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Life of Johnson, Volume 5

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Title: Life of Johnson, Volume 5

Author: James Boswell

Editor: George Birkbeck Norman Hill


        
Release date: December 1, 2003 [eBook #10451]
                Most recently updated: October 28, 2024

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LIFE OF JOHNSON, VOLUME 5 ***

BOSWELL'S
LIFE OF JOHNSON

INCLUDING BOSWELL'S JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE HEBRIDES
AND JOHNSON'S DIARY OF A JOURNEY INTO NORTH WALES


EDITED BY

GEORGE BIRKBECK HILL, D.C.L.

PEMBROKE COLLEGE, OXFORD


IN SIX VOLUMES

VOLUME V.
TOUR TO THE HEBRIDES (1773)

AND

JOURNEY INTO NORTH WALES (1774)




THE
JOURNAL
OF A TOUR TO THE
_HEBRIDES_,

WITH

SAMUEL JOHNSON, LL.D.
BY _JAMES BOSWELL_, ESQ.

CONTAINING

Some Poetical Pieces by Dr. JOHNSON, relative to the TOUR,
and never before published;

A Series of his Conversation, Literary Anecdotes, and Opinions
of Men and Books:

WITH AN AUTHENTICK ACCOUNT OF

The Distresses and Escape of the GRANDSON of KING
JAMES II. in the Year 1746.

_THE THIRD EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED._

       *       *       *       *       *

       O! while along the stream of time, thy name
     Expanded flies, and gathers all its fame,
     Say, shall my little bark attendant fail,
     Pursue the triumph and partake the gale?    POPE.

       *       *       *       *       *

_LONDON:_
PRINTED BY HENRY BALDWIN,
FOR CHARLES DILLY, IN THE POULTRY.
MDCCLXXXVI.




CONTENTS OF VOL. V.

JOURNAL OF A TOUR TO THE HEBRIDES WITH SAMUEL JOHNSON, LL.D.:
DEDICATION TO EDMOND MALONE, ESQ.
ADVERTISEMENT TO THE THIRD EDITION
CONTENTS
JOURNAL
APPENDICES:
 I. LETTER FROM DR. BLACKLOCK
II. VERSES BY SIR ALEXANDER MACDONALD
    ADVERTISEMENT OF THE LIFE
A.  EXTRACTS FROM WARBURTON
B.  LORD HOUGHTON'S TRANSLATION OF JOHNSON'S ODE WRITTEN IN SKY
C.  JOHNSON'S USE OF THE WORD _BIG_

A JOURNEY INTO NORTH WALES IN THE YEAR 1774




DEDICATION.


_TO EDMOND MALONE, ESQ._


MY DEAR SIR,

In every narrative, whether historical or biographical, authenticity is
of the utmost consequence[1]. Of this I have ever been so firmly
persuaded, that I inscribed a former work[2] to that person who was the
best judge of its truth. I need not tell you I mean General Paoli; who,
after his great, though unsuccessful, efforts to preserve the liberties
of his country, has found an honourable asylum in Britain, where he has
now lived many years the object of Royal regard and private respect[3];
and whom I cannot name without expressing my very grateful sense of the
uniform kindness which he has been pleased to shew me[4].

The friends of Doctor Johnson can best judge, from internal evidence,
whether the numerous conversations which form the most valuable part of
the ensuing pages are correctly related. To them, therefore, I wish to
appeal, for the accuracy of the portrait here exhibited to the world.

As one of those who were intimately acquainted with him, you have a
title to this address. You have obligingly taken the trouble to peruse
the original manuscript of this Tour, and can vouch for the strict
fidelity of the present publication[5]. Your literary alliance with our
much lamented friend, in consequence of having undertaken to render one
of his labours more complete, by your edition of _Shakspeare_[6], a work
which I am confident will not disappoint the expectations of the
publick, gives you another claim. But I have a still more powerful
inducement to prefix your name to this volume, as it gives me an
opportunity of letting the world know that I enjoy the honour and
happiness of your friendship; and of thus publickly testifying the
sincere regard with which I am,

  My dear Sir,
      Your very faithful
          And obedient servant,
              JAMES BOSWELL.

  LONDON,
20th September, 1785.




ADVERTISEMENT

TO THE

_THIRD EDITION._

Animated by the very favourable reception which two large impressions of
this work have had[7], it has been my study to make it as perfect as I
could in this edition, by correcting some inaccuracies which I
discovered myself, and some which the kindness of friends or the
scrutiny of adversaries pointed out. A few notes are added, of which the
principal object is, to refute misrepresentation and calumny.

To the animadversions in the periodical Journals of criticism, and in
the numerous publications to which my book has given rise, I have made
no answer. Every work must stand or fall by its own merit. I cannot,
however, omit this opportunity of returning thanks to a gentleman who
published a Defence of my Journal, and has added to the favour by
communicating his name to me in a very obliging letter.

It would be an idle waste of time to take any particular notice of the
futile remarks, to many of which, a petty national resentment, unworthy
of my countrymen, has probably given rise; remarks which have been
industriously circulated in the publick prints by shallow or envious
cavillers, who have endeavoured to persuade the world that Dr. Johnson's
character has been _lessened_ by recording such various instances of
his lively wit and acute judgment, on every topick that was presented to
his mind. In the opinion of every person of taste and knowledge that I
have conversed with, it has been greatly _heightened_; and I will
venture to predict, that this specimen of the colloquial talents and
extemporaneous effusions of my illustrious fellow-traveller will become
still more valuable, when, by the lapse of time, he shall have become an
_ancient_; when all those who can now bear testimony to the transcendent
powers of his mind, shall have passed away; and no other memorial of
this great and good man shall remain but the following Journal, the
other anecdotes and letters preserved by his friends, and those
incomparable works, which have for many years been in the highest
estimation, and will be read and admired as long as the English language
shall be spoken or understood.

J.B.

LONDON, 15th Aug. 1786.




CONTENTS.

DEDICATION.
ADVERTISEMENT.
INTRODUCTION. Character of Dr. Johnson. He arrives in Scotland.

_August 15_. Sir William Forbes. Practice of the law. Emigration. Dr.
Beattie and Mr. Hume. Dr. Robertson. Mr. Burke's various and
extraordinary talents. Question concerning genius. Whitfield and Wesley.
Instructions to political parties. Dr. Johnson's opinion of Garrick as a
tragedian.

_August 16_. Ogden on Prayer. Aphoristick writing. Edinburgh surveyed.
Character of Swift's works. Evil spirits and witchcraft. Lord Monboddo
and the Ouran-Outang.

_August 17_. Poetry and Dictionary writing. Scepticism. Eternal
necessity refuted. Lord Hailes's criticism on _The Vanity of Human
Wishes._ Mr. Maclaurin. Decision of the Judges in Scotland on
literary property.

_August 18_. Set out for the Hebrides. Sketch of the authour's
character. Trade of Glasgow. Suicide. Inchkeith. Parliamentary
knowledge. Influence of Peers. Popular clamours. Arrive at St. Andrews.

_August 19_. Dr. Watson. Literature and patronage. Writing and
conversation compared. Change of manners. The Union. Value of money. St.
Andrews and John Knox. Retirement from the world. Dinner with the
Professors. Question concerning sorrow and content. Instructions for
composition. Dr. Johnson's method. Uncertainty of memory.

_August 20_. Effect of prayer. Observance of Sunday. Professor Shaw.
Transubstantiation. Literary property. Mr. Tyers's remark on Dr.
Johnson. Arrive at Montrose.

_August 21_. Want of trees. Laurence Kirk. Dinner at Monboddo.
Emigration. Homer. Biography and history compared. Decrease of learning.
Causes of it. Promotion of bishops. Warburton. Lowth. Value of
politeness. Dr. Johnson's sentiments concerning Lord Monboddo. Arrive
at Aberdeen.

_August 22_. Professor Thomas Gordon. Publick and private education.
Sir Alexander Gordon. Trade of Aberdeen. Prescription of murder in
Scotland. Mystery of the Trinity. Satisfaction of Christ. Importance of
old friendships.

_August 23_. Dr. Johnson made a burgess of Aberdeen. Dinner at Sir
Alexander Gordon's. Warburton's powers of invective. His _Doctrine of
Grace_. Lock's verses. Fingal.

_August 24_. Goldsmith and Graham. Slains castle. Education of children.
Buller of Buchan. Entails. Consequence of Peers. Sir Joshua Reynolds.
Earl of Errol.

_August 25_. The advantage of being on good terms with relations.
Nabobs. Feudal state of subordination. Dinner at Strichen. Life of
country gentlemen. THE LITERARY CLUB.

_August 26_. Lord Monboddo. Use and importance of wealth. Elgin.
Macbeth's heath. Fores.

_August 27_. Leonidas. Paul Whitehead. Derrick. Origin of Evil.
Calder-manse. Reasonableness of ecclesiastical subscription.
Family worship.

_August 28_. Fort George. Sir Adolphus Oughton. Contest between
Warburton and Lowth. Dinner at Sir Eyre Coote's. Arabs and English
soldiers compared. The Stage. Mr. Garrick, Mrs. Cibber, Mrs. Pritchard,
Mrs. Clive. Inverness.

_August 29_. Macbeth's Castle. Incorrectness of writers of Travels.
Coinage of new words. Dr. Johnson's _Dictionary_.

_August 30_. Dr. Johnson on horseback. A Highland hut. Fort Augustus.
Governour Trapaud.

_August 31_. Anoch. Emigration. Goldsmith. Poets and soldiers compared.
Life of a sailor. Landlord's daughter at Anoch.

_September 1_. Glensheal. The Macraas. Dr. Johnson's anger at being left
for a little while by the authour on a wild plain. Wretched inn
at Glenelg.

_September 2_. Dr. Johnson relents. Isle of Sky. Armidale.

_September 3_. Colonel Montgomery, now Earl of Eglintoune.

_September 4_. Ancient Highland Enthusiasm.

_September 5_. Sir James Macdonald's epitaph and last letters to his
mother. Dr. Johnson's Latin ode on the Isle of Sky. Isaac
Hawkins Browne.

_September 6_. Corrichatachin. Highland hospitality and mirth. Dr.
Johnson's Latin ode to Mrs. Thrale.

_September 7_. Uneasy state of dependence on the weather. State of those
who live in the country. Dr. M'Pherson's Dissertations. Second Sight.

_September 8_. Rev. Mr. Donald M'Queen. Mr. Malcolm M'Cleod. Sail to
Rasay. Fingal. Homer. Elegant and gay entertainment at Rasay.

_September 9_. Antiquity of the family of Rasay. Cure of infidelity.

_September 10_. Survey of the island of Rasay. Bentley. Mallet. Hooke.
Duchess of Marlborough.

_September 11_. Heritable jurisdictions. Insular life. The Laird of
M'Cleod.

_September 12_. Sail to Portree. Dr. Johnson's discourse on death.
Letters from Lord Elibank to Dr. Johnson and the authour. Dr. Johnson's
answer. Ride to Kingsburgh. Flora M'Donald.

_September 13_. Distresses and escape of the grandson of King James II.
Arrive at Dunvegan.

_September 14_. Importance of the chastity of women. Dr. Cadogan.
Whether the practice of authours is necessary to enforce their
Doctrines. Good humour acquirable.

_September 15_. Sir George M'Kenzie. Mr. Burke's wit, knowledge and
eloquence.

_September 16_. Dr. Johnson's hereditary melancholy. His minute
knowledge in various arts. Apology for the authour's ardour in his
pursuits. Dr. Johnson's imaginary seraglio. Polygamy.

_September 17_. Cunning. Whether great abilities are necessary to be
wicked. Temple of the Goddess Anaitis. Family portraits. Records not
consulted by old English historians. Mr. Pennant's Tours criticised.

_September 18_. Ancient residence of a Highland Chief. Languages the
pedigree of nations. Laird of the Isle of Muck.

_September 19_. Choice of a wife. Women an over-match for men. Lady
Grange in St. Kilda. Poetry of savages. French Literati. Prize-fighting.
French and English soldiers. Duelling.

_September 20_. Change of London manners. Laziness censured. Landed and
traded interest compared. Gratitude considered.

_September 21_. Description of Dunvegan. Lord Lovat's Pyramid. Ride to
Ulinish. Phipps's Voyage to the North Pole.

_September 22_. Subterraneous house and vast cave in Ulinish. Swift's
Lord Orrery. Defects as well as virtues the proper subject of biography,
though the life be written by a friend. Studied conclusions of letters.
Whether allowable in dying men to maintain resentment to the last.
Instructions for writing the lives of literary men. Fingal denied to be
genuine, and pleasantly ridiculed.

_September 23_. Further disquisition concerning Fingal. Eminent men
disconcerted by a new mode of publick appearance. Garrick. Mrs.
Montague's Essay on Shakspeare. Persons of consequence watched in
London. Learning of the Scots from 1550 to 1650. The arts of civil life
little known in Scotland till the Union. Life of a sailor. The folly of
Peter the Great in working in a dock-yard. Arrive at Talisker.
Presbyterian clergy deficient in learning.  _September 24_. French
hunting. Young Col. Dr. Birch, Dr. Percy. Lord Hailes. Historical
impartiality. Whiggism unbecoming in a clergyman.

_September 25_. Every island a prison. A Sky cottage. Return to
Corrichatachin. Good fellowship carried to excess.

_September 26_. Morning review of last night's intemperance. Old
Kingsburgh's Jacobite song. Lady Margaret Macdonald adored in Sky.
Different views of the same subject at different times. Self-deception.

_September 27_. Dr. Johnson's popularity in the Isle of Sky. His
good-humoured gaiety with a Highland lady.

_September 28_. Ancient Irish pride of family. Dr. Johnson on threshing
and thatching. Dangerous to increase the price of labour. Arrive at
Ostig. Dr. M'Pherson's Latin poetry.

_September 29_. Reverend Mr. M'Pherson, Shenstone. Hammond. Sir Charles
Hanbury Williams.

_September 30_. Mr. Burke the first man every where. Very moderate
talents requisite to make a figure in the House of Commons. Dr. Young.
Dr. Doddridge. Increase of infidel writings since the accession of the
Hanover family. Gradual impression made by Dr. Johnson. Particular
minutes to be kept of our studies.

_October 1_. Dr. Johnson not answerable for all the words in his
_Dictionary_. Attacks on authours useful to them. Return to Armidale.

_October 2_. Old manners of great families in Wales. German courts.
Goldsmith's love of talk. Emigration. Curious story of the people of
St. Kilda.

_October 3_. Epictetus on the voyage of death. Sail for Mull. A storm.
Driven into Col.

_October 4_. Dr. Johnson's mode of living in the Temple. His curious
appearance on a sheltie. Nature of sea-sickness. Burnet's _History of
his own Times_. Difference between dedications and histories.

_October 5_. People may come to do anything by talking of it. The
Reverend Mr. Hector Maclean. Bayle. Leibnitz and Clarke. Survey of Col.
Insular life. Arrive at Breacacha. Dr. Johnson's power of ridicule.

_October 6_. Heritable jurisdictions. The opinion of philosophers
concerning happiness in a cottage, considered. Advice to landlords.

_October 7_. Books the best solace in a state of confinement.

_October 8_. Pretended brother of Dr. Johnson. No redress for a man's
name being affixed to a foolish work. Lady Sidney Beauclerk. Carte's
_Life of the Duke of Ormond_. Col's cabinet. Letters of the great
Montrose. Present state of the island of Col.

_October 9_. Dr. Johnson's avidity for a variety of books. Improbability
of a Highland tradition. Dr. Johnson's delicacy of feeling.

_October 10_. Dependence of tenants on landlords.

_October 11_. London and Pekin compared. Dr. Johnson's high opinion of
the former.

_October 12_. Return to Mr. M'Sweyn's. Other superstitions beside those
connected with religion. Dr. Johnson disgusted with coarse manners. His
peculiar habits.

_October 13_. Bustle not necessary to dispatch. _Oats_ the food not of
the Scotch alone.

_October 14_. Arrive in Mull. Addison's _Remarks on Italy_. Addison not
much conversant with Italian literature. The French masters of the art
of accommodating literature. Their _Ana_. Racine. Corneille. Moliere.
Fenelon. Voltaire. Bossuet. Massillon. Bourdaloue. Virgil's description
of the entrance into hell, compared to a printing-house.

_October 15_. Erse poetry. Danger of a knowledge of musick. The
propriety of settling our affairs so as to be always prepared for death.
Religion and literary attainments not to be described to young persons
as too hard. Reception of the travellers in their progress. Spence.

_October 16_. Miss Maclean. Account of Mull. The value of an oak
walking-stick in the Hebrides. Arrive at Mr. M'Quarrie's in Ulva.
Captain Macleod. Second Sight. _Mercheta Mulierum_, and Borough-English.
The grounds on which the sale of an estate may be set aside in a court
of equity.

_October 17_. Arrive at Inchkenneth. Sir Allan Maclean and his
daughters. None but theological books should be read on Sunday. Dr.
Campbell. Dr. Johnson exhibited as a Highlander. Thoughts on drinking.
Dr. Johnson's Latin verses on Inchkenneth.

_October 18_. Young Col's various good qualities. No extraordinary
talents requisite to success in trade. Dr. Solander. Mr. Burke. Dr.
Johnson's intrepidity and presence of mind. Singular custom in the
islands of Col and Otaheité. Further elogium on young Col. Credulity of
a Frenchman in foreign countries.

_October 19_. Death of young Col. Dr. Johnson slow of belief without
strong evidence. _La Crédulité des incrédules_. Coast of Mull. Nun's
Island. Past scenes pleasing in recollection. Land on Icolmkill.
_October 20_. Sketch of the ruins of Icolmkill. Influence of solemn
scenes of piety. Feudal authority in the extreme. Return to Mull.

_October 21_. Pulteney. Pitt. Walpole. Mr. Wilkes. English and Jewish
history compared. Scotland composed of stone and water, and a little
earth. Turkish Spy. Dreary ride to Lochbuy. Description of the laird.

_October 22_. Uncommon breakfast offered to Dr. Johnson, and rejected.
Lochbuy's war-saddle. Sail to Oban.

_October 23_. Goldsmith's _Traveller_. Pope and Cowley compared.
Archibald Duke of Argyle. Arrive at Inverary. Dr. Johnson drinks some
whisky, and assigns his reason. Letter from the authour to Mr. Garrick.
Mr. Garrick's answer.

_October 24_. Specimen of Ogden on Prayer. Hervey's _Meditations_. Dr.
Johnson's Meditation on a Pudding. Country neighbours. The authour's
visit to the castle of Inverary. Perverse opposition to the influence of
Peers in Ayrshire.

_October 25_. Dr. Johnson presented to the Duke of Argyle. Grandeur of
his grace's seat. The authour possesses himself in an embarrassing
situation. Honourable Archibald Campbell on _a middle state_. The old
Lord Townshend. Question concerning luxury. Nice trait of character.
Good principles and bad practice.

_October 26_. A passage in Home's _Douglas_, and one in _Juvenal_,
compared. Neglect of religious buildings in Scotland. Arrive at Sir
James Colquhoun's.

_October 27_. Dr. Johnson's letter to the Duke of Argyle. His grace's
answer. Lochlomond. Dr. Johnson's sentiments on dress. Forms of prayer
considered. Arrive at Mr. Smollet's.

_October 28_. Dr. Smollet's Epitaph. Dr. Johnson's wonderful memory. His
alacrity during the Tour. Arrive at Glasgow.

_October 29_. Glasgow surveyed. Attention of the professors to Dr.
Johnson.

_October 30_. Dinner at the Earl of Loudoun's. Character of that
nobleman. Arrive at Treesbank.

_October 31_. Sir John Cunningham of Caprington.

_November 1_. Rules for the distribution of charity. Castle of
Dundonald. Countess of Eglintoune. Alexander Earl of Eglintoune.

_November 2_. Arrive at Auchinleck. Character of Lord Auchinleck, His
idea of Dr. Johnson.

_November 3_. Dr. Johnson's sentiments concerning the Highlands. Mr.
Harris of Salisbury.

_November 4_. Auchinleck. Cattle without horns. Composure of mind how
far attainable.  _November 5_. Dr. Johnson's high respect for the
English clergy.

_November 6_. Lord Auchinleck and Dr. Johnson in collision.

_November 7_. Dr. Johnson's uniform piety. His dislike of presbyterian
worship.

_November 8_. Arrive at Hamilton.

_November 9_. The Duke of Hamilton's house. Arrive at Edinburgh.

_November 10_. Lord Elibank. Difference in political principles
increased by opposition. Edinburgh Castle. Fingal. English credulity not
less than Scottish. Second Sight. Garrick and Foote compared as
companions. Moravian Missions and Methodism.

_November 11_. History originally oral. Dr. Robertson's liberality of
sentiment. Rebellion natural to man.

       *       *       *       *       *

Summary account of the manner in which Dr. Johnson spent his time from
November 12 to November 21. Lord Mansfield, Mr. Richardson. The private
life of an English Judge. Dr. Johnson's high opinion of Dr. Robertson
and Dr. Blair. Letter from Dr. Blair to the authour. Officers of the
army often ignorant of things belonging to their own profession. Academy
for the deaf and dumb. A Scotch Highlander and an English sailor.
Attacks on authours advantageous to them. Roslin Castle and Hawthornden.
Dr. Johnson's _Parody of Sir John Dalrymple's Memoirs_. Arrive at
Cranston. Dr. Johnson's departure for London. Letters from Lord Hailes
and Mr. Dempster to the authour. Letter from the Laird of Rasay to the
authour. The authour's answer. Dr. Johnson's Advertisement,
acknowledging a mistake in his _Journey to the Western Islands_. His
letter to the Laird of Rasay. Letter from Sir William Forbes to the
authour. Conclusion.




     HE WAS OF AN ADMIRABLE PREGNANCY OF WIT, AND THAT PREGNANCY
     MUCH IMPROVED BY CONTINUAL STUDY FROM HIS CHILDHOOD:
     BY WHICH HE HAD GOTTEN SUCH A PROMPTNESS IN EXPRESSING HIS
     MIND, THAT HIS EXTEMPORAL SPEECHES WERE LITTLE INFERIOR TO
     HIS PREMEDITATED WRITINGS. MANY, NO DOUBT, HAD READ AS MUCH,
     AND PERHAPS MORE THAN HE; BUT SCARCE EVER ANY CONCOCTED
     HIS READING INTO JUDGEMENT AS HE DID[8].

     _Baker's Chronicle_ [ed. 1665, p. 449].




THE

JOURNAL

OF A

TOUR TO THE HEBRIDES

WITH

SAMUEL JOHNSON, LL.D.


Dr. Johnson had for many years given me hopes that we should go
together, and visit the Hebrides[9]. Martin's Account of those islands
had impressed us with a notion that we might there contemplate a system
of life almost totally different from what we had been accustomed to
see; and, to find simplicity and wildness, and all the circumstances of
remote time or place, so near to our native great island, was an object
within the reach of reasonable curiosity. Dr. Johnson has said in his
_Journey_[10] 'that he scarcely remembered how the wish to visit the
Hebrides was excited;' but he told me, in summer, 1763[11], that his
father put Martin's Account into his hands when he was very young, and
that he was much pleased with it. We reckoned there would be some
inconveniencies and hardships, and perhaps a little danger; but these we
were persuaded were magnified in the imagination of every body. When I
was at Ferney, in 1764, I mentioned our design to Voltaire. He looked at
me, as if I had talked of going to the North Pole, and said, 'You do not
insist on my accompanying you?'--'No, Sir,'--'Then I am very willing
you should go.' I was not afraid that our curious expedition would be
prevented by such apprehensions; but I doubted that it would not be
possible to prevail on Dr. Johnson to relinquish, for some time, the
felicity of a London life, which, to a man who can enjoy it with full
intellectual relish, is apt to make existence in any narrower sphere
seem insipid or irksome. I doubted that he would not be willing to come
down from his elevated state of philosophical dignity; from a
superiority of wisdom among the wise, and of learning among the learned;
and from flashing his wit upon minds bright enough to reflect it.

He had disappointed my expectations so long, that I began to despair;
but in spring, 1773, he talked of coming to Scotland that year with so
much firmness, that I hoped he was at last in earnest. I knew that, if
he were once launched from the metropolis he would go forward very well;
and I got our common friends there to assist in setting him afloat. To
Mrs. Thrale in particular, whose enchantment over him seldom failed, I
was much obliged. It was, '_I'll give thee a wind._'-' _Thou art
kind._[12]'--To _attract_ him, we had invitations from the chiefs
Macdonald and Macleod; and, for additional aid, I wrote to Lord
Elibank[13], Dr. William Robertson, and Dr. Beattie.

To Dr. Robertson, so far as my letter concerned the present subject, I
wrote as follows:

'Our friend, Mr. Samuel Johnson, is in great health and spirits; and, I
do think, has a serious resolution to visit Scotland this year. The more
attraction, however, the better; and therefore, though I know he will be
happy to meet you there, it will forward the scheme, if, in your answer
to this, you express yourself concerning it with that power of which you
are so happily possessed, and which may be so directed as to operate
strongly upon him.'

His answer to that part of my letter was quite as I could have wished.
It was written with the address and persuasion of the historian of
America.  'When I saw you last, you gave us some hopes that you might
prevail with Mr. Johnson to make out that excursion to Scotland, with
the expectation of which we have long flattered ourselves. If he could
order matters so, as to pass some time in Edinburgh, about the close of
the summer session, and then visit some of the Highland scenes, I am
confident he would be pleased with the grand features of nature in many
parts of this country: he will meet with many persons here who respect
him, and some whom I am persuaded he will think not unworthy of his
esteem. I wish he would make the experiment. He sometimes cracks his
jokes upon us; but he will find that we can distinguish between the
stabs of malevolence, and _the rebukes of the righteous, which are like
excellent oil[14], and break not the head[15]_. Offer my best
compliments to him, and assure him that I shall be happy to have the
satisfaction of seeing him under my roof.

To Dr. Beattie I wrote, 'The chief intention of this letter is to inform
you, that I now seriously believe Mr. Samuel Johnson will visit Scotland
this year: but I wish that every power of attraction may be employed to
secure our having so valuable an acquisition, and therefore I hope you
will without delay write to me what I know you think, that I may read it
to the mighty sage, with proper emphasis, before I leave London, which I
must do soon. He talks of you with the same warmth that he did last
year[16]. We are to see as much of Scotland as we can, in the months of
August and September. We shall not be long of being at Marischal
College[17]. He is particularly desirous of seeing some of the
Western Islands.'

Dr. Beattie did better: _ipse venit_. He was, however, so polite as to
wave his privilege of _nil mihi rescribas[18]_, and wrote from
Edinburgh, as follows:--'Your very kind and agreeable favour of the
20th of April overtook me here yesterday, after having gone to Aberdeen,
which place I left about a week ago. I am to set out this day for
London, and hope to have the honour of paying my respects to Mr. Johnson
and you, about a week or ten days hence. I shall then do what I can, to
enforce the topick you mention; but at present I cannot enter upon it,
as I am in a very great hurry; for I intend to begin my journey within
an hour or two.'

He was as good as his word, and threw some pleasing motives into the
northern scale. But, indeed, Mr. Johnson loved all that he heard, from
one whom he tells us, in his _Lives of the Poets_, Gray found 'a poet, a
philosopher, and a good man[19].'

My Lord Elibank did not answer my letter to his lordship for some time.
The reason will appear, when we come to the isle of _Sky_[20]. I shall
then insert my letter, with letters from his lordship, both to myself
and Mr. Johnson. I beg it may be understood, that I insert my own
letters, as I relate my own sayings, rather as keys to what is valuable
belonging to others, than for their own sake.

Luckily Mr. Justice (now Sir Robert) Chambers[21], who was about to sail
for the East-Indies, was going to take leave of his relations at
Newcastle, and he conducted Dr. Johnson to that town. Mr. Scott, of
University College, Oxford, (now Dr. Scott[22], of the Commons,)
accompanied him from thence to Edinburgh, With such propitious convoys
did he proceed to my native city. But, lest metaphor should make it be
supposed he actually went by sea, I choose to mention that he travelled
in post-chaises, of which the rapid motion was one of his most favourite
amusements[23].

Dr. Samuel Johnson's character, religious, moral, political, and
literary, nay his figure and manner, are, I believe, more generally
known than those of almost any man; yet it may not be superfluous here
to attempt a sketch of him. Let my readers then remember that he was a
sincere and zealous Christian, of high church of England and monarchical
principles, which he would not tamely suffer to be questioned; steady
and inflexible in maintaining the obligations of piety and virtue, both
from a regard to the order of society, and from a veneration for the
Great Source of all order; correct, nay stern in his taste; hard to
please, and easily offended, impetuous and irritable in his temper, but
of a most humane and benevolent heart; having a mind stored with a vast
and various collection of learning and knowledge, which he communicated
with peculiar perspicuity and force, in rich and choice expression. He
united a most logical head with a most fertile imagination, which gave
him an extraordinary advantage in arguing; for he could reason close or
wide, as he saw best for the moment. He could, when he chose it, be the
greatest sophist that ever wielded a weapon in the schools of
declamation; but he indulged this only in conversation; for he owned he
sometimes talked for victory[24]; he was too conscientious to make
errour permanent and pernicious, by deliberately writing it. He was
conscious of his superiority. He loved praise when it was brought to
him; but was too proud to seek for it. He was somewhat susceptible of
flattery[25]. His mind was so full of imagery, that he might have been
perpetually a poet. It has been often remarked, that in his poetical
pieces, which it is to be regretted are so few, because so excellent,
his style is easier than in his prose. There is deception in this: it is
not easier, but better suited to the dignity of verse; as one may dance
with grace, whose motions, in ordinary walking, in the common step, are
awkward. He had a constitutional melancholy, the clouds of which
darkened the brightness of his fancy, and gave a gloomy cast to his
whole course of thinking: yet, though grave and awful in his deportment,
when he thought it necessary or proper, he frequently indulged himself
in pleasantry and sportive sallies. He was prone to superstition, but
not to credulity. Though his imagination might incline him to a belief
of the marvellous and the mysterious, his vigorous reason examined the
evidence with jealousy. He had a loud voice, and a slow deliberate
utterance, which no doubt gave some additional weight to the sterling
metal of his conversation[26]. His person was large, robust, I may say
approaching to the gigantick, and grown unwieldy from corpulency. His
countenance was naturally of the cast of an ancient statue, but somewhat
disfigured by the scars of that _evil_, which, it was formerly imagined,
the _royal touch_[27] could cure. He was now in his sixty-fourth year,
and was become a little dull of hearing. His sight had always been
somewhat weak; yet, so much does mind govern, and even supply the
deficiency of organs, that his perceptions were uncommonly quick and
accurate[28]. His head, and sometimes also his body shook with a kind of
motion like the effect of a palsy: he appeared to be frequently
disturbed by cramps, or convulsive contractions[29], of the nature of
that distemper called _St. Vitus's dance_. He wore a full suit of plain
brown clothes, with twisted hair-buttons[30] of the same colour, a
large bushy greyish wig, a plain shirt, black worsted stockings, and
silver buckles. Upon this tour, when journeying, he wore boots, and a
very wide brown cloth great coat, with pockets which might have almost
held the two volumes of his folio _Dictionary_; and he carried in his
hand a large English oak stick. Let me not be censured for mentioning
such minute particulars. Every thing relative to so great a man is worth
observing. I remember Dr. Adam Smith, in his rhetorical lectures at
Glasgow[31], told us he was glad to know that Milton wore latchets in
his shoes, instead of buckles. When I mention the oak stick, it is but
letting _Hercules_ have his club; and, by-and-by, my readers will find
this stick will bud, and produce a good joke[32].

This imperfect sketch of 'the COMBINATION and the _form_[33]' of that
Wonderful Man, whom I venerated and loved while in this world, and after
whom I gaze with humble hope, now that it has pleased ALMIGHTY GOD to
call him to a better world, will serve to introduce to the fancy of my
readers the capital object of the following journal, in the course of
which I trust they will attain to a considerable degree of
acquaintance with him.

His prejudice against Scotland[34] was announced almost as soon as he
began to appear in the world of Letters. In his _London_, a poem, are
the following nervous lines:--

     'For who would leave, unbrib'd, Hibernia's land?
      Or change the rocks of Scotland for the Strand?
      There none are swept by sudden fate away;
      But all, whom hunger spares, with age decay.'

The truth is, like the ancient Greeks and Romans, he allowed himself to
look upon all nations but his own as barbarians[35]: not only Hibernia,
and Scotland, but Spain, Italy, and France, are attacked in the same
poem. If he was particularly prejudiced against the Scots, it was
because they were more in his way; because he thought their success in
England rather exceeded the due proportion of their real merit; and
because he could not but see in them that nationality which I believe no
liberal-minded Scotsman will deny. He was indeed, if I may be allowed
the phrase, at bottom much of a _John Bull_[36]; much of a blunt _true
born Englishman_[37]. There was a stratum of common clay under the rock
of marble. He was voraciously fond of good eating[38]; and he had a
great deal of that quality called _humour_, which gives an oiliness and
a gloss to every other quality.

I am, I flatter myself, completely a citizen of the world.--In my
travels through Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Italy, Corsica, France, I
never felt myself from home; and I sincerely love 'every kindred and
tongue and people and nation[39].' I subscribe to what my late truly
learned and philosophical friend Mr. Crosbie[40] said, that the English
are better animals than the Scots; they are nearer the sun; their blood
is richer, and more mellow: but when I humour any of them in an
outrageous contempt of Scotland, I fairly own I treat them as children.
And thus I have, at some moments, found myself obliged to treat even
Dr. Johnson.

To Scotland however he ventured; and he returned from it in great good
humour, with his prejudices much lessened, and with very grateful
feelings of the hospitality with which he was treated; as is evident
from that admirable work, his _Journey to the Western Islands of
Scotland_, which, to my utter astonishment, has been misapprehended,
even to rancour, by many of my countrymen.  To have the company of
Chambers and Scott, he delayed his journey so long, that the court of
session, which rises on the eleventh of August, was broke up before he
got to Edinburgh[41].

On Saturday the fourteenth of August, 1773, late in the evening, I
received a note from him, that he was arrived at Boyd's inn[42], at the
head of the Canongate. I went to him directly. He embraced me cordially;
and I exulted in the thought, that I now had him actually in Caledonia.
Mr. Scott's amiable manners, and attachment to our _Socrates_, at once
united me to him. He told me that, before I came in, the Doctor had
unluckily had a bad specimen of Scottish cleanliness[43]. He then drank
no fermented liquor. He asked to have his lemonade made sweeter; upon
which the waiter, with his greasy fingers, lifted a lump of sugar, and
put it into it. The Doctor, in indignation, threw it out of the window.
Scott said, he was afraid he would have knocked the waiter down. Mr.
Johnson told me, that such another trick was played him at the house of
a lady in Paris[44]. He was to do me the honour to lodge under my roof.
I regretted sincerely that I had not also a room for Mr. Scott. Mr.
Johnson and I walked arm-in-arm up the High=street, to my house in
James's court[45]: it was a dusky night: I could not prevent his being
assailed by the evening effluvia of Edinburgh. I heard a late baronet,
of some distinction in the political world in the beginning of the
present reign, observe, that 'walking the streets of Edinburgh at night
was pretty perilous, and a good deal odoriferous.' The peril is much
abated, by the care which the magistrates have taken to enforce the city
laws against throwing foul water from the windows[46]; but from the
structure of the houses in the old town, which consist of many stories,
in each of which a different family lives, and there being no covered
sewers, the ordour still continues. A zealous Scotsman would have wished
Mr. Johnson to be without one of his five senses upon this occasion. As
we marched slowly along, he grumbled in my ear, 'I smell you in the
dark[47]!' But he acknowledged that the breadth of the street, and the
loftiness of the buildings on each side made a noble appearance[48].

My wife had tea ready for him, which it is well known he delighted to
drink at all hours, particularly when sitting up late, and of which his
able defence against Mr. Jonas Hanway[49] should have obtained him a
magnificent reward from the East-India Company. He shewed much
complacency upon finding that the mistress of the house was so attentive
to his singular habit; and as no man could be more polite when he chose
to be so, his address to her was most courteous and engaging; and his
conversation soon charmed her into a forgetfulness of his external
appearance[50].

I did not begin to keep a regular full journal till some days after we
had set out from Edinburgh; but I have luckily preserved a good many
fragments of his _Memorabilia_ from his very first evening in Scotland.

We had, a little before this, had a trial for murder, in which the
judges had allowed the lapse of twenty years since its commission as a
plea in bar, in conformity with the doctrine of prescription in the
_civil_ law, which Scotland and several other countries in Europe have
adopted. He at first disapproved of this; but then he thought there was
something in it, if there had been for twenty years a neglect to
prosecute a crime which was _known_. He would not allow that a murder,
by not being _discovered_ for twenty years, should escape
punishment[51]. We talked of the ancient trial by duel. He did not think
it so absurd as is generally supposed; 'For (said he) it was only
allowed when the question was _in equilibrio_, as when one affirmed and
another denied; and they had a notion that Providence would interfere in
favour of him who was in the right. But as it was found that in a duel,
he who was in the right had not a better chance than he who was in the
wrong, therefore society instituted the present mode of trial, and gave
the advantage to him who is in the right.'

We sat till near two in the morning, having chatted a good while after
my wife left us. She had insisted, that to shew all respect to the Sage
she would give up her own bed-chamber to him and take a worse[52]. This
I cannot but gratefully mention, as one of a thousand obligations which
I owe her, since the great obligation of her being pleased to accept of
me as her husband[53].




SUNDAY, AUGUST 15[54]

Mr. Scott came to breakfast, at which I introduced to Dr. Johnson and
him, my friend Sir William Forbes, now of Pitsligo[55]; a man of whom
too much good cannot be said; who, with distinguished abilities and
application in his profession of a Banker, is at once a good companion,
and a good christian; which I think is saying enough. Yet it is but
justice to record, that once, when he was in a dangerous illness, he was
watched with the anxious apprehension of a general calamity; day and
night his house was beset with affectionate enquiries; and, upon his
recovery, _Te deum_ was the universal chorus from the _hearts_ of his
countrymen.  Mr. Johnson was pleased with my daughter Veronica[56],
then a child of about four months old. She had the appearance of
listening to him. His motions seemed to her to be intended for her
amusement; and when he stopped, she fluttered, and made a little
infantine noise, and a kind of signal for him to begin again. She would
be held close to him; which was a proof, from simple nature, that his
figure was not horrid. Her fondness for him endeared her still more to
me, and I declared she should have five hundred pounds of additional
fortune[57].

We talked of the practice of the law. Sir William Forbes said, he
thought an honest lawyer should never undertake a cause which he was
satisfied was not a just one. 'Sir, (said Mr. Johnson,) a lawyer has no
business with the justice or injustice of the cause which he undertakes,
unless his client asks his opinion, and then he is bound to give it
honestly. The justice or injustice of the cause is to be decided by the
judge. Consider, Sir; what is the purpose of courts of justice? It is,
that every man may have his cause fairly tried, by men appointed to try
causes. A lawyer is not to tell what he knows to be a lie: he is not to
produce what he knows to be a false deed; but he is not to usurp the
province of the jury and of the judge, and determine what shall be the
effect of evidence,--what shall be the result of legal argument. As it
rarely happens that a man is fit to plead his own cause, lawyers are a
class of the community, who, by study and experience, have acquired the
art and power of arranging evidence, and of applying to the points at
issue what the law has settled. A lawyer is to do for his client all
that his client might fairly do for himself, if he could. If, by a
superiority of attention, of knowledge, of skill, and a better method of
communication, he has the advantage of his adversary, it is an
advantage to which he is entitled. There must always be some advantage,
on one side or other; and it is better that advantage should be had by
talents than by chance. Lawyers were to undertake no causes till they
were sure they were just, a man might be precluded altogether from a
trial of his claim, though, were it judicially examined it might be
found a very just claim[58].' This was sound practical doctrine, and
rationally repressed a too refined scrupulosity[59] of conscience.

Emigration was at this time a common topick of discourse[60]. Dr.
Johnson regretted it as hurtful to human happiness: 'For (said he) it
spreads mankind, which weakens the defence of a nation, and lessens the
comfort of living. Men, thinly scattered, make a shift, but a bad shift,
without many things. A smith is ten miles off: they'll do without a nail
or a staple. A taylor is far from them: they'll botch their own clothes.
It is being concentrated which produces high convenience[61].'

Sir William Forbes, Mr. Scott, and I, accompanied Mr. Johnson to the
chapel[62], founded by Lord Chief Baron Smith, for the Service of the
Church of England. The Reverend Mr. Carre, the senior clergyman,
preached from these words, 'Because the Lord reigneth, let the earth be
glad[63].' I was sorry to think Mr. Johnson did not attend to the
sermon, Mr. Carre's low voice not being strong enough to reach his
hearing. A selection of Mr. Carre's sermons has, since his death, been
published by Sir William Forbes[64], and the world has acknowledged
their uncommon merit. I am well assured Lord Mansfield has pronounced
them to be excellent.

Here I obtained a promise from Lord Chief Baron Orde[65], that he would
dine at my house next day. I presented Mr. Johnson to his Lordship, who
politely said to him, I have not the honour of knowing you; but I hope
for it, and to see you at my house. I am to wait on you to-morrow.' This
respectable English judge will be long remembered in Scotland, where he
built an elegant house, and lived in it magnificently. His own ample
fortune, with the addition of his salary, enabled him to be splendidly
hospitable. It may be fortunate for an individual amongst ourselves to
be Lord Chief Baron; and a most worthy man now has the office; but, in
my opinion, it is better for Scotland in general, that some of our
publick employments should be filled by gentlemen of distinction from
the south side of the Tweed, as we have the benefit of promotion in
England. Such an interchange would make a beneficial mixture of manners,
and render our union more complete. Lord Chief Baron Orde was on good
terms with us all, in a narrow country filled with jarring interests and
keen parties; and, though I well knew his opinion to be the same with my
own, he kept himself aloof at a very critical period indeed, when the
_Douglas cause_ shook the sacred security of _birthright_ in Scotland
to its foundation; a cause, which had it happened before the Union, when
there was no appeal to a British House of Lords, would have left the
great fortress of honours and of property in ruins[66].  When we got
home, Dr. Johnson desired to see my books. He took down Ogden's _Sermons
on Prayer_[67], on which I set a very high value, having been much
edified by them, and he retired with them to his room. He did not stay
long, but soon joined us in the drawing room. I presented to him Mr.
Robert Arbuthnot, a relation of the celebrated Dr. Arbuthnot[68], and a
man of literature and taste. To him we were obliged for a previous
recommendation, which secured us a very agreeable reception at St.
Andrews, and which Dr. Johnson, in his _Journey_, ascribes to 'some
invisible friend[69].'

Of Dr. Beattie, Mr. Johnson said, 'Sir, he has written like a man
conscious of the truth, and feeling his own strength[70]. Treating your
adversary with respect is giving him an advantage to which he is not
entitled[71]. The greatest part of men cannot judge of reasoning, and
are impressed by character; so that, if you allow your adversary a
respectable character, they will think, that though you differ from him,
you may be in the wrong. Sir, treating your adversary with respect, is
striking soft in a battle. And as to Hume,--a man who has so much
conceit as to tell all mankind that they have been bubbled[72] for ages,
and he is the wise man who sees better than they,--a man who has so
little scrupulosity as to venture to oppose those principles which have
been thought necessary to human happiness,--is he to be surprized if
another man comes and laughs at him? If he is the great man he thinks
himself, all this cannot hurt him: it is like throwing peas against a
rock.' He added '_something much too rough_' both as to Mr. Hume's head
and heart, which I suppress. Violence is, in my opinion, not suitable to
the Christian cause. Besides, I always lived on good terms with Mr.
Hume, though I have frankly told him, I was not clear that it was right
in me to keep company with him. 'But, (said I) how much better are you
than your books!' He was cheerful, obliging, and instructive; he was
charitable to the poor; and many an agreeable hour have I passed with
him[73]: I have preserved some entertaining and interesting memoirs of
him, particularly when he knew himself to be dying, which I may some
time or other communicate to the world[74]. I shall not, however, extol
him so very highly as Dr. Adam Smith does, who says, in a letter to Mr.
Strahan the Printer (not a confidential letter to his friend, but a
letter which is published[75] with all formality:) 'Upon the whole, I
have always considered him, both in his life time and since his death,
as approaching as nearly to the idea of a perfectly wise and virtuous
man as perhaps the nature of human frailty will permit.' Let Dr. Smith
consider: Was not Mr. Hume blest with good health, good spirits, good
friends, a competent and increasing fortune? And had he not also a
perpetual feast of fame[76]? But, as a learned friend has observed to
me, 'What trials did he undergo to prove the perfection of his virtue?
Did he ever experience any great instance of adversity?'--When I read
this sentence delivered by my old _Professor of Moral Philosophy_, I
could not help exclaiming with the _Psalmist_, 'Surely I have now more
understanding than my teachers[77]!'

While we were talking, there came a note to me from Dr. William
Robertson.

'DEAR SIR,
   'I have been expecting every day to hear from you, of Dr. Johnson's
arrival. Pray, what do you know about his motions? I long
to take him by the hand. I write this from the college, where I have
only this scrap of paper. Ever yours,

'W. R.'

'Sunday.'

It pleased me to find Dr. Robertson thus eager to meet Dr. Johnson. I
was glad I could answer, that he was come: and I begged Dr. Robertson
might be with us as soon as he could.

Sir William Forbes, Mr. Scott, Mr. Arbuthnot, and another gentleman
dined with us. 'Come, Dr. Johnson, (said I,) it is commonly thought that
our veal in Scotland is not good. But here is some which I believe you
will like.' There was no catching him. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, what is
commonly thought, I should take to be true. _Your_ veal may be good; but
that will only be an exception to the general opinion; not a proof
against it.'

Dr. Robertson, according to the custom of Edinburgh at that time, dined
in the interval between the forenoon and afternoon service, which was
then later than now; so we had not the pleasure of his company till
dinner was over, when he came and drank wine with us. And then began
some animated dialogue[78], of which here follows a pretty full note.

We talked of Mr. Burke. Dr. Johnson said, he had great variety of
knowledge, store of imagery, copiousness of language. ROBERTSON. 'He has
wit too.' JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; he never succeeds there. 'Tis low; 'tis
conceit. I used to say, Burke never once made a good joke[79]. What I
most envy Burke for, is his being constantly the same. He is never what
we call hum-drum; never unwilling to begin to talk, nor in haste to
leave off.' BOSWELL. 'Yet he can listen.' JOHNSON. 'No: I cannot say he
is good at that[80]. So desirous is he to talk, that, if one is speaking
at this end of the table, he'll speak to somebody at the other end.
Burke, Sir, is such a man, that if you met him for the first time in the
street where you were stopped by a drove of oxen, and you and he stepped
aside to take shelter but for five minutes, he'd talk to you in such a
manner, that, when you parted, you would say, this is an extraordinary
man[81]. Now, you may be long enough with me, without finding any thing
extraordinary.' He said, he believed Burke was intended for the law; but
either had not money enough to follow it, or had not diligence
enough[82]. He said, he could not understand how a man could apply to
one thing, and not to another. ROBERTSON said, one man had more
judgment, another more imagination. JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; it is only, one
man has more mind than another. He may direct it differently; he may, by
accident, see the success of one kind of study, and take a desire to
excel in it. I am persuaded that, had Sir Isaac Newton applied to
poetry, he would have made a very fine epick poem. I could as easily
apply to law as to tragick poetry.' BOSWELL. 'Yet, Sir, you did apply to
tragick poetry, not to law.' JOHNSON. 'Because, Sir, I had not money to
study law. Sir, the man who has vigour, may walk to the east, just as
well as to the west, if he happens to turn his head that way[83].'
BOSWELL. 'But, Sir, 'tis like walking up and down a hill; one man will
naturally do the one better than the other. A hare will run up a hill
best, from her fore-legs being short; a dog down.' JOHNSON. 'Nay, Sir;
that is from mechanical powers. If you make mind mechanical, you may
argue in that manner. One mind is a vice, and holds fast; there's a good
memory. Another is a file; and he is a disputant, a controversialist.
Another is a razor; and he is sarcastical.' We talked of Whitefield. He
said he was at the same college with him[84], and knew him _before he
began to be better than other people_ (smiling;) that he believed he
sincerely meant well, but had a mixture of politicks and ostentation:
whereas Wesley thought of religion only[85]. ROBERTSON said, Whitefield
had strong natural eloquence, which, if cultivated, would have done
great things. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, I take it, he was at the height of
what his abilities could do, and was sensible of it. He had the ordinary
advantages of education; but he chose to pursue that oratory which is
for the mob[86].' BOSWELL. 'He had great effect on the passions.'
JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, I don't think so. He could not represent a
succession of pathetic images. He vociferated, and made an impression.
_There_, again, was a mind like a hammer.' Dr. Johnson now said, a
certain eminent political friend of our's[87] was wrong, in his maxim of
sticking to a certain set of _men_ on all occasions. 'I can see that a
man may do right to stick to a _party_ (said he;) that is to say, he is
a _Whig_, or he is a _Tory_, and he thinks one of those parties upon the
whole the best, and that to make it prevail, it must be generally
supported, though, in particulars it may be wrong. He takes its faggot
of principles, in which there are fewer rotten sticks than in the other,
though some rotten sticks to be sure; and they cannot well be separated.
But, to bind one's self to one man, or one set of men, (who may be right
to-day and wrong to-morrow,) without any general preference of system, I
must disapprove[88].'

He told us of Cooke, who translated Hesiod, and lived twenty years on a
translation of Plautus, for which he was always taking subscriptions;
and that he presented Foote to a Club, in the following singular manner:
'This is the nephew of the gentleman who was lately hung in chains for
murdering his brother[89].'  In the evening I introduced to Mr.
Johnson[90] two good friends of mine, Mr. William Nairne, Advocate, and
Mr. Hamilton of Sundrum, my neighbour in the country, both of whom
supped with us. I have preserved nothing of what passed, except that Dr.
Johnson displayed another of his heterodox opinions,--a contempt of
tragick acting[91]. He said, 'the action of all players in tragedy is
bad. It should be a man's study to repress those signs of emotion and
passion, as they are called.' He was of a directly contrary opinion to
that of Fielding, in his _Tom Jones_; who makes Partridge say, of
Garrick, 'why, I could act as well as he myself. I am sure, if I had
seen a ghost, I should have looked in the very same manner, and done
just as he did[92].' For, when I asked him, 'Would you not, Sir, start
as Mr. Garrick does, if you saw a ghost?' He answered, 'I hope not. If I
did, I should frighten the ghost.'




MONDAY, AUGUST 16.

Dr. William Robertson came to breakfast. We talked of _Ogden on Prayer_.
Dr. Johnson said, 'The same arguments which are used against GOD'S
hearing prayer, will serve against his rewarding good, and punishing
evil. He has resolved, he has declared, in the former case as in the
latter.' He had last night looked into Lord Hailes's _Remarks on the
History of Scotland_. Dr. Robertson and I said, it was a pity Lord
Hailes did not write greater things. His lordship had not then published
his _Annals of Scotland_[93]. JOHNSON. 'I remember I was once on a
visit at the house of a lady for whom I had a high respect. There was a
good deal of company in the room. When they were gone, I said to this
lady, "What foolish talking have we had!" "Yes, (said she,) but while
they talked, you said nothing." I was struck with the reproof. How much
better is the man who does anything that is innocent, than he who does
nothing. Besides, I love anecdotes[94]. I fancy mankind may come, in
time, to write all aphoristically, except in narrative; grow weary of
preparation, and connection, and illustration, and all those arts by
which a big book is made. If a man is to wait till he weaves anecdotes
into a system, we may be long in getting them, and get but few, in
comparison of what we might get.

Dr. Robertson said, the notions of _Eupham Macallan_, a fanatick woman,
of whom Lord Hailes gives a sketch, were still prevalent among some of
the Presbyterians; and therefore it was right in Lord Hailes, a man of
known piety, to undeceive them[95].

We walked out[96], that Dr. Johnson might see some of the things which
we have to shew at Edinburgh. We went to the Parliament-House[97],
where the Parliament of Scotland sat, and where the _Ordinary Lords_ of
Session hold their courts; and to the New Session-House adjoining to it,
where our Court of Fifteen (the fourteen _Ordinaries_, with the Lord
President at their head,) sit as a court of Review. We went to the
_Advocates Library_[98], of which Dr. Johnson took a cursory view, and
then to what is called the _Laigh_[99] (or under) Parliament-House,
where the records of Scotland, which has an universal security by
register, are deposited, till the great Register Office be finished. I
was pleased to behold Dr. Samuel Johnson rolling about in this old
magazine of antiquities. There was, by this time, a pretty numerous
circle of us attending upon him. Somebody talked of happy moments for
composition; and how a man can write at one time, and not at another.
'Nay, (said Dr. Johnson,) a man may write at any time, if he will set
himself _doggedly_[100] to it.'

I here began to indulge _old Scottish_[101] sentiments, and to express a
warm regret, that, by our Union with _England_, we were no more;--our
independent kingdom was lost[102]. JOHNSON. 'Sir, never talk of your
independency, who could let your Queen remain twenty years in captivity,
and then be put to death, without even a pretence of justice, without
your ever attempting to rescue her; and such a Queen too; as every man
of any gallantry of spirit would have sacrificed his life for[103].'
Worthy Mr. JAMES KERR, Keeper of the Records. 'Half our nation was
bribed by English money.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, that is no defence: that makes
you worse.' Good Mr. BROWN, Keeper of the Advocates' Library. 'We had
better say nothing about it.' BOSWELL. 'You would have been glad,
however, to have had us last war, sir, to fight your battles!' JOHNSON.
'We should have had you for the same price, though there had been no
Union, as we might have had Swiss, or other troops. No, no, I shall
agree to a separation. You have only to _go home_.' Just as he had said
this, I, to divert the subject, shewed him the signed assurances of the
three successive Kings of the Hanover family, to maintain the
Presbyterian establishment in Scotland. 'We'll give you that (said he)
into the bargain.'

We next went to the great church of St. Giles, which has lost its
original magnificence in the inside, by being divided into four places
of Presbyterian worship[104]. 'Come, (said Dr. Johnson jocularly to
Principal Robertson[105],) let me see what was once a church!' We
entered that division which was formerly called the _New Church_, and of
late the _High Church_, so well known by the eloquence of Dr. Hugh
Blair. It is now very elegantly fitted up; but it was then shamefully
dirty[106]. Dr. Johnson said nothing at the time; but when we came to
the great door of the Royal Infirmary, where upon a board was this
inscription, '_Clean your feet!_' he turned about slyly and said, 'There
is no occasion for putting this at the doors of your churches!'

We then conducted him down the Post-house stairs, Parliament-close, and
made him look up from the Cow-gate to the highest building in Edinburgh,
(from which he had just descended,) being thirteen floors or stories
from the ground upon the back elevation; the front wall being built upon
the edge of the hill, and the back wall rising from the bottom of the
hill several stories before it comes to a level with the front wall. We
proceeded to the College, with the Principal at our head. Dr. Adam
Fergusson, whose _Essay on the History of Civil Society[107]_ gives him
a respectable place in the ranks of literature, was with us. As the
College buildings[108] are indeed very mean, the Principal said to Dr.
Johnson, that he must give them the same epithet that a Jesuit did when
shewing a poor college abroad: '_Hae miseriae nostrae_.' Dr. Johnson
was, however, much pleased with the library, and with the conversation
of Dr. James Robertson, Professor of Oriental Languages, the Librarian.
We talked of Kennicot's edition of the Hebrew Bible[109], and hoped it
would be quite faithful. JOHNSON. 'Sir, I know not any crime so great
that a man could contrive to commit, as poisoning the sources of
eternal truth.'

I pointed out to him where there formerly stood an old wall enclosing
part of the college, which I remember bulged out in a threatening
manner, and of which there was a common tradition similar to that
concerning _Bacon's_ study at Oxford, that it would fall upon some very
learned man[110]. It had some time before this been taken down, that the
street might be widened, and a more convenient wall built. Dr. Johnson,
glad of an opportunity to have a pleasant hit at Scottish learning,
said, 'they have been afraid it never would fall.'

We shewed him the Royal Infirmary, for which, and for every other
exertion of generous publick spirit in his power, that noble-minded
citizen of Edinburgh, George Drummond, will be ever held in honourable
remembrance. And we were too proud not to carry him to the Abbey of
Holyrood-house, that beautiful piece of architecture, but, alas! that
deserted mansion of royalty, which Hamilton of Bangour, in one of his
elegant poems, calls

     'A virtuous palace, where no monarch dwells[111].'

I was much entertained while Principal Robertson fluently harangued to
Dr. Johnson, upon the spot, concerning scenes of his celebrated _History
of Scotland_. We surveyed that part of the palace appropriated to the
Duke of Hamilton, as Keeper, in which our beautiful Queen Mary lived,
and in which David Rizzio was murdered; and also the State Rooms. Dr.
Johnson was a great reciter of all sorts of things serious or comical. I
overheard him repeating here in a kind of muttering tone, a line of the
old ballad, _Johnny Armstrong's Last Good Night_:

     'And ran him through the fair body[112]!'

We returned to my house, where there met him, at dinner, the Duchess of
Douglas[113], Sir Adolphus Oughton, Lord Chief Baron, Sir William
Forbes, Principal Robertson, Mr. Cullen[114], Advocate. Before dinner he
told us of a curious conversation between the famous George
Faulkner[115] and him. George said that England had drained Ireland of
fifty thousand pounds in specie, annually, for fifty years. 'How so,
Sir! (said Dr. Johnson,) you must have a very great trade?' 'No trade.'
'Very rich mines?' 'No mines.' 'From whence, then, does all this money
come?' 'Come! why out of the blood and bowels of the poor people
of Ireland!'

He seemed to me to have an unaccountable prejudice against Swift[116];
for I once took the liberty to ask him, if Swift had personally offended
him, and he told me he had not. He said to-day, 'Swift is clear, but he
is shallow. In coarse humour, he is inferior to Arbuthnot[117]; in
delicate humour, he is inferior to Addison. So he is inferior to his
contemporaries; without putting him against the whole world. I doubt if
the _Tale of a Tub_ was his[118]: it has so much more thinking, more
knowledge, more power, more colour, than any of the works which are
indisputably his. If it was his, I shall only say, he was _impar
sibi_[119].'

We gave him as good a dinner as we could. Our Scotch muir-fowl, or
growse, were then abundant, and quite in season; and so far as wisdom
and wit can be aided by administering agreeable sensations to the
palate, my wife took care that our great guest should not be deficient.

Sir Adolphus Oughton, then our Deputy Commander in Chief, who was not
only an excellent officer, but one of the most universal scholars I ever
knew, had learned the Erse language, and expressed his belief in the
authenticity of Ossian's Poetry[120]. Dr. Johnson took the opposite side
of that perplexed question; and I was afraid the dispute would have run
high between them. But Sir Adolphus, who had a very sweet temper,
changed the discourse, grew playful, laughed at Lord Monboddo's[121]
notion of men having tails, and called him a Judge, _à posteriori_,
which amused Dr. Johnson; and thus hostilities were prevented.

At supper[122] we had Dr. Cullen, his son the advocate, Dr. Adam
Fergusson, and Mr. Crosbie, advocate. Witchcraft was introduced[123].
Mr. Crosbie said, he thought it the greatest blasphemy to suppose evil
spirits counteracting the Deity, and raising storms, for instance, to
destroy his creatures. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, if moral evil be consistent
with the government of the Deity, why may not physical evil be also
consistent with it? It is not more strange that there should be evil
spirits, than evil men: evil unembodied spirits, than evil embodied
spirits. And as to storms, we know there are such things; and it is no
worse that evil spirits raise them, than that they rise.' CROSBIE. 'But
it is not credible, that witches should have effected what they are said
in stories to have done.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, I am not defending their
credibility. I am only saying, that your arguments are not good, and
will not overturn the belief of witchcraft.--(Dr. Fergusson said to me,
aside, 'He is right.')--And then, Sir, you have all mankind, rude and
civilized, agreeing in the belief of the agency of preternatural powers.
You must take evidence: you must consider, that wise and great men have
condemned witches to die[124].' CROSBIE. 'But an act of parliament put
an end to witchcraft[125].' JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; witchcraft had ceased;
and therefore an act of parliament was passed to prevent persecution for
what was not witchcraft. Why it ceased, we cannot tell, as we cannot
tell the reason of many other things.'--Dr. Cullen, to keep up the
gratification of mysterious disquisition, with the grave address for
which he is remarkable in his companionable as in his professional
hours, talked, in a very entertaining manner, of people walking and
conversing in their sleep. I am very sorry I have no note of this. We
talked of the _Ouran-Outang_, and of Lord Monboddo's thinking that he
might be taught to speak. Dr. Johnson treated this with ridicule. Mr.
Crosbie said, that Lord Monboddo believed the existence of every thing
possible; in short, that all which is in _posse_ might be found in
_esse_. JOHNSON. 'But, Sir, it is as possible that the _Ouran-Outang_
does not speak, as that he speaks. However, I shall not contest the
point. I should have thought it not possible to find a Monboddo; yet
_he_ exists.' I again mentioned the stage. JOHNSON. 'The appearance of a
player, with whom I have drunk tea, counteracts the imagination that he
is the character he represents. Nay, you know, nobody imagines that he
is the character he represents. They say, "See _Garrick!_ how he looks
to night! See how he'll clutch the dagger!" That is the buz of the
theatre[126].'




TUESDAY, AUGUST 17.

Sir William Forbes came to breakfast, and brought with him Dr.
Blacklock[127], whom he introduced to Dr. Johnson, who received him with
a most humane complacency; 'Dear Dr. Blacklock, I am glad to see you!'
Blacklock seemed to be much surprized, when Dr. Johnson said, 'it was
easier to him to write poetry than to compose his _Dictionary_[128]. His
mind was less on the stretch in doing the one than the other. Besides;
composing a _Dictionary_ requires books and a desk: you can make a poem
walking in the fields, or lying in bed. Dr. Blacklock spoke of
scepticism in morals and religion, with apparent uneasiness, as if he
wished for more certainty[129]. Dr. Johnson, who had thought it all
over, and whose vigorous understanding was fortified by much experience,
thus encouraged the blind Bard to apply to higher speculations what we
all willingly submit to in common life: in short, he gave him more
familiarly the able and fair reasoning of Butler's _Analogy_: 'Why, Sir,
the greatest concern we have in this world, the choice of our
profession, must be determined without demonstrative reasoning. Human
life is not yet so well known, as that we can have it. And take the case
of a man who is ill. I call two physicians: they differ in opinion. I am
not to lie down, and die between them: I must do something.' The
conversation then turned on Atheism; on that horrible book, _Système de
la Nature_[130]; and on the supposition of an eternal necessity, without
design, without a governing mind. JOHNSON. 'If it were so, why has it
ceased? Why don't we see men thus produced around us now? Why, at least,
does it not keep pace, in some measure, with the progress of time? If
it stops because there is now no need of it, then it is plain there is,
and ever has been, an all powerful intelligence. But stay! (said he,
with one of his satyrick laughs[131].) Ha! ha! ha! I shall suppose
Scotchmen made necessarily, and Englishmen by choice.'

At dinner this day, we had Sir Alexander Dick, whose amiable character,
and ingenious and cultivated mind, are so generally known; (he was then
on the verge of seventy, and is now (1785) eighty-one, with his
faculties entire, his heart warm, and his temper gay;) Sir David
Dalrymple, Lord Hailes; Mr. Maclaurin[132], advocate; Dr. Gregory, who
now worthily fills his father's medical chair[133]; and my uncle, Dr.
Boswell. This was one of Dr. Johnson's best days. He was quite in his
element. All was literature and taste, without any interruption. Lord
Hailes, who is one of the best philologists in Great Britain, who has
written papers in _The World_[134], and a variety of other works in
prose and in verse, both Latin and English, pleased him highly. He told
him, he had discovered the life of _Cheynel_, in _The Student_[135], to
be his. JOHNSON. 'No one else knows it.' Dr. Johnson had, before this,
dictated to me a law-paper, upon a question purely in the law of
Scotland, concerning _vicious intromission_[136], that is to say,
intermeddling with the effects of a deceased person, without a regular
title; which formerly was understood to subject the intermeddler to
payment of all the defunct's debts. The principle has of late been
relaxed. Dr. Johnson's argument was, for a renewal of its strictness.
The paper was printed, with additions by me, and given into the Court of
Session. Lord Hailes knew Dr. Johnson's part not to be mine, and pointed
out exactly where it began, and where it ended. Dr. Johnson said, 'It is
much, now, that his lordship can distinguish so.'  In Dr. Johnson's
_Vanity of Human Wishes_, there is the following passage:--

     'The teeming mother, anxious for her race,
      Begs, for each birth, the fortune of a face:
      Yet _Vane_ could tell, what ills from beauty spring,
      And _Sedley_ curs'd the charms which pleas'd a king[137].'

Lord Hailes told him, he was mistaken in the instances he had given of
unfortunate fair ones; for neither _Vane_ nor _Sedley_ had a title to
that description. His Lordship has since been so obliging as to send me
a note of this, for the communication of which I am sure my readers
will thank me.

'The lines in the tenth Satire of Juvenal, according to my alteration,
should have run thus:--

     'Yet _Shore_[138] could tell-----;
      And _Valiere_[139] curs'd------.'

'The first was a penitent by compulsion, the second by sentiment; though
the truth is, Mademoiselle de la Valiere threw herself (but still from
sentiment) in the King's way.

'Our friend chose _Vane_[140], who was far from being well-looked; and
_Sedley_, who was so ugly, that Charles II. said, his brother had her by
way of penance[141].'

Mr. Maclaurin's learning and talents enabled him to do his part very
well in Dr. Johnson's company. He produced two epitaphs upon his
father, the celebrated mathematician[142]. One was in English, of which
Dr. Johnson did not change one word. In the other, which was in Latin,
he made several alterations. In place of the very words of _Virgil_,
'_Ubi luctus et pavor et plurima mortis imago_[143],' he wrote '_Ubi
luctus regnant et pavor_.' He introduced the word _prorsus_ into the
line '_Mortalibus prorsus non absit solatium_,' and after '_Hujus enim
scripta evolve_,' he added '_Mentemque tantarum rerum capacem corpori
caduco superstitem crede_;' which is quite applicable to Dr. Johnson
himself[144].

Mr. Murray, advocate, who married a niece of Lord Mansfield's, and is
now one of the judges of Scotland, by the title of Lord _Henderland_,
sat with us a part of the evening; but did not venture to say any thing,
that I remember, though he is certainly possessed of talents which would
have enabled him to have shewn himself to advantage, if too great
anxiety had not prevented him.

At supper we had Dr. Alexander Webster, who, though not, learned, had
such a knowledge of mankind, such a fund of information and
entertainment, so clear a head and such accommodating manners, that Dr.
Johnson found him a very agreeable companion.

When Dr. Johnson and I were left by ourselves, I read to him my notes of
the Opinions of our Judges upon the questions of Literary Property[145].
He did not like them; and said, 'they make me think of your Judges not
with that respect which I should wish to do.' To the argument of one of
them, that there can be no property in blasphemy or nonsense, he
answered, 'then your rotten sheep are mine! By that rule, when a man's
house falls into decay, he must lose it.' I mentioned an argument of
mine, that literary performances are not taxed. As _Churchill_ says,

     'No statesman yet has thought it worth his pains
      To tax our labours, or excise our brains[146];'

and therefore they are not property. 'Yet, (said he,) we hang a man for
stealing a horse, and horses are not taxed.' Mr. Pitt has since put an
end to that argument[147].




WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 18.

On this day we set out from Edinburgh. We should gladly have had Mr.
Scott to go with us; but he was obliged to return to England.--I have
given a sketch of Dr. Johnson: my readers may wish to know a little of
his fellow traveller[148]. Think then, of a gentleman of ancient blood,
the pride of which was his predominant passion. He was then in his
thirty-third year, and had been about four years happily married. His
inclination was to be a soldier[149]; but his father, a respectable[150]
Judge, had pressed him into the profession of the law. He had travelled
a good deal, and seen many varieties of human life. He had thought more
than any body supposed, and had a pretty good stock of general learning
and knowledge[151]. He had all Dr. Johnson's principles, with some
degree of relaxation. He had rather too little, than too much prudence;
and, his imagination being lively, he often said things of which the
effect was very different from the intention[152]. He resembled sometimes

     'The best good man, with the worst natur'd muse[153].'

He cannot deny himself the vanity of finishing with the encomium of Dr.
Johnson, whose friendly partiality to the companion of his Tour
represents him as one 'whose acuteness would help my enquiry, and whose
gaiety of conversation, and civility of manners, are sufficient to
counteract the inconveniences of travel, in countries less hospitable
than we have passed[154].'  Dr. Johnson thought it unnecessary to put
himself to the additional expence of bringing with him Francis Barber,
his faithful black servant; so we were attended only by my man, Joseph
Ritter, a Bohemian; a fine stately fellow above six feet high, who had
been over a great part of Europe, and spoke many languages. He was the
best servant I ever saw. Let not my readers disdain his introduction!
For Dr. Johnson gave him this character: 'Sir, he is a civil man, and a
wise man[155].'

From an erroneous apprehension of violence, Dr. Johnson had provided a
pair of pistols, some gunpowder, and a quantity of bullets: but upon
being assured we should run no risk of meeting any robbers, he left his
arms and ammunition in an open drawer, of which he gave my wife the
charge. He also left in that drawer one volume of a pretty full and
curious Diary of his Life, of which I have a few fragments; but the book
has been destroyed. I wish female curiosity had been strong enough to
have had it all transcribed; which might easily have been done; and I
should think the theft, being _pro bono publico_, might have been
forgiven. But I may be wrong. My wife told me she never once looked into
it[156].--She did not seem quite easy when we left her: but away
we went!

Mr. Nairne, advocate, was to go with us as far as St. Andrews. It gives
me pleasure that, by mentioning his _name_, I connect his title to the
just and handsome compliment paid him by Dr. Johnson, in his book: 'A
gentleman who could stay with us only long enough to make us know how
much we lost by his leaving us[157]. 'When we came to Leith, I talked
with perhaps too boasting an air, how pretty the Frith of Forth looked;
as indeed, after the prospect from Constantinople, of which I have been
told, and that from Naples, which I have seen, I believe the view of
that Frith and its environs, from the Castle-hill of Edinburgh, is the
finest prospect in Europe. 'Ay, (said Dr. Johnson,) that is the state of
the world. Water is the same every where.

     "Una est injusti caerula forma maris[158]."'

I told him the port here was the mouth of the river or water of _Leith_.
'Not _Lethe_; said Mr. Nairne. 'Why, Sir, (said Dr. Johnson,) when a
Scotchman sets out from this port for England, he forgets his native
country.' NAIRNE. 'I hope, Sir, you will forget England here.' JOHNSON.
'Then 'twill still be more _Lethe_' He observed of the Pier or Quay,
'you have no occasion for so large a one: your trade does not require
it: but you are like a shopkeeper who takes a shop, not only for what he
has to put in it, but that it may be believed he has a great deal to put
into it.' It is very true, that there is now, comparatively, little
trade upon the eastern coast of Scotland. The riches of Glasgow shew how
much there is in the west; and perhaps we shall find trade travel
westward on a great scale, as well as a small.

We talked of a man's drowning himself. JOHNSON. 'I should never think it
time to make away with myself.' I put the case of Eustace Budgell[159],
who was accused of forging a will, and sunk himself in the Thames,
before the trial of its authenticity came on. 'Suppose, Sir, (said I,)
that a man is absolutely sure, that, if he lives a few days longer, he
shall be detected in a fraud, the consequence of which will be utter
disgrace and expulsion from society.' JOHNSON. 'Then, Sir, let him go
abroad to a distant country; let him go to some place where he is _not_
known. Don't let him go to the devil where he _is_ known!'

He then said, 'I see a number of people bare-footed here: I suppose you
all went so before the Union. Boswell, your ancestors went so, when they
had as much land as your family has now. Yet _Auchinleck_ is the _Field
of Stones_: there would be bad going bare-footed there. The _Lairds_,
however, did it.' I bought some _speldings_, fish (generally whitings)
salted and dried in a particular manner, being dipped in the sea and
dried in the sun, and eaten by the Scots by way of a relish. He had
never seen them, though they are sold in London. I insisted on
_scottifying_[160] his palate; but he was very reluctant. With
difficulty I prevailed with him to let a bit of one of them lie in his
mouth. He did not like it.

In crossing the Frith, Dr. Johnson determined that we should land upon
Inch Keith[161]. On approaching it, we first observed a high rocky
shore. We coasted about, and put into a little bay on the North-west. We
clambered up a very steep ascent, on which was very good grass, but
rather a profusion of thistles. There were sixteen head of black cattle
grazing upon the island. Lord Hailes observed to me, that Brantome calls
it _L'isle des Chevaux_, and that it was probably 'a _safer_ stable'
than many others in his time. The fort[162], with an inscription on
it, _Maria Re_ 1564, is strongly built. Dr. Johnson examined it with much
attention. He stalked like a giant among the luxuriant thistles and
nettles. There are three wells in the island; but we could not find one
in the fort. There must probably have been one, though now filled up, as
a garrison could not subsist without it. But I have dwelt too long on
this little spot. Dr. Johnson afterwards bade me try to write a
description of our discovering Inch Keith, in the usual style of
travellers, describing fully every particular; stating the grounds on
which we concluded that it must have once been inhabited, and
introducing many sage reflections; and we should see how a thing might
be covered in words, so as to induce people to come and survey it. All
that was told might be true, and yet in reality there might be nothing
to see. He said, 'I'd have this island. I'd build a house, make a good
landing-place, have a garden, and vines, and all sorts of trees. A rich
man, of a hospitable turn, here, would have many visitors from
Edinburgh.' When we got into our boat again, he called to me, 'Come,
now, pay a classical compliment to the island on quitting it.' I
happened luckily, in allusion to the beautiful Queen Mary, whose name is
upon the fort, to think of what Virgil makes Aeneas say, on having left
the country of his charming Dido.

     'Invitus, regina, tuo de littore cessi[163].'

'Very well hit off!' said he.

We dined at Kinghorn, and then got into a post-chaise[164]. Mr. Nairne
and his servant, and Joseph, rode by us. We stopped at Cupar, and drank
tea. We talked of parliament; and I said, I supposed very few of the
members knew much of what was going on, as indeed very few gentlemen
know much of their own private affairs. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, if a man is
not of a sluggish mind, he may be his own steward. If he will look into
his affairs, he will soon learn[165]. So it is as to publick affairs.
There must always be a certain number of men of business in parliament.'
BOSWELL. 'But consider, Sir; what is the House of Commons? Is not a
great part of it chosen by peers? Do you think, Sir, they ought to have
such an influence?' JOHNSON. 'Yes, Sir. Influence must ever be in
proportion to property; and it is right it should[166].' BOSWELL. 'But
is there not reason to fear that the common people may be oppressed?'
JOHNSON. 'No, Sir. Our great fear is from want of power in government.
Such a storm of vulgar force has broke in.' BOSWELL. 'It has only
roared.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, it has roared, till the Judges in
Westminster-Hall have been afraid to pronounce sentence in opposition to
the popular cry[167]. You are frightened by what is no longer dangerous,
like Presbyterians by Popery.' He then repeated a passage, I think, in
_Butler's Remains_, which ends, 'and would cry, Fire! Fire! in Noah's
flood[168].'

We had a dreary drive, in a dusky night, to St. Andrews, where we
arrived late. We found a good supper at Glass's inn, and Dr. Johnson
revived agreeably. He said, 'the collection called _The Muses' Welcome
to King James_, (first of England, and sixth of Scotland,) on his return
to his native kingdom, shewed that there was then abundance of learning
in Scotland; and that the conceits in that collection, with which people
find fault, were mere mode.' He added, 'we could not now entertain a
sovereign so; that Buchanan had spread the spirit of learning amongst
us, but we had lost it during the civil wars[169].' He did not allow the
Latin Poetry of Pitcairne so much merit as has been usually attributed
to it; though he owned that one of his pieces, which he mentioned, but
which I am sorry is not specified in my notes, was, 'very well.' It is
not improbable that it was the poem which Prior has so elegantly
translated[170].

After supper, we made a _procession_ to _Saint Leonard's College_, the
landlord walking before us with a candle, and the waiter with a lantern.
That college had some time before been dissolved; and Dr. Watson, a
professor here, (the historian of Philip II.) had purchased the ground,
and what buildings remained. When we entered this court, it seemed quite
academical; and we found in his house very comfortable and genteel
accommodation[171].




THURSDAY, AUGUST 19.

We rose much refreshed. I had with me a map of Scotland, a bible which
was given me by Lord Mountstuart when we were together in Italy[172],
and Ogden's _Sermons on Prayer_; Mr. Nairne introduced us to Dr. Watson,
whom we found a well-informed man, of very amiable manners. Dr. Johnson,
after they were acquainted, said, 'I take great delight in him.' His
daughter, a very pleasing young lady, made breakfast. Dr. Watson
observed, that Glasgow University had fewer home-students, since trade
increased, as learning was rather incompatible with it. JOHNSON. 'Why,
Sir, as trade is now carried on by subordinate hands, men in trade have
as much leisure as others; and now learning itself is a trade. A man
goes to a bookseller, and gets what he can. We have done with
patronage[173]. In the infancy of learning, we find some great man
praised for it. This diffused it among others. When it becomes general,
an authour leaves the great, and applies to the multitude.' BOSWELL. 'It
is a shame that authours are not now better patronized.' JOHNSON. 'No,
Sir. If learning cannot support a man, if he must sit with his hands
across till somebody feeds him, it is as to him a bad thing, and it is
better as it is. With patronage, what flattery! what falsehood! While a
man is in equilibrio, he throws truth among the multitude, and lets them
take it as they please: in patronage, he must say what pleases his
patron, and it is an equal chance whether that be truth or falsehood.'
WATSON. 'But is not the case now, that, instead of flattering one
person, we flatter the age?' JOHNSON. 'No, Sir. The world always lets a
man tell what he thinks, his own way. I wonder, however, that so many
people have written, who might have let it alone. That people should
endeavour to excel in conversation, I do not wonder; because in
conversation praise is instantly reverberated[174].'

We talked of change of manners. Dr. Johnson observed, that our drinking
less than our ancestors was owing to the change from ale to wine.' I
remember, (said he,) when all the _decent_ people in Lichfield got drunk
every night, and were not the worse thought of[175]. Ale was cheap, so
you pressed strongly. When a man must bring a bottle of wine, he is not
in such haste. Smoking has gone out. To be sure, it is a shocking thing,
blowing smoke out of our mouths into other people's mouths, eyes, and
noses, and having the same thing done to us. Yet I cannot account, why a
thing which requires so little exertion, and yet preserves the mind from
total vacuity, should have gone out[176]. Every man has something by
which he calms himself: beating with his feet, or so[177]. I remember
when people in England changed a shirt only once a week[178]: a Pandour,
when he gets a shirt, greases it to make it last. Formerly, good
tradesmen had no fire but in the kitchen; never in the parlour, except
on Sunday. My father, who was a magistrate of Lichfield, lived thus.
They never began to have a fire in the parlour, but on leaving off
business, or some great revolution of their life.' Dr. Watson said, the
hall was as a kitchen, in old squires' houses. JOHNSON. 'No, Sir. The
hall was for great occasions, and never was used for domestick
refection[179].' We talked of the Union, and what money it had brought
into Scotland. Dr. Watson observed, that a little money formerly went as
far as a great deal now. JOHNSON. 'In speculation, it seems that a
smaller quantity of money, equal in value to a larger quantity, if
equally divided, should produce the same effect. But it is not so in
reality. Many more conveniences and elegancies are enjoyed where money
is plentiful, than where it is scarce. Perhaps a great familiarity with
it, which arises from plenty, makes us more easily part with it.'

After what Dr. Johnson had said of St. Andrews, which he had long wished
to see, as our oldest university, and the seat of our Primate in the
days of episcopacy, I can say little. Since the publication of Dr.
Johnson's book, I find that he has been censured for not seeing here
the ancient chapel of _St. Rule_, a curious piece of sacred
architecture.[180] But this was neither his fault nor mine. We were both
of us abundantly desirous of surveying such sort of antiquities: but
neither of us knew of this. I am afraid the censure must fall on those
who did not tell us of it. In every place, where there is any thing
worthy of observation, there should be a short printed directory for
strangers, such as we find in all the towns of Italy, and in some of the
towns in England. I was told that there is a manuscript account of St.
Andrews, by Martin, secretary to Archbishop Sharp;[181] and that one
Douglas has published a small account of it. I inquired at a
bookseller's, but could not get it. Dr. Johnson's veneration for the
Hierarchy is well known.[182] There is no wonder then, that he was
affected with a strong indignation, while he beheld the ruins of
religious magnificence. I happened to ask where John Knox was buried.
Dr. Johnson burst out, 'I hope in the high-way.[183] I have been looking
at his reformations.'[184]  It was a very fine day. Dr. Johnson seemed
quite wrapt up in the contemplation of the scenes which were now
presented to him. He kept his hat off while he was upon any part of the
ground where the cathedral had stood. He said well, that 'Knox had set
on a mob, without knowing where it would end; and that differing from a
man in doctrine was no reason why you should pull his house about his
ears.' As we walked in the cloisters, there was a solemn echo, while he
talked loudly of a proper retirement from the world. Mr. Nairne said, he
had an inclination to retire. I called Dr. Johnson's attention to this,
that I might hear his opinion if it was right. JOHNSON. 'Yes, when he
has done his duty to society[185]. In general, as every man is obliged
not only to "love GOD, but his neighbour as himself," he must bear his
part in active life; yet there are exceptions. Those who are exceedingly
scrupulous, (which I do not approve, for I am no friend to
scruples[186],) and find their scrupulosity[187] invincible, so that
they are quite in the dark, and know not what they shall do,--or those
who cannot resist temptations, and find they make themselves worse by
being in the world, without making it better, may retire[188]. I never
read of a hermit, but in imagination I kiss his feet; never of a
monastery, but I could fall on my knees, and kiss the pavement. But I
think putting young people there, who know nothing of life, nothing of
retirement, is dangerous and wicked[189]. It is a saying as old
as Hesiod,

     Erga neon, boulaite meson, enchaite geronton[190].

That is a very noble line: not that young men should not pray, or old
men not give counsel, but that every season of life has its proper
duties. I have thought of retiring, and have talked of it to a friend;
but I find my vocation is rather to active life.' I said, some young
monks might be allowed, to shew that it is not age alone that can retire
to pious solitude; but he thought this would only shew that they could
not resist temptation.

He wanted to mount the steeples, but it could not be done. There are no
good inscriptions here. Bad Roman characters he naturally mistook for
half Gothick, half Roman. One of the steeples, which he was told was in
danger, he wished not to be taken down; 'for, said he, it may fall on
some of the posterity of John Knox; and no great matter!'--Dinner was
mentioned. JOHNSON. 'Ay, ay; amidst all these sorrowful scenes, I have
no objection to dinner[191].'

We went and looked at the castle, where Cardinal Beaton was
murdered[192], and then visited Principal Murison at his college, where
is a good library-room; but the Principal was abundantly vain of it, for
he seriously said to Dr. Johnson, 'you have not such a one in
England.'[193]

The professors entertained us with a very good dinner. Present: Murison,
Shaw, Cook, Hill, Haddo, Watson, Flint, Brown. I observed, that I
wondered to see him eat so well, after viewing so many sorrowful scenes
of ruined religious magnificence. 'Why, said he, I am not sorry, after
seeing these gentlemen; for they are not sorry.' Murison said, all
sorrow was bad, as it was murmuring against the dispensations of
Providence. JOHNSON. 'Sir, sorrow is inherent in humanity. As you cannot
judge two and two to be either five, or three, but certainly four, so,
when comparing a worse present state with a better which is past, you
cannot but feel sorrow.[194] It is not cured by reason, but by the
incursion of present objects, which wear out the past. You need not
murmur, though you are sorry.' MURISON. 'But St. Paul says, "I have
learnt, in whatever state I am, therewith to be content."' JOHNSON.
'Sir, that relates to riches and poverty; for we see St. Paul, when he
had a thorn in the flesh, prayed earnestly to have it removed; and then
he could not be content.' Murison, thus refuted, tried to be smart, and
drank to Dr. Johnson, 'Long may you lecture!' Dr. Johnson afterwards,
speaking of his not drinking wine, said, 'The Doctor spoke of
_lecturing_ (looking to him). I give all these lectures on water.'

He defended requiring subscription in those admitted to universities,
thus: 'As all who come into the country must obey the king, so all who
come into an university must be of the church[195].'

And here I must do Dr. Johnson the justice to contradict a very absurd
and ill-natured story, as to what passed at St. Andrews. It has been
circulated, that, after grace was said in English, in the usual manner,
he with the greatest marks of contempt, as if he had held it to be no
grace in an university, would not sit down till he had said grace aloud
in Latin. This would have been an insult indeed to the gentlemen who
were entertaining us. But the truth was precisely thus. In the course of
conversation at dinner, Dr. Johnson, in very good humour, said, 'I
should have expected to have heard a Latin grace, among so many learned
men: we had always a Latin grace at Oxford. I believe I can repeat
it.'[196] Which he did, as giving the learned men in one place a
specimen of what was done by the learned men in another place.

We went and saw the church, in which is Archbishop Sharp's
monument.[197] I was struck with the same kind of feelings with which
the churches of Italy impressed me. I was much pleased, to see Dr.
Johnson actually in St. Andrews, of which we had talked so long.
Professor Haddo was with us this afternoon, along with Dr. Watson. We
looked at St. Salvador's College. The rooms for students seemed very
commodious, and Dr. Johnson said, the chapel was the neatest place of
worship he had seen. The key of the library could not be found; for it
seems Professor Hill, who was out of town, had taken it with him. Dr.
Johnson told a joke he had heard of a monastery abroad, where the key of
the library could never be found.

It was somewhat dispiriting, to see this ancient archiepiscopal city
now sadly deserted[198]. We saw in one of its streets a remarkable proof
of liberal toleration; a nonjuring clergyman, strutting about in his
canonicals, with a jolly countenance and a round belly, like a
well-fed monk.

We observed two occupations united in the same person, who had hung out
two sign-posts. Upon one was, 'James Hood, White Iron Smith' (_i.e._
Tin-plate Worker). Upon another, 'The Art of Fencing taught, by James
Hood.'--Upon this last were painted some trees, and two men fencing, one
of whom had hit the other in the eye, to shew his great dexterity; so
that the art was well taught. JOHNSON. 'Were I studying here, I should
go and take a lesson. I remember _Hope_, in his book on this art[199],
says, "the Scotch are very good fencers."'

We returned to the inn, where we had been entertained at dinner, and
drank tea in company with some of the Professors, of whose civilities I
beg leave to add my humble and very grateful acknowledgement to the
honourable testimony of Dr. Johnson, in his _Journey_[200].

We talked of composition, which was a favourite topick of Dr. Watson's,
who first distinguished himself by lectures on rhetorick. JOHNSON. 'I
advised Chambers, and would advise every young man beginning to compose,
to do it as fast as he can, to get a habit of having his mind to start
promptly; it is so much more difficult to improve in speed than in
accuracy[201].' WATSON. 'I own I am for much attention to accuracy in
composing, lest one should get bad habits of doing it in a slovenly
manner.' JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, you are confounding _doing_ inaccurately
with the _necessity_ of doing inaccurately. A man knows when his
composition is inaccurate, and when he thinks fit he'll correct it. But,
if a man is accustomed to compose slowly, and with difficulty, upon all
occasions, there is danger that he may not compose at all, as we do not
like to do that which is not done easily; and, at any rate, more time is
consumed in a small matter than ought to be.' WATSON. 'Dr. Hugh Blair
has taken a week to compose a sermon.' JOHNSON. 'Then, Sir, that is for
want of the habit of composing quickly, which I am insisting one should
acquire.' WATSON. 'Blair was not composing all the week, but only such
hours as he found himself disposed for composition.' JOHNSON. 'Nay, Sir,
unless you tell me the time he took, you tell me nothing. If I say I
took a week to walk a mile, and have had the gout five days, and been
ill otherwise another day, I have taken but one day. I myself have
composed about forty sermons[202]. I have begun a sermon after dinner,
and sent it off by the post that night. I wrote forty-eight of the
printed octavo pages of the _Life of Savage_ at a sitting; but then I
sat up all night. I have also written six sheets in a day of translation
from the French[203].' BOSWELL. 'We have all observed how one man
dresses himself slowly, and another fast.' JOHNSON. 'Yes, Sir: it is
wonderful how much time some people will consume in dressing; taking up
a thing and looking at it, and laying it down, and taking it up again.
Every one should get the habit of doing it quickly. I would say to a
young divine, "Here is your text; let me see how soon you can make a
sermon." Then I'd say, "Let me see how much better you can make it."
Thus I should see both his powers and his judgement.'

We all went to Dr. Watson's to supper. Miss Sharp, great grandchild of
Archbishop Sharp, was there; as was Mr. Craig, the ingenious architect
of the new town of Edinburgh[204] and nephew of Thomson, to whom Dr.
Johnson has since done so much justice, in his _Lives of the Poets_.

We talked of memory, and its various modes. JOHNSON. 'Memory will play
strange tricks. One sometimes loses a single word. I once lost _fugaces_
in the Ode _Posthume, Posthume_[205].' I mentioned to him, that a worthy
gentleman of my acquaintance actually forgot his own name. JOHNSON.
'Sir, that was a morbid oblivion.'




FRIDAY, AUGUST 20.

Dr. Shaw, the professor of divinity, breakfasted with us. I took out my
_Ogden on Prayer_, and read some of it to the company. Dr. Johnson
praised him. 'Abernethy[206], (said he,) allows only of a physical
effect of prayer upon the mind, which may be produced many ways, as well
as by prayer; for instance, by meditation. Ogden goes farther. In truth,
we have the consent of all nations for the efficacy of prayer, whether
offered up by individuals, or by assemblies; and Revelation has told us,
it will be effectual.' I said, 'Leechman seemed to incline to
Abernethy's doctrine.' Dr. Watson observed, that Leechman meant to shew,
that, even admitting no effect to be produced by prayer, respecting the
Deity, it was useful to our own minds[207]. He had given only a part of
his system. Dr. Johnson thought he should have given the whole.

Dr. Johnson enforced the strict observance of Sunday[208]. 'It should be
different (he observed) from another day. People may walk, but not throw
stones at birds. There may be relaxation, but there should be no
levity[209].'

We went and saw Colonel Nairne's garden and grotto. Here was a fine old
plane tree. Unluckily the colonel said, there was but this and another
large tree in the county. This assertion was an excellent cue for Dr.
Johnson, who laughed enormously, calling to me to hear it. He had
expatiated to me on the nakedness of that part of Scotland which he had
seen. His _Journey_ has been violently abused, for what he has said upon
this subject. But let it be considered, that, when Dr. Johnson talks of
trees, he means trees of good size, such as he was accustomed to see in
England; and of these there are certainly very few upon the _eastern
coast_ of Scotland. Besides, he said, that he meant to give only a map
of the road; and let any traveller observe how many trees, which deserve
the name, he can see from the road from Berwick to Aberdeen[210]. Had
Dr. Johnson said, 'there are _no_ trees' upon this line, he would have
said what is colloquially true; because, by no trees, in common speech,
we mean few. When he is particular in counting, he may be attacked. I
know not how Colonel Nairne came to say there were but _two_ large trees
in the county of Fife. I did not perceive that he smiled. There are
certainly not a great many; but I could have shewn him more than two at
_Balmuto_, from whence my ancestors came, and which now belongs to a
branch of my family[211].

The grotto was ingeniously constructed. In the front of it were
petrified stocks of fir, plane, and some other tree. Dr. Johnson said,
'Scotland has no right to boast of this grotto; it is owing to personal
merit. I never denied personal merit to many of you.' Professor Shaw
said to me, as we walked, 'This is a wonderful man; he is master of
every subject he handles.' Dr. Watson allowed him a very strong
understanding, but wondered at his total inattention to established
manners, as he came from London.

I have not preserved in my Journal, any of the conversation which passed
between Dr. Johnson and Professor Shaw; but I recollect Dr. Johnson said
to me afterwards, 'I took much to Shaw.'

We left St. Andrews about noon, and some miles from it observing, at
_Leuchars_, a church with an old tower, we stopped to look at it. The
_manse_, as the parsonage-house is called in Scotland, was close by. I
waited on the minister, mentioned our names, and begged he would tell us
what he knew about it. He was a very civil old man; but could only
inform us, that it was supposed to have stood eight hundred years. He
told us, there was a colony of Danes in his parish[212]; that they had
landed at a remote period of time, and still remained a distinct people.
Dr. Johnson shrewdly inquired whether they had brought women with them.
We were not satisfied as to this colony.

We saw, this day, Dundee and Aberbrothick, the last of which Dr. Johnson
has celebrated in his _Journey_[213]. Upon the road we talked of the
Roman Catholick faith. He mentioned (I think) Tillotson's argument
against transubstantiation: 'That we are as sure we see bread and wine
only, as that we read in the Bible the text on which that false doctrine
is founded. We have only the evidence of our senses for both[214].' 'If,
(he added,) GOD had never spoken figuratively, we might hold that he
speaks literally, when he says, "This is my body[215]."' BOSWELL. 'But
what do you say, Sir, to the ancient and continued tradition of the
church upon this point?' JOHNSON. 'Tradition, Sir, has no place, where
the Scriptures are plain; and tradition cannot persuade a man into a
belief of transubstantiation. Able men, indeed, have _said_ they
believed it.'

This is an awful subject. I did not then press Dr. Johnson upon it: nor
shall I now enter upon a disquisition concerning the import of those
words uttered by our Saviour[216], which had such an effect upon many of
his disciples, that they 'went back, and walked no more with him.' The
Catechism and solemn office for Communion, in the Church of England,
maintain a mysterious belief in more than a mere commemoration of the
death of Christ, by partaking of the elements of bread and wine.

Dr. Johnson put me in mind, that, at St. Andrews, I had defended my
profession very well, when the question had again been started, Whether
a lawyer might honestly engage with the first side that offers him a
fee. 'Sir, (said I,) it was with your arguments against Sir William
Forbes[217]: but it was much that I could wield the arms of Goliah.'

He said, our judges had not gone deep in the question concerning
literary property. I mentioned Lord Monboddo's opinion, that if a man
could get a work by heart, he might print it, as by such an act the mind
is exercised. JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; a man's repeating it no more makes it
his property, than a man may sell a cow which he drives home.' I said,
printing an abridgement of a work was allowed, which was only cutting
the horns and tail off the cow. JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; 'tis making the cow
have a calf[218].'

About eleven at night we arrived at Montrose. We found but a sorry inn,
where I myself saw another waiter put a lump of sugar with his fingers
into Dr. Johnson's lemonade, for which he called him 'Rascal!' It put me
in great glee that our landlord was an Englishman. I rallied the Doctor
upon this, and he grew quiet[219]. Both Sir John Hawkins's and Dr.
Burney's _History of Musick_ had then been advertised. I asked if this
was not unlucky: would not they hurt one another? JOHNSON. 'No, Sir.
They will do good to one another. Some will buy the one, some the other,
and compare them; and so a talk is made about a thing, and the books
are sold.'

He was angry at me for proposing to carry lemons with us to Sky, that
he might be sure to have his lemonade. 'Sir, (said he,) I do not wish to
be thought that feeble man who cannot do without any thing. Sir, it is
very bad manners to carry provisions to any man's house, as if he could
not entertain you. To an inferior, it is oppressive; to a superior, it
is insolent.'

Having taken the liberty, this evening, to remark to Dr. Johnson, that
he very often sat quite silent for a long time, even when in company
with only a single friend, which I myself had sometimes sadly
experienced, he smiled and said, 'It is true, Sir[220]. Tom Tyers, (for
so he familiarly called our ingenious friend, who, since his death, has
paid a biographical tribute to his memory[221],) Tom Tyers described me
the best. He once said to me, "Sir, you are like a ghost: you never
speak till you are spoken to[222]."'




SATURDAY, AUGUST 31.

Neither the Rev. Mr. Nisbet, the established minister, nor the Rev. Mr.
Spooner, the episcopal minister, were in town. Before breakfast, we went
and saw the town-hall, where is a good dancing-room, and other rooms for
tea-drinking. The appearance of the town from it is very well; but many
of the houses are built with their ends to the street, which looks
awkward. When we came down from it, I met Mr. Gleg, a merchant here. He
went with us to see the English chapel. It is situated on a pretty dry
spot, and there is a fine walk to it. It is really an elegant building,
both within and without. The organ is adorned with green and gold. Dr.
Johnson gave a shilling extraordinary to the clerk, saying, 'He belongs
to an honest church[223].' I put him in mind, that episcopals were but
_dissenters_ here; they were only _tolerated_. 'Sir, (said he,) we are
here, as Christians in Turkey.' He afterwards went into an apothecary's
shop, and ordered some medicine for himself, and wrote the prescription
in technical characters. The boy took him for a physician[224].

I doubted much which road to take, whether to go by the coast, or by
Laurence Kirk and Monboddo. I knew Lord Monboddo and Dr. Johnson did not
love each other[225]; yet I was unwilling not to visit his Lordship; and
was also curious to see them together[226]. I mentioned my doubts to Dr.
Johnson, who said, he would go two miles out of his way to see Lord
Monboddo[227]. I therefore sent Joseph forward with the
following note:--

'Montrose, August 21.

'My Dear Lord,

'Thus far I am come with Mr. Samuel Johnson. We must be at Aberdeen
to-night. I know you do not admire him so much as I do; but I cannot be
in this country without making you a bow at your old place, as I do not
know if I may again have an opportunity of seeing Monboddo. Besides, Mr.
Johnson says, he would go two miles out of his way to see Lord Monboddo.
I have sent forward my servant, that we may know if your lordship be
at home.

'I am ever, my dear lord,

'Most sincerely yours,

'JAMES BOSWELL.'

As we travelled onwards from Montrose, we had the Grampion hills in our
view, and some good land around us, but void of trees and hedges. Dr.
Johnson has said ludicrously, in his _Journey_, that the _hedges_ were
of _stone_[228]; for, instead of the verdant _thorn_ to refresh the eye,
we found the bare _wall_ or _dike_ intersecting the prospect. He
observed, that it was wonderful to see a country so divested, so
denuded of trees.

We stopped at Laurence Kirk[229], where our great Grammarian,
Ruddiman[230], was once schoolmaster. We respectfully remembered that
excellent man and eminent scholar, by whose labours a knowledge of the
Latin language will be preserved in Scotland, if it shall be preserved
at all. Lord Gardenston[231], one of our judges, collected money to
raise a monument to him at this place, which I hope will be well
executed[232]. I know my father gave five guineas towards it. Lord
Gardenston is the proprietor of Laurence Kirk, and has encouraged the
building of a manufacturing village, of which he is exceedingly fond,
and has written a pamphlet upon it[233], as if he had founded Thebes; in
which, however, there are many useful precepts strongly expressed. The
village seemed to be irregularly built, some of the houses being of
clay, some of brick, and some of brick and stone. Dr. Johnson observed,
they thatched well here.  I was a little acquainted with Mr. Forbes,
the minister of the parish. I sent to inform him that a gentleman
desired to see him. He returned for answer, 'that he would not come to a
stranger.' I then gave my name, and he came. I remonstrated to him for
not coming to a stranger; and, by presenting him to Dr. Johnson, proved
to him what a stranger might sometimes be. His Bible inculcates, 'be not
forgetful to entertain strangers,' and mentions the same motive[234]. He
defended himself by saying, 'He had once come to a stranger who sent for
him; and he found him "_a little worth person!_"'

Dr. Johnson insisted on stopping at the inn, as I told him that Lord
Gardenston had furnished it with a collection of books, that travellers
might have entertainment for the mind, as well as the body. He praised
the design, but wished there had been more books, and those
better chosen.

About a mile from Monboddo, where you turn off the road, Joseph was
waiting to tell us my lord expected us to dinner. We drove over a wild
moor. It rained, and the scene was somewhat dreary. Dr. Johnson
repeated, with solemn emphasis, Macbeth's speech on meeting the witches.
As we travelled on, he told me, 'Sir, you got into our club by doing
what a man can do[235]. Several of the members wished to keep you out.
Burke told me, he doubted if you were fit for it: but, now you are in,
none of them are sorry. Burke says, that you have so much good humour
naturally, it is scarce a virtue[236].' BOSWELL. 'They were afraid of
you, Sir, as it was you who proposed me.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, they knew, that
if they refused you, they'd probably never have got in another. I'd have
kept them all out. Beauclerk was very earnest for you.' BOSWELL.
"Beauclerk has a keenness of mind which is very uncommon." JOHNSON.
'Yes, Sir; and everything comes from him so easily. It appears to me
that I labour, when I say a good thing.' BOSWELL. 'You are loud, Sir;
but it is not an effort of mind[237].'

Monboddo is a wretched place, wild and naked, with a poor old house;
though, if I recollect right, there are two turrets which mark an old
baron's residence. Lord Monboddo received us at his gate most
courteously; pointed to the Douglas arms upon his house, and told us
that his great-grandmother was of that family. 'In such houses (said
he,) our ancestors lived, who were better men than we.' 'No, no, my lord
(said Dr. Johnson). We are as strong as they, and a great deal
wiser[238].' This was an assault upon one of Lord Monboddo's capital
dogmas, and I was afraid there would have been a violent altercation in
the very close, before we got into the house. But his lordship is
distinguished not only for 'ancient metaphysicks,' but for ancient
_politesse_, '_la vieille cour_' and he made no reply[239].

His lordship was dressed in a rustick suit, and wore a little round
hat; he told us, we now saw him as _Farmer Burnet_[240], and we should
have his family dinner, a farmer's dinner. He said, 'I should not have
forgiven Mr. Boswell, had he not brought you here, Dr. Johnson.' He
produced a very long stalk of corn, as a specimen of his crop, and said,
'You see here the _loetas segetes_[241];' he added, that _Virgil_ seemed
to be as enthusiastick a farmer as he[242], and was certainly a
practical one. JOHNSON. 'It does not always follow, my lord, that a man
who has written a good poem on an art, has practised it. Philip Miller
told me, that in Philips's _Cyder_, a poem, all the precepts were just,
and indeed better than in books written for the purpose of instructing;
yet Philips had never made cyder[243].'

I started the subject of emigration[244]. JOHNSON. 'To a man of mere
animal life, you can urge no argument against going to America, but that
it will be some time before he will get the earth to produce. But a man
of any intellectual enjoyment will not easily go and immerse himself and
his posterity for ages in barbarism.'

He and my lord spoke highly of Homer. JOHNSON. 'He had all the learning
of his age. The shield of Achilles shews a nation in war, a nation in
peace; harvest sport, nay, stealing[245].' MONBODDO. 'Ay, and what we
(looking to me) would call a parliament-house scene[246]; a cause
pleaded.' JOHNSON. 'That is part of the life of a nation in peace. And
there are in Homer such characters of heroes, and combinations of
qualities of heroes, that the united powers of mankind ever since have
not produced any but what are to be found there.' MONBODDO. 'Yet no
character is described.' JOHNSON. 'No; they all develope themselves.
Agamemnon is always a gentleman-like character; he has always [Greek:
Basilikon ti]. That the ancients held so, is plain from this; that
Euripides, in his _Hecuba_, makes him the person to interpose[247].'
MONBODDO. 'The history of manners is the most valuable. I never set a
high value on any other history.' JOHNSON. 'Nor I; and therefore I
esteem biography, as giving us what comes near to ourselves, what we can
turn to use[248].' BOSWELL. 'But in the course of general history, we
find manners. In wars, we see the dispositions of people, their degrees
of humanity, and other particulars.' JOHNSON. 'Yes; but then you must
take all the facts to get this; and it is but a little you get.'
MONBODDO. 'And it is that little which makes history valuable.' Bravo!
thought I; they agree like two brothers. MONBODDO. 'I am sorry, Dr.
Johnson, you were not longer at Edinburgh to receive the homage of our
men of learning.' JOHNSON. 'My lord, I received great respect and great
kindness.' BOSWELL. 'He goes back to Edinburgh after our tour.' We
talked of the decrease of learning in Scotland, and of the _Muses'
Welcome_[249]. JOHNSON. 'Learning is much decreased in England, in my
remembrance[250].' MONBODDO. 'You, Sir, have lived to see its decrease
in England, I its extinction in Scotland.' However, I brought him to
confess that the High School of Edinburgh did well. JOHNSON. 'Learning
has decreased in England, because learning will not do so much for a man
as formerly. There are other ways of getting preferment. Few bishops are
now made for their learning. To be a bishop, a man must be learned in a
learned age,--factious in a factious age; but always of eminence[251].
Warburton is an exception; though his learning alone did not raise him.
He was first an antagonist to Pope, and helped Theobald to publish his
_Shakspeare_; but, seeing Pope the rising man, when Crousaz attacked his
_Essay on Man_, for some faults which it has, and some which it has not,
Warburton defended it in the Review of that time[252]. This brought him
acquainted with Pope, and he gained his friendship. Pope introduced him
to Allen, Allen married him to his niece: so, by Allen's interest and
his own, he was made a bishop[253]. But then his learning was the _sine
qua non_: he knew how to make the most of it; but I do not find by any
dishonest means.' MONBODDO. 'He is a great man.' JOHNSON. 'Yes; he has
great knowledge,--great power of mind. Hardly any man brings greater
variety of learning to bear upon his point[254].' MONBODDO. 'He is one
of the greatest lights of your church.' JOHNSON. 'Why, we are not so
sure of his being very friendly to us[255]. He blazes, if you will, but
that is not always the steadiest light. Lowth is another bishop who has
risen by his learning.'

Dr. Johnson examined young Arthur, Lord Monboddo's son, in Latin. He
answered very well; upon which he said, with complacency, 'Get you gone!
When King James comes back[256], you shall be in the _Muses Welcome_!'
My lord and Dr. Johnson disputed a little, whether the Savage or the
London Shopkeeper had the best existence; his lordship, as usual,
preferring the Savage. My lord was extremely hospitable, and I saw both
Dr. Johnson and him liking each other better every hour.

Dr. Johnson having retired for a short time, his lordship spoke of his
conversation as I could have wished. Dr. Johnson had said, 'I have done
greater feats with my knife than this;' though he had eaten a very
hearty dinner. My lord, who affects or believes he follows an
abstemious system, seemed struck with Dr. Johnson's manner of living. I
had a particular satisfaction in being under the roof of Monboddo, my
lord being my father's old friend, and having been always very good to
me. We were cordial together. He asked Dr. Johnson and me to stay all
night. When I said we _must_ be at Aberdeen, he replied, 'Well, I am
like the Romans: I shall say to you, "Happy to come;--happy to depart!"'
He thanked Dr. Johnson for his visit.

JOHNSON. 'I little thought, when I had the honour to meet your Lordship
in London, that I should see you at Monboddo.'

After dinner, as the ladies[257] were going away, Dr. Johnson would
stand up. He insisted that politeness was of great consequence in
society. 'It is, (said he,) fictitious benevolence[258]. It supplies the
place of it amongst those who see each other only in publick, or but
little. Depend upon it, the want of it never fails to produce something
disagreeable to one or other. I have always applied to good breeding,
what Addison in his _Cato_[259] says of honour:--

     "Honour's a sacred tie; the law of Kings;
      The noble mind's distinguishing perfection,
      That aids and strengthens Virtue where it meets her;
      And imitates her actions where she is not."'

When he took up his large oak stick, he said, 'My lord, that's
_Homerick_[260];' thus pleasantly alluding to his lordship's
favourite writer.

Gory, my lord's black servant, was sent as our guide, to conduct us to
the high road. The circumstance of each of them having a black servant
was another point of similarity between Johnson and Monboddo. I
observed how curious it was to see an African in the North of Scotland,
with little or no difference of manners from those of the natives. Dr.
Johnson laughed to see Gory and Joseph riding together most cordially.
'Those two fellows, (said he,) one from Africa, the other from Bohemia,
seem quite at home.' He was much pleased with Lord Monboddo to-day. He
said, he would have pardoned him for a few paradoxes, when he found he
had so much that was good: but that, from his appearance in London, he
thought him all paradox; which would not do. He observed that his
lordship had talked no paradoxes to-day. 'And as to the savage and the
London shopkeeper, (said he,) I don't know but I might have taken the
side of the savage equally, had any body else taken the side of the
shopkeeper.[261]' He had said to my lord, in opposition to the value of
the savage's courage, that it was owing to his limited power of
thinking, and repeated Pope's verses, in which 'Macedonia's madman' is
introduced, and the conclusion is,

     'Yet ne'er looks forward farther than his nose[262].'

I objected to the last phrase, as being low. JOHNSON. 'Sir, it is
intended to be low: it is satire. The expression is debased, to debase
the character.'

When Gory was about to part from us, Dr. Johnson called to him, 'Mr.
Gory, give me leave to ask you a question! are you baptised?' Gory told
him he was, and confirmed by the Bishop of Durham. He then gave him
a shilling.

We had tedious driving this afternoon, and were somewhat drowsy. Last
night I was afraid Dr. Johnson was beginning to faint in his resolution;
for he said, 'If we must ride much, we shall not go; and there's an end
on't.' To-day, when he talked of _Sky_ with spirit, I said, 'Why, Sir,
you seemed to me to despond yesterday. You are a delicate Londoner;--you
are a maccaroni[263]; you can't ride.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, I shall ride
better than you. I was only afraid I should not find a horse able to
carry me.' I hoped then there would be no fear of getting through our
wild Tour.

We came to Aberdeen at half an hour past eleven. The New Inn, we were
told, was full. This was comfortless. The waiter, however, asked, if one
of our names was Boswell, and brought me a letter left at the inn: it
was from Mr. Thrale, enclosing one to Dr. Johnson[264]. Finding who I
was, we were told they would contrive to lodge us by putting us for a
night into a room with two beds. The waiter said to me in the broad
strong Aberdeenshire dialect, 'I thought I knew you by your likeness to
your father.' My father puts up at the New Inn, when on his circuit.
Little was said to-night. I was to sleep in a little press-bed in Dr.
Johnson's room. I had it wheeled out into the dining-room, and there I
lay very well.




SUNDAY, AUGUST 22.

I sent a message to Professor Thomas Gordon, who came and breakfasted
with us. He had secured seats for us at the English chapel. We found a
respectable congregation, and an admirable organ, well played by
Mr. Tait.

We walked down to the shore: Dr. Johnson laughed to hear that Cromwell's
soldiers taught the Aberdeen people to make shoes and stockings, and to
plant cabbages[265]. He asked, if weaving the plaids[266] was ever a
domestick art in the Highlands, like spinning or knitting. They could
not inform him here. But he conjectured probably, that where people
lived so remote from each other, it was likely to be a domestick art; as
we see it was among the ancients, from Penelope. I was sensible to-day,
to an extraordinary degree, of Dr. Johnson's excellent English
pronunciation. I cannot account for its striking me more now than any
other day: but it was as if new to me; and I listened to every sentence
which he spoke, as to a musical composition. Professor Gordon gave him
an account of the plan of education in his college. Dr. Johnson said, it
was similar to that at Oxford. Waller the poet's great-grandson was
studying here. Dr. Johnson wondered that a man should send his son so
far off, when there were so many good schools in England[267]. He said,
'At a great school there is all the splendour and illumination of many
minds; the radiance of all is concentrated in each, or at least
reflected upon each. But we must own that neither a dull boy, nor an
idle boy, will do so well at a great school as at a private one. For at
a great school there are always boys enough to do well easily, who are
sufficient to keep up the credit of the school; and after whipping being
tried to no purpose, the dull or idle boys are left at the end of a
class, having the appearance of going through the course, but learning
nothing at all[268]. Such boys may do good at a private school, where
constant attention is paid to them, and they are watched. So that the
question of publick or private education is not properly a general one;
but whether one or the other is best for _my son_.'  We were told the
present Mr. Waller was a plain country gentleman; and his son would be
such another. I observed, a family could not expect a poet but in a
hundred generations. 'Nay, (said Dr. Johnson,) not one family in a
hundred can expect a poet in a hundred generations.' He then repeated
Dryden's celebrated lines,

     'Three poets in three distant ages born,' &c.

and a part of a Latin translation of it done at Oxford[269]: he did not
then say by whom.

He received a card from Sir Alexander Gordon, who had been his
acquaintance twenty years ago in London, and who, 'if forgiven for not
answering a line from him,' would come in the afternoon. Dr. Johnson
rejoiced to hear of him, and begged he would come and dine with us. I
was much pleased to see the kindness with which Dr. Johnson received his
old friend Sir Alexander[270]; a gentleman of good family, _Lismore_,
but who had not the estate. The King's College here made him Professor
of Medicine, which affords him a decent subsistence. He told us that the
value of the stockings exported from Aberdeen was, in peace, a hundred
thousand pounds; and amounted, in time of war, to one hundred and
seventy thousand pounds. Dr. Johnson asked, What made the difference?
Here we had a proof of the comparative sagacity of the two professors.
Sir Alexander answered, 'Because there is more occasion for them in
war.' Professor Thomas Gordon answered, 'Because the Germans, who are
our great rivals in the manufacture of stockings, are otherwise employed
in time of war.' JOHNSON. 'Sir, you have given a very good solution.'

At dinner, Dr. Johnson ate several plate-fulls of Scotch broth, with
barley and peas in it, and seemed very fond of the dish. I said, 'You
never ate it before.' JOHNSON. 'No, Sir; but I don't care how soon I eat
it again[271].' My cousin, Miss Dallas, formerly of Inverness, was
married to Mr. Riddoch, one of the ministers of the English chapel here.
He was ill, and confined to his room; but she sent us a kind invitation
to tea, which we all accepted. She was the same lively, sensible,
cheerful woman as ever. Dr. Johnson here threw out some jokes against
Scotland. He said, 'You go first to Aberdeen; then to _Enbru_ (the
Scottish pronunciation of Edinburgh); then to Newcastle, to be polished
by the colliers; then to York; then to London.' And he laid hold of a
little girl, Stuart Dallas, niece to Mrs. Riddoch, and, representing
himself as a giant, said, he would take her with him! telling her, in a
hollow voice, that he lived in a cave, and had a bed in the rock, and
she should have a little bed cut opposite to it!

He thus treated the point, as to prescription of murder in
Scotland[272]. 'A jury in England would make allowance for deficiencies
of evidence, on account of lapse of time; but a general rule that a
crime should not be punished, or tried for the purpose of punishment,
after twenty years, is bad. It is cant to talk of the King's advocate
delaying a prosecution from malice. How unlikely is it the King's
advocate should have malice against persons who commit murder, or should
even know them at all. If the son of the murdered man should kill the
murderer who got off merely by prescription, I would help him to make
his escape; though, were I upon his jury, I would not acquit him. I
would not advise him to commit such an act. On the contrary, I would bid
him submit to the determination of society, because a man is bound to
submit to the inconveniences of it, as he enjoys the good: but the
young man, though politically wrong, would not be morally wrong. He
would have to say, 'here I am amongst barbarians, who not only refuse to
do justice, but encourage the greatest of all crimes. I am therefore in
a state of nature: for, so far as there is no law, it is a state of
nature: and consequently, upon the eternal and immutable law of justice,
which requires that he who sheds man's blood should have his blood
shed[273], I will stab the murderer of my father.'

We went to our inn, and sat quietly. Dr. Johnson borrowed, at Mr.
Riddoch's, a volume of _Massillon's Discourses on the Psalms_: but I
found he read little in it. Ogden too he sometimes took up, and glanced
at; but threw it down again. I then entered upon religious conversation.
Never did I see him in a better frame: calm, gentle, wise, holy. I said,
'Would not the same objection hold against the Trinity as against
Transubstantiation?' 'Yes, (said he,) if you take three and one in the
same sense. If you do so, to be sure you cannot believe it: but the
three persons in the Godhead are Three in one sense, and One in another.
We cannot tell how; and that is the mystery!'

I spoke of the satisfaction of Christ. He said his notion was, that it
did not atone for the sins of the world; but, by satisfying divine
justice, by shewing that no less than the Son of God suffered for sin,
it shewed to men and innumerable created beings, the heinousness of it,
and therefore rendered it unnecessary for divine vengeance to be
exercised against sinners, as it otherwise must have been; that in this
way it might operate even in favour of those who had never heard of it:
as to those who did hear of it, the effect it should produce would be
repentance and piety, by impressing upon the mind a just notion of sin:
that original sin was the propensity to evil, which no doubt was
occasioned by the fall. He presented this solemn subject in a new light
to me[274], and rendered much more rational and clear the doctrine of
what our Saviour has done for us;--as it removed the notion of imputed
righteousness in co-operating; whereas by this view, Christ has done all
already that he had to do, or is ever to do for mankind, by making his
great satisfaction; the consequences of which will affect each
individual according to the particular conduct of each. I would
illustrate this by saying, that Christ's satisfaction resembles a sun
placed to shew light to men, so that it depends upon themselves whether
they will walk the right way or not, which they could not have done
without that sun, '_the sun of righteousness_[275]' There is, however,
more in it than merely giving light--_a light to lighten the
Gentiles_[276]: for we are told, there _is healing under his
wings_[277]. Dr. Johnson said to me, 'Richard Baxter commends a
treatise by Grotius, _De Satisfactione Christi_. I have never read it:
but I intend to read it; and you may read it.' I remarked, upon the
principle now laid down, we might explain the difficult and seemingly
hard text, 'They that believe shall be saved; and they that believe not
shall be damned[278]:' They that believe shall have such an impression
made upon their minds, as will make them act so that they may be
accepted by GOD.

We talked of one of our friends[279] taking ill, for a length of time, a
hasty expression of Dr. Johnson's to him, on his attempting to prosecute
a subject that had a reference to religion, beyond the bounds within
which the Doctor thought such topicks should be confined in a mixed
company. JOHNSON. 'What is to become of society, if a friendship of
twenty years is to be broken off for such a cause?' As Bacon says,

     'Who then to frail mortality shall trust,
      But limns the water, or but writes in dust[280].'

I said, he should write expressly in support of Christianity; for that,
although a reverence for it shines through his works in several places,
that is not enough. 'You know, (said I,) what Grotius has done, and what
Addison has done[281].--You should do also.' He replied, 'I hope
I shall.'




MONDAY, AUGUST 23.

Principal Campbell, Sir Alexander Gordon, Professor Gordon, and
Professor Ross, visited us in the morning, as did Dr. Gerard, who had
come six miles from the country on purpose. We went and saw the
Marischal College[282], and at one o'clock we waited on the magistrates
in the town hall, as they had invited us in order to present Dr. Johnson
with the freedom of the town, which Provost Jopp did with a very good
grace. Dr. Johnson was much pleased with this mark of attention, and
received it very politely. There was a pretty numerous company
assembled. It was striking to hear all of them drinking 'Dr. Johnson!
Dr. Johnson!' in the town-hall of Aberdeen, and then to see him with
his burgess-ticket, or diploma[283], in his hat, which he wore as he
walked along the street, according to the usual custom. It gave me great
satisfaction to observe the regard, and indeed fondness too, which every
body here had for my father.

While Sir Alexander Gordon conducted Dr. Johnson to old Aberdeen,
Professor Gordon and I called on Mr. Riddoch, whom I found to be a grave
worthy clergyman. He observed, that, whatever might be said of Dr.
Johnson while he was alive, he would, after he was dead, be looked upon
by the world with regard and astonishment, on account of his
_Dictionary_.

Professor Gordon and I walked over to the Old College, which Dr. Johnson
had seen by this time. I stepped into the chapel, and looked at the tomb
of the founder, Archbishop Elphinston[284], of whom I shall have
occasion to write in my _History of James IV. of Scotland_, the patron
of my family[285].  We dined at Sir Alexander Gordon's. The Provost,
Professor Ross, Professor Dunbar, Professor Thomas Gordon, were there.
After dinner came in Dr. Gerard, Professor Leslie[286], Professor
Macleod. We had little or no conversation in the morning; now we were
but barren. The professors seemed afraid to speak[287].

Dr. Gerard told us that an eminent printer[288] was very intimate with
Warburton. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, he has printed some of his works, and
perhaps bought the property of some of them. The intimacy is such as one
of the professors here may have with one of the carpenters who is
repairing the college.' 'But, (said Gerard,) I saw a letter from him to
this printer, in which he says, that the one half of the clergy of the
church of Scotland are fanaticks, and the other half infidels.' JOHNSON.
'Warburton has accustomed himself to write letters just as he speaks,
without thinking any more of what he throws out[289]. When I read
Warburton first, and observed his force, and his contempt of mankind, I
thought he had driven the world before him; but I soon found that was
not the case; for Warburton, by extending his abuse, rendered it
ineffectual[290].'

He told me, when we were by ourselves, that he thought it very wrong in
the printer to shew Warburton's letter, as it was raising a body of
enemies against him. He thought it foolish in Warburton to write so to
the printer; and added, 'Sir, the worst way of being intimate, is by
scribbling.' He called Warburton's _Doctrine of Grace_[291] a poor
performance, and so he said was Wesley's Answer[292]. 'Warburton, he
observed, had laid himself very open. In particular, he was weak enough
to say, that, in some disorders of the imagination, people had spoken
with tongues, had spoken languages which they never knew before; a thing
as absurd as to say, that, in some disorders of the imagination, people
had been known to fly.'

I talked of the difference of genius, to try if I could engage Gerard in
a disquisition with Dr. Johnson; but I did not succeed. I mentioned, as
a curious fact, that Locke had written verses. JOHNSON. 'I know of none,
Sir, but a kind of exercise prefixed to Dr. Sydenham's Works[293], in
which he has some conceits about the dropsy, in which water and burning
are united; and how Dr. Sydenham removed fire by drawing off water,
contrary to the usual practice, which is to extinguish fire by bringing
water upon it. I am not sure that there is a word of all this; but it is
such kind of talk[294].'  We spoke of _Fingal_[295]. Dr. Johnson said
calmly, 'If the poems were really translated, they were certainly first
written down. Let Mr. Macpherson deposite the manuscript in one of the
colleges at Aberdeen, where there are people who can judge; and, if the
professors certify the authenticity, then there will be an end of the
controversy. If he does not take this obvious and easy method, he gives
the best reason to doubt; considering too, how much is against it
_à priori'_.

We sauntered after dinner in Sir Alexander's garden, and saw his little
grotto, which is hung with pieces of poetry written in a fair hand. It
was agreeable to observe the contentment and kindness of this quiet,
benevolent man. Professor Macleod was brother to Macleod of Talisker,
and brother-in-law to the Laird of Col. He gave me a letter to young
Col. I was weary of this day, and began to think wishfully of being
again in motion. I was uneasy to think myself too fastidious, whilst I
fancied Dr. Johnson quite satisfied. But he owned to me that he was
fatigued and teased by Sir Alexander's doing too much to entertain him.
I said, it was all kindness. JOHNSON. 'True, Sir; but sensation is
sensation.' BOSWELL. 'It is so: we feel pain equally from the surgeon's
probe, as from the sword of the foe.'

We visited two booksellers' shops, and could not find Arthur Johnston's
Poems'[296]. We went and sat near an hour at Mr. Riddoch's. He could
not tell distinctly how much education at the college here costs[297],
which disgusted Dr. Johnson. I had pledged myself that we should go to
the inn, and not stay supper. They pressed us, but he was resolute. I
saw Mr. Riddoch did not please him. He said to me, afterwards, 'Sir, he
has no vigour in his talk.' But my friend should have considered that he
himself was not in good humour; so that it was not easy to talk to his
satisfaction. We sat contentedly at our inn. He then became merry, and
observed how little we had either heard or said at Aberdeen: that the
Aberdonians had not started a single _mawkin_ (the Scottish word for
hare) for us to pursue[298].




TUESDAY, AUGUST 24.

We set out about eight in the morning, and breakfasted at Ellon. The
landlady said to me, 'Is not this the great Doctor that is going about
through the country?' I said, 'Yes.' 'Ay, (said she) we heard of him. I
made an errand into the room on purpose to see him. There's something
great in his appearance: it is a pleasure to have such a man in one's
house; a man who does so much good. If I had thought of it, I would have
shewn him a child of mine, who has had a lump on his throat for some
time.' 'But, (said I,) he is not a doctor of physick.' 'Is he an
oculist?' said the landlord. 'No, (said I,) he is only a very learned
man.' LANDLORD. 'They say he is the greatest man in England, except Lord
Mansfield[299].' Dr. Johnson was highly entertained with this, and I do
think he was pleased too. He said, 'I like the exception: to have called
me the greatest man in England, would have been an unmeaning compliment:
but the exception marked that the praise was in earnest: and, in
_Scotland_, the exception must be _Lord Mansfield_, or--_Sir John
Pringle_[300].'

He told me a good story of Dr. Goldsmith. Graham, who wrote _Telemachus,
a Masque_[301], was sitting one night with him and Dr. Johnson, and was
half drunk. He rattled away to Dr. Johnson: 'You are a clever fellow, to
be sure; but you cannot write an essay like Addison, or verses like the
RAPE OF THE LOCK.' At last he said[302], '_Doctor_, I should be happy to
see you at Eaton[303].' 'I shall be glad to wait on you,' answered
Goldsmith. 'No, (said Graham,) 'tis not you I mean, Dr. _Minor_; 'tis
Doctor _Major_, there.' Goldsmith was excessively hurt by this. He
afterwards spoke of it himself. 'Graham, (said he,) is a fellow to make
one commit suicide.'

We had received a polite invitation to Slains castle. We arrived there
just at three o'clock, as the bell for dinner was ringing. Though, from
its being just on the North-east Ocean, no trees will grow here, Lord
Errol has done all that can be done. He has cultivated his fields so as
to bear rich crops of every kind, and he has made an excellent
kitchen-garden, with a hot-house. I had never seen any of the family:
but there had been a card of invitation written by the honourable
Charles Boyd, the earl's brother[304]. We were conducted into the
house, and at the dining-room door were met by that gentleman, whom both
of us at first took to be Lord Errol; but he soon corrected our mistake.
My Lord was gone to dine in the neighbourhood, at an entertainment given
by Mr. Irvine of Drum. Lady Errol received us politely, and was very
attentive to us during the time of dinner. There was nobody at table but
her ladyship, Mr. Boyd, and some of the children, their governour and
governess. Mr. Boyd put Dr. Johnson in mind of having dined with him at
Cumming the Quaker's[305], along with a Mr. Hall and Miss Williams[306]:
this was a bond of connection between them. For me, Mr. Boyd's
acquaintance with my father was enough. After dinner, Lady Errol
favoured us with a sight of her young family, whom she made stand up in
a row. There were six daughters and two sons. It was a very
pleasing sight.

Dr. Johnson proposed our setting out. Mr. Boyd said, he hoped we would
stay all night; his brother would be at home in the evening, and would
be very sorry if he missed us. Mr. Boyd was called out of the room. I
was very desirous to stay in so comfortable a house, and I wished to
see Lord Errol. Dr Johnson, however, was right in resolving to go, if we
were not asked again, as it is best to err on the safe side in such
cases, and to be sure that one is quite welcome. To my great joy, when
Mr. Boyd returned, he told Dr. Johnson that it was Lady Errol who had
called him out, and said that she would never let Dr. Johnson into the
house again, if he went away that night; and that she had ordered the
coach, to carry us to view a great curiosity on the coast, after which
we should see the house. We cheerfully agreed.

Mr. Boyd was engaged, in 1745-6, on the same side with many unfortunate
mistaken noblemen and gentlemen. He escaped, and lay concealed for a
year in the island of Arran, the ancient territory of the Boyds. He then
went to France, and was about twenty years on the continent. He married
a French Lady, and now lived very comfortably at Aberdeen, and was much
at Slains castle. He entertained us with great civility. He had a
pompousness or formal plenitude in his conversation, which I did not
dislike. Dr. Johnson said, 'there was too much elaboration in his talk.'
It gave me pleasure to see him, a steady branch of the family, setting
forth all its advantages with much zeal. He told us that Lady Errol was
one of the most pious and sensible women in the island; had a good head,
and as good a heart. He said, she did not use force or fear in educating
her children. JOHNSON. 'Sir, she is wrong[307]; I would rather have the
rod to be the general terror to all, to make them learn, than tell a
child if you do thus or thus, you will be more esteemed than your
brothers or sisters. The rod produces an effect which terminates in
itself. A child is afraid of being whipped, and gets his task, and
there's an end on't; whereas, by exciting emulation, and comparisons of
superiority, you lay the foundation of lasting mischief; you make
brothers and sisters hate each other.'

During Mr. Boyd's stay in Arran, he had found a chest of medical books,
left by a surgeon there, and had read them till he acquired some skill
in physick, in consequence of which he is often consulted by the poor.
There were several here waiting for him as patients. We walked round the
house till stopped by a cut made by the influx of the sea. The house is
built quite upon the shore; the windows look upon the main ocean, and
the King of Denmark is Lord Errol's nearest neighbour on the
north-east[308].

We got immediately into the coach, and drove to _Dunbui_, a rock near
the shore, quite covered with sea-fowls; then to a circular bason of
large extent, surrounded with tremendous rocks. On the quarter next the
sea, there is a high arch in the rock, which the force of the tempest
has driven out. This place is called _Buchan's Buller_, or the _Buller
of Buchan_, and the country people call it the _Pot_. Mr. Boyd said it
was so called from the French _Bouloir_. It may be more simply traced
from _Boiler_ in our own language. We walked round this monstrous
cauldron. In some places, the rock is very narrow; and on each side
there is a sea deep enough for a man of war to ride in; so that it is
somewhat horrid to move along. However, there is earth and grass upon
the rock, and a kind of road marked out by the print of feet; so that
one makes it out pretty safely: yet it alarmed me to see Dr. Johnson
striding irregularly along. He insisted on taking a boat, and sailing
into the Pot. We did so. He was stout, and wonderfully alert. The
Buchan-men all shewing their teeth, and speaking with that strange sharp
accent which distinguishes them, was to me a matter of curiosity. He was
not sensible of the difference of pronunciation in the South and North
of Scotland, which I wondered at.

As the entry into the _Buller_ is so narrow that oars cannot be used as
you go in, the method taken is, to row very hard when you come near it,
and give the boat such a rapidity of motion that it glides in. Dr.
Johnson observed what an effect this scene would have had, were we
entering into an unknown place. There are caves of considerable depth; I
think, one on each side. The boatmen had never entered either of them
far enough to know the size. Mr. Boyd told us that it is customary for
the company at Peterhead well, to make parties, and come and dine in one
of the caves here.

He told us, that, as Slains is at a considerable distance from Aberdeen,
Lord Errol, who has a very large family, resolved to have a surgeon of
his own. With this view he educated one of his tenant's sons, who is now
settled in a very neat house and farm just by, which we saw from the
road. By the salary which the earl allows him, and the practice which he
has had, he is in very easy circumstances. He had kept an exact account
of all that had been laid out on his education, and he came to his
lordship one day, and told him that he had arrived at a much higher
situation than ever he expected; that he was now able to repay what his
lordship had advanced, and begged he would accept of it. The earl was
pleased with the generous gratitude and genteel offer of the man; but
refused it. Mr. Boyd also told us, Cumming the Quaker first began to
distinguish himself by writing against Dr. Leechman on Prayer[309], to
prove it unnecessary, as GOD knows best what should be, and will order
it without our asking:--the old hackneyed objection.

When we returned to the house we found coffee and tea in the
drawing-room. Lady Errol was not there, being, as I supposed, engaged
with her young family. There is a bow-window fronting the sea. Dr.
Johnson repeated the ode, _Jam satis terris_[310], while Mr. Boyd was
with his patients. He spoke well in favour of entails[311], to preserve
lines of men whom mankind are accustomed to reverence. His opinion was
that so much land should be entailed as that families should never fall
into contempt, and as much left free as to give them all the advantages
of property in case of any emergency. 'If (said he,) the nobility are
suffered to sink into indigence[312], they of course become corrupt;
they are ready to do whatever the king chooses; therefore it is fit they
should be kept from becoming poor, unless it is fixed that when they
fall below a certain standard of wealth they shall lose their
peerages[313]. We know the House of Peers have made noble stands, when
the House of Commons durst not. The two last years of parliament they
dare not contradict the populace[314].'

This room is ornamented with a number of fine prints, and with a whole
length picture of Lord Errol, by Sir Joshua Reynolds. This led Dr.
Johnson and me to talk of our amiable and elegant friend, whose
panegyrick he concluded by saying, 'Sir Joshua Reynolds, Sir, is the
most invulnerable man I know; the man with whom if you should quarrel,
you would find the most difficulty how to abuse[315].'

Dr. Johnson observed, the situation here was the noblest he had ever
seen,--better than Mount Edgecumbe, reckoned the first in England;
because, at Mount Edgecumbe[316], the sea is bounded by land on the
other side, and though there is there the grandeur of a fleet, there is
also the impression of there being a dock-yard, the circumstances of
which are not agreeable. At Slains is an excellent old house. The noble
owner has built of brick, along the square in the inside, a gallery,
both on the first and second story, the house being no higher; so that
he has always a dry walk, and the rooms, to which formerly there was no
approach but through each other, have now all separate entries from the
gallery, which is hung with Hogarth's works, and other prints. We went
and sat a while in the library. There is a valuable numerous
collection. It was chiefly made by Mr. Falconer, husband to the late
Countess of Errol in her own right. This earl has added a good many
modern books.

About nine the Earl came home. Captain Gordon of Park was with him. His
Lordship put Dr. Johnson in mind of their having dined together in
London, along with Mr. Beauclerk. I was exceedingly pleased with Lord
Errol. His dignified person and agreeable countenance, with the most
unaffected affability, give me high satisfaction. From perhaps a
weakness, or, as I rather hope, more fancy and warmth of feeling than is
quite reasonable, my mind is ever impressed with admiration for persons
of high birth, and I could, with the most perfect honesty, expatiate on
Lord Errol's good qualities; but he stands in no need of my praise. His
agreeable manners and softness of address prevented that constraint
which the idea of his being Lord High Constable of Scotland[317] might
otherwise have occasioned. He talked very easily and sensibly with his
learned guest. I observed that Dr. Johnson, though he shewed that
respect to his lordship, which, from principle, he always does to high
rank, yet, when they came to argument, maintained that manliness which
becomes the force and vigour of his understanding. To shew external
deference to our superiors, is proper: to seem to yield to them in
opinion, is meanness[318]. The earl said grace, both before and after
supper, with much decency. He told us a story of a man who was executed
at Perth, some years ago, for murdering a woman who was with child by
him, and a former child he had by her. His hand was cut off: he was then
pulled up; but the rope broke, and he was forced to lie an hour on the
ground, till another rope was brought from Perth, the execution being in
a wood at some distance,--at the place where the murders were committed.
_'There_,(said my lord,) _I see the hand of Providence_.' I was really
happy here. I saw in this nobleman the best dispositions and best
principles; and I saw him, _in my mind's eye_[319], to be the
representative of the ancient Boyds of Kilmarnock. I was afraid he might
have urged drinking, as, I believe, he used formerly to do; but he drank
port and water out of a large glass himself, and let us do as we
pleased[320]. He went with us to our rooms at night; said, he took the
visit very kindly; and told me, my father and he were very old
acquaintance;--that I now knew the way to Slains, and he hoped to see me
there again.

I had a most elegant room; but there was a fire in it which blazed; and
the sea, to which my windows looked, roared; and the pillows were made
of the feathers of some sea-fowl, which had to me a disagreeable smell;
so that, by all these causes, I was kept awake a good while. I saw, in
imagination, Lord Errol's father, Lord Kilmarnock[321] (who was beheaded
on Tower-hill in 1746), and I was somewhat dreary. But the thought did
not last long, and I fell asleep.




WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25.

We got up between seven and eight, and found Mr. Boyd in the
dining-room, with tea and coffee before him, to give us breakfast. We
were in an admirable humour. Lady Errol had given each of us a copy of
an ode by Beattie, on the birth of her son, Lord Hay. Mr. Boyd asked Dr.
Johnson how he liked it. Dr. Johnson, who did not admire it, got off
very well, by taking it out, and reading the second and third stanzas of
it with much melody. This, without his saying a word, pleased Mr. Boyd.
He observed, however, to Dr. Johnson, that the expression as to the
family of Errol,

     'A thousand years have seen it shine,'

compared with what went before, was an anticlimax, and that it would
have been better

     'Ages have seen,' &c.

Dr. Johnson said, 'So great a number as a thousand is better. _Dolus
latet in universalibus_. Ages might be only two ages.' He talked of the
advantage of keeping up the connections of relationship, which produce
much kindness. 'Every man (said he,) who comes into the world, has need
of friends. If he has to get them for himself, half his life is spent
before his merit is known. Relations are a man's ready friends who
support him. When a man is in real distress, he flies into the arms of
his relations. An old lawyer, who had much experience in making wills,
told me, that after people had deliberated long, and thought of many for
their executors, they settled at last by fixing on their relations. This
shews the universality of the principle.'

I regretted the decay of respect for men of family, and that a Nabob now
would carry an election from them. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, the Nabob will
carry it by means of his wealth, in a country where money is highly
valued, as it must be where nothing can be had without money; but, if it
comes to personal preference, the man of family will always carry
it[322]. There is generally a _scoundrelism_ about a low man[323].' Mr.
Boyd said, that was a good _ism_.

I said, I believed mankind were happier in the ancient feudal state[324]
of subordination, than they are in the modern state of independency.
JOHNSON. 'To be sure, the _Chief_ was: but we must think of the number
of individuals. That _they_ were less happy, seems plain; for that state
from which all escape as soon as they can, and to which none return
after they have left it, must be less happy; and this is the case with
the state of dependance on a chief or great man.'

I mentioned the happiness of the French in their subordination, by the
reciprocal benevolence and attachment between the great and those in
lower rank[325]. Mr. Boyd gave us an instance of their gentlemanly
spirit. An old Chevalier de Malthe, of ancient _noblesse_, but in low
circumstances, was in a coffee-house at Paris, where was Julien, the
great manufacturer at the Gobelins, of the fine tapestry, so much
distinguished both for the figures and the _colours_. The chevalier's
carriage was very old. Says Julien, with a plebeian insolence, 'I think,
Sir, you had better have your carriage new painted.' The chevalier
looked at him with indignant contempt, and answered, 'Well, Sir, you may
take it home and _dye_ it!' All the coffee-house rejoiced at Julien's
confusion.

We set out about nine. Dr. Johnson was curious to see one of those
structures which northern antiquarians call a Druid's temple. I had a
recollection of one at Strichen; which I had seen fifteen years ago; so
we went four miles out of our road, after passing Old Deer, and went
thither. Mr. Fraser, the proprietor, was at home, and shewed it to us.
But I had augmented it in my mind; for all that remains is two stones
set up on end, with a long one laid upon them, as was usual, and one
stone at a little distance from them. That stone was the capital one of
the circle which surrounded what now remains. Mr. Fraser was very
hospitable[326]. There was a fair at Strichen; and he had several of his
neighbours from it at dinner. One of them, Dr. Fraser, who had been in
the army, remembered to have seen Dr. Johnson at a lecture on
experimental philosophy, at Lichfield. The doctor recollected being at
the lecture; and he was surprised to find here somebody who knew him.

Mr. Fraser sent a servant to conduct us by a short passage into the
high-road. I observed to Dr. Johnson, that I had a most disagreeable
notion of the life of country gentlemen; that I left Mr. Fraser just
now, as one leaves a prisoner in a jail. Dr. Johnson said, that I was
right in thinking them unhappy; for that they had not enough to keep
their minds in motion[327].

I started a thought this afternoon which amused us a great part of the
way. 'If, (said I,) our club should come and set up in St. Andrews, as a
college, to teach all that each of us can, in the several departments of
learning and taste, we should rebuild the city: we should draw a
wonderful concourse of students.' Dr. Johnson entered fully into the
spirit of this project. We immediately fell to distributing the offices.
I was to teach Civil and Scotch law[328]; Burke, politicks and
eloquence; Garrick, the art of publick speaking; Langton was to be our
Grecian[329], Colman our Latin professor[330]; Nugent to teach
physick[331]; Lord Charlemont, modern history[332]; Beauclerk, natural
philosophy[333]; Vesey, Irish antiquities, or Celtick learning[334];
Jones, Oriental learning[335]; Goldsmith, poetry and ancient history;
Chamier, commercial politicks[336]; Reynolds, painting, and the arts
which have beauty for their object; Chambers, the law of England[337].
Dr. Johnson at first said, 'I'll trust theology to nobody but myself.'
But, upon due consideration, that Percy is a clergyman, it was agreed
that Percy should teach practical divinity and British antiquities; Dr.
Johnson himself, logick, metaphysicks[338], and scholastick divinity. In
this manner did we amuse ourselves;--each suggesting, and each varying
or adding, till the whole was adjusted. Dr. Johnson said, we only wanted
a mathematician since Dyer[339] died, who was a very good one; but as to
every thing else, we should have a very capital university[340].

We got at night to Banff. I sent Joseph on to Duff-house; but Earl Fife
was not at home, which I regretted much, as we should have had a very
elegant reception from his lordship. We found here but an indifferent
inn[341]. Dr. Johnson wrote a long letter to Mrs. Thrale. I wondered to
see him write so much so easily. He verified his own doctrine that 'a
man may always write when he will set himself _doggedly_ to it[342].'




THURSDAY, AUGUST 26.

We got a fresh chaise here, a very good one, and very good horses. We
breakfasted at Cullen. They set down dried haddocks broiled, along with
our tea. I ate one; but Dr. Johnson was disgusted by the sight of them,
so they were removed[343]. Cullen has a comfortable appearance, though
but a very small town, and the houses mostly poor buildings.

I called on Mr. Robertson, who has the charge of Lord Findlater's
affairs, and was formerly Lord Monboddo's clerk, was three times in
France with him, and translated Condamine's _Account of the Savage
Girl_, to which his lordship wrote a preface, containing several remarks
of his own. Robertson said, he did not believe so much as his lordship
did; that it was plain to him, the girl confounded what she imagined
with what she remembered: that, besides, she perceived Condamine and
Lord Monboddo forming theories, and she adapted her story to them.

Dr. Johnson said, 'It is a pity to see Lord Monboddo publish such
notions as he has done; a man of sense, and of so much elegant learning.
There would be little in a fool doing it; we should only laugh; but when
a wise man does it, we are sorry. Other people have strange notions; but
they conceal them. If they have tails, they hide them; but Monboddo is
as jealous of his tail as a squirrel.' I shall here put down some more
remarks of Dr. Johnson's on Lord Monboddo, which were not made exactly
at this time, but come in well from connection. He said, he did not
approve of a judge's calling himself _Farmer_ Burnett[344], and going
about with a little round hat[345]. He laughed heartily at his
lordship's saying he was an _enthusiastical_ farmer; 'for, (said he,)
what can he do in farming by his _enthusiasm_?' Here, however, I think
Dr. Johnson mistaken. He who wishes to be successful, or happy, ought to
be enthusiastical, that is to say, very keen in all the occupations or
diversions of life. An ordinary gentleman-farmer will be satisfied with
looking at his fields once or twice a day: an enthusiastical farmer will
be constantly employed on them; will have his mind earnestly engaged;
will talk perpetually, of them. But Dr. Johnson has much of the _nil
admirari_[346] in smaller concerns. That survey of life which gave birth
to his _Vanity of Human Wishes_ early sobered his mind. Besides, so
great a mind as his cannot be moved by inferior objects: an elephant
does not run and skip like lesser animals.  Mr. Robertson sent a
servant with us, to shew us through Lord Findlater's wood, by which our
way was shortened, and we saw some part of his domain, which is indeed
admirably laid out. Dr. Johnson did not choose to walk through it. He
always said, that he was not come to Scotland to see fine places, of
which there were enough in England; but wild objects,--mountains,
--waterfalls,--peculiar manners; in short, things which he had not seen
before. I have a notion that he at no time has had much taste for rural
beauties. I have myself very little[347].

Dr. Johnson said, there was nothing more contemptible than a country
gentleman living beyond his income, and every year growing poorer and
poorer[348]. He spoke strongly of the influence which a man has by being
rich. 'A man, (said he,) who keeps his money, has in reality more use
from it, than he can have by spending it.' I observed that this looked
very like a paradox; but he explained it thus: 'If it were certain that
a man would keep his money locked up for ever, to be sure he would have
no influence; but, as so many want money, and he has the power of giving
it, and they know not but by gaining his favour they may obtain it, the
rich man will always have the greatest influence. He again who lavishes
his money, is laughed at as foolish, and in a great degree with justice,
considering how much is spent from vanity. Even those who partake of a
man's hospitality, have but a transient kindness for him. If he has not
the command of money, people know he cannot help them, if he would;
whereas the rich man always can, if he will, and for the chance of that,
will have much weight.' BOSWELL. 'But philosophers and satirists have
all treated a miser as contemptible.' JOHNSON. 'He is so
philosophically; but not in the practice of life[349].' BOSWELL. 'Let me
see now:--I do not know the instances of misers in England, so as to
examine into their influence.' JOHNSON. 'We have had few misers in
England.' BOSWELL. 'There was Lowther[350].' JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir,
Lowther, by keeping his money, had the command of the county, which the
family has now lost, by spending it[351]; I take it he lent a great
deal; and that is the way to have influence, and yet preserve one's
wealth. A man may lend his money upon very good security, and yet have
his debtor much under his power.' BOSWELL. 'No doubt, Sir. He can always
distress him for the money; as no man borrows, who is able to pay on
demand quite conveniently.'

We dined at Elgin, and saw the noble ruins of the cathedral. Though it
rained much, Dr. Johnson examined them with a most patient attention.
He could not here feel any abhorrence at the Scottish reformers[352],
for he had been told by Lord Hailes, that it was destroyed before the
Reformation, by the Lord of Badenoch[353], who had a quarrel with the
bishop. The bishop's house, and those of the other clergy, which are
still pretty entire, do not seem to have been proportioned to the
magnificence of the cathedral, which has been of great extent, and had
very fine carved work. The ground within the walls of the cathedral is
employed as a burying-place. The family of Gordon have their vault here;
but it has nothing grand.

We passed Gordon Castle[354] this forenoon, which has a princely
appearance. Fochabers, the neighbouring village, is a poor place, many
of the houses being ruinous; but it is remarkable, they have in general
orchards well stored with apple-trees[355]. Elgin has what in England
are called piazzas, that run in many places on each side of the street.
It must have been a much better place formerly. Probably it had piazzas
all along the town, as I have seen at Bologna. I approved much of such
structures in a town, on account of their conveniency in wet weather.
Dr. Johnson disapproved of them, 'because (said he) it makes the under
story of a house very dark, which greatly over-balances the conveniency,
when it is considered how small a part of the year it rains; how few are
usually in the street at such times; that many who are might as well be
at home; and the little that people suffer, supposing them to be as much
wet as they commonly are in walking a street.'

We fared but ill at our inn here; and Dr. Johnson said, this was the
first time he had seen a dinner in Scotland that he could not eat[356].

In the afternoon, we drove over the very heath where Macbeth met the
witches, according to tradition[357]. Dr. Johnson again[358] solemnly
repeated--

     'How far is't called to Fores? What are these,
      So wither'd, and so wild in their attire?
      That look not like the inhabitants o' the earth,
      And yet are on't?'

He repeated a good deal more of Macbeth. His recitation[359] was grand
and affecting, and as Sir Joshua Reynolds has observed to me, had no
more tone than it should have: it was the better for it. He then
parodied the _All-hail_ of the witches to Macbeth, addressing himself to
me. I had purchased some land called _Dalblair_; and, as in Scotland it
is customary to distinguish landed men by the name of their estates, I
had thus two titles, _Dalblair_ and Young _Auchinleck_. So my friend, in
imitation of

     'All hail, Macbeth! hail to thee, Thane of Cawdor!'

condescended to amuse himself with uttering

     'All hail, Dalblair! hail to thee, Laird of Auchinleck[360]!'

We got to Fores[361] at night, and found an admirable inn, in which Dr.
Johnson was pleased to meet with a landlord who styled himself
'Wine-Cooper, from LONDON.'




FRIDAY, AUGUST 27.

It was dark when we came to Fores last night; so we did not see what is
called King Duncan's monument[362]. I shall now mark some gleanings of
Dr. Johnson's conversation. I spoke of _Leonidas_[363], and said there
were some good passages in it. JOHNSON. 'Why, you must _seek_ for them.'
He said, Paul Whitehead's _Manners_[364] was a poor performance.
Speaking of Derrick, he told me 'he had a kindness for him, and had
often said, that if his letters had been written by one of a more
established name, they would have been thought very pretty
letters[365].'

This morning I introduced the subject of the origin of evil[366].
JOHNSON. 'Moral evil is occasioned by free will, which implies choice
between good and evil. With all the evil that there is, there is no man
but would rather be a free agent, than a mere machine without the evil;
and what is best for each individual, must be best for the whole. If a
man would rather be the machine, I cannot argue with him. He is a
different being from me.' BOSWELL. 'A man, as a machine, may have
agreeable sensations; for instance, he may have pleasure in musick.'
JOHNSON. 'No, Sir, he cannot have pleasure in musick; at least no power
of producing musick; for he who can produce musick may let it alone: he
who can play upon a fiddle may break it: such a man is not a machine.'
This reasoning satisfied me. It is certain, there cannot be a free
agent, unless there is the power of being evil as well as good. We must
take the inherent possibilities of things into consideration, in our
reasonings or conjectures concerning the works of GOD.

We came to Nairn to breakfast. Though a county town and a royal burgh,
it is a miserable place. Over the room where we sat, a girl was spinning
wool with a great wheel, and singing an Erse song[367]: 'I'll warrant
you, (said Dr. Johnson.) one of the songs of Ossian.' He then repeated
these lines:---

     'Verse sweetens toil, however rude the sound.
        All at her work the village maiden sings;
      Nor while she turns the giddy wheel around,
        Revolves the sad vicissitude of things[368].'

I thought I had heard these lines before. JOHNSON. 'I fancy not, Sir;
for they are in a detached poem, the name of which I do not remember,
written by one Giffard, a parson.'

I expected Mr. Kenneth M'Aulay[369], the minister of Calder, who
published the history of St. Kilda[370], a book which Dr. Johnson liked,
would have met us here, as I had written to him from Aberdeen. But I
received a letter from him, telling me that he could not leave home, as
he was to administer the sacrament the following Sunday, and earnestly
requesting to see us at his manse. 'We'll go,' said Dr. Johnson; which
we accordingly did. Mrs. M'Aulay received us, and told us her husband
was in the church distributing tokens[371]. We arrived between twelve
and one o'clock, and it was near three before he came to us.

Dr. Johnson thanked him for his book, and said 'it was a very pretty
piece of topography.' M'Aulay did not seem much to mind the compliment.
From his conversation, Dr. Johnson was persuaded that he had not written
the book which goes under his name. I myself always suspected so; and I
have been told it was written by the learned Dr. John M'Pherson of
Sky[372], from the materials collected by M'Aulay. Dr. Johnson said
privately to me, 'There is a combination in it of which M'Aulay is not
capable[373].' However, he was exceedingly hospitable; and, as he
obligingly promised us a route for our Tour through the Western Isles,
we agreed to stay with him all night.

After dinner, we walked to the old castle of Calder (pronounced Cawder),
the Thane of Cawdor's seat. I was sorry that my friend, this 'prosperous
gentleman[374],' was not there. The old tower must be of great
antiquity[375]. There is a draw-bridge--what has been a moat,--and an
ancient court. There is a hawthorn-tree, which rises like a wooden
pillar through the rooms of the castle; for, by a strange conceit, the
walls have been built round it. The thickness of the walls, the small
slaunting windows, and a great iron door at the entrance on the second
story as you ascend the stairs, all indicate the rude times in which
this castle was erected. There were here some large venerable trees.

I was afraid of a quarrel between Dr. Johnson and Mr. M'Aulay, who
talked slightingly of the lower English clergy. The Doctor gave him a
frowning look, and said, 'This is a day of novelties; I have seen old
trees in Scotland, and I have heard the English clergy treated with
disrespect[376].'

I dreaded that a whole evening at Calder manse would be heavy; however,
Mr. Grant, an intelligent and well-bred minister in the neighbourhood,
was there, and assisted us by his conversation. Dr. Johnson, talking of
hereditary occupations in the Highlands, said, 'There is no harm in such
a custom as this; but it is wrong to enforce it, and oblige a man to be
a taylor or a smith, because his father has been one.' This custom,
however, is not peculiar to our Highlands; it is well known that in
India a similar practice prevails.

Mr. M'Aulay began a rhapsody against creeds and confessions. Dr. Johnson
shewed, that 'what he called _imposition_, was only a voluntary
declaration of agreement in certain articles of faith, which a church
has a right to require, just as any other society can insist on certain
rules being observed by its members. Nobody is compelled to be of the
church, as nobody is compelled to enter into a society.' This was a very
clear and just view of the subject: but, M'Aulay could not be driven out
of his track. Dr. Johnson said, 'Sir, you are a _bigot to laxness_.'

Mr. M'Aulay and I laid the map of Scotland before us; and he pointed out
a route for us from Inverness, by Fort Augustus, to Glenelg, Sky, Mull,
Icolmkill, Lorn, and Inverary, which I wrote down. As my father was to
begin the northern circuit about the 18th of September, it was necessary
for us either to make our tour with great expedition, so as to get to
Auchinleck before he set out, or to protract it, so as not to be there
till his return, which would be about the 10th of October. By M'Aulay's
calculation, we were not to land in Lorn till the 2Oth of September. I
thought that the interruptions by bad days, or by occasional
excursions, might make it ten days later; and I thought too, that we
might perhaps go to Benbecula, and visit Clanranald, which would take a
week of itself.

Dr. Johnson went up with Mr. Grant to the library, which consisted of a
tolerable collection; but the Doctor thought it rather a lady's library,
with some Latin books in it by chance, than the library of a clergyman.
It had only two of the Latin fathers, and one of the Greek fathers in
Latin. I doubted whether Dr. Johnson would be present at a Presbyterian
prayer. I told Mr. M'Aulay so, and said that the Doctor might sit in the
library while we were at family worship. Mr. M'Aulay said, he would omit
it, rather than give Dr. Johnson offence: but I would by no means agree
that an excess of politeness, even to so great a man, should prevent
what I esteem as one of the best pious regulations. I know nothing more
beneficial, more comfortable, more agreeable, than that the little
societies of each family should regularly assemble, and unite in praise
and prayer to our heavenly Father, from whom we daily receive so much
good, and may hope for more in a higher state of existence. I mentioned
to Dr. Johnson the over-delicate scrupulosity of our host. He said, he
had no objection to hear the prayer. This was a pleasing surprise to me;
for he refused to go and hear Principal Robertson[377] preach. 'I will
hear him, (said he,) if he will get up into a tree and preach; but I
will not give a sanction, by my presence, to a Presbyterian
assembly[378].'

Mr. Grant having prayed, Dr. Johnson said, his prayer was a very good
one; but objected to his not having introduced the Lord's Prayer[379].
He told us, that an Italian of some note in London said once to him, 'We
have in our service a prayer called the _Pater Noster_, which is a very
fine composition. I wonder who is the author of it.' A singular instance
of ignorance in a man of some literature and general inquiry[380]!




SATURDAY, AUGUST 28.

Dr. Johnson had brought a _Sallust_ with him in his pocket from
Edinburgh. He gave it last night to Mr. M'Aulay's son, a smart young lad
about eleven years old. Dr. Johnson had given an account of the
education at Oxford, in all its gradations. The advantage of being a
servitor to a youth of little fortune struck Mrs. M'Aulay much[381]. I
observed it aloud. Dr. Johnson very handsomely and kindly said, that, if
they would send their boy to him, when he was ready for the university,
he would get him made a servitor, and perhaps would do more for him. He
could not promise to do more; but would undertake for the
servitorship[382].

I should have mentioned that Mr. White, a Welshman, who has been many
years factor (i.e. steward) on the estate of Calder, drank tea with us
last night, and upon getting a note from Mr. M'Aulay, asked us to his
house. We had not time to accept of his invitation. He gave us a letter
of introduction to Mr. Ferne, master of stores at Fort George. He shewed
it to me. It recommended 'two celebrated gentlemen; no less than Dr.
Johnson, _author of his Dictionary_,--and Mr. Boswell, known at
Edinburgh by the name of Paoli.' He said he hoped I had no objection to
what he had written; if I had, he would alter it. I thought it was a
pity to check his effusions, and acquiesced; taking care, however, to
seal the letter, that it might not appear that I had read it.

A conversation took place about saying grace at breakfast (as we do in
Scotland) as well as at dinner and supper; in which Dr. Johnson said,
'It is enough if we have stated seasons of prayer; no matter when[383].
A man may as well pray when he mounts his horse, or a woman when she
milks her cow, (which Mr. Grant told us is done in the Highlands,) as at
meals; and custom is to be followed[384].'

We proceeded to Fort George. When we came into the square, I sent a
soldier with the letter to Mr. Ferne. He came to us immediately, and
along with him came Major _Brewse_ of the Engineers, pronounced _Bruce_.
He said he believed it was originally the same Norman name with Bruce.
That he had dined at a house in London, where were three Bruces, one of
the Irish line, one of the Scottish line, and himself of the English
line. He said he was shewn it in the Herald's office spelt fourteen
different ways[385]. I told him the different spellings of my name[386].
Dr Johnson observed, that there had been great disputes about the
spelling of Shakspear's name; at last it was thought it would be settled
by looking at the original copy of his will; but, upon examining it, he
was found to have written it himself no less than three different ways.

Mr. Ferne and Major Brewse first carried us to wait on Sir Eyre
Coote[387], whose regiment, the 37th, was lying here, and who then
commanded the fort. He asked us to dine with him, which we agreed to do.

Before dinner we examined the fort. The Major explained the
fortification to us, and Mr. Ferne gave us an account of the stores. Dr.
Johnson talked of the proportions of charcoal and salt-petre in making
gunpowder, of granulating it, and of giving it a gloss[388]. He made a
very good figure upon these topicks. He said to me afterwards, that 'he
had talked _ostentatiously_[389].' We reposed ourselves a little in Mr.
Ferne's house. He had every thing in neat order as in England; and a
tolerable collection of books. I looked into Pennant's _Tour in
Scotland_. He says little of this fort; but that 'the barracks, &c. form
several streets[390].' This is aggrandising. Mr. Ferne observed, if he
had said they form a square, with a row of buildings before it, he would
have given a juster description. Dr. Johnson remarked, 'how seldom
descriptions correspond with realities; and the reason is, that people
do not write them till some time after, and then their imagination has
added circumstances.'

We talked of Sir Adolphus Oughton[391]. The Major said, he knew a great
deal for a military man. JOHNSON. 'Sir, you will find few men, of any
profession, who know more. Sir Adolphus is a very extraordinary man; a
man of boundless curiosity and unwearied diligence.'

I know not how the Major contrived to introduce the contest between
Warburton and Lowth. JOHNSON. 'Warburton kept his temper all along,
while Lowth was in a passion. Lowth published some of Warburton's
letters. Warburton drew _him_ on to write some very abusive letters, and
then asked his leave to publish them; which he knew Lowth could not
refuse, after what _he_ had done. So that Warburton contrived that he
should publish, apparently with Lowth's consent, what could not but shew
Lowth in a disadvantageous light[392].'

At three the drum beat for dinner. I, for a little while, fancied myself
a military man, and it pleased me. We went to Sir Eyre Coote's, at the
governour's house, and found him a most gentleman-like man. His lady is
a very agreeable woman, with an uncommonly mild and sweet tone of voice.
There was a pretty large company: Mr. Ferne, Major Brewse, and several
officers. Sir Eyre had come from the East-Indies by land, through the
Desarts of Arabia. He told us, the Arabs could live five days without
victuals, and subsist for three weeks on nothing else but the blood of
their camels, who could lose so much of it as would suffice for that
time, without being exhausted. He highly praised the virtue of the
Arabs; their fidelity, if they undertook to conduct any person; and
said, they would sacrifice their lives rather than let him be robbed.
Dr. Johnson, who is always for maintaining the superiority of civilized
over uncivilized men[393], said, 'Why, Sir, I can see no superiour
virtue in this. A serjeant and twelve men, who are my guard, will die,
rather than that I shall be robbed.' Colonel Pennington, of the 37th
regiment, took up the argument with a good deal of spirit and
ingenuity. PENNINGTON. 'But the soldiers are compelled to this by fear
of punishment. 'JOHNSON. 'Well, Sir, the Arabs are compelled by the fear
of infamy.' PENNINGTON. 'The soldiers have the same fear of infamy, and
the fear of punishment besides; so have less virtue; because they act
less voluntarily.' Lady Coote observed very well, that it ought to be
known if there was not, among the Arabs, some punishment for not being
faithful on such occasions.

We talked of the stage. I observed, that we had not now such a company
of actors as in the last age; Wilks[394], Booth[395], &c. &c. JOHNSON.
'You think so, because there is one who excels all the rest so much: you
compare them with Garrick, and see the deficiency. Garrick's great
distinction is his universality[396]. He can represent all modes of
life, but that of an easy fine bred gentleman[397].' PENNINGTON. 'He
should give over playing young parts.' JOHNSON. 'He does not take them
now; but he does not leave off those which he has been used to play,
because he does them better than any one else can do them. If you had
generations of actors, if they swarmed like bees, the young ones might
drive off the old. Mrs. Cibber[398], I think, got more reputation than
she deserved, as she had a great sameness; though her expression was
undoubtedly very fine. Mrs. Clive[399] was the best player I ever saw.
Mrs. Prichard[400] was a very good one; but she had something affected
in her manner: I imagine she had some player of the former age in her
eye, which occasioned it.'  Colonel Pennington said, Garrick sometimes
failed in emphasis[401]; as for instance, in _Hamlet_,

     'I will speak _daggers_ to her; but use _none_[402].'

instead of

     'I will _speak_ daggers to her; but _use_ none.'

We had a dinner of two complete courses, variety of wines, and the
regimental band of musick playing in the square, before the windows,
after it. I enjoyed this day much. We were quite easy and cheerful. Dr.
Johnson said, 'I shall always remember this fort with gratitude.' I
could not help being struck with some admiration, at finding upon this
barren sandy point, such buildings,--such a dinner,--such company: it
was like enchantment. Dr. Johnson, on the other hand, said to me more
rationally, that 'it did not strike _him_ as any thing extraordinary;
because he knew, here was a large sum of money expended in building a
fort; here was a regiment. If there had been less than what we found, it
would have surprised him.' _He_ looked coolly and deliberately through
all the gradations: my warm imagination jumped from the barren sands to
the splendid dinner and brilliant company, to borrow the expression of
an absurd poet,

                         'Without ands or ifs,
     I leapt from off the sands upon the cliffs.'

The whole scene gave me a strong impression of the power and excellence
of human art.

We left the fort between six and seven o'clock: Sir Eyre Coote, Colonel
Pennington, and several more accompanied us down stairs, and saw us into
our chaise. There could not be greater attention paid to any visitors.
Sir Eyre spoke of the hardships which Dr. Johnson had before him.
BOSWELL. 'Considering what he has said of us, we must make him feel
something rough in Scotland.' Sir Eyre said to him, 'You must change
your name, Sir.' BOSWELL. 'Ay, to Dr. M'Gregor[403].'  We got safely to
Inverness, and put up at Mackenzie's inn. Mr. Keith, the collector of
Excise here, my old acquaintance at Ayr, who had seen us at the Fort,
visited us in the evening, and engaged us to dine with him next day,
promising to breakfast with us, and take us to the English chapel; so
that we were at once commodiously arranged.

Not finding a letter here that I expected, I felt a momentary impatience
to be at home. Transient clouds darkened my imagination, and in those
clouds I saw events from which I shrunk; but a sentence or two of the
_Rambler's_ conversation gave me firmness, and I considered that I was
upon an expedition for which I had wished for years, and the
recollection of which would be a treasure to me for life.




SUNDAY, AUGUST 29.

Mr. Keith breakfasted with us. Dr. Johnson expatiated rather too
strongly upon the benefits derived to Scotland from the Union[404], and
the bad state of our people before it. I am entertained with his copious
exaggeration upon that subject; but I am uneasy when people are by, who
do not know him as well as I do, and may be apt to think him
narrow-minded[405]. I therefore diverted the subject.

The English chapel, to which we went this morning, was but mean. The
altar was a bare fir table, with a coarse stool for kneeling on, covered
with a piece of thick sail-cloth doubled, by way of cushion. The
congregation was small. Mr. Tait, the clergyman, read prayers very well,
though with much of the Scotch accent. He preached on '_Love your
Enemies_[406].' It was remarkable that, when talking of the connections
amongst men, he said, that some connected themselves with men of
distinguished talents, and since they could not equal them, tried to
deck themselves with their merit, by being their companions. The
sentence was to this purpose. It had an odd coincidence with what might
be said of my connecting myself with Dr. Johnson[407].

After church we walked down to the Quay. We then went to Macbeth's
castle[408]. I had a romantick satisfaction in seeing Dr. Johnson
actually in it. It perfectly corresponds with Shakspear's description,
which Sir Joshua Reynolds has so happily illustrated, in one of his
notes on our immortal poet[409]:

          'This castle hath a pleasant seat: the air
          Nimbly and sweetly recommends itself
          Unto our gentle sense,' &c.[410]

Just as we came out of it, a raven perched on one of the chimney-tops,
and croaked. Then I repeated

           '----The raven himself is hoarse,
           That croaks the fatal entrance of Duncan
           Under my battlements[411].'

We dined at Mr. Keith's. Mrs. Keith was rather too attentive to Dr.
Johnson, asking him many questions about his drinking only water. He
repressed that observation, by saying to me, 'You may remember that Lady
Errol took no notice of this.'

Dr. Johnson has the happy art (for which I have heard my father praise
the old Earl of Aberdeen) of instructing himself, by making every man he
meets tell him something of what he knows best. He led Keith to talk to
him of the Excise in Scotland, and, in the course of conversation,
mentioned that his friend Mr. Thrale, the great brewer, paid twenty
thousand pounds a year to the revenue; and that he had four casks, each
of which holds sixteen hundred barrels,--above a thousand hogsheads.

After this there was little conversation that deserves to be remembered.
I shall therefore here again glean what I have omitted on former days.
Dr. Gerrard, at Aberdeen, told us, that when he was in Wales, he was
shewn a valley inhabited by Danes, who still retain their own language,
and are quite a distinct people. Dr. Johnson thought it could not be
true, or all the kingdom must have heard of it. He said to me, as we
travelled, 'these people, Sir, that Gerrard talks of, may have somewhat
of a _peregrinity_ in their dialect, which relation has augmented to a
different language.' I asked him if _peregrinity_ was an English word:
he laughed, and said, 'No.' I told him this was the second time that I
had heard him coin a word[412]. When Foote broke his leg, I observed
that it would make him fitter for taking off George Faulkner as Peter
Paragraph[413], poor George having a wooden leg. Dr. Johnson at that
time said, 'George will rejoice at the _depeditation_ of Foote;' and
when I challenged that word, laughed, and owned he had made it, and
added that he had not made above three or four in his _Dictionary_[414].
 Having conducted Dr. Johnson to our inn, I begged permission to leave
him for a little, that I might run about and pay some short visits to
several good people of Inverness. He said to me 'You have all the
old-fashioned principles, good and bad' I acknowledge I have. That of
attention to relations in the remotest degree, or to worthy persons, in
every state whom I have once known, I inherit from my father. It gave me
much satisfaction to hear every body at Inverness speak of him with
uncommon regard. Mr. Keith and Mr. Grant, whom we had seen at Mr.
M'Aulay's, supped with us at the inn. We had roasted kid, which Dr.
Johnson had never tasted before. He relished it much.




MONDAY, AUGUST 30.

This day we were to begin our _equitation,_ as I said; for _I_ would
needs make a word too. It is remarkable, that my noble, and to me most
constant friend, the Earl of Pembroke[415], (who, if there is too much
ease on my part, will please to pardon what his benevolent, gay, social
intercourse, and lively correspondence have insensibly produced,) has
since hit upon the very same word. The title of the first edition of his
lordship's very useful book was, in simple terms, _A Method of breaking
Horses and teaching Soldiers to ride._ The title of the second edition
is, 'MILITARY EQUITATION[416].'

We might have taken a chaise to Fort Augustus, but, had we not hired
horses at Inverness, we should not have found them afterwards: so we
resolved to begin here to ride. We had three horses, for Dr. Johnson,
myself, and Joseph, and one which carried our portmanteaus, and two
Highlanders who walked along with us, John Hay and Lauchland Vass, whom
Dr. Johnson has remembered with credit in his JOURNEY[417], though he
has omitted their names. Dr. Johnson rode very well.  About three miles
beyond Inverness, we saw, just by the road, a very complete specimen of
what is called a Druid's temple. There was a double circle, one of very
large, the other of smaller stones. Dr. Johnson justly observed, that
'to go and see one druidical temple is only to see that it is nothing,
for there is neither art nor power in it; and seeing one is
quite enough.'

It was a delightful day. Lochness, and the road upon the side of it,
shaded with birch trees, and the hills above it, pleased us much. The
scene was as sequestered and agreeably wild as could be desired, and for
a time engrossed all our attention[418].

To see Dr. Johnson in any new situation is always an interesting object
to me; and, as I saw him now for the first time on horseback, jaunting
about at his ease in quest of pleasure and novelty, the very different
occupations of his former laborious life, his admirable productions, his
_London_, his _Rambler_, &c. &c., immediately presented themselves to my
mind, and the contrast made a strong impression on my imagination.

When we had advanced a good way by the side of Lochness, I perceived a
little hut, with an old-looking woman at the door of it. I thought here
might be a scene that would amuse Dr. Johnson; so I mentioned it to him.
'Let's go in,' said he. We dismounted, and we and our guides entered the
hut. It was a wretched little hovel of earth only, I think, and for a
window had only a small hole, which was stopped with a piece of turf,
that was taken out occasionally to let in light. In the middle of the
room or space which we entered, was a fire of peat, the smoke going out
at a hole in the roof. She had a pot upon it, with goat's flesh,
boiling. There was at one end under the same roof, but divided by a kind
of partition made of wattles, a pen or fold in which we saw a good
many kids.

Dr. Johnson was curious to know where she slept. I asked one of the
guides, who questioned her in Erse. She answered with a tone of emotion,
saying, (as he told us,) she was afraid we wanted to go to bed to her.
This _coquetry_, or whatever it may be called, of so wretched a being,
was truly ludicrous. Dr. Johnson and I afterwards were merry upon it. I
said it was he who alarmed the poor woman's virtue. 'No, Sir, (said he,)
she'll say "there came a wicked young fellow, a wild dog, who I believe
would have ravished me, had there not been with him a grave old
gentleman, who repressed him: but when he gets out of the sight of his
tutor, I'll warrant you he'll spare no woman he meets, young or old."'
'No, Sir, (I replied,) she'll say, "There was a terrible ruffian who
would have forced me, had it not been for a civil decent young man who,
I take it, was an angel sent from heaven to protect me."'

Dr. Johnson would not hurt her delicacy, by insisting on 'seeing her
bed-chamber,' like _Archer_ in the _Beaux Stratagem_[419]. But my
curiosity was more ardent; I lighted a piece of paper, and went into the
place where the bed was. There was a little partition of wicker, rather
more neatly done than that for the fold, and close by the wall was a
kind of bedstead of wood with heath upon it by way of bed! at the foot
of which I saw some sort of blankets or covering rolled up in a heap.
The woman's name was Fraser; so was her husband's. He was a man of
eighty. Mr. Fraser of Balnain allows him to live in this hut, and keep
sixty goats, for taking care of his woods, where he then was. They had
five children, the eldest only thirteen. Two were gone to Inverness to
buy meal[420]; the rest were looking after the goats. This contented
family had four stacks of barley, twenty-four sheaves in each. They had
a few fowls. We were informed that they lived all the spring without
meal, upon milk and curds and whey alone. What they get for their goats,
kids, and fowls, maintains them during the rest of the year.  She asked
us to sit down and take a dram. I saw one chair. She said she was as
happy as any woman in Scotland. She could hardly speak any English
except a few detached words. Dr. Johnson was pleased at seeing, for the
first time, such a state of human life. She asked for snuff. It is her
luxury, and she uses a great deal. We had none; but gave her sixpence a
piece. She then brought out her whiskey bottle. I tasted it; as did
Joseph and our guides, so I gave her sixpence more. She sent us away
with many prayers in Erse.

We dined at a publick house called the General's Hut[421], from General
Wade, who was lodged there when he commanded in the North. Near it is
the meanest parish _Kirk_ I ever saw. It is a shame it should be on a
high road. After dinner, we passed through a good deal of mountainous
country. I had known Mr. Trapaud, the deputy governour of Fort Augustus,
twelve years ago, at a circuit at Inverness, where my father was judge.
I sent forward one of our guides, and Joseph, with a card to him, that
he might know Dr. Johnson and I were coming up, leaving it to him to
invite us or not[422]. It was dark when we arrived. The inn was
wretched. Government ought to build one, or give the resident governour
an additional salary; as in the present state of things, he must
necessarily be put to a great expence in entertaining travellers. Joseph
announced to us, when we alighted, that the governour waited for us at
the gate of the fort. We walked to it. He met us, and with much civility
conducted us to his house. It was comfortable to find ourselves in a
well-built little square, and a neatly furnished house, in good company,
and with a good supper before us; in short, with all the conveniences of
civilised life in the midst of rude mountains. Mrs. Trapaud, and the
governour's daughter, and her husband, Captain Newmarsh, were all most
obliging and polite. The governour had excellent animal spirits, the
conversation of a soldier, and somewhat of a Frenchman, to which his
extraction entitles him. He is brother to General Cyrus Trapaud. We
passed a very agreeable evening.[423]




TUESDAY, AUGUST 31.

The governour has a very good garden. We looked at it, and at the rest
of the fort, which is but small, and may be commanded from a variety of
hills around. We also looked at the galley or sloop belonging to the
fort, which sails upon the Loch, and brings what is wanted for the
garrison. Captains Urie and Darippe, of the 15th regiment of foot,
breakfasted with us. They had served in America, and entertained Dr.
Johnson much with an account of the Indians.[424] He said, he could make
a very pretty book out of them, were he to stay there. Governour Trapaud
was much struck with Dr. Johnson. 'I like to hear him, (said he,) it is
so majestick. I should be glad to hear him speak in your court.' He
pressed us to stay dinner; but I considered that we had a rude road
before us, which we could more easily encounter in the morning, and that
it was hard to say when we might get up, were we to sit down to good
entertainment, in good company: I therefore begged the governour would
excuse us. Here too, I had another very pleasing proof how much my
father is regarded. The governour expressed the highest respect for him,
and bade me tell him, that, if he would come that way on the Northern
circuit, he would do him all the honours of the garrison.

Between twelve and one we set out, and travelled eleven miles, through a
wild country, till we came to a house in Glenmorison, called _Anoch_,
kept by a McQueen[425]. Our landlord was a sensible fellow; he had
learned his grammar[426], and Dr. Johnson justly observed, that 'a man
is the better for that as long as he lives.' There were some books here:
_a Treatise against Drunkenness_, translated from the French; a volume
of _The Spectator_; a volume of _Prideaux's Connection_, and _Cyrus's
Travels_[427]. McQueen said he had more volumes; and his pride seemed to
be much piqued that we were surprised at his having books.

Near to this place we had passed a party of soldiers, under a serjeant's
command, at work upon the road. We gave them two shillings to drink.
They came to our inn, and made merry in the barn. We went and paid them
a visit, Dr. Johnso

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