was insulted by rude and threatening speeches,
and pelted with stones, by the mob. John Porteous, the captain, so
resented the annoyance, that he commanded his men to fire over their
heads, to intimidate them; and then, as their opposition became
violent, he directed the guard to fire among them; whereby six persons
were killed, and eleven severely wounded. For this he was prosecuted
at the expense of the city, and condemned to die. But, a short
reprieve having been obtained, the mob, determined to defeat it,
assembled in the night preceding the seventh day of September, whereon
he was to have been executed pursuant to the sentence, and, in a very
riotous manner, seized and disarmed the city-guard, and possessed
themselves of the town-gates, to prevent the admission of troops
quartered in the suburbs. They then rushed to the Tolbooth prison;
the doors of which not yielding to the force of their hammers, they
consumed by fire, and then brought forth Porteous by violence, and
hung him on a dyer's post, or frame, in the Grass-market, nigh the
spot where the unfortunate people were killed.

The magistrates, attended with several of the burgesses, attempted to
quell the riot and disperse the mob, but were pelted with stones, and
threatened to be fired upon if they did not retire.

This insult of the sovereign authority was too flagrant to be
overlooked. Proclamations, with rewards of two hundred pounds
sterling, were issued for apprehending the rioters, and, when the
Parliament met, vigorous measures were taken in the affair. The Lord
Provost was ordered up to London in custody; the magistrates summoned
to answer the indictment, and a bill was introduced into the House of
Commons "to disable Alexander Wilson, Esq., the principal magistrate
during the riots, from ever after holding any office of magistracy in
Edinburgh or Great Britain; to subject him to imprisonment for a year;
to abolish the town guard, and to take away the gates of the nether
Bowport of the city." Oglethorpe objected to the first reading of the
bill, and it encountered his vigorous opposition. He engaged in a warm
defence of the magistrates, and of the guard, declaring that there
was no dereliction of duty on the part of the magistrates and of the
guard, but they were overpowered by numbers, and thrown into actual
jeopardy by the desperation of the mob. Hence the penalties of the
bill would be the punishment of misfortune, not of crime.

In consequence of the stand which he thus took, and the interest made
by others in the House of Commons, the bill was altered in its most
essential circumstances, and, instead of the rigorous inflictions,
"mercy rejoiced against judgment," and the city was fined the sum of
two thousand pounds, to be applied to the relief and support of the
widow of Porteous.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix VIII.]

A petition was made to Parliament "to extend the benefit of a late
_act for naturalizing foreigners in North America_, to the Moravian
Brethren and other foreign Protestants who made a scruple of taking
an oath, or performing military service." General Oglethorpe, in the
spring of 1737, presented the petition to the House of Commons, with
an ample speech, and was supported by many members. The opinion of
the Board of Trade was required on this head. The Proprietor of
Pennsylvania promoted the affair among the members of Parliament, and
especially with the Secretary of State, the Duke of Newcastle, by his
good testimonies of the brethren in Pennsylvania. The matter of the
bill was properly discussed, formed into an act, and, having passed,
with the greatest satisfaction, through both houses, received in June,
1747, the Royal assent.[1]

[Footnote 1: Cranz's History of the United Brethren, translated by La
Trobe, Lond. 1780, p. 331.]

On the 20th of February, 1749, another petition in behalf of the
Moravians was presented to the House of Commons; and was supported
by a long and highly impressive speech by Oglethorpe concerning the
origin of their church, their constitution, their pious and benevolent
labors, and particularly, what he was most apprized of, their
peaceable and useful settlements in America. On the 18th of April,
the engrossed bill was read the third time in the House, was passed,
_nemine contradicente_, and ordered to be carried to the House of
Lords. On the 21st of April, the bill was carried by sixteen members
of the House of Commons to the House of Lords; and, after a short
address by Oglethorpe, their leader, to Lord Chancellor Hardwicke,
was accepted with great solemnity, and laid on the table. After due
consideration, the act was passed, and on the 6th of June the Royal
assent was given to it.




CHAPTER II.

Oglethorpe appointed first a Director, and then Deputy Governor of the
Royal African Company--Takes a compassionate interest in the situation
of an African kidnapped, sold as a slave, and carried to Annapolis,
in Maryland, a Province in North America--But proves to have been an
Iman, or assistant Priest, of Futa, and was named Job Solomon--Causes
him to be redeemed, and sent to England, where he becomes serviceable
to Sir Hans Sloane for his knowledge of Arabic; attracts also the
notice of persons of rank and distinction, and is sent back to Africa.


In January, 1731, Oglethorpe was chosen a Director of the Royal
African Company, and the next year Deputy Governor. This situation
brought to his knowledge the circumstances of an African slave, whose
story is so interesting, that a few pages may be allowed for its
recital.

A negro, called JOB, was purchased on the coast of Africa by Captain
Pyke, commander of a vessel belonging to Mr. Hunt, a rich merchant of
Liverpool, and carried to Annapolis, Maryland, where, with others, he
was delivered to Michael Denton, the factor of Hunt, who sold him to
Mr. Tolsey. He was at first employed in the cultivation of tobacco;
but his humane master perceiving that he could not bear the fatigue,
rendered his situation more tolerable by charging him with the care
of his cattle. While in this employment, he used to retire, at stated
times, to the recesses of a wood, to pray. He was seen there by a
white boy, who amused himself with interrupting him, and often with
wantonly insulting him by throwing dust in his eyes. This greatly
added to Job's melancholy, which was increased by his having no means
of making known the annoyance and abuse to which he was subjected, so
that he grew desperate, and made his escape. He travelled through
the woods till he came to the county of Kent, on Delaware bay, in
Maryland, where, having no pass, and not being able to give any
account of himself, he was taken up as a fugitive slave, and put into
prison. While there, his behavior attracted more than common notice.
Besides a stateliness of bearing, and an air of self-importance, which
shew that he could be no ordinary person, he was observed to use
prostrations at regular periods of the day, and to repeat sentences
with great solemnity and earnestness. Curiosity attracted to the
prison certain English merchants, among whom Mr. Thomas Bluet was the
most inquisitive. He was able, from an old negro, who was a Foulah,[1]
and understood the language of Job, to obtain some information
respecting his former condition and character. These particulars
were communicated to his master Tolsey, who had been apprized of his
capture, and come to reclaim him. In consideration, therefore, of what
he had been, he not only forebore inflicting punishment on him for
desertion, but treated him with great indulgence. Having ascertained
that Job had in his possession certain slips of a kind of paper, on
which he wrote strange characters, he furnished him with some sheets
of paper, and signified a wish that he should use it. Job profited of
his kindness, to write a letter to his father. This was committed to
Denton, to entrust to his captain on the first voyage which he should
make to Africa; but he having sailed for England, it was sent enclosed
to Mr. Hunt, at London. When it arrived there, Captain Pyke was on his
voyage to Africa. Here, however, it was shewn to the Governor of the
Royal African Company, and thus it "fell into the hands," says
my author, "of the celebrated Oglethorpe,[2] who sent it to the
University of Oxford to be translated, as it was discovered to be
written in Arabic." The information which it imparted of the disastrous
fate of the writer, so awakened his compassion, that he engaged Mr.
Hunt, by an obligation to refund all expenses, to have Job redeemed,
and brought to England. This was immediately attended to, and he was
sent in the William, commanded by captain Wright, and in the same
vessel was Mr. Bluet, who became so attached to him, that, on their
landing, he went with him to London, where they arrived in April,
1733. As he did not find Oglethorpe, who had gone to Georgia, Bluet
took him to his own house at Cheshunt, in Hertfordshire. There Job
recommended himself by his manly and courteous behavior; and applied
himself so diligently to learn the English language, that he was soon
able to speak, and even write it with correctness.

[Footnote 1: In the relation which I follow this appellation is
written _Pholey_.]

[Footnote 2: BLUET.]

In the mean time a letter was sent in his behalf by Oglethorpe to the
African Company, requesting them to take up his obligation to Mr.
Hunt, and to pay the expenses of his voyage and accommodation after
his arrival; and to answer the bills of Mr. Bluet for his keeping and
instruction, till he himself should return. This was readily done, and
his emancipation effected for forty pounds; and twenty pounds, bond
and charges, were raised by subscription.

Job's knowledge of Arabic rendered him serviceable to Sir Hans
Sloane, who often employed him in translating Arabic manuscripts, and
inscriptions upon medals. To bring him into due notice, Sir Hans had
him dressed in the costume of his country, and presented to the king
and royal family; by whom he was graciously received; and her majesty
gave him a beautiful gold watch. The same day he dined with the Duke
of Montague; who afterwards took him to his country seat, where he was
shewn, and taught the use of, the tools employed in agriculture and
gardening. The same nobleman procured for him a great number of these
implements, which were put into cases, and carried aboard the vessel
in which he was to return to his native country. He received various
other presents from many persons; some of these, according to Mr.
Moore, were their Royal Highnesses, the Earl of Pembroke, several
ladies of distinction, Mr. Holden, and members of the Royal African
Company.

In the reference to him in NICHOLS'S _Literary Anecdotes_, vi. p. 91,
it is said "he returned home loaded with presents to the amount of
five hundred pounds." After having passed fourteen months in England,
he embarked, in the month of July, 1734, on board a vessel belonging
to the Royal African Company, which was bound for the river Gambia,
and carried out Thomas Moore to accomplish some business at a Factory
of the Company's at Joar, to whose particular care Job was committed.

While in England, his friend Bluet, collected from Job the history of
his life, which he published,[1] and from which some of the preceding,
and several of the following particulars are extracted.

[Footnote 1: _Memoirs of the Life of Job, the son of Solomon, the High
Priest of Bimda, in Africa_. By Thomas Bluet. London, 1734; 8vo.,
dedicated to the Duke of Montague.]

The name of this extraordinary man was Ayoub Ibn Soliman Ibrahim, that
is, Job the son of Solomon the son of Abraham. His nation was that of
the Jalofs; his tribe, or cast, the Pholey, or Foulah; and his native
place Bunda, a city of Galumbo, in the kingdom of Futa, in Central
Africa, opposite Tombuto.[1]

[Footnote 1: The affix to his name is sometimes spelt JALLA, JALOF,
and DGIALLA. These indicate the name of the tribe, or nation, to which
he belonged; which was that of the JALOFS, on the river Sanaga, and
along the Gambia.]

Ibrahim, the grandfather of Job, was the founder of the city of Bunda,
during the reign of Abubeker, then king of Futa; who gave him the
proprietorship and government of it, with the title of Alfa or High
Priest. After his death, the dignity, which was hereditary in the
family, passed to the father of Job. On the decease of Abubeker, his
brother, the Prince of Jelazi, succeeded to the royalty; he, being
already the father of a son, entrusted him to the care of Soliman,
the father of Job, to have him taught the Arabic language, and the
Alcoran. Job became, in this way, the fellow student and companion of
this young prince. Jelazi lived but a short time, and was succeeded by
his son.

When Job had attained the age of fifteen, he assisted his father in
the capacity of Iman, or inferior priest, and soon after married the
daughter of the Alfa of Tombuto: By her he had three sons, Abdallah,
Ibrahim, and Sambo. Two years before his captivity he took a second
wife, the daughter of the Alfa of Tomga; by whom he had a daughter
named Fatima. His two wives and his four children were alive when he
left Bunda.

In the month of February, 1730, the father of Job, having learnt that
an English vessel had arrived in the Gambia, sent his son thither,
attended by two domestics, to procure some European commodities; but
charged him not to cross the river, because the inhabitants of the
opposite bank were Mandingoes, enemies of the kingdom of Futa.

Job, coming to no agreement with Captain Pyke, the commander of the
English vessel, sent back his two domestics to Bunda, to render an
account of his affairs to his father, and to inform him that his
curiosity induced him to travel further. With this view he made a
contract with a negro merchant, named Loumein-Yoa, who understood the
language of the Mandingoes, to serve him as an interpreter and guide
on a pacific expedition and overture. Having passed the river Gambia,
when the heat compelled him to avail himself of the cooling shade of
the forest, he suspended his arms upon a tree, to rest himself. They
consisted of a sabre, with a handle of gold; a dagger in a sheath,
with a hilt of the same metal, and a rich quiver filled with arrows,
of which king Sambo, the son of Jelazi, had made him a present. "His
evil destiny willed"[1] that a troop of Mandingoes, accustomed to
pillage, should pass that way, who, discovering him unarmed, seized
him, shaved his head and chin; and, on the 27th of February, sold him,
with his interpreter, to Captain Pyke; and, on the first of March,
they were put on board the vessel. Pyke, however, learning from Job
that he was the same person who had attempted to trade with him some
days before, and that he was a slave only by having been kidnapped,
gave him leave to ransom himself and his companion. Accordingly, Job
immediately sent to a friend of his father, who dwelt at Joar, where
the vessel then lay, to beseech him to send news of his captivity. But
the distance being fifteen days journey, the Captain, after waiting
some time, found it necessary to set sail, and the unfortunate Job was
carried off, and sold, as has been already mentioned.

[Footnote 1: This is the explanation of Job, who being a Mahometan,
was a fatalist in his belief.]

He is described as being a fine figure, five feet ten inches in
height; of a pleasing but grave countenance, and having strait black
hair.[1] His natural qualities were excellent. He was possessed of a
solid judgment, a ready and wonderfully retentive memory, an ardent
love for truth, and a sweet disposition, mild, affectionate, and
grateful. His religion was Mahometanism; but he rejected the idea of a
sensual paradise, and several other traditions that are held among the
Turks. The foundation of his principles was the unity of God; whose
name he never pronounced without some particular indication of
respect. "The ideas which he held of the Supreme Being and of a future
state, appeared very reasonable to the English; but he was so firm in
the persuasion of the divine unity, that it was impossible to get him
to reason calmly upon the doctrine of the Trinity. A New Testament
in Arabic had been given him. He read it; and, giving his ideas,
respectfully, concerning it, began by declaring that having examined
it carefully, he could not find a word from which he could conclude
that there were three Gods."[2]

[Footnote 1: There is a scarce octavo portrait of him, head and
shoulders only, etched by the celebrated painter, Mr. Hoare, of Bath,
in 1734, as appears by a manuscript note on the impression of it in
Mr. Bindley's possession. Under the print is engraved, "_JOB, son
of Solliman Dgialla, high priest of Bonda, in the country of Foota,
Africa_."]

[Footnote 2: "Il etoit si ferme dans la persuasion de l'unité divine,
qu'il fut impossible de le faire raisouner paisiblement sur la
Trinité. On lui avoit donué un Nouveau Testament daus sa langue, il
le lut, et s'expliquant, avec respect, sur ce livre, il commence par
déclarer que l'ayant examiné fort soigneusement, il n'y avoit pas
trouvé un mot d'ou l'on fuit conclure qu'il y eut trois dieux."
_Histoire générale des Voyages, par l'Abbé_ A.F. Prévost. 4to. Paris.
1747. Tom. III. p. 116.]

Job landed at Fort English on the 8th of August, 1734. He was
recommended particularly by the Directors of the Royal African Company
to the Governor and Factors. They treated him with much respect and
civility. The hope of finding one of his countrymen at Joar, induced
him to set out on the 23d in the shallop with Mr. Moore, who was going
to take the direction of the factory there. On the 26th at evening
they arrived at the creek of Damasensa. Whilst Job was seated under
a tree with the English, he saw seven or eight negroes pass of the
nation that had made him a slave, thirty miles from that place. Though
he was of a mild disposition, he could hardly refrain from attacking
them with his sabre and pistols; but Moore made him give up all
thought of this, by representing to him the imprudence and danger of
such a measure. They called the negroes to them, to ask them various
questions, and to inquire particularly what had become of the king,
their master. They answered that he had lost his life by the discharge
of a pistol, which he ordinarily carried suspended to his neck, and
which, going off by accident, had killed him on the spot. As this
pistol was supposed to have been one of the articles which he had
received of Captain Pyke as the price of Job, the now redeemed
captive, deeply affected by the circumstance, turning to his
conductors, said, "You see that Heaven has made the very arms for
which I was sold, serve as the punishment of the inexorable wretch who
made my freedom their procurement! And yet I ought to be thankful
for the lot into which I was cast, because if I had not been made a
captive, I should not have seen such a country as England; nor known
the language; nor have the many useful and precious things that I
possess; nor become acquainted with men so generous as I have met
with, not only to redeem me from bondage, but to shew me great
kindness, and send me back so much more capable of being useful."
Indeed, he did not cease to praise highly the English in conversing
with the Africans, and endeavored to reclaim those poor creatures from
the prejudice they had that the slaves were eaten, or killed for some
other purpose, because no one was known to have returned.

Having met with a Foulah, with whom he had been formerly acquainted,
he engaged him to notify his family of his return; but four months
elapsed before he received any intelligence from Bunda. On the 14th of
January, 1735, the messenger came back, bearing the sad tidings that
his father had died; with the consolation, however, of learning, just
before his death, of the ransom of his son, and of the favor which he
had received in England. One of the wives of Job had married again in
his absence; and the second husband had fled on being informed of the
arrival of the first. During the last three years, the war had made
such ravages in the country of Bunda, that no cattle remained there.

Job was deeply affected with the death of his father, the misfortunes
of his country, and the situation of his family. He protested,
however, that he pardoned his wife, and the man who had espoused her.
"They had reason," he said, "to suppose me lost to them forever,
because I had gone to a country from which no Foulah had ever
returned."

When Moore, from whose narrative these particulars are extracted, left
Africa, he was charged with letters from Job, who remained at Joar, to
Oglethorpe, Bluet, the Duke of Montague, his principal benefactors,
and to the Royal African Company.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Travels into the inland parts of Africa; containing a
description of several nations for the space of 600 miles upon the
river Gambia; with a particular account of_ JOB BEN SOLOMON, _a
Pholey, who was in England in 1733, and known by the name of "the
African Prince." By_ FRANCIS MOORE. London, 1738.]

"On Thursday, November 4th, 1737, Sir Hans Sloane communicated to the
Royal Society a letter which a gentleman had received from Job, the
African, _whom_ MR. OGLETHORPE _released from slavery_, and the
African Company sent home to his own country, in one of their
ships, about twelve months ago. In this letter he very gratefully
acknowledges the favor he received in England; and, in answer to some
things desired of him when here, says that he has been in the country
where the tree producing the _gum-Arabic_ grows, and can assist the
English in that trade. He further says, that he has been up in the
country, as far as the mountains from whence the _gold-dust_ is wafted
down; and that if the English would build flat-bottomed boats to go up
the river, and send persons well skilled in separating the gold from
the ore, they might gain vastly more than at present they do by the
dust trade; and that he should be always ready and willing to use the
utmost of his power, (which is very considerable in that country,) to
encourage and support them therein."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Great Britain_, Vol. LIII. p. 18.]

Mr. Nichols, who has inserted his name among the members of _the
Gentleman's Society at Spalding_, adds, "died 1773."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Literary Anecdotes_, Vol. VI. p. 90.]




CHAPTER III.

Project for settling the south-western frontier of Carolina--A Charter
granted for it, by the name of Georgia--Trustees appointed, who
arrange a plan of Settlement--They receive a grant of Money from
Parliament, and from Subscriptions and Contributions--Oglethorpe takes
a lively interest in it--States the Object, and suggests Motives for
Emigration--A Vessel hired to convey the Emigrants--Oglethorpe offers
to accompany the intended Colonists--His disinterested devotedness to
the benevolent and patriotic Enterprise.


The project, which had been for some time in contemplation, of
settling the south-eastern frontier of Carolina, between the rivers
Savannah and Alatamaha,[1] suggested to Oglethorpe that it could be
effected by procuring the liberation of insolvent debtors, and uniting
with them such other persons in reduced circumstances as might be
collected elsewhere, and inducing them to emigrate thither and form a
settlement.

[Footnote 1: See _A Discourse concerning the designed establishment
of a new Colony to the south of Carolina, by Sir_ ROBERT MONTGOMERY,
_Baronet. London_, 1717.]

As such a project and design required for its furtherance more means
than an individual could furnish, and more managing and directing
power than, unaided, he himself could exert, Oglethorpe sought the
coöperation of wealthy and influential persons in the beneficent
enterprise. Concurring with his views, twenty-one associates
petitioned the throne for an act of incorporation, and obtained
letters-patent, bearing date the 9th of June, 1732; the preamble of
which recited, among other things, that "many of his Majesty's poor
subjects were, through misfortunes and want of employment, reduced
to great necessities, and would be glad to be settled in any of his
provinces of America, where, by cultivating the waste and desolate
lands, they might not only gain a comfortable subsistence, but also
strengthen the colonies, and increase the trade, navigation, and
wealth of his Majesty's realms." And then added, that, for the
considerations aforesaid, the King did constitute and appoint
certain persons, whose names are given, "trustees for settling and
establishing the colony of Georgia in America," the intended new
province being so called in honor of the King, who encouraged readily
the benevolent project, and contributed largely to its furtherance.

At the desire of these gentlemen, there were inserted clauses in the
charter, restraining them and their successors from receiving any
salary, fee, perquisite, or profit, whatsoever, by or from this
undertaking; and also from receiving any grant of lands within the
said district to themselves, or in trust for them.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. IX.]

"No colony," says Southey, "was ever established upon principles more
honorable to its projectors. The conduct of the trustees did not
discredit their profession. They looked for no emolument to themselves
or their representatives after them."[1]

[Footnote 1: SOUTHEY'S Life of Wesley, Vol. I. p. 179.]

In pursuance of the requisitions of the charter, the trustees held
a meeting in London, about the middle of July, for the choice of
officers, and the drawing up of rules for the transaction of business.
They adopted a seal for the authentication of such official papers as
they should issue. It was formed with two faces; one for legislative
acts, deeds, and commissions, and the other, "the common seal," as it
was called, to be affixed to grants, orders, certificates, &c. The
device on the one was two figures resting upon urns, representing the
rivers Savannah and Alatamaha, the north-eastern and south-western
boundaries of the province, between which the genius of the colony was
seated, with a cap of liberty on her head, a spear in one hand, and a
cornucopia in the other, with the inscription COLONIA GEORGIA AUG: On
the other face was a representation of silk-worms; some beginning, and
others completing their labors, which were characterized by the
motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS. This inscription announced the beneficent
disposition and disinterested motives of the trustees; while the
device was an allusion to a special object which they had in
view,--the production of silk.

They had learned that the climate of the region was particularly
favorable to the breeding of the worms, and that the mulberry-tree was
indigenous there. They conceived that the attention requisite, during
the few weeks of the feeding of the worms, might be paid by the women
and children, the old and infirm, without taking off the active men
from their employment, or calling in the laborers from their work. For
encouragement and assistance in the undertaking, they were willing to
engage persons from Italy, acquainted with the method of feeding the
worms and winding the thread from the cocoons, to go over with the
settlers, and instruct them in the whole process. And they intended to
recommend it strongly to the emigrants to use their utmost skill and
diligence in the culture of mulberry trees, and the prompt attention
to the purpose to which their leaves were to be applied; so that, in
due time the nation might receive such remittances of raw silk as
would evince that their liberality towards effecting the settlement
was well applied, and available in produce of an article of
importation of so valuable a nature, and in great demand.

The trustees were excited to this project by Oglethorpe, who had been
deeply engaged in ascertaining the value of wrought silk as an article
of commerce, and also of the raw silk for domestic manufacture, at the
time when Mr. John Lombe's invention for winding and reeling had been
brought before Parliament. And now he considered that it would be
an exceedingly desirable project to introduce the raising of the
commodity in the projected new settlement, and thus diminish to the
nation the large sums annually expended in the importation.

This is one of those prospective measures for the advancement of the
colony, which were nearly a century before the age.[1] Others will
hereafter be mentioned alike entitled to wonder and admiration.

[Footnote 1: See in the Appendix to this volume, a brief history of
the culture of silk in Georgia.]

In order to fulfil the intent and promote the purposes of their
incorporation, the trustees gave public notice that they were ready to
receive applications from such as were disposed to emigrate. They
also appointed a committee to visit the prisons, and make a list of
insolvent debtors for whom a discharge from the demands of their
creditors could be obtained, and to ascertain what compromise might
be effected for their release;[1] as also to inquire into the
circumstances and character of applicants. To render these more
willing to emigrate, it became necessary to hold out encouragement
and to offer outfits. To defray these and meet subsequent expenses in
carrying the enterprize into effect, they first set the example of
contribution themselves, and then undertook to solicit benefactions
from others. Several individuals subscribed liberally; collections
were made throughout the kingdom; the directors of the Bank of England
volunteered a handsome contribution; and the Parliament gave ten
thousand pounds.

[Footnote 1: "That thou mayest say to the prisoners, Go forth! to them
that are in darkness, Show yourselves! They shall feed in the ways.
They shall no longer hunger or thirst; FOR HE THAT HATH MERCY ON THEM
SHALL LEAD THEM, even by the springs of water shall he guide them,
with those that come from far."--Isaiah xlix. 9,11.]

Having thus acquired a fund to be laid out in clothing, arming,
sending over, and supporting the emigrants, and for supplying them
with necessary implements to commence and carry on the settlement, the
following statement was published: "There are many poor, unfortunate
persons in this country, who would willingly labor for their bread, if
they could find employment and get bread for laboring. Such persons
may be provided for by being sent to a country where there are vast
tracts of fertile land lying uninhabited and uncultivated. They will
be taken care of on their passage; they will get lands on which to
employ their industry; they will be furnished with sufficient tools
for setting their industry to work; and they will be provided with
a certain support, till the fruits of their industry can come in to
supply their wants; and all this without subjecting themselves to any
master, or submitting to any slavery. The fruits of every man's own
industry are to be his own. Every man who transports himself thither
is to enjoy all the privileges of a free-born subject."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political state of Great Britain, for August_, 1732,
Vol. XLIV. p. 150.]

Oglethorpe himself stated the object, the motive, and the inducements
of such an emigration in the following terms. "They who can make life
tolerable here, are willing to stay at home, as it is indeed best for
the kingdom that they should. But they who are oppressed with poverty
and misfortunes, are unable to be at the charges of removing from
their miseries, and these are the persons intended to be relieved. And
let us cast our eyes on the multitude of unfortunate individuals in
the kingdom, of reputable families, and of liberal, or at least
easy education, some undone by guardians, some by lawsuits, some
by accidents in commerce, some by stocks and bubbles, and some by
suretyship; but all agree in this one circumstance, that they must
either be burdensome to their relations, or betake themselves to
little shifts for sustenance, which, it is ten to one do not answer
their purposes, and to which a well-educated person descends with the
utmost constraint. What various misfortunes may reduce the rich,
the industrious, to danger of a prison,--to a moral certainty of
starving!--These are the persons that may relieve themselves, and
strengthen Georgia by resorting thither, and Great Britain by their
departure.

"With a view to the relief of people in the condition I have
described, his Majesty has, this present year, incorporated a
considerable number of persons of quality and distinction, and
invested a large tract of South Carolina in them, by the name of
Georgia, in trust, to be distributed among the necessitous. Those
Trustees not only give land to the unhappy, who go thither, but are
also empowered to receive the voluntary contributions of charitable
persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers with all
necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and
supporting them, until they find themselves settled. So that now the
unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves to a long service
to pay for their passage, for they may be carried _gratis_ into a land
of liberty and plenty, where they will immediately find themselves in
possession of a competent estate, in a happier climate than they knew
before,--and they are unfortunate indeed if they cannot forget their
sorrows."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South
Carolina and Georgia_. London. 1733. p. 30--33.]

When the Trustees had got a list of a sufficient number of persons
disposed to emigrate, they resolved to send them over.

A vessel was hired to convey the emigrants, fitted up for their
accommodation, and supplied with stores, not only for the voyage, but
for their support after their arrival. The Trustees also furnished
tools for building, implements for husbandry, domestic utensils,
and various other articles; and JAMES OGLETHORPE, Esq., one of the
Trustees, and the most zealous and active promoter of the enterprise,
having signified his readiness to go with the emigrants, and in the
same ship, in order to see that they were well treated, and to take
care of them after their landing, was clothed with power to exercise
the functions of Governor of the Colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Account, shewing the progress of the Colony of Georgia
from its first settlement; published by order of the Honorable
Trustees, by Benjamin Martin, Secretary_. London. 1741.]

He was prompted to engage in this undertaking by the spirit of
enterprise and an enlarged philanthropy and patriotism. While the
benevolent purpose called into exercise his noblest feelings, he
considered that the settlement of a new colony, in a pleasant region,
would not only raise the character and highly improve the condition of
those by whom it was constituted, but contribute to the interests of
the British empire.

In all this he was actuated by motives wholly disinterested; for he
freely devoted his time, his exertions, and his influence to the
enterprise; and not only bore his own expenses, but contributed
largely to the means and assistance of others.[1]

[Footnote 1: See Appendix, No. X.]

The Abbe Raynal, in his _Philosophical and Political History of
the British Settlements in America_,[1] states as the _cause_ of
Oglethorpe's undertaking, what, when rightly understood, was but a
_consequence_ of it. He says, "A rich and humane citizen, at his
death, left the whole of his estate to set at liberty such insolvent
debtors as were detained in prison by their creditors. Prudential
reasons of policy concurred in the performance of this Will, dictated
by humanity; and the Government gave orders that such unhappy
prisoners as were released should be transported into Georgia. The
Parliament added nine thousand eight hundred and forty-three pounds
fifteen shillings, to the estate left by the Will of the citizen. A
voluntary subscription produced a much more considerable sum. General
Oglethorpe, a man who had distinguished himself by his taste for great
designs, by his zeal for his country, and his passion for glory,
was fixed upon to direct these public finances, and to carry into
execution so excellent a project."

[Footnote 1: Book II. Chap. IV. See also his _History of the
Settlements and Trade of the East and West Indies, by Europeans_, Book
XVIII. Vol. VII. page 359, of the English translation. Lond. 1787.]

Mr. Warden, adopted this account, but varied a little from it; for he
says, "It happened that Oglethorpe was named executor for the disposal
of a legacy left by a wealthy Englishman for the deliverance of
insolvent debtors, detained in prison; and this donation, with others,
procured from generous individuals, and ten thousand pounds sterling
advanced by the government, was employed for the establishment of a
colony, where this unfortunate class of men might find an asylum."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Statistical, Political, and Historical Account of the
United States of America_. Vol. II. p. 471.]

Mr. Graham has also followed this statement, and given the testator
the credit of projecting the release of prisoners for debt; a project
which originated solely with Oglethorpe.[1]

[Footnote 1: _History of America_. Vol. III p. 180.]

I have sought in vain for early vouchers of this statement, and feel
assured that the project did not grow out of a bequest either of a
"whole estate," or a "legacy" of any amount, left by "a rich citizen,"
or "a wealthy subject" of Great Britain. The story, like most others,
becoming amplified by repetition, arose from the fact that Edward
Adderly, Esq. had given, in his Will, the sum of one hundred pounds in
aid of the settlement of Georgia; but that was _two years after the
settlement had commenced_; and it was not to Oglethorpe individually
to manage, but to the Trustees to appropriate.

Among my authorities are the publications of the day, when facts and
circumstances are mentioned as taking place, and may, therefore, be
relied on. I dwell on them more particularly, and lay on them greater
stress, because all the early narratives speak of Oglethorpe as the
projector of the undertaking, the leader of the emigrants, the founder
of the colony. The publisher of "An account of the first planting of
the colony of Georgia,"[1] speaking of his engagedness in this noble
cause, says, "This was an instance of generosity and public spirit,
and an enterprise of fatigue as Well as of danger, which few ages or
nations can boast."

[Footnote 1: _Account of the first planting of the colony of Georgia;
published from the records of the Trustees; by_ BENJAMIN MARTIN,
_their Secretary_. Lond. 1741, p. 11.]

Ambition and enterprise were strong traits in his character; and what
he devised, his firmness of constitution, vigor of health, force of
principle, and untiring perseverance, enabled him to pursue to its
accomplishment.




CHAPTER IV.

The emigrants embark--Arrive at Charlestown, South
Carolina--Oglethorpe visits Governor Johnson--Proceeds up the
Savannah river--Place of settlement fixed upon--Town laid out--Labors
superintended, and assisted by Colonel Bull--Treaty with Tomo
Chichi--Progress of settlement--Oglethorpe makes a visit to Governor
Johnson, and presents himself before the House of Assembly, and makes
an Address of grateful acknowledgment of favors received--Returns to
Savannah--Holds a treaty with the Lower Creeks--Goes to head-quarters
on the Ogechee--Fort Argyle built--Savannah laid out in wards, and
Court of Records instituted.


On the 16th of November, 1732, the intended emigrants embarked,
accompanied by the Reverend Henry Herbert, D.D., a clergyman of the
Church of England, as Chaplain, and Mr. Amatis, from Piedmont, who was
engaged to instruct them in raising silk-worms, and the art of winding
silk. The, following "account of their setting forth," is taken from a
contemporary publication.

"The Ann galley, of about two hundred tons, is on the point of
sailing from Depford, for the new Colony of Georgia, with thirty-five
families, consisting of carpenters, brick-layers, farmers, &c., who
take all proper instruments for their employment on their arrival. The
men are learning military discipline of the guards; and are furnished
with muskets, bayonets, and swords, to defend the colony in case of an
attack from the Indians. The vessel has on board ten tons of Alderman
Parsons's best beer, and will take in at Madeira five tons of wine for
the service of the colony. Many of the Trustees were on board for the
purpose of ascertaining whether they were suitably accommodated and
provided for; and to take leave of the worthy gentleman of their own
body, who goes with them to take care of them, and to direct in laying
out their lands, and forming a town."[1]

[Footnote 1: GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE for 1732, p. 1029.]

In pursuance of the benevolent design of the Trustees, Oglethorpe
engaged in this expedition entirely at his own expense; furnished his
own cabin-fare, on board; and was constantly attentive, during the
whole voyage, to the situation and comfort of the passengers.

On the 13th of January, 1733, the ship dropt anchor outside of the
bar, at the port of Charlestown, South Carolina. Excepting that two
infirm children died on the passage, all that went on board had been
well, and arrived in good health.[1]

[Footnote 1: The following details are taken from what appears to be
information sent to the Trustees in London, and by them published
in that popular Journal entitled "_The Political State of Great
Britain_," Vol. XLVI. page 234, collated with _The History of the
Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia_, in
HARRIS'S Collection of Voyages, II. 327.]

Oglethorpe, with his suite, went on shore to wait on the Governor of
the Province, his Excellency Robert Johnson. He was received in the
kindest manner, and treated by him and the Council with every mark of
civility and respect. Sensible of the great advantage that must accrue
to Carolina from this new colony, the Governor afforded all the
assistance in his power to forward the settlement; and immediately
sent an order to Mr. Middleton, the king's pilot, to conduct the ship
into Port Royal, and to furnish small craft to convey the colonists
thence to the river Savannah.

In about ten hours they proceeded with this naval escort. On the 18th
Mr. Oglethorpe went ashore on Tench's Island, where he left eight men,
with directions to prepare huts for the people who would disembark,
and tarry there till he could make farther arrangements. He proceeded
thence to Beaufort, a frontier town of South Carolina, situated on
Port Royal Island, at the mouth of the Coosawatchie river, having an
excellent harbor.

Early the next morning he went ashore, and was saluted by a discharge
of the artillery. The Colonists, arriving on the 20th, were cheerfully
received and assisted by Lieutenant Watts, Ensign Farrington, and
other officers of the King's Independent Company on that station; and
were waited upon and welcomed by Mr. Delabarr and gentlemen of the
neighborhood.[1]

[Footnote 1: "_Brief Account of the Progress of the First Colony sent
to Georgia_,"--inserted in the 46th volume, p. 234, of the "_Political
State of Great Britain_;" and it makes the second Tract in FORCE'S
Collection.]

While the sea-worn emigrants rested and refreshed themselves, the
indefatigable Oglethorpe, accompanied by Colonel William Bull, a man
of knowledge and experience, went up the river to explore the country.
Having found a pleasant spot of ground near to Yamacraw, they fixed
upon the place as the most convenient and healthy situation for the
settlers, and there marked out a town, which, from the Indian name of
the river that ran past it, they called Savannah.

On the 24th he returned, and with the emigrants celebrated the
following Sunday as a day of Thanksgiving for their safe arrival.
A sermon was preached by the Reverend Mr. Jones,[1] by exchange of
services with Doctor Herbert, who officiated at Beaufort. There was a
great resort of gentlemen and their families, from the neighborhood,
to welcome the new-comers, and unite with them in the gladness of the
occasion.

[Footnote 1: REV LEWIS JONES. See some account of him in DALCHO'S
_History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p.
378.]

On the 31st they arrived at the place selected for their settlement,
the description of which by Oglethorpe himself, in a letter to the
Trustees, dated the 10th of February, 1733, cannot fail to give both
interesting information and much pleasure to the reader.

After referring to a former letter, and giving a brief notice of their
arrival at Beaufort, and his selection of a site, a few miles higher
up the river, for laying out a town, he adds, "The river here forms a
half-moon, along side of which the banks are about forty feet high,
and on the top is a flat, which they call 'a bluff.' The plain high
ground extends into the country about five or six miles; and, along
the river side, about a mile. Ships that draw twelve feet of water can
ride within ten yards of the bank. Upon the river side, in the centre
of this plain, I have laid out the town, opposite to which is an
island of very rich pasturage, which I think should be kept for the
cattle of the Trustees. The river is pretty wide, the water fresh, and
from the key of the town you see its whole course to the sea, with the
island of Tybee, which is at its mouth. For about six miles up into
the country, the landscape is very agreeable, the stream being wide,
and bordered with high woods on both sides.

"The whole people arrived here on the first of February. At night
their tents were got up. Until the tenth they were taken up with
unloading and making a crane, which I then could not finish, and so
took off the hands, and set some to the fortification, and began to
fell the woods.

"I have marked out the town and common; half of the former is already
cleared; and the first house was begun yesterday in the afternoon.

"I have taken ten of the Independent Company to work for us, for which
I make them an allowance.

"I send you a copy of the resolution of the Assembly of Carolina, and
the Governor and Council's letter to me.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. X.]

"Mr. Whitaker has given us one hundred head of cattle. Colonel Bull,
Mr. Barlow, Mr. St. Julian, and Mr. Woodward are come up to assist us,
with some of their servants.

"I am so taken up in looking after a hundred necessary things, that
I write now short, but shall give you a more particular account
hereafter.

"A little Indian nation, the only one within fifty miles, is not only
in amity, but desirous to be subjects to his Majesty King George, to
have lands given them among us. Their chief, and his beloved man, who
is the second in the nation, desire to be instructed in the Christian
religion."[1]

[Footnote 1: "The _beloved man_ is a person of much consequence. He
maintains and exercises great influence in the state, particularly
in military affairs, their Senate, or Council, never determining an
expedition or treaty without his consent and assistance." BOUDINOT,
_Star in the East_, p. 202.]

Realizing how important it was to obtain the consent of the natural
proprietors of the region, to the settlement of his colony here, and
how desirable to be on good terms with those in the vicinity, he
sought for an interview with Tomo Chichi, the Mico, or chief of a
small tribe who resided at a place called Yamacraw, three miles up the
river. Most fortunately and opportunely, he met with an Indian woman
who had married a Carolinian trader by the name of Musgrove; and
who understood and could speak the English language; and he availed
himself of her assistance as an interpreter.[1] The conference ended
in a compact and treaty, favorable to the new comers. From this
venerable chieftain he afterwards learned, that, besides that
immediate district, the territory was claimed and partly occupied by
the tribes of the upper and lower Creeks, whose formidable power, no
less than their distinct pretensions, rendered it important that their
consent should also be obtained. Accordingly, to gain their favor and
sanction, he engaged Tomo Chichi to despatch an invitation to their
chiefs, to hold a conference with him at Savannah.

[Footnote 1: Oglethorpe afterwards allowed her an annual stipend
for her services, finding that she had great influence with the
Indians.--Some years afterwards she married the Reverend Mr.
Bosomworth; and then she put on airs, and united with him in a
vexatious claim for a large tract of land. _See_ McCALL, Vol. I. p.
213. Bosomworth had been a Chaplain in the Regiment of the General;
had received many favors from him personally; and a salary from the
_Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign parts_.]

A letter from Oglethorpe, dated Savannah March 12th, 1732-3, gives the
following additional information.

"This Province is much larger than we thought, being one hundred and
twenty miles from this river to the Alatamaha. This river has a very
long course, and a great trade is carried on by it to the Indians,
there having above twelve trading boats passed since I have been here.

"There are in Georgia, on this side the mountains, three considerable
nations of Indians; one called the _Lower Creeks_, consisting of nine
towns, or rather cantons, making about one thousand men able to
bear arms. One of these is within a short distance from us, and has
concluded a peace with us, giving up their right to all this part of
the country; and I have marked out the lands which they have reserved
to themselves. The King comes constantly to church, and is desirous to
be instructed in the Christian religion; and has given me his nephew,
a boy, who is his next heir, to educate.

"The two other nations are the Uchees and the _Upper Creeks_; the first
consisting of two hundred, the latter of eleven hundred men. We agree
so well with the Indians, that the Creeks and Uchees have referred to
me a difference to determine, which otherwise would have occasioned a
war.

"Our people still lie in tents, there being only two clapboard houses
built, and three sawed houses framed. Our crane, our battery of
cannon, and magazine are finished. This is all that we have been able
to do, by reason of the smallness of our number, of which many have
been sick, and others unused to labor; though, I thank God, they are
now pretty well, and we have not lost one since our arrival here."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Political Taste of Great Britain_, Vol. XLV. p. 445.]

The following extract from a letter dated Charlestown, 22d March,
1732-3, and printed in the South Carolina Gazette, describes, in
honorable terms, the attention which the leader of this enterprise
devoted to its furtherance.[1]

[Footnote 1: See also "_Account showing the progress of the Colony of
Georgia from its first Establishment_." Lond. 1741. The _Appendix_,
No. 2 contains the Letter, with this notice--"Written by a Gentleman
of Charlestown, who, with some others, went thither, [i.e. to
Savannah] out of curiosity."]

"Mr. Oglethorpe is indefatigable, and takes a great deal of pains.
His fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but salt
provisions. He is extremely well beloved by all the people. The
general title they give him is _Father_. If any of them are sick, he
immediately visits them, and takes a great deal of care of them. If
any difference arises, he is the person that decides it. Two happened
while I was there, and in my presence; and all the parties went away,
to outward appearance, satisfied and contented with his determination.
He keeps a strict discipline. I never saw one of his people drunk, nor
heard one of them swear, all the time I was there. He does not allow
them rum; but in lieu gives them English beer. It is surprizing to see
how cheerful the men go to work, considering they have not been bred
to it. There are no idlers there. Even the boys and girls do their
part. There are four houses already up, but none finished; and he
hopes, when he has got more sawyers, which I suppose he will have in a
short time, to finish two houses a week. He has ploughed up some land;
part of which he has sowed with wheat, which has come up, and looks
promising. He has two or three gardens, which he has sowed with divers
sorts of seed, and planted thyme, sage, pot-herbs, leeks, skellions,
celery, liquorice, &c., and several trees. He was palisading the town
and inclosing some part of the common; which I suppose may be finished
in about a fortnight's time. In short, he has done a vast deal of
work for the time; and I think his name justly deserves to be
immortalized."

"Colonel Bull, who had been sent by Governor Johnson to assist in
laying out the town, and to describe to the people the manner of
felling the trees, and of clearing, breaking up, and cultivating the
ground, was a very efficient helper. He brought with him four of his
negroes, who were sawyers, to help the workmen; and also provisions
for them; being resolved not to put the Trustees to any expense; but
to bestow his aid in the most free and useful manner. Others from
Carolina, also, sent laborers, who, being accustomed to preparing
a plantation for settlement, were very expert, and of essential
service."

Thus generously assisted, the new settlers were enabled to cut down a
great number of trees[1]; to clear the land, to construct comfortable
houses[2], to make enclosures of yards and gardens, to build
a guard-house and fortification, and to effect other means of
accommodation and defence.

[Footnote 1: Four beautiful pine-trees were left upon the plain, under
which General Oglethorpe encamped.]

[Footnote 2: These were all of the same size; 22 by 16 feet. The
town-lots consisted of one quarter of an acre; but they had other
lots, at a small distance out of town, consisting of five acres,
designed for plantations.]

A public garden was laid out, which was designed as a nursery, in
order to supply the people with white mulberry trees, vines, oranges,
olives, and various necessary plants, for their several plantations;
and a gardener was appointed for the care of it, to be paid by the
Trustees.

Things being put in a good train, and the proper station and
employment of every man assigned him, Oglethorpe went to Charlestown
on a visit to Governor Johnson and the Council. His object was to make
a more intimate acquaintance with them, gratefully to acknowledge the
succors for the new comers which had been so generously bestowed; and
to consult measures for their mutual intercourse.

On Saturday, June 9th, presenting himself before the Governor and
House of Assembly, he thus addressed them.

"I should think myself very much wanting in justice and gratitude,
if I should neglect thanking your Excellency, you gentlemen of the
Council, and you gentlemen of the Assembly, for the assistance which
you have given to the Colony of Georgia. I have long wished for an
opportunity of expressing my sense of the universal zeal which the
inhabitants of this province have shewn for assisting that colony; and
could not think of any better opportunity than now, when the whole
province is virtually present in its General Assembly. I am,
therefore, gentlemen, to thank you for the handsome assistance given
by private persons, as well as by the public. I am to thank you,
not only in the name of the Trustees, and the little colony now in
Georgia, but in behalf of all the distressed people of Britain and
persecuted Protestants of Europe, to whom a place of refuge will be
secured by this first attempt.

"Your charitable and generous proceeding, besides the
self-satisfaction which always attends such actions, will be of the
greatest advantage to this province. You, gentlemen, are the best
judges of this; since most of you have been personal witnesses of the
dangerous blows which this country has escaped from French, Spanish,
and Indian arms. Many of you know this by experience, having
signalized yourselves personally, either when this province by its
own strength, and unassisted by any thing but the courage of its
inhabitants and the providence of God, repulsed the formidable
invasions of the French; or when it defeated the whole body of the
southern Indians, who were armed against it, and was invaded by the
Spaniards, who assisted them. You, gentlemen, know that there was a
time when every day brought fresh advices of murders, ravages, and
burnings; when no profession or calling was exempted from arms; when
every inhabitant of the province was obliged to leave wife, family,
and useful occupations, and undergo the fatigues of war, for the
necessary defence of the country; and all their endeavors scarcely
sufficient to guard the western and southern frontiers against the
Indians.

"It would be needless for me to tell you, who are much better judges,
how the increasing settlement of a new colony upon the southern
frontiers, will prevent the like danger for the future. Nor need I
tell you how every plantation will increase in value, by the safety of
the Province being increased; since the lands to the southward already
sell for above double what they did before the new Colony arrived.
Nor need I mention the great lessening of the burden of the people by
increasing the income of the tax from the many thousand acres of land
either taken or taking up on the prospect of future security.

"The assistance which the Assembly have given, though not quite
equal to the occasion, is very large with respect to the present
circumstances of the Province; and, as such, shows you to be kind
benefactors to your new-come countrymen, whose settlements you
support; and dutiful subjects to his Majesty, whose revenues and
dominions you by this means increase and strengthen.

"As I shall soon return to Europe, I must recommend the infant Colony
to your further protection; being assured, both from your generosity
and wisdom, that you will, in case of any danger or necessity, give it
the utmost support and assistance."

To the insertion of this speech in the _Political State of Great
Britain_, October, 1733, page 361, it is added, "On the Sunday evening
following he set out again for Georgia; so that we may perceive
that there is no endeavor wanting in him to establish and make that
settlement a flourishing colony; but his conduct in this whole affair
is by much the more extraordinary, and the more to be applauded,
because, by the nature of the settlement, he cannot so much as expect
any private or particular benefit; he cannot possibly have any other
reward but that which is the certain, the eternal reward of good
actions, a consciousness of having done a service to his country, and
to mankind."

Favored by their industry, and the smiles of a propitious providence
in that delightful region, "the wilderness and the solitary place was
glad for them; and the desert rejoiced and blossomed as a rose."[1]
"They planted vineyards, and made themselves gardens, and set out in
them trees of all kinds of fruits."[2]

[Footnote 1: Isaiah, xxxv. 1.]

[Footnote 2: Ecclesiastes, ii. 3.]

In aid and encouragement of the settlement, the Trustees received
a letter from THOMAS PENN, Proprietor of Pennsylvania, dated
Philadelphia, March 6th, 1732-3, approving very highly of the
undertaking, promising to contribute all the assistance in his power,
and acquainting them that he had for himself subscribed one hundred
pounds sterling, and that he was collecting what sums of money he
could get from others, to be sent them, in order to be employed for
the purposes of their charter[1].

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Great Britain_, for June, 1733, Vol.
XLV. p. 543.]

It has been already observed that "Oglethorpe endeavored very early to
secure the favor of the Indians, who, by ranging through the woods,
would be capable of giving constant intelligence to prevent any
surprise upon the people, and would be a good out-guard for the inland
parts of the Colony; as also to obtain of them grants of territory,
and privilege of undisturbed occupancy and improvement[1]." He was
pleased, therefore, on his return from Charlestown, to find the chiefs
of the Lower Creeks in waiting; the purpose of whose visit, as
made known by Mr. Wiggan[2] and Mr. John Musgrove, who acted as
interpreters, was to treat on an alliance with the Colony.

[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,
from its first Establishment_. Lond. 1741, p. 13.]

[Footnote 2: William Wiggan, who accompanied Sir Alexander Cuming in
the beginning of the year 1731, on his journey to the Cherokees,
is, in the narrative of that expedition, called not merely "the
interpreter," but "the complete linguist."]

These Creeks consisted of eight tribes, united in a kind of political
confederacy; all speaking the same language, but being under separate
jurisdictions. Their deputation was composed of their micoes, or
chiefs, and leading warriors, about fifty in number.[1]

[Footnote 1: "Besides a king, every Indian town has a head warrior, who
is in great esteem among them, and whose authority seems to be greater
than their kings; because the king is looked upon as little else than
a civil magistrate, except it so happens that he is at the same time
a head warrior." _Narrative of a Journey among the Indians in the
Northwest parts of South Carolina_, 1731, by Sir ALEXANDER CUMING.
See, also, Appendix, No. XII.]

The General received them with courtesy, and then invited them to "a
talk," in one of the new houses. He informed them that the English, by
coming to settle there, did not pretend to dispossess, nor think to
annoy the natives; but above all things desired to live on good terms
with them, and hoped, through their representatives, now present, to
obtain from them a cession of that part of the region on which he had
entered, and to form and confirm a treaty of friendship and trade.

When he had explained his views with respect to the settlers, and
their designs in making the location, Ouechachumpa, a very tall old
man, in the name of the rest, informed the British adventurers what
was the extent of the country claimed by their tribes. He acknowledged
the superiority of the white men to the red; and said that he was
persuaded that the Great Spirit who dwelt above and all around, (whose
immensity he endeavored to express by throwing abroad his hands,
and prolonging his articulations as he spoke,) had sent the English
thither for the good of the natives; and, therefore, they were welcome
to all the land which the Creeks did not use themselves. He confirmed
his speech by laying before Oglethorpe eight buckskins, one for each
of the Creeks; the best things, he said, that they had to bestow. He
thanked them for their kindness to Tomo Chichi, who, it seems, had
been banished with some of his adherents, from his own nation; but
for his valor and wisdom had been chosen mico by the Yamacraws, an
emigrating branch of the same stock.

The declarations of the speaker were confirmed by short speeches of
the others; when Tomo Chichi, attended by some of his friends, came
in, and, making a low obeisance, said, "When these white men came,
I feared that they would drive us away, for we were weak; but they
promised not to molest us. We wanted corn and other things, and they
have given us supplies; and now, of our small means, we make them
presents in return. Here is a buffalo skin, adorned with the head
and feathers of an eagle. The eagle signifies speed, and the buffalo
strength. The English are swift as the eagle, and strong as the
buffalo. Like the eagle they flew hither over great waters; and like
the buffalo nothing can withstand them. But the feathers of the
eagle are soft, and signify kindness; and the skin of the buffalo is
covering, and signifies protection. Let these, then, remind them to be
kind, and protect us."

The alliance was soon made. The treaty contained stipulations on the
part of the English, concerning trade; reparation of injuries, should
any be committed; and punishment for impositions, should any be
practised upon them; and, on the part of the Indians, a free and
formal cession of that part of the region which was not used by the
Yamacraws, nor wanted by the Creeks. By this cession they made a grant
to the Trustees of the lands upon Savannah river as far as the river
Ogechee, and all the lands along the sea-coast between Savannah and
Alatamaha rivers, extending west as high as the tide flows, and
including all the islands; the Indians reserving to themselves the
islands of Ossabaw, Sapeloe, and St. Catherines, for the purposes of
hunting, bathing and fishing; as also the tract of land lying between
Pipe-maker's bluff and Pallachucola creek, above Yamacraw bluff, which
they retained as an encampment when they should come to visit their
beloved friends in that vicinity. This special reservation of some
islands had been made by them in their treaty with Governor Nicholson,
in 1722.

Oglethorpe then presented to each of the eight chiefs a laced coat
and hat, and a shirt; to each of the eight war-captains, a gun, with
powder, flint, bullets and shot; to the beloved men a duffle mantle
of coarse cloth;--and distributed some smaller presents among their
attendants. Upon this they took their leave of him, highly satisfied
with the treatment which they had met.[1]

[Footnote 1: This Treaty was sent to England, and was confirmed by the
Trustees on the 18th of October, 1733. For a copy of it, see McCALL,
_History of Georgia_, Appendix to Vol. I. p. 357.

The _History of Georgia_, by Major McCALL has great merit. It was
written by the worthy author under circumstances of bodily suffering,
submitted to, indeed with meekness, borne with heroic fortitude, and
endured with unfailing patience. It is wonderful that he succeeded
so well in the accomplishment of his work, considering the scanty
materials which he could procure; for he says, that, "without map or
compass, he entered an unexplored forest, destitute of any other
guide than a few ragged pamphlets, defaced newspapers, and scraps of
manuscripts."]

Having taken much pains to become acquainted with the character of the
natives, he furnished a very intelligent traveller, by whom he was
visited, with an interesting account of their manners and customs; who
annexed it to the published volume of his travels.[1]

[Footnote 1: As this is an extremely rare book, I give the title from
a copy in the library of Harvard College. "_A new voyage to Georgia,
by a young gentleman: giving an account of his travels in South
Carolina, and part of North Carolina. To which is added a curious
account of the Indians by an Honorable Person; and a Poem to James
Oglethorpe, Esq., on his arrival from Georgia_." London, 1735. 12mo.

The author of the "_History of Georgia_," contained in the 40th volume
of the "_Universal History_," page 456, quotes passages from this
"Account of the Indians," and ascribes it to Oglethorpe.--Mr. SALMON
in the 3d vol. of his _Modern History_, p. 602, giving an account of
_the present state of Georgia_, introduces a quotation from what he
calls "Mr. OGLETHORPE'S account of the religion and government of the
Creeks," in the following words: "Mr. OGLETHORPE, speaking of the
religion and government of the Creek nation, in 'a letter from Georgia
to a person of honor in London,' says 'There seems to be a way opened
to our Colony towards the conversion of the Indians,' &c. This is
decisive in fixing the author; for Mr. SALMON knew the General
personally; and, on publishing another edition of his elaborate work,
obtained from him, a very interesting '_Continuation of the present
state of Georgia_.'" The Letter is copied into the _Gentleman's
Magazine_, Vol. III. p. 108 and 483. See also Appendix, No. XIII.]

On the 18th of June he went to the Horse-quarter, which lies six miles
up the river Ogechee, and there took with him Captain McPherson, with
a detachment of his rangers, on an excursion into the interior. After
a march of forty miles westward, he chose a post, commanding the
passages by which the Indians used to invade Carolina in the late
wars. Here, upon an eminence which commands all the country round,
he directed that a fortification should be built, to be called "Fort
Argyle," in memory of his honored patron John Duke of Argyle.[1] It is
on the west bank of the Ogechee river. Its design was to protect the
settlers from invasions by the Spaniards. Captain McPherson and his
troop were to be quartered there, and ten families from Savannah to be
removed, as cultivators, to its immediate vicinity.

[Footnote 1: See Appendix, No. XIV.]

On the 7th of July, at day break, the inhabitants of Savannah were
assembled on the strand for the purpose of designating the wards of
the town, and assigning the lots. In a devotional service, they
united in thanksgiving to God, that the lines had fallen to them in a
pleasant place, and that they were about to have a goodly heritage.
The wards and tithings were then named; each ward consisting of four
tithings, and each tithing of ten houses; and a house lot was given
to each freeholder. There being in Derby ward but twenty one houses
built; and the other nineteen having no house erected on them, Mr.
Milledge and Mr. Goddard, the two chief carpenters, offered, in the
name of themselves and seventeen of their helpers, to take the unbuilt
on lots, and give the built ones to those who were less able to help
themselves.

The people then partook of a plentiful dinner, which their generous
Governor had provided.[1]

[Footnote 1: An account of this transaction in the _South Carolina
Gazette_, under the date of August 8th, closes with this remark; "Some
of the people having privately drunk too freely of rum, are dead; and
that liquor, which was always discountenanced there, is now absolutely
prohibited."]

In the afternoon the grant of a Court of Record was read, and the
officers were appointed. The session of the magistrates was then held,
a jury impanneled, and a case tried.

These were necessary regulations for establishing a due regard to
order, discipline, and government. And yet, with all the influence
which their honored leader could give to sanction the measures and
support the authority, there was much to be done to render the
administration effective. The settlers had no common bond of
attachment or accordance; of course, it was very difficult to dispose
them to the reciprocal offices of a social state, much more so to the
still higher obligations of a civil compact. Together with these aims
of those who were put into places of authority, they were obliged
daily to use their endeavors to bring the restive and quarrelsome
into proper subordination; to keep the sluggish and lazy diligently
employed, and to teach the thriftless to be economical and prudent.

"Tantae molis erat disjunctis condere Gentem!"




CHAPTER V.

Oglethorpe intended to visit Boston, in New England--Governor
Belcher's Letter to him--Provincial Assembly appoint a Committee to
receive him--Sets out on an exploratory Excursion--Names an Island,
Jekyl--Visits Fort Argyle--Returns to Savannah--Saltzburgh emigrants,
conducted by Baron Von Reck, come to settle in Georgia--Oglethorpe
assists them in selecting a place--They call it Ebenezer--He then goes
up the river to Palacholas--Returns--Goes to Charlestown, with Tomo
Chichi and other Indians, in order to take passage to England.


Oglethorpe intended to have made the tour of the Colonies;
particularly to have visited Boston, in Massachusetts. Apprized of
this intention, Governor Belcher addressed to him the following
letter[1].

[Footnote 1: Copied from the letter-book of Governor Belcher, in the
cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]


    Boston, New England, May 3d, 1733. HONORED SIR,

    It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you on your safe
    arrival in America; and I have a still greater in the advantages
    which these parts of his Majesty's dominions will reap from your
    noble and generous pursuits of good to mankind in the settlement
    of Georgia. May God Almighty attend you with his blessing, and
    crown your toils with success. Several of my friends, sir, from
    London, acquaint me with your intentions to pass by land from
    South Carolina, through the king's territories as far as this
    place; where I shall be very proud of shewing you the just esteem
    which I have for you; and shall depend that you will please to
    accept such quarters as my habitation affords during your stay in
    this government. When you get to Philadelphia or New York, I shall
    be glad of the favor of a line from you, to know how and when you
    make your route hither.

    I am, with great respect, sir,

    Your most obedient, and most humble servant,

    JONATHAN BELCHER.

At the next Assembly of the Province, the Governor, in a special
message, apprized them of the expectation which he had of a visit from
the General; and in the House of Representatives "it was ordered that
a committee should be raised to prepare for the reception of James
Oglethorpe, Esq., who may be expected in Boston this summer; that so
the government may express their grateful sense of his good services
to the public interest of the Province."

June 21st, 1733, the following motion was agreed on:--

"Whereas James Oglethorpe, Esq., a member of Parliament, and now at
Georgia, near South Carolina, hath at several times appeared in favor
of New England; and, in a particular manner done many good offices
for this Province, of which this Court hath been advised by Mr. Agent
Wilkes, and that he intends, in a short time, to return to Great
Britain, by the way of Boston:--

"_Voted_, That Mr. Speaker, Mr. Cooke, Major Brattle, Mr. Thacher,
Mr. Welles, Mr. Cushing, Mr. Hall, Mr. Webb, and Major Bowles, be a
Committee, from this House, to congratulate that honorable gentleman
upon his arrival at Boston; and, in their name and behalf, acquaint
him that the Assembly are well knowing of the many good offices he
hath done this Province, in that, when the interest, trade, and
business thereof have been under the consideration of the British
Parliament, he hath, in a distinguishing manner, consulted measures to
perpetuate the peace and lasting happiness of this government. And,
as his worthy and generous actions justly deserve a most grateful and
public acknowledgment, to assure him that this country will retain a
lasting remembrance of his great benefactions; and that a recognition
of the favors which they have so frequently received from him, is
the least that the House can offer; while they earnestly desire the
continuance of his good will towards this Province."

His Excellency then made the following speech:

"Gentlemen of the Council and House of Representatives,

"I am glad to see the respect which you have expressed in your vote to
the Honorable Mr. Oglethorpe, a member of that wise and august body,
the Parliament of Great Britain; but, as there is no money in the
treasury to defray the charge of the reception and entertainment of
that honorable gentleman, I have taken early care to invite him to my
house, when he may come into this Province, and I shall endeavor to
entertain him in such a manner as may express the great esteem which I
have of his attachment to his Majesty and to his Royal House, and of
his regard to this Province, as well as of his great merit. And this I
will do at my own charge, till the treasury may be supplied. And for
these reasons I have not made your vote an order of this Court."

The Editor of the publication, entitled "_The Political State of
Great Britain_," makes the following remarks upon these doings of the
Legislature of Massachusetts:[1]

[Footnote 1: Vol. XLVIII. p. 173.]

"This expression of gratitude towards Mr. Oglethorpe shows that the
gentlemen who are members of the House of Representatives in that
Colony, are men of good sense as well as lovers of their country;
and there is certainly no greater incitement to generous and public
spirited actions than that of public acknowledgment and praise."

Circumstances, however, prevented his making a visit, so earnestly
expected, and which would have been so mutually gratifying.

On Wednesday, January 23, 1734, Oglethorpe set out on an exploratory
excursion, to view the southern frontiers, in a row-boat commanded by
Captain Ferguson, attended by fourteen companions and two Indians;
followed by a yawl loaded with ammunition and provisions. They took
"the inland passages." Thus are named the passes between the belt of
"sea-islands" and the main land. For the distance of seven miles from
the ocean along the whole coast, there is a margin of islands and
marshes, intersected by rivers, creeks, and inlets, communicating with
each other, and forming a complete inland navigation for vessels of
one hundred tons.

Having reached the north-west coast of the islands of Ossabaw, St.
Catherine, and Sapelo, they passed the entrances of Vernon river, of
the Ogechee, and of the northern branches of the Alatamaha; and, on
the 26th landed on the first Albany bluff of St. Simons, where they
lay dry under the shelter of a large live oak tree, though it rained
hard. The next day they proceeded to the sea point of St. Simons,
in order to take an observation of the latitude. They afterwards
discovered an island, of which the general asked the name, and,
finding that it had none, he called it JEKYL, in honor of Sir Joseph
Jekyl, his respected and particular friend[1]. They reconnoitred
various other places, and the mouths of rivers; and, on their return
went up the Ogechee to Fort Argyle, where they lay in a house and upon
beds, "for the first time since they left Thunderbolt[2]."

[Footnote 1: This eminent man, who was the son of a clergyman in
Northamptonshire, Great Britain, became known as an able lawyer, and
an eloquent statesman. As the friend of the Whigs, he was one of the
managers of Sacheverell's trial; and, after maintaining his principles
and popularity undiminished, he was made, in the reign of George I.,
Master of the Rolls and Privy Counsellor, and was also knighted. He
died in 1738, aged 75.]

[Footnote 2: This startling appellation was early given to a little
settlement in the neighborhood of Savannah, in reference to an awful
explosion there, the effects of which were said to be perceivable
in the sulphuric smell and taste of a spring of water. "Adhuc tenet
nomen, indelibile!"]


The fortifications there, by the unwearied diligence of Captain
McPherson, were finished, and very defensible; being well flanked, and
having several pieces of cannon.[1]

[Footnote 1: _Letter from a Gentleman of Savannah to his friend at
Charlestown, S.C._, inserted in _The New England Weekly Journal_, May
13, 1734.]

By this excursion he ascertained how expedient it was to have an
outpost, with a well-manned fort on the island of St. Simons; and how
desirable to form a settlement and military station near the mouth of
the Alatamaha, for the protection and defence of the colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: "At the west side of the island is a high bluff, compared
with the marshes in its front; and here Frederica was afterwards
built. The shore is washed by a fine river, which communicates with
the Alatamaha, and enters the ocean through Jekyl sound, at the south
end of the island. It forms a bay which is navigable for vessels of
large burden." McCALL, I. 170.]

A strong sense of indignation had been expressed in England at the
persecution of the Protestants at Saltzburg, in Bavaria, who had been
banished by an Episcopal edict from their homes on account of their
religion, and, in the midst of winter, driven from the region to seek
a place of refuge[1]. Oglethorpe had shared largely in the general
sympathy; and, in a speech in the House of Commons, had declared his
regret that no provision had been made for their relief in the late
treaty. He proposed to the Trustees for settling the colony of
Georgia, that an asylum should be there opened for these exiles. The
proposition met with ready concurrence. A letter was addressed to
their Elder, the venerable Samuel Urlsperger, to inquire whether a
body of them would be disposed to join the new settlers, if measures
were taken for their transportation. A favorable answer was received.
An English vessel was sent to convey them from Rotterdam to Dover; and
thence they embarked on the 8th of January, 1734, on board the ship
Purrysburgh, Captain Frey, under the more immediate care and conduct
of the Baron Philip George Frederick Von Reck, together with their
Reverend Pastors, John Martin Bolzius and Israel Christian Gronau.
After many difficulties and dangers, they arrived at Charlestown,
South Carolina, on the 7th of March[2]. Oglethorpe, who happened to
be there, as they piously considered, "providentially," bid them a
cheering welcome. He had their ship supplied with provisions; and sent
the sea-sick pilgrims, what is so grateful and refreshing after a
voyage, many baskets of cabbages, turnips, radishes, lettuce, and
other vegetables, "of which the gardens were full." He introduced the
Baron and the ministers to the Governor, who received them with much
civility, and with whom they dined.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1732, p. 866, and Appendix, No.
XV.]

[Footnote 2: See Appendix, No. XVI.]


The General sent one of his men to their ship, as a pilot, as also to
announce their arrival, and bespeak the attention of the magistrates
at Savannah; and, on the 9th they set sail for the desired region
of peace. They entered the river on the 10th, which was
_reminiscere-Sunday_; and "they called to remembrance the former days,
in which, after they were illuminated," (and because they were so,)
"they endured a great fight of afflictions, partly while they were
made a gazing-stock in their dispersions, and partly while they became
companions of them that were so. But they took unresistingly the
spoiling of their goods, trusting to those who had compassion on their
sufferings."[1] "And they remembered the kindnesses of Oglethorpe."

[Footnote 1: Hebrews, x. 32-34.]


In the journal of their pastor,[1] it is stated, "While we lay off the
banks of our dear Georgia, in a very lovely calm, and heard the birds
singing sweetly, all was cheerful on board. It was really edifying to
us that we came to the borders of 'the promised land,' _this_ day,
when, as we are taught in its lesson from the Gospel, that Jesus came
to the borders by the sea-coast, after he had endured persecution and
rejection by his countrymen."

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 80.]

On the 11th the ship got upon the sand; but was floated off by the
tide on the 12th, and as they passed up the river, they were delighted
with the pleasant prospect on both sides. The balmy odors of the pine
trees, wafted by the land-breeze, seemed like incense mingling with
their orisons, and the carols of the birds were in accordance with
their matin-hymn of praise. This second reference to the minstrelsy
of the grove, will not be wondered at by those who have visited that
region in the spring of the year. The various notes of the feathered
choristers are enchanting, even now, when the din of population has
frightened them into coverts. But then, free and fearless, the strains
were lively and joyful, and the chorus full.

As the vessel was moored near the landing-place, the inhabitants
flocked down to the bank, and raised a cheering shout, which was
responded with much gladness by the passengers on deck. Some of them
were soon taken off in a boat, and led round to the town, part through
the wood, and part through the newly laid out garden of the Trustees.
Meanwhile "a right good feast" was prepared for them, and they were
regaled with "very fine wholesome English beer." And, as otherwise
much love and friendliness were shewn them by the inhabitants, and as
the beautiful situation round about pleased them, they were in fine
spirits, and their joy was consecrated by praise to God.

The pastors Gronau and Bolzius, with the commissary Von Reck, and Dr.
Zweitzer were lodged in the house of the Reverend Mr. Quincy[1], whom
they had met at Charlestown, on his return from a visit which he
had been paying to his parents in Boston, Massachusetts, when he
obligingly offered them the accommodation. For the emigrants
barracks and tents were provided till the return of the General from
Charlestown, whither he had gone to take passage for England, "but out
of good will to the Saltzburgers, he put off his voyage for some
days, and was resolved to see them settled before he went[2]." He had
promised them that they should have liberty to choose such part of the
country as they thought most convenient, fertile and pleasant; and
that he would go out with some of their elders, and select a place to
their liking. They desired one at a distance from the sea, on gently
rising ground, with intervening vales, near springs of water, and on
the border of a small river, or clear brook; such being the nature
of the region where they were born. To fulfil this engagement,
immediately after his return, attended with Paul Jenys, Esq., Speaker
of the House of Assembly of South Carolina, and some other gentlemen,
he set out on the 15th of March, with Baron Von Reck, the commissary,
Mr. Gronau, one of the ministers, Mr. Zweitzer their Doctor, and one
of the elders, taking some Indians as guides, to explore the part of
the country which answered to the description of the Saltzburgers.
They went up the river in boats as far as Mr. Musgrove's cow-pens,
where horses were got ready; and, after a ride of about fifteen miles,
westward, through the woods, they arrived at the banks of a river,
eighty feet wide, and twelve deep, with high banks. The adjacent
country was hilly, with valleys of cane-land, intersected with little
brooks, and bordered with springs of water. The Saltzburgers were
extremely pleased with the place, and adopted it They then kneeled
down by the river side, and devoutly thanked God for bringing them out
of their persecutions, safe through so many dangers, into a land of
rest; in memorial of which, they desired that the place might be
called EBENEZER--"Hitherto the Lord hath helped us!" With the Bible
in their hands, they then marched up to a site which was judged most
proper to build upon; sung an hymn, and the pastor pronounced a
benediction.

[Footnote 1: The Rev. Samuel Quincy, a native of Boston,
Massachusetts, having been educated in England, and received priest's
orders on the 28th of October, 1730, by Dr. Waugh, Bishop of Carlisle,
was, in 1734 sent, by _the Society for Propagating the Gospel in
Foreign Parts_, as a missionary to Georgia.]

[Footnote 2: Extract from a manuscript of Von Reck's Journal,
furnished me by J.K. Tefft, Esq. of Savannah.]

Having thus assigned to the exiles, "a local habitation and a name,"
they all went to Abercorn, a village lately built, about the distance
of six miles. Thence the commissary and his companions returned to
Savannah, and Oglethorpe, with the speaker, went to Purrysburgh on the
18th in order to row up the river to the Palachocolas Indians, but the
floods from the Cherokee mountains had so swelled the freshes, as to
make that passage too tedious. They, therefore, went back to Abercorn,
and thence to the designed settlement of the Saltzburgers, where
Oglethorpe, parting with his honorable friend, crossed the river with
the Indians, and renewed his excursion to Palachocolas. There he found
a fort erected at the lowest passage of the river, and forty-five
miles from Savannah. Returning from this visit, as he entered Ebenezer
he found eight of the most able-bodied men at work, with their
minister Gronau, in constructing booths and tents against the arrival
of the families. In furtherance of their labors, he laid out the town,
and directed the carpenters, who had arrived also in obedience to his
orders, to assist in building six houses.

These attentions to the accommodation of the poor Protestants were
gratefully acknowledged, and are recorded in the journal of the
Reverend Mr. Bolzius, with a respectful tribute to the religious
character of Oglethorpe, of which the following is a translation;[1]
"So far as we can conclude from a short acquaintance with him, he is
a man who has a great reverence for God, and his holy word and
ordinances; a cordial love for the servants and children of God; and
who wishes to see the name of Christ glorified in all places. So blest
have been his undertakings and his presence in this land, that more
has been accomplished by him in one year than others would have
effected in many. And since the people here have had such good cause
to appreciate his right fatherly disposition, his indefatigable toil
for their welfare, and his illustrious qualities, they feel that his
departure would be a real loss to them. For us he hath cared with a
most provident solicitude. We unite in prayers for him, that God would
guide him to his home, make his voyage safe and prosperous, and enrich
him with many blessings!"

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. p. 91.]

[Illustration]

In journeys often and labors more abundant, he returned to Savannah;
and set out from thence on the 23d of March, with the Speaker, to
Charlestown, where he arrived on the 27th with a retinue of Indian
chiefs, whom he had persuaded to accompany him to England. He had
rightly judged that it would be an advantage to the colony to let some
of the natives have a sight of England, as it would give them a high
idea of that kingdom. He had gained the consent of Tomo Chichi and
Scenawki his wife and Toonahowi his nephew; of Hillispilli, the war
chief; Apakowtski, Stimalchi, Sintouchi, and Hinguithi, five chiefs
of the Creek nation; and of Umphichi, a chief from Palachocolas; with
their interpreter.

They embarked in the Aldborough man of war on Tuesday, the 7th of May,
1734.




CHAPTER VI.

Oglethorpe arrives in England with his Indian Escort--Is welcomed
by the Trustees--Apartments are provided for the Indians--They are
introduced to the King and Royal Family--One of their number dies
of the small pox--Visit the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Eton
College--Shown the public buildings and institutions in London--Embark
for Georgia--Their arrival.


The Aldborough arrived at St. Helen's, in the Isle of Wight, on the
16th of June, 1734, bringing the founder of the new Colony, with the
most gratifying accounts of his labors and success. He had "laid the
foundation of many generations." He had made "the desolate wilderness
a pleasant portion;" and, for its wildlings, had substituted offsets
which should become "plants of renown." And he had brought with him
some chiefs of the Indian tribes, to testify their accordance with
the new settlement, and to repeat the expression of their desire to
receive instruction in the language and religion of the settlers.

When a Roman General returned a conqueror, he entered the Imperial
City with a triumphal procession, in martial pomp and pageantry,
dragging at his car the kings and captains he had vanquished. But here
was a return from a successful campaign, not bringing captives taken
in battle, but an escort of unconquered chieftains, themselves sharers
in the ovation of benevolence and the triumph of philanthropy.

Oglethorpe immediately addressed a letter to Sir John Phillips,
Baronet, notifying him of his return, and giving him the pleasing
intelligence of the safe arrival of the Baron Von Reck, and the
Saltzburgers, whom he called "a very sensible, active, laborious,
and pious people." He mentioned their location as selected to their
liking; and said that he left them busily employed in completing its
settlement. He added, "An Indian chief, named Tomo Chichi, the Mico,
or king of Yamacraw, a man of an excellent understanding, is so
desirous of having the young people taught the English language and
religion, that, notwithstanding his advanced age, he has come over
hither with me to obtain means, and assistant teachers. He has brought
with him a young man whom he calls his nephew and next heir; and
who has already learned the Lord's prayer in the English and Indian
language."

"I shall leave the Indians at my estate, till I go to the city, where
I shall have the happiness to wait upon you, and to relate all things
to you more fully; over which you will rejoice and wonder[1]."

[Footnote 1: Not having met with an English copy of the letter, I have
given a version from the German in "_Ausfürliche Nachrichten von der
Salzburgischen en America, von_ SAMUEL URLSPURGHER". Halle, 1745. 4to.]

Having repaired to his house in old Palace-Yard, Westminster,
he notified the Trustees of his arrival. Some of the gentlemen
immediately called on him, and escorted him to the Georgia office,
where he received their congratulations, with "expressions of their
great satisfaction in the eminent services which he had performed in
behalf of their new settlement."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, June, 1734, p. 327.]

On the evening of the 21st they gave a grand entertainment in honor of
so distinguished an associate; and heard from him, with admiration,
the narrative of his achievements.[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_, June, 1734.]

On a special meeting they "voted their unanimous thanks to him for the
ability, zeal, activity, and perseverance with which he had conducted
the affairs of the settlement, and assured him that they should ever
hold his services in grateful remembrance."

A publication of the day thus announces his arrival;[1] "On the 16th
of last month, James Oglethorpe, Esq., member of Parliament for
Haslemere, in Surrey, and of the Trustees for establishing the Colony
of Georgia, arrived in the Aldborough man of war, at St. Helen's, on
his return from that colony; he having had so much generosity and
public spirit as to go along with the first number of persons that
were sent out for its establishment, where he has been ever since;
being resolved to be a sharer with them in all the fatigues and
dangers that might happen, either from the inclemency of a new
climate, or from any of the accidents that usually attend the
settlement of a new colony; and not to leave them till he saw them in
a condition, not only to provide their own subsistence, but to defend
themselves against any enemy that might probably attack them; all
which fatigues and dangers he exposed himself to, and has undergone at
his own charge, and without the least view of any private advantage or
satisfaction, but that which every good man must feel in contributing
to the relief of the distressed, and the public good of his country.
This is such an action as the Roman historians, in the times of their
greatest virtue, would have been proud of recording; and such an one
as ought not to escape the notice of any man who pretends to give an
account of the transactions of this kingdom."

[Footnote 1: Political State of Great Britain, Vol. XVIII. p. 19.]

His return was congratulated in some very complimentary verses; as was
also the arrival of Tomo Chichi[1]; and the head of Oglethorpe was
proposed by Mr. Urban for a prize medal[2], to commemorate his
benevolence and patriotism.

[Footnote 1: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. IV. p. 505.]

[Footnote 2: _Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. V. 178. "The die was broken
after a few were struck off." See Editorial note in _Gentleman's
Magazine_ for July, 1785, p. 517. I have procured an engraving, of the
size of the original.]

Comfortable apartments were provided for the Indians in the Georgia
office; and, when they were suitably dressed, and had curiously
painted their faces, according to their custom, Sir Clement Cotterell
was sent, on the 1st of August, to the Georgia office, whence he took
them all, except one who was sick with the small pox, and had them
conveyed, in three of the King's coaches, drawn by six horses, to
the palace at Kensington. They were received at the door by the body
guards, and then, by the Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain, presented
to his Majesty, whom Tomo Chichi addressed in the following
characteristic terms.

"Great king; this day I see the majesty of your person, the greatness
of your house, and the number of your people. I am come in my old
days; so I cannot expect to obtain any advantage to myself; but I
come for the good of the Creeks, that they may be informed about the
English, and be instructed in your language and religion. I present to
you, in their name, the feathers of an eagle, which is the swiftest of
birds, and flieth around our nations. These feathers are emblems of
peace in our land, and have been carried from town to town, to witness
it. We have brought them to you, to be a token and pledge of peace, on
our part, to be kept on yours.

"O great king! whatsoever you shall say to me, I will faithfully tell
to all the chiefs of the Creek nation."

To this the king replied,--"I am glad of this opportunity of assuring
you of my regard for the people from whom you came; and I am extremely
well pleased with the assurance which you have brought me from them. I
accept, very gratefully, this present, as an indication of their good
dispositions towards me and my people; and shall always be ready to
show them marks of favor, and purposes to promote their welfare."

They were then introduced to her Majesty, who was seated on a throne
in the great gallery, attended by ladies of the court and nobility.
The aged Mico thus addressed her: "I am glad to see you this day, and
to have the opportunity of beholding the mother of this great nation.
As our people are now joined with yours, we hope that you will be a
common mother, and a protectress of us and our children." To this her
Majesty returned a courteous answer.

After this they were introduced to his Royal Highness the Prince of
Wales, the Duke of Cumberland, the Princess of Orange, the Princesses
Amelia, Caroline, Mary, and Louisa; and then were conducted back to
their lodgings.

On the 3d of August they were greatly afflicted by the decease of one
of their companions by the small pox, notwithstanding the best medical
attendance; but it occasioned no bad consequences, as his associates
were with him, and saw that much better care was taken of him than
could have been at home. He was interred, after the manner of their
country, in St. John's burial ground, Westminster. The corpse, sewed
up in two blankets, with a deal-board under and another over, and
tied down with a cord, was carried to the grave on a bier. There
were present only Tomo Chichi, three of the chiefs, the upper
church-warden, and the grave-digger. When the body was laid in the
earth, the clothes of the deceased were thrown in; after this, a
quantity of glass beads and some pieces of silver; the custom of these
Indians being to bury such effects of the deceased with him.

As all methods made to console them were disregarded, Oglethorpe took
them out to his estate, that in the country retirement they might have
a better opportunity to bewail the dead according to their custom, and
that the change of the place might serve to abate their sorrow.

On the 17th of August, the aged and venerable Archbishop of
Canterbury[1] had them taken in his boat to Putney, where they were
received and entertained in a very agreeable manner. On taking leave,
Tomo Chichi intimated his inability, from want of a knowledge of the
English language, to express suitably the acknowledgments of himself
and his companions of the kind notice taken of them.

[Footnote 1: Rev. William Wake, D.D.]

The following day they visited his Grace at Lambeth, and endeavored to
make known to him how deeply affected they were with the ignorance in
religion in which they and their people were involved; and how much
they not only needed, but desired instruction. In their conference
with Dr. Lynch, the son-in-law of the Archbishop, the Mico was more
explicit, and requested that some person might be sent to teach them;
more particularly their youth.

On the next day they went to Eton College, and were received by the
Rev. Dr. George, Dr. Berriman, and the rest of the Fellows present. On
closing their visit to the school-room, Tomo Chichi begged that the
lads might have a holiday when the Doctor thought proper; which caused
a general huzza. They were then shewn the several apartments of the
college, and took a respectful leave. Afterwards they went to Windsor,
where they were graciously received; and thence to St. George's
Chapel, where the prebends present named Dr. Maynard to compliment the
Mico from the Dean and Chapter. The following day they went to Hampton
Court; saw the royal apartments; and walked in the gardens, where a
great concourse of people had assembled to see them. After these more
distinguishing attentions, they were shewn the Tower, the public
buildings, Greenwich Hospital, and all the great and interesting
spectacles in London; and nothing was neglected that might serve to
awaken and gratify their curiosity, and to impress them with the
grandeur and power of the British nation.

After having staid four months, they were taken to Gravesend in one
of his Majesty's carriages, whence they embarked aboard the transport
ship, the Prince of Wales, George Dunbar, Captain, on the return
voyage to Savannah, where they arrived on the 27th of December, 1734.

Captain Dunbar, in a letter to the Trustees, announcing his remarkably
quick and prosperous passage across the Atlantic, wrote thus: "We
arrived here all cheerful and in good health. The Indians behaved with
their accustomed modesty; as did also, the Saltzburgers, who are a
sober and pious people, and gave much less trouble than I expected;
nor do I think any of them were dissatisfied while on board." In
conclusion, he added, "Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, Hillispilli, and
Umpichi were so kind as to come on board on the morning of our
intended departure to see me. They have a very grateful remembrance of
the many civilities which they received in England, and desire me to
inform your honors that Santechi has gone to the Upper and Middle
Creeks, who are at present extremely well disposed to the British
interest, and their deputies are expected down in two months."[1]

[Footnote 1: _London Magazine_ for March, 1735, p. 162. See also the
whole letter, in the _Political State of Great Britain_, April, 1735,
p. 374.]




CHAPTER VII.

Oglethorpe remains in England--Trustees make Regulations--Oglethorpe,
desirous of providing for the conversion of the Indians, applies
to Bishop Wilson to prepare a Book of Religious Instruction for
them--Trustees seek for Missionaries--Engage John and Charles Wesley.


Oglethorpe remained in England to attend to his duties as a member
of Parliament, and to suggest to the Trustees measures for the
furtherance of the settlement of Georgia.

In consequence of the information which he could give from his
personal observation, and that which he had received from others,
respecting the state of the colony, and what would be expedient for
its advancement in good order and prosperity, the Trustees prepared
a regulation, which was enacted by the government into a law, "for
maintaining peace with the Indians." This included the provisions and
immunities of the act of the General Assembly of South Carolina in
1731; and, of course, was accordant with the relations and mutual
interests of both Provinces. There was, also, passed a law for a like
salutary purpose for preventing trouble with the Indians, as well as
preserving the health and morals of the people already settled or that
might be settled in their new colony, from the pernicious effects of
spirituous liquors, entitled "An act to prevent the importation and
use of rum and brandies into the Province of Georgia, or any kind of
ardent spirits or strong waters whatsoever." A writer of the day makes
this remark, "At the same time the Trustees endeavored to supply the
stores with strong beer from England, molasses for brewing beer, and
with Madeira wines; which the people might purchase at reasonable
rates, which would be _more refreshing and wholesome for them_."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Account, showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia
in America, from its first establishment: published by Order of the
Trustees_. Lond. 1741; page 16, under the year 1734.]

An unchecked indulgence in ardent spirits has ever been followed by
lamentable effects. It demoralizes the conduct, destroys health,
prevents usefulness, and ruins reputation. It breaks up domestic
peace, wastes property, leads to impoverished circumstances, and
entails wretchedness upon the members of the family of which the head
was the victim. The prohibition, therefore, if it led to the disuse
of the dangerous potation, would have been the present removal, and
prevented the subsequent extension, of one of the greatest evils which
has corrupted the social condition.

To these prudent and salutary regulations followed a statute entitled
"An act for rendering the Province of Georgia more defencible, by
prohibiting the importation of black slaves, or negroes, into the
same." For this enactment, besides the consideration stated in the
title, the following reasons are assigned: 1. On account of the cost
of purchase, which, the settlers themselves being too poor to defray,
must be met by the Trustees; on whom it would be a tax greater than
they had funds to pay, or believed that they could obtain. 2. Because
of the additional expense of their after maintenance, which must be
provided, in addition to that already incurred for the support of
those by whom they were to be employed. And 3. because the Trustees
were desirous that the settlers should acquire the habits of labor and
industry, of economy and thrift, by personal application.[1]

[Footnote 1: See their reasons at large in the publication entitled
_Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province of
Georgia_, Lond. 1741; or in _Collections of the Georgia Historical
Society_, Vol. I. pages 166-173, and McCALL'S _History_, Vol. I. p.
25, &c.]

It is remarked by Mr. Burke, that "These regulations, though well
intended, and indeed meant to bring about very excellent purposes,
yet might at first, as it did afterwards, appear, that they were made
without sufficiently consulting the nature of the country, or the
disposition of the people which they regarded."[1]

[Footnote 1: _European Settlements in America_, Vol. II. p. 266.]

Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts, in a letter to Lord Egmont,
observes, "I have read Mr. Oglethorpe's state of the new colony
of Georgia once and again; and by its harbors, rivers, soil and
productions, do not doubt that it must in time make a fine addition
to the British Empire in America; and I still insist upon it that the
prohibitory regulations of the Trustees are essential to its healthy
and prosperous condition; and the alteration of the Constitution
to the advantage of females must give great encouragement to first
undertakers or settlers, as your Lordship observes."[1]

[Footnote 1: Letter Book, in the archives of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]

The visit of the Indians was made subservient to the favorite purpose
of Oglethorpe, by rousing attention to the improvement of the race in
knowledge and religion. At their earliest interviews with him, they
had expressed a wish that their children might be taught to speak
and read the English language, and they themselves instructed in
the principles of Christianity. From their intercourse with the
Carolinians for many years, they had been made sensible of the
superiority which such attainments conferred, even where that
intercourse had been, as it mostly was, with the traders; but
no missionary had been sent, as in our times, to form them to
civilization, and "teach them which be the first principles of the
oracles of God." Oglethorpe felt extremely desirous of obtaining for
them these advantages; and expressed to the trustees his belief that
they would readily avail themselves of an opportunity for their
attainment. In furtherance of this most important object, he applied
to the Reverend Dr. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, to prepare a
manual of instruction for them. The good Bishop complied with his
request with great readiness; and the work was printed at the expense
of "the Society for propagating the Gospel in foreign Parts." The
volume was dedicated to the Trustees; and, in the preface, the
author states that it "was undertaken in consequence of a short but
entertaining conversation, which he, and some others, had with the
honorable and worthy General Oglethorpe, concerning the condition,
temper, and genius of the Indians in the neighborhood of Georgia, and
those parts of America; who, as he assured us, are a tractable people,
and more capable of being civilized and of receiving the truths of
religion than we are generally made to believe, if some hindrances
were removed, and proper measures taken to awaken in them a sense
of their true interest, and of their unhappy condition, while they
continue in their present state."

"And, indeed, that most worthy gentleman's great and generous concern
for both the present and future interest of these nations, and his
earnest desire and endeavors, so well known, to civilize them first,
and make them more capable of instruction in the ways of religion and
civil government, and his hearty wishes that something might be done
to forward such good purposes, prevailed with the author, however
indifferently qualified for such a work, to set about the following
essay for propagating the Gospel amongst the Indians and negroes."[1]

[Footnote 1: The title of the book is, "_The Knowledge and Practice of
Christianity made easy to the meanest capacity; or, an Essay towards
an Instruction for the Indians_." London, 1740. 12mo. A tenth edition
was printed in 1764; and a translation in French, at Geneva, in 1744.]

On receiving a copy of this work, when it was printed, five years
afterwards, from the Reverend Dr. Thomas Wilson, son of the Bishop,
Oglethorpe addressed to him the following letter:[1]

[Footnote 1: Not finding an English copy I have translated this from
the French version.]

Frederica, in Georgia, April 24, 1741.

SIR,

I have received, with not less pleasure than profit, the book sent to
me by you, which was composed by your father. This work breathes so
strongly the spirit of primitive piety; its style is so clear and
simple; its plan is so easy for minds even the most limited, and
at the same time so well adapted to make them understand the most
profound mysteries, that it is a true representation of the religion
in which it instructs its reader. Had our Methodists, instead of their
lofty imaginations, been taught enough of the language of the Indians
to be able to translate this book; or had _they_ been sufficiently
instructed to permit them to read it with advantage, I doubt not that
we should immediately see surprising results from it; but God will
accomplish his good work by the means which he will judge proper to
employ. I have written to Mr. Varelst to buy, to the amount of five
pounds sterling, copies of your father's work, and to send them to me.

"Have the kindness to commend me to the prayers of a Divine so worthy
and pious; and be assured that I am,

"Your affectionate friend, and very humble and obedient servant,

"JAMES OGLETHORPE."

The Trustees were now desirous of obtaining proper persons to go
to Georgia to teach, and endeavor to convert, the Indians; and to
officiate as chaplains to the colonists at Savannah, and at the new
town about to be built on the island of St. Simons. They fixed their
eyes upon Mr. John Wesley and some of his associates, as very proper
for such a mission. The amiable and excellent Dr. John Burton,[1] one
of the Board, who was well acquainted with Wesley, having learned that
he was in London, went thither himself, in order to accompany him to
Oglethorpe, with whom, indeed, he was already acquainted by family
attentions as well as public fame. The matter was proposed to Wesley,
and strongly urged by such arguments as they thought most likely
to dispose his mind to accept the proposal.[2] Several influential
friends concurred in advising him to go; and, as even his mother
encouraged it, he yielded his compliance. His brother Charles
agreed to accompany him, as did Benjamin Ingham, a member of their
association at Oxford, and Charles Delamotte, son of a merchant in
London.

[Footnote 1: When the settling of Georgia was in agitation, in
1732, Dr. Burton was solicited by the excellent Dr. Bray, and other
Episcopal Clergymen,[A] to give his assistance in promoting that
undertaking. Accordingly he preached a Sermon in its recommendation
before the Society for conducting it; and his Discourse was afterwards
published, with an Appendix concerning the State of the Colony.
BENTHAM, _de vita et moribus Johannis Burtoni_. 8vo. London, 1771,
page 12.]

[Footnote A: Rev. Dr. HALES, Dr. BERRIMAN, and others.]

[Footnote 2: _Life of the Rev_. JOHN WESLEY _and of the Rev_. CHARLES
WESLEY, his brother, by the Rev. HENRY MOORE. 8vo. Lond. 1824. 2 vol.
Vol. I. p. 334. This interview was on the 28th of April, 1735.]

In consequence of this engagement of the Wesleys, the General deemed
it highly proper to visit their venerable and excellent parents at
Epworth, not only to confirm their consent, but to communicate to them
such information as should interest them strongly in every measure
which aimed at the instruction, civilization, and christianizing of
the natives of Georgia, from whom he and the new settlers had met so
kind a reception. A reference to this, gives me the opportunity of
introducing a letter from that aged minister, the Reverend Samuel
Wesley, written rather more than a year before, in which he mentions
the progress which he had made in a work that he was about to publish,
and acknowledges the obligations which he was under to the General for
kindnesses shown to himself and sons.[1]

[Footnote 1: This letter is not in the "_Memoirs of the Wesley
Family_," published by Dr. Adam Clarke in 1822; having been recently
discovered.]

Epworth, July 6, 1734.

Honored sir,

May I be admitted, while such crowds of our nobility and gentry are
pouring in their congratulations, to press with my poor mite of thanks
into the presence of one who so well deserves the title of UNIVERSAL
BENEFACTOR OF MANKIND. It is not only your valuable favors on many
accounts to my son, late of Westminster, and myself, when I was not a
little pressed in the world, nor your more extensive charity to the
poor prisoners; it is not these only that so much demand my warmest
acknowledgments, as your disinterested and immovable attachment to
your country, and your raising a new Colony, or rather a little world
of your own in the midst of wild woods and uncultivated deserts, where
men may live free and happy, if they are not hindered by their own
stupidity and folly, in spite of the unkindness of their brother
mortals.

I owe you, sir, besides this, some account of my little affairs since
the beginning of your expedition. Notwithstanding my own and my son's
violent illness, which held me half a year, and him above twelve
months, I have made a shift to get more than three parts in four of my
_Dissertations on Job_ printed off, and both the paper, printing, and
maps, hitherto, paid for. My son John at Oxford, now that his elder
brother has gone to Tiverton, takes care of the remainder of the
impression at London, and I have an ingenious artist here with me in
my house at Epworth who is graving and working off the remaining maps
and figures for me; so that I hope, if the printer does not hinder me,
I shall have the whole ready by next spring, and, by God's leave, I
shall be in London myself to deliver the books perfect. I print five
hundred copies, as in my proposals; whereof I have about three hundred
already subscribed for; and, among my subscribers, fifteen or sixteen
English Bishops, with some of Ireland.

"If you will please herewith to accept the tender of my most sincere
respect and gratitude, you will thereby confer one further obligation,
honored sir, on

"Your most obedient and humble servant,

"SAMUEL WESLEY."

"To James Oglethorpe, Esq."

It appears, from a list of subscriptions annexed to Mr. Wesley's
_Dissertations on the Book of Job_, that General Oglethorpe took
_seven_ copies of the work on large paper, which would amount to at
least twenty pounds.

The elder son of the Rector, also, paid a tribute of respect to
the General; and this in harmonious and polished verses; in which,
however, he indulged, too freely, the poetic license in highly wrought
description of the settlement of Georgia, and of the climate and
productions of the region.[1]

[Footnote 1: GEORGIA, _a Poem_; TOMO CHICHI, _an Ode; and a copy of
Verses on_ Mr. Oglethorpe's _Second Voyage to Georgia_. These were
beautifully printed, in a large type, on nineteen folio pages. They
were ascribed to SAMUEL WESLEY, as their author, in the tract entitled
"_True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia," by P.
Telfair and others_. Charlestown, S.C. 1741, page xi. of the Preface.]

As our narrative is brought near to the period when the General is
about to return thither, it may be pertinent to introduce a short
extract, in which the poet addresses the new settlers, eagerly
expecting his arrival.

  "See once again, see on your shores descend
  Your generous leader, your unwearied friend!
  No storm or chance his vessel thither drives,
  No! to secure and bless you, he arrives.
  To Heaven the praise,--and thanks to him repay,
  And let remotest times respect the day.
  He comes, whose life, while absent from your view,
  Was one continued ministry for you;
  For you he laid out all his pains and art,
  Won every will, and softened every heart.
  With what paternal joy shall he relate
  How views the mother Isle your little State;
  How aids the Senate, how the nation loves,
  How GEORGE protects, and CAROLINE approves!--
  A thousand pleasures crowd into his breast,
  But one, one mighty thought absorbs the rest,
  'And give me, Heaven, to see, (the Patriot cries),
  Another Britain in the desert rise!'"




CHAPTER VIII.

Trustees make a new selection of Settlers--Their Proposals successful
in Scotland--Embarkation of Highlanders for Georgia--Indian
hieroglyphic letter sent to the Trustees--Further emigration of
Saltzburgers--Great embarkation of Colonists, attended by Oglethorpe
and the Missionaries--Employment and religious exercises on board
during the voyage--Arrival--Beacon on the Island of Tybee--The people
go on shore at Peeper's Island--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah with
the Missionaries--Sends provisions and refreshments to the
Emigrants--Moore's account of the Public Garden--Tomo Chichi welcomes
his friend--Saltzburgers make application for a removal from
Ebenezer--Oglethorpe sends pioneers to lay out a road to Darien.


"Some of the first settlers had proved as idle and useless members of
society in America, as they had been in Great Britain;" and, as their
external wants had been supplied from the common store, they felt no
stimulus to industry or frugality.

The Trustees, finding that the conduct of these drones and loungers
tended rather to impede than promote their benevolent intentions,
began to look round for a better stock of settlers; a hardy race,
with good habits; such as were accustomed to laborious occupation and
agricultural pursuits.

That all persons who should be disposed to go to Georgia, might be
fully apprized of the several conditions which they were to perform,
and of what was expected, and, indeed, would be required of them, in
return for the assistance and support that would be afforded them, a
statement was made, and rules and regulations were drawn up, printed
and circulated; in which the Trustees indicated the qualifications of
such as offered themselves, with the expectation of being engaged.[1]
They examined, at their office, such persons as applied for the
benefit of the charity; and, out of these selected those who had the
best characters, and were the truest and most deserving objects
of compassion.[2] They very explicitly and frankly acquainted the
applicants with the inconveniences to which they would be subjected,
and the hardships which they must expect to endure. They told them
that on their arrival they would be under the necessity of living in
slight hovels, till they could form materials for the construction
of houses; that they must use great provident foresight to acquire
comfortable subsistence, for their wants were to be supplied only till
their industry brought in returns. They remarked to them that they,
indeed, gave them lands, and furnished them rations for a year, but
these lands were to be cleared up and tilled, in order to yield crops;
that they must eat salt meat, and drink only beer or water. They
reminded them, with solemn caution, that the sicknesses, to which a
change of climate would expose them, were most dangerous to those who
drank distilled liquors; so that temperance, which was every where
commendable and salutary, would be absolutely necessary to preserve
health. Finally, they were plainly told that if they were distrustful,
or reluctant at putting forth their strenuous exertions, they must not
engage in the undertaking.

[Footnote 1: _Account, shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia_.
Lond. 1741. Appendix to the Volume, No. 3 and 4.]

[Footnote 2: MOORE'S _Voyage_, page 10.]

Several were disheartened; but their place was soon filled up by
others, who thought these difficulties not very great; and that,
whatever they might be, they could encounter them; and that they
could submit to temporary inconveniences, and persevere in efforts,
stimulated by the proffered encouragement and aid.

In Scotland the proposals of the Trustees met with such success that,
at Inverness and its vicinity, one hundred and thirty Highlanders were
enrolled for emigration. These, with fifty women and children, were
transported to Georgia, where they arrived in the month of January,
1735; and with them came several private grantees, with their
servants. The Scots were destined to settle on the frontiers, for the
protection and defence of the province. After tarrying a few days at
Savannah, they conveyed themselves in periaguas, to the southward;
and, ascending the Alatamaha river about sixteen miles from St.
Simons, pitched upon a place for a residence, where they soon raised a
little fort, in which they mounted four pieces of cannon. They, also,
built a guard-house, a store, and a chapel, for they brought a pastor
with them; and soon put up several huts for temporary accommodation,
till they could prepare and erect commodious dwellings. The location,
at their desire, was called "Darien;" which name the District still
bears, and the town they called "New Inverness," a name no longer
retained.[1]

[Footnote 1: In the early publications this is written with the
article--"the Darien."]

While Oglethorpe was in England, what was intended for a letter
was sent over to the Trustees. It was composed by a chief of the
Cherokees, drawn and curiously marked in red and black figures on the
skin of a young buffalo, neatly dressed. A translation into English
had been made from the Indian interpretation, when first delivered,
in the presence of above fifty of their chiefs, and of the principal
inhabitants of Savannah. It contained the grateful acknowledgment of
the Indians of the honors and civilities shown to Tomo Chichi and his
companions; their admiration of the grandeur of the British Court and
kingdom; and declared their strong attachment to General Oglethorpe.

This hieroglyphic painting was set in a frame, and hung up in the
Georgia office in Westminster.[1]

[Footnote 1: _American Gazetteer_. Lond. 1762. 12mo. Vol. II., article
"Georgia."]

To provide for the raising of silk-worms and winding the thread
from the cocoons, was an early purpose of the Trustees. Liberal
encouragement was given by the Government and the Board of Trade to
the importation of all that could be produced. Samples had been sent
to England which gave promise of success. In the beginning of May,
this year, the Trustees and Sir Thomas Lombe, waited on the Queen with
a specimen, who was highly gratified with learning that a British
Colony had produced such silk, and desired that the fabric into which
it should be wrought might be shewn her. Accordingly, on the 21st of
October, these gentlemen, with Mr. Booth, the weaver, again waited on
her Majesty with a piece of the manufactured silk; and she expressed
great admiration of the beauty and fineness of the silk, and
the richness of the pattern; and, as a further testimony of her
satisfaction both with the produce and the manufacture, she ordered a
suit to be made up immediately for her own wear, in which she appeared
on her birth-day.[1] To this, a poet of the time, in a description of
the products of Georgia, thus alludes--

[Footnote 1: _Political State of Europe_, Vol. L. p. 242, and 469.]

  "The merchant hence the unwrought silk imports,
  To which we owe the attire of Queens and Courts."[1]

[Footnote 1: _New Voyage to Georgia_, p. 61.]

A large number of intended emigrants having been enrolled, Oglethorpe
had been most busily engaged for several months in making preparations
for their embarkation. Various tools were to be collected, suits and
changes of raiment prepared, articles of maintenance selected and
packed for the public store at Savannah, and accommodations and
provisions got ready for the voyage. The indefatigable leader of the
expedition gave his personal attendance and directions, and saw that
every thing was in the train of accomplishment, aided by the services
and supervision of Mr. Francis Moore, whom the Trustees had appointed
keeper of the stores. Oglethorpe had become acquainted with this
gentleman as Factor to the Royal African Society, and as having had
the charge of Job Jalla ben Solomon, the African Prince, whom the
Company sent back to Africa.

There were two ships freighted, the Symond, of two hundred and twenty
tons, Captain Joseph Cornish, master; and the London Merchant, of
about the same burden, Captain John Thomas, master; and one of his
Majesty's sloops, under the command of Captain James Gascoigne, was
ordered to assist the Colony, and carry over the General, who intended
to inspect the settlement; but he chose to go in one of the ships,
though crowded with the emigrants, "that he might be able to take care
of the people on the passage."

"The whole embarkation amounted to two hundred and twenty people on
the Trust's account, besides Mr. Oglethorpe and the gentlemen with
him, and his servants, whose passage he himself paid."[1]

[Footnote 1: _Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735_; by FRANCIS
MOORE, 8vo. London, 1744, page 11. The author accompanied General
Oglethorpe on what is called "the great embarkation," as _keeper of
the stores_. The first date in the book is "15th of October, 1735,"
and the last, "22d of June, 1736." He resided at St. Simons, and was
"Recorder at Frederica." By an advertisement, at the end of this
volume, we learn that he made another voyage to Georgia in 1738,
where he continued till 1743, when he returned to England. During his
residence, he kept a Journal, "in which is _an account of the siege
of St. Augustine, in 1740, and of the Spanish invasion, in_ 1742." He
adds, "I think myself obliged to acquaint the public that if I find
the foregoing well received, I shall, without delay, publish my other
Journal, as, also, a continuance of this, containing the treaty with
the Governor of Augustine; and the regulation of several matters,
relating to the Indian nations." That the Journal was not published is
greatly to be regretted.]

Among the adventurers in this embarkation, lured by the accounts which
had been published in England, of the delightful region of Georgia,
were Sir Francis Bathurst, his son, three daughters, and servants; as
also several relatives of the planters already settled there.[1]

[Footnote 1: SALMON'S _Modern History_, Vol. III. p. 602.]

I copy from _Boyer's Political State of Great Britain_,[1] the
following particulars. "On the 13th of October, 1735, embarked on
board the London Merchant, Captain Thomas, commander, fifty-six
men, women, and children, Saltzburgers, and some other persecuted
protestants from Germany, with Mr. Von Reck, who conducted from the
same parts a former transport in 1733, and Captain Hermsdorf, going
to settle with their countrymen in Georgia. The charge of their
subsistence in their long journey from Ratisbon and Augsburg to
Rotterdam, and from thence to London, and their expense at London till
they went on board, was defrayed by _the Society for the propagation
of the Gospel in foreign Parts_, out of the collections committed to
them for that purpose." Of this Society Oglethorpe was a member. The
charge of their voyage to Georgia, with their maintenance there for
one year, and for the arms, utensils, and other necessary articles and
provisions which they took from hence with them, was defrayed by the
honorable Trustees for establishing the colony.

[Footnote 1: Vol. L. page 468.]

"The next day James Oglethorpe, Esq., set out by land for Gravesend,
and the Reverend Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford,
and the Reverend Mr. Charles Wesley, Student of Christ's Church
College, and the Reverend Mr. Ingham, of Queen's, went thither by
water, in order to embark on board the Symond, Captain Cornish,
Commander; on board of which ship went likewise a great number of
poor English families, at the expense of the trustees; and soon after
these, two ships sailed together in company for Georgia. One of the
above named clergymen is to settle at the new town of Savannah, in
that colony; and the other two intend, (after some stay at Savannah,
to learn the Indian language,) to devote themselves to preaching the
Gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ to the Indian nations bordering
upon that colony; which might certainly be done with great effect, if
men would but content themselves with inculcating and enforcing
the rational and plain doctrines taught by Christ himself, without
pretending to explain what have since been called _the mysteries_ of
the Christian religion, which serve only to divide Christians among
themselves, and have very much prevented the conversion of heathens in
all countries, and in all ages."

As the periodical publication, from which this paragraph is extracted,
was the channel through which official information respecting the
settlement and affairs of Georgia was communicated, the suggestion
with which it is closed is to be understood as the opinion of the
Trustees. And when we recollect the character of those who composed
the Board, it may be considered as the dictate of sound judgment, and
worthy of heedful observance.

The attention of Oglethorpe to the persons and condition of the
emigrants, was assiduous, considerate, and kind. "He had laid in a
large quantity of live stock and various refreshments, though he
himself seldom eat any but ship's provisions. Not only the gentlemen,
his friends, sat at his table, but he invited, through the whole
of the passage, the missionaries and the captain of the ship, who,
together made twelve in number."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore's _Voyage_, p. II.]

They had prayers twice a day. The missionaries expounded the
scriptures, catechized the children, and administered the sacrament on
Sundays; but, though the crew consisted of Episcopalians, Methodists,
German Lutherans, and Moravians, "Oglethorpe showed no discountenance
to any for being of different persuasions of religion."

"When occasion offered, he called together those who designed to be
freeholders, and instructed them in what manner to behave themselves,
and acquainted them with the nature of the country, and how to settle
it advantageously. He constantly visited the sick, and let them have
fowls for broth, and any refreshments of his own; and administered
medicine, personally, where it was proper. Whenever the weather was
calm enough to permit it, he went on board the London Merchant, with
which company was kept all the way, to see that the like care was
taken of the people there."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore, p. 12.]

The Journal of Wesley gives many details of the voyage; but, as they
relate principally to the manner in which he and his brother and two
friends spent their time, I pass them over, but quote the following
anecdote from one of his biographers.[1] "Mr. Wesley hearing an
unusual noise in the cabin of General Oglethorpe, stepped in to
inquire the cause of it. On which the General thus addressed him: 'Mr.
Wesley you must excuse me. I have met with a provocation too much for
a man to bear. You know that the only wine I drink is Cyprus wine, as
it agrees with me the best of any. I therefore provided myself with
several dozens of it, and this villain Grimaldi' (his foreign servant,
who stood trembling with fear,) 'has drunk up the whole of it. But I
will be revenged on him. I have ordered him to be tied hand and foot,
and carried to the man of war that sails with us. The rascal should
have taken care not to have served me so, for I never forgive.'--'Then
I hope, sir,' (said Wesley, looking calmly at him) 'you never sin.'
The General was confounded at the reproof; and, putting his hand into
his pocket, took out a bunch of keys, which he threw at Grimaldi,
saying, 'There, take my keys, and behave better for the future!'"

[Footnote 1: Rev. HENRY MOORE, Vol. II. p. 258.]

While this was a happy verification of the remark of the wise man,
that "a soft answer turneth away wrath," it is a pleasing indication
of the yielding placability of him to whom it was addressed.--"The
discretion of a man deferreth his anger, and it is his glory to pass
over a transgression."

The ships, which bore this large accession to the Colony, passed the
bar of the Tybee on the afternoon of Thursday, February 5th, 1736, and
came to anchor. This island is at the mouth of the Savannah river; is
five miles long, and three broad; and is the most easterly land in the
State. Oglethorpe went immediately on shore, to see what had been done
towards raising the beacon on the island, for the construction of
which he had given orders. "It was to be an octagon building of
squared timber; its dimensions twenty-five feet wide at the bottom,
and ten at the top; and its height ninety feet, with a flag-staff on
the top thirty feet high. When completed, it would be of great service
to all shipping, not only the vessels bound to this port, but also to
Carolina; for the land of the coast, for some hundred miles, is so
alike, being low and woody, that a distinguishing mark is of great
consequence."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE's _Voyage_, p. 18.]

They had experienced a tempestuous voyage, and had a very rough
passage; but now the weather was fine; the land breezes refreshed them
as the ships lay quietly moored; and they hailed with delight the land
of promise, the borders of which stretched before them; where, says
Wesley, "the groves of pines along the shores made an agreeable
prospect, showing, as it were, the verdure and bloom of spring in the
depth of winter." A night of peaceful slumber passed; and, about eight
o'clock on Friday morning, they went ashore on a small uninhabited
island,[1] where Oglethorpe led them to a rising ground, and they all
knelt and returned thanks to God for their safe arrival. Leaving the
people, as there was a fine spring, and a pond of pure water, to wash
their clothes, and refresh themselves, he went himself, attended by
his suite, in a boat to Savannah, where he was received, under the
discharge of all their cannon, by the freeholders in arms, with the
constables and tithing men at their head. He introduced to them the
clergymen and gentlemen by whom he was accompanied; and congratulated
the colonists on the religious advantages which they were about to
derive from these pious missionaries: and here they passed the Sunday.
Just three years had elapsed since the settlement commenced, and the
celebration of the anniversary on the opening week was rendered more
observable and gladdening by the return of the founder to share and
grace the festivities of the occasion. But, amidst all the greetings
and inquiries of the throng around him, he was not unmindful of the
new comers. He made it his earliest care, as soon as the articles
could be got ready, to send a boat with provisions and refreshments
for the people on board the ships and at the island; and soon after
made them a visit himself, and carried with him a still further supply
of beef, pork, venison and wild turkeys, together with soft bread,
beer, turnips, and garden greens. This was not only peculiarly
relishing, after the salted sea-fare rations, but gratifying and
encouraging, from the evidence it gave that a settlement, begun only
three years ago, by a people in circumstances like theirs, could
produce such plenty. And, while these attentions evinced the
thoughtful regard of their conductor to their comfort and welfare,
they increased their sense of obligation, awakened their gratitude,
and strengthened their reliance.

[Footnote 1: Peeper Island.]

As Oglethorpe went round and visited the families in their dwellings,
he was gratified with perceiving what improvements had been made in
the town, and its vicinity; that about two hundred houses had been
built, trees set out on the sides of the streets and public squares;
and a large garden laid out, and now under cultivation. This had
engaged his early attention, and was a favorite project, as of general
interest and utility. It was situated at the east of the town, on the
sloping bank, and included the alluvial champaign below. It was laid
out with regularity and taste; and intended, primarily, to supply the
settlers with legumes, culinary roots, radishes and salads, till they
could prepare homestead-plats for raising them. The principal purpose,
however, was for a nursery of white mulberry trees for the raising of
silk worms; and from which the people could be supplied with young
trees, that all the families might be more or less engaged in this
reference to the filature. There was, also, a nursery coming on,
of apple, pear, peach, and plum trees, for transplantation. On the
borders of the walks were orange, olive, and fig-trees, pomegranates,
and vines. In the more sunny part there was a collection of tropical
plants, by way of experiment, such as coffee, cacoa, cotton, &c.
together with some medicinal plants, procured by Dr. William Houston
in the West Indies, whither he had been sent by Sir Hans Sloane to
collect them for Georgia. The expenses of this mission had been
provided by a subscription headed by Sir Hans, to which his Grace
the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Derby, the Lord Peters, and the
Apothecaries Company, liberally contributed. The Doctor having died
at Jamaica, the celebrated botanist, Philip Miller was now his
successor.[1]

[Footnote 1: "Sir HANS SLOANE," says Dr. Pulteny, "was zealous in
promoting the Colony of Georgia." _Historical and Biographical
Sketch of the Progress of Botany in England_, Vol. II. p. 85. See a
particular description of the garden, in MOORE's _Voyage to Georgia_,
p. 30.]

All hands were now set to work, some to preparing houses, barracks,
and lodgments for the new comers; some to unlade the vessels and store
the cargo, and some to extend the wharf. The General, also, made a
contract with persons for laying out and clearing the roads, and for
making fortifications at the south.

By none, perhaps, was his return more cordially welcomed than by Tomo
Chichi and Toonahowi. They brought with them two Indian runners, who
had waited two months to give notice to the lower and upper Creeks, of
his arrival.

He received, also, the visit of a deputation from Purrysburgh,
consisting of the Honorable Hector Berenger de Beaufain and M. Tisley
Dechillon, a patrician of Berne, with several other Swiss gentlemen,
to congratulate his return, and acquaint him with the condition of
their settlement.

The United Brethren, or Moravians, as they were more usually called,
who attended the other exiled Protestants, began immediately their
settlement near to Savannah. As soon as their personal accommodation
could be effected, they sought the acquaintance of Tomo Chichi, and
his little tribe; ingratiated themselves with these their neighbors,
and, "with money advanced by General Oglethorpe,"[1] built a
school-house for the children. "This school was called Irene, and lay
not far from the Indian village."[2]

[Footnote 1: CARPZOVIUS, _Examination of the Religion of the United
Brethren_, p. 417. See Appendix, No. XVII.]

[Footnote 2: CRANZ'S _History of the United Brethren_, p. 226. It was
opened on the 15th of September.]

The Baron Von Reck, who had been to Ebenezer, returned on the 8th of
February, accompanied with the Pastors Bolzius and Gronau, with the
petition of the people for liberty to remove, from the fords where
they were, to a place ten miles to the east of their settlement,
called "Red-bluff," at the mouth of the river, where it enters the
Savannah; and that those of their community who had just arrived,
instead of being destined to the southward, might be united with them
and enjoy the benefit of their religious instructers and guides.
Before giving a decisive answer, Oglethorpe deemed it proper to
examine their situation, and confer with the residents; and, not
to keep them in suspense, especially as it was necessary to take
immediate measures for the accommodation of the new comers, agreed
to accompany the applicants on their return. Accordingly, he set out
early on the appointed day, in the scout-boat, to the residence of Sir
Francis Bathurst, six miles above Savannah; and thence took horse, and
passed by the saw-mill set up by Mr. Walter Augustine, and, continuing
his ride through the woods, arrived that night at Ebenezer. On
reconnoitring the place the next day, he found that the Saltzburgers
had constructed a bridge over the river, ten feet wide and eighty feet
long; that four good framed houses had been erected at the charge of
the Trustees, one for each minister, one for a schoolmaster, and one
for a public store; and that a chapel, a guard-house, and a number of
split-board houses had been built by the people. All these, however,
they were resolved to forsake, and form a new settlement on the
borders of the Savannah river. Their chief objection to remaining was,
that the land was not good, and that the corn-harvest had failed; yet
they acknowledged that they had a fine crop of peas, and many garden
vegetables; that their cattle thrived exceedingly, that they had
plenty of milk, and fine poultry and eggs. He endeavored to dissuade
them from moving; but, finding their dissatisfaction with their
present situation to be so decided, he yielded to their importunity;
ordered a town to be laid out; and gave his unhesitating consent that
the new comers should be incorporated with them. He then set out for
the Swiss settlement, where he arrived in the evening. He was received
with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and took lodgings at the
house of Colonel Purry,[1] who had provided a handsome entertainment
for him.

[Footnote 1: John Peter Purry, formerly of Neufchatel.]

The chief purpose of his visit to this place was to engage a
conveyance for the Honorable Charles Dempsey to St. Augustine.
This gentleman had come over with him in the Symond, having been
commissioned by the Spanish Minister in London to confer with the
Governor of Florida on the subject of the boundary between that
country and Georgia, and to effect some provisional treaty with
General Oglethorpe.[1] A contract was made with Major Richard to
conduct this gentleman in a six-oared boat, being the best to be
obtained, to his destination; and to be the bearer of a letter from
the General, expressing his wish to remove all misunderstanding and
jealousy.

[Footnote 1: In the _Impartial Inquiry_, &c. p.84, is a deposition
which thus begins--"CHARLES DEMPSEY, of the Parish of St. Paul, Covent
Garden, in the County of Middlesex, Esquire, aged fifty-four years
and upwards, maketh that in the year one thousand seven hundred and
thirty-five, this deponent went with the Honorable James Oglethorpe,
Esq. to Georgia, in America, and was sent from thence by the said
Oglethorpe to St. Augustine with letters to the Governor there; that
this deponent continued going to and from thence until November, one
thousand seven hundred and thirty-six," &c.]

On his return to Savannah he sent forward Captain Hugh Mackay, Jr.
with a company of rangers, to travel by land to Darien, in order to
make observations on the intervening country, to compute the distance,
and to judge of the practicability of a passable road; and Tomo Chichi
furnished them with Indian guides.

The next day he attended a military review; after which, he
addressed the assembled people in an animated speech, in which his
congratulations, counsels, and good wishes were most affectionately
expressed. And he reminded them that, though it was yet "a day of
small things," experience must have strengthened the inducements
to industry and economy, by shewing them that, where they had been
regarded, the result had been not only competence, but thrift.

He then took leave of them, and went down to the ships at Tybee.




CHAPTER IX.

Special destination of the last Emigrants--Oglethorpe makes
arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St.
Simons--Follows with Charles Wesley--Arrives and lays out a Town to
be called Frederica--Visits the Highlanders at Darien--Returns and
superintends the building of a Fort--All the people arrive--Barracks
for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected--Visited by Tomo
Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands--Reconnoitres
the Islands and gives names to them--Commissioners from St.
Augustine--Apparently amicable overtures--Oglethorpe goes to Savannah
to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting
trade with the Indians--Insolent demand of the Spaniards--Oglethorpe
embarks for England.


As the destination of the large number of intended settlers, which had
now arrived was "for the purpose of laying out a county and building a
new town near the southern frontier of Georgia," and the people were
waiting to be conducted by the General to "the place of habitation,"
he was very active in making arrangements for their transportation,
and, on the evening of the 16th of February, 1739, set out in the
scout-boat,[1] through the inward channels, to meet, at Jekyl sound, a
sloop that he had chartered to take on some of the more efficient men
as pioneers, and to make some preparation for the reception of the
emigrants.[2] He took with him Charles Wesley, who was to be his
Secretary as well as Chaplain; Mr. Ingham having gone by a previous
opportunity; and left John Wesley and Delamotte at Savannah.[3]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XVIII.]

[Footnote 2: "The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia
in America, ordered a new town to be built in that Colony, and an
embarkation to be made for that purpose."]

[Footnote 3: Many of the particulars in this chapter are taken
from the Journal of THOMAS MOORE, who was present. As that work is
extremely rare, I adopted its information more verbally than I should
have done had I anticipated that it was so soon to be republished in
the _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_.]

As Oglethorpe was in haste, the men rowed night and day, and had no
other rest than what they got when the wind favored their course; and
"they vied with each other who should be forwardest to please the
General, who, indeed, lightened their sense of fatigue by giving
them refreshments, which he rather spared from himself than let them
want."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE, p. 42.]

On the morning of the 18th they arrived at St. Simons, an island near
the north mouth of the Alatamaha river, fifteen miles in length, and
from two to four in breadth. Here the working men and carpenters who
came in the sloop and long boats, disembarked, and were immediately
set to work.

Oglethorpe not only directed and superintended, but actually assisted
in the labors. They soon got up a house and thatched it with palmetto
leaves; dug a cellar, and throwing up the earth on each side, by way
of bank, raised over it a store house; and then marked out a fort.
They next constructed several booths, each of which was between
twenty and forty feet long, and twenty feet wide. These were for the
reception and temporary shelter of the Colonists.

After this, the General paid a visit to the Highlanders, at their
settlement called "the Darien," a distance of sixteen miles on the
northern branch of the Alatamaha. He found them under arms, in their
uniform of plaid, equipped with broad swords, targets, and muskets; in
which they made a fine appearance. In compliment to them, he was that
morning, and all the time that he was with them, dressed in their
costume. They had provided him a fine soft bed, with Holland sheets,
and plaid curtains; but he chose to lie upon the ground, and in
the open air, wrapt in his cloak, as did two other gentlemen; and
afterwards his example was followed by the rest of his attendants.
This condescending and accommodating disposition not only conciliated
the regards of the settlers, but encouraged them both by example and
aid in going through their arduous labors, and in submitting to the
exigences of their situation. Happily his constitution was framed to
a singular temperament, which enabled him to require but very little
sleep; and he was capable of enduring long and frequent fasting,
when imposed upon him either by necessity or business, without any
observable prejudice to his health, or any other inconvenience. A
gentleman, who was one of the party, in a letter, dated 24th of
February, 1736, declares, "What surprizes me, beyond expression,
is his abstemiousness and hard living. Though even dainties are
plentiful, he makes the least use of them; and such is his hardiness,
that he goes through the woods wet or dry, as well as any Indian.
Moreover, his humanity so gains upon all here, that I have not words
to express their regard and esteem for him." He further adds, "They
have a Minister here, Mr. McLeod, a very good man, who is very useful
in instructing the people in religious matters, and will intermeddle
with no other affairs."[1] How commendably prudent, as well as
altogether proper, was this avoidance of secular topics and party
discussions in preac

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